Travel

Roza Anzhel

Roza Anzhel
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Svetlana Avdala
Date of interview: January 2006

Roza resembles a heroine from a novel written in the 1940s - a lofty mien, a peculiar sense of dignity, tenacity of character, which can be spotted in her eyes and the corners of her lips. She speaks slowly and at the same time claims that she is extremely impatient which in practice means that she is able to control her emotions perfectly. She is always ready to help and to take on responsibility, which usually means a serious burden for her. Her husband Larry - Leon Anzhel - is joking that this is the reason for her hump (the slight bending of the spine which appeared because of her advancing age). In fact, although Roza is very sensible and keeps everything in order, and her house is immaculately clean, she is very emotional. This can be seen in the repetitions she makes, in the peculiar structure of her speech, which I have left in its authentic forms in certain parts. And this was most pronounced in her intonation patterns - slowly flowing speech resembling the sweetness of a fairytale, which gradates in certain repetition of words and in some phrases.

Family background
Growing up
During the war
Post-war
Glossary

Family background

My name is Roza Bitush Anzhel [nee Varsano]. I was born on 13th November 1924 in Sofia. I have one brother, Isak, and two sisters, Ester [Stela], born in 1926, and Rebeka [Beka], born in 1932. My husband's name is Leon Anzhel. We call him Larry and he was born in the town of Yambol [in Southeast Bulgaria, 261 km from Sofia] in 1921. We have two children, Yafa and Zhak. We are Ladino [Sephardi] Jews 1 2 both on the father's and on the mother's side.

Grandpa Yonto Almozino, a saddler by profession, my mother Olga's father, who loved us very much, told me that his kin had come from Spain 3 and settled down directly in Sofia 500 years ago. I have no memory of Granny Roza, his wife.

Grandpa Isak Varsano I don't remember and have no information about. Granny Ester I do remember - she was a woman of soft personality and was always wearing a kerchief on her head, she lived in the town of Samokov. I know more of my distant relatives on the mother's side.

My maternal grandmother's name was Roza Almozino and I was named after her. My mother, Olga, is the second oldest daughter. When my mother was about to be born, Grandpa threatened Granny that he would kill her if the baby were a girl. And sure enough, it turned out to be a daughter. All the neighbors gathered and went down by the river, on the bridge of Positano Street to wait for my grandpa Yonto in order to prepare him and calm him down because he was very temperamental. All was well but they struck a bad patch because that day Grandpa, who was a saddler, was commissioned a big order by the Tsar's 4 court for which he received a big amount of money. With the money he bought a lot of goods and full of joy he was returning home. When they met him on the bridge and saw that he was in a cheerful mood, they decided to tell him: 'Yonto, do you know that Roza gave birth?' 'So what she gave birth to had brought me luck,' my grandpa replied. And he was very happy and he accepted with a lot of joy his second daughter, Olga, no matter it wasn't the long awaited son.

As a saddler in the Tsar's court he started earning a lot of money. When my mother was born they used to live in a tiny house. The conditions there were basic; the well was outside the house. They used to draw water from there and they used to bathe in a tub, both in winter and in summer, or they went to the river. My granny Roza gave birth to her five children in those conditions: Soffie, my mother Olga, Izrael, Benyamin, Manoakh.

Grandpa was commissioned orders, earned a lot of money and after some time he bought a two-story house on Positano Street. He settled down there with his family but, unfortunately, Granny Roza was already incurably ill at the time.

How did Granny get ill? The women gathered every Friday to go for a bath. They used to usually bathe in tubs but that day they decided to go the river although it was quite chilly. They broke the ice in order to wash themselves. My granny was quite a fastidious person. And when she came back home Grandpa was furious because she dared do something so silly, he took her by the hair and pushed her into the well... So at the age of 45 she got ill and started suffering from asthma because of the stress. In fact, no one was sure about the reason for her illness and no matter whether due to fear or to stress the illness was a fact. Afterwards he took her to Vienna, and to Bucharest, and to Istanbul, for treatment because he had money, but at the age of 45 she departed from this life.

Afterwards Grandpa decided to marry for the second time, Buka, a Jew, too, who was 25 and had a child, Isak. Later she had two more children from Grandpa, Roza and Zhak. So mother had seven brothers and sisters in total.

Buka gradually led him to bankruptcy because she made him take her to bars, she traveled by carriage, spent his money on entertainment with a dash. She also usurped the dowry which Granny Roza had prepared for my mother, as she had bought things from the different places where she had undergone medical treatment - Vienna, Bucharest, Istanbul. Little by little Grandpa went broke, sold the house on Positano Street and they again moved to the tiny house in Dor Bunar on Pernik Street. In Turkish Dor Bunar means four wells and Iuchbunar 5 means three wells. Dor Bunar is the today's quarter of Konyovitsa which is next to Iuchbunar. The Vladayska River which crosses Positano Street and Klementina Street, today's 'Stamboliiski' Boulevard, separates Iuchbunar from Dor Bunar.

My grandpa used to be very religious, and my mother Olga was religious as well. He attended the synagogue and my mother went to the synagogue with him on high holiday.

My mother had a very hard life with her stepmother because she was the oldest in the family - her older sister Soffie had already got married - and had to look after all the other children. Buka often maltreated her in such a way that her brothers usually came to her rescue. One day she beat her in such a way that my mother lost her front teeth. Of course, her brother didn't let their stepmother get away with that and took his vengeance on her, but the fact was that my mother didn't have front teeth until she got artificial teeth.

My paternal grandfather's name was Isak Varsano. He married my granny Ester and they had two children, Bitush and Asher. After that Grandpa died. They arranged marriage for Granny Ester to a white-haired old man with a long beard and she had two more children from him, Yahiel and Rashel. But my grandfather's sister Matilda, who didn't have her own children, adopted my father and his brother - Bitush and Asher - and brought them up in her own home in Sofia, on Positano Street.

Before my mother moved to the old, ramshackle house with her whole family, which means before my grandpa Yonto's complete bankruptcy, she saw my father in the garden next door, as he used to live with his aunt in the same street. They saw each other there, through the window, she looking from one window, he from another one opposite, and they liked each other. Afterwards, by a coincidence, they sang together in the Tsadikov choir 6. I can't say anything about how they started singing there. I only know that later when they came back from rehearsals, and I don't know where those took place, they were learning the songs from the choir together with us, the children. Bit by bit, after attending the rehearsals and meeting there, they fell in love.

Then my father went to war 7 and he used to send letters then, too. I even have a photo which shows him standing in front of the gun in Tulcha, which I donated to the Synagogue museum. They even gave me a receipt that I had donated it. Let the people see that the Jews went to war and fought as well. I have dim memories of his stories about the war. It was a hard time for them, their clothes were torn to pieces, their shoes, too, their feet were freezing.

My mother and father had a poor wedding, without dowry, they married in the synagogue in Iuchbunar, on the corner of Osogovo and Bregalnitsa Street, in 1919 [the rabbi in that tiny synagogue was Haribi Daniel Zion] and immediately after that started living in rented lodgings.

Growing up

My father, Bitush Isak Varsano, had elementary education, but as a young man he started acquiring the tinsmith and the plumbing craft with some craftsman, a Jew, too, whose name I don't know. Afterwards he started working alone with some entrepreneurs on building sites. But at that time building was a seasonal job only during the summer. The winter days were ones of hunger.

My father was a very nice person, so good, with such a soft personality, he wouldn't harm a fly. He didn't know how to tell us off, he never cursed; I never heard him say such words, never. Not to say that he wouldn't ever slap us across the face. He was very hard-working - of medium height, let's say his complexion was fair, he wasn't dark, and his hair wasn't auburn. He was well-preserved; one couldn't say how old he was. He was religious; he spoke Ladino and Bulgarian and used to sing very well.

My mother, Olga Almozino, had taken the responsibility for our bringing up at home. She was quite strict but very amiable at the same time. She was telling us off, shouting, even beating us at times. She was very fastidious and wanted everything in the house to be immaculate. She gave all kinds of orders, about everything. And don't forget that she was illiterate and not because they didn't send her to school, but because she didn't want to study. But she used to test us to see if we had learned our lessons. She made us read the lessons aloud; she memorized everything and then she would open the book and pretend she was reading in order not to lose face, but in fact she didn't know the alphabet.

When her first grandson, my son Zhak, was born and started school, she decided to examine him in the same way. A good idea that was, but he was in the habit of, just like that, with no good reason, walking around while he was telling the lesson aloud. And he started walking around her in circles like that until one day he noticed that she was holding the book upside down.

My mother was taught to read by my sister Rebeka's daughter, Albena. Later she was able to read the newspapers. She was very exuberant, a person of very cheerful and soft personality. Energetic, very energetic, very sociable, very easy-going, very outgoing she was. There wasn't a single person in the neighborhood who didn't know her, not a single person. 'Granny Olga!' 'Granny Olga!' Not a single person. They all cherished good feelings towards her.

I had one brother, Isak, and three sisters. I was the second oldest. My brother was three years older than me. I am only a year and a half older than Stela, Rebeka is eight years younger than me.

My brother Isak was born in 1921 in Sofia. Not only was he the oldest of all the children but he was also the only man. He was the one in charge, the ringleader, so to say. All of us more or less conformed with him. He helped my father to make our living by working after school and during the holidays as an apprentice at a barber's. He used to help with the tinsmith work, too, and after finishing the third grade at the Jewish school 8, he became a salesman.

In addition, Isak was very ambitious. After 9th September 9 he attended evening-classes and afterwards graduated from the Institute of Economics and became the director of 'Stalin' Vocational School. During our difficult childhood years he was not only responsible for us, but he also made sure we were in a good mood and thought of different games. While with people he would always attract and be in the center of attention, no matter whether he was with men or with women. He was a handsome, charming man. He got married at an early age, in 1942 or 1943, to Tsivi Nusan, who had actually come to our house to live with him a year before their marriage. She was so much in love. While he was a student my brother used to sing in the Synagogue choir. He was religious. My parents had arranged his bar mitzvah. He had two children with Tsivi, Subby and Rout. Isak died in Sofia in 1981.

My sister Ester or Stela Galvy, nee Varsano, was born in 1926 in Sofia. The fact that we were almost the same age made us very close because of the common problems we used to have. She was my first confidante who would often defend me in front of our mother. Stela finished the preliminary classes and the first, second and third grade at the Jewish school and the Jewish elementary school as well. After 9th September she started going to evening classes, but then she got married, the children came and she didn't complete her education. She worked as a seamstress. She got married in 1948 to my husband Leon Anzhel's friend, Aron Galvy. They have two daughters, Olga and Galya. At present Stela lives in Israel. She left twelve years ago, in 1994.

Rebeka or Beka Varsano was the youngest and she had the most independent way of development irrespectively of the fact that we have always been united. She finished the first, second and third grades at the Jewish school, which was in one and the same yard with the synagogue in the framework formed by the streets Osogovo, Bregalnitsa and Positano. After that we were interned to Vratsa 10. The classes in the school were discontinued. On returning to Sofia, she finished the Jewish school but after 9th September there was a completely new curriculum and in practice it resembled a Bulgarian school. After the Jewish elementary school she finished the Third High School for Girls and after that studied medicine.

My sister worked as a doctor in the medical center ISUL. She married the Bulgarian Vladimir Naydenov despite the resistance from our parents - they opposed this marriage not because he was Bulgarian, but because he was an actor. Later she divorced him. They have one daughter, Albena. In 1994 Rebeka left for Israel and lived there for ten years but then came back to Bulgaria and now she lives with her daughter Albena.

We had a difficult childhood. There we were - six mouths to feed - and the experience, especially during the winter, was quite hard. Our suffering during the winter was so severe that we, the children, would go to buy coal, one bucket at a time, from the warehouse, to warm ourselves. The skin on our hands would chap due to work and cold, our feet, too, they would itch, hurt. Poverty, great poverty we lived in. So bad was our hunger, but we didn't have a choice.

When my mother had Beka, there was this family, a man and his wife in our yard, tailors. They didn't have children and the woman was crying so much to give Beka to them, to raise her, to adopt her - Beka. But my father would always say: 'We may have nothing, but these are our children!' The woman who wanted to adopt Beka used to come often out of curiosity to see what my mother was cooking and, as Mom didn't have anything to cook, she would put water in a pot, place the lid on top and put it on the cooker. And when this woman came, led by curiosity, she would always ask: 'What meal have you prepared today? And Mom would reply: 'You are always asking, you want to know too much, I won't tell you, come on - go home!'

Sometimes we received aid from the Jewish school. Sometimes in winter they gave us a pair of shoes, an apron for school and a coat, but that wasn't much and, after all, there were four of us, they gave to one, to the others - not. And do you know what we did - my brother went to school in the morning, I went in the afternoon. I used to put on his shoes and go to school, and in the morning he would put them on again and go out, and I remained home.

Our poverty lasted till my brother finished the third grade at the Jewish school. Then he started work as a salesman. Whereas before that he used to work only during the holidays, he was going to a barber's shop, to assist, got tips and brought the money home. The meal we would buy with that money was the only one we got per day.

We were helped with medical treatment at a medical center on Osogovo Street, between Positano and Tri Ushi Street. That was something like a dispensary in which we were mainly examined by medical auxiliaries. The Jewish hospital 11 was on the corner of Hristo Mihaylov and Positano Street and it was a very elegant building. Women from our kin had given birth there and they told us that there was a room in which the brit ritual was performed.

When we were ill we turned to our family doctor, Doctor Burla, who had his private practice on Paisii Street. He would come home whenever one of the children got ill. My parents must have paid him, but I know that the fee was symbolic, for the poor families. I remember that when I was a child I got scarlet fever, the doctor came, made the diagnosis and after that I was sent to the regional hospital, to the isolation ward there in order not to infect my brother and sisters. I never went to the Jewish hospital.

There was also a Jewish soup kitchen. Our wealthy people, the wealthy Jewish people, wanted to show, to demonstrate how merciful they were on holidays and because of that they would give something to the school. But poverty remains poverty. In the summer life was good. My father was working and we could put some money aside for the winter but the saved was never enough. He didn't earn so much money; after all there were four children, six mouths to feed.

We usually lived in rented lodgings. We changed several houses. We usually had a room and a kitchen. We couldn't afford more. My mother and father used to have a bedroom suite that consisted of two panel beds whose boards we used to clean and polish. They used to sleep on the suite while we, the children, slept on the floor. Our parents would prepare a bed for us on the floor; they would lay mattresses that were removed during the day and put back again in the evening.

When we were on Morava Street, in Iuchbunar - we lived there for nine years, but where we had lived before that I don't remember because we were too young - we lived with Bulgarians. The owners of our place were Bulgarian. They had a son and a daughter and there wasn't much difference between them and us, the Jews. They spoke Ladino as well as we did. There were other Bulgarian families in the same compound and they also spoke Ladino, maybe because the majority of the tenants were Jews. So, everybody in the compound was speaking Ladino, we were living together.

In winter my brother would take a big board, put all kind of gadgets on it and turn it into a sledge, and on letting us, all the girls, get on the sledge, we would slid back and for, and all the children, we were all sliding in that sledge. They were all playing football together. We used to fight together, all of us from Iuchbunar, against Dor Bunar, down by the river. [There are several rivers that flow through Sofia. They are tributaries of the Iskur River. The biggest ones are the Perlovska and the Vladayska Rivers. The Iuchbunar neighborhood was divided into two parts by the Vladayska River.] They would throw stones at us, we, the girls, used to gather stones and give them to the boys to throw at the other side. A war was taking place.

After that we moved to Odrin Street. There we lived with one more family, only a man and his wife. While we lived there, there was one tiny living room that we shared with the other family, with a kitchen and two rooms. There were two chimneys in the kitchen - the other family cooked on one of them, ours - on the other. We, the children, were sleeping in the room, on those beds, and our parents bought a bed - the ordinary size and a half and were sleeping in the living room with our neighbors' permission because we were living together with them. There was electricity and my father, as a plumber, always ensured there was running water in the house.

The yards in Iuchbunar were brimming with life. When it was time for coffee, one or another of the women living there would take the brazier outside and would start the fire, and everybody would go there and put their coffee pot there. The most important thing was that they sat together to talk, to chat. They were all chatting - Bulgarians, Jews - everybody. In that respect the poor were living much more in harmony, they were more united, there was a feeling of togetherness, they got on with each other much better and they quarreled, quarreled, but there were no anti-Semitic attitudes. The children quarreled, the families quarreled with one another, for example if a husband returned home drunk, in the yard there would invariably be a real spectacular scandal - very Italian-like. There wasn't a distinctive line between wealthy Bulgarians and wealthy Jews, but there was a distinction between poor and wealthy Jews.

The majority of the wealthy Jews were merchants and bankers whereas the poor were porters, carters, house-painters, masons, workers on the pipeline, construction workers, cobblers, tailors...That version, that story, what people say that all Jews are merchants is not entirely true. Few of the Jews were bankers and wealthy people, only a few, a small percentage, relatively small. There was a serious gap between wealthy and poor Jews and we felt different. The wealthy Jews used to live in Sofia, in the center, let's say from Sveta Nedelya Church, from Halite shop onward, from Vazrazhdane Square onward, to beyond where the ISUL medical center is today, down Iskar Street, down Ekzarh Yosif Street, down Tsar Simeon Street, opposite the building of the fire brigade. Even now you can see the beautiful houses from those times, and that's where the wealthy Jews used to live.

During the war

Most of the Jews were hired laborers in the factories. My father, for example, before the internment had found a job in the Platno factory, in Hadzhi Dimitar quarter. [The interviewee is referring to the English- Bulgarian textile company which was registered in Bulgaria in 1921. That company also owned the textile mill Platno (Linen).] He was making ventilation systems there. When he started working there, poverty stopped being so severe but, on the other hand, we had already grown up, had started making our own living, as the saying goes, and life started being better. But at that time the camps appeared, he was sent to Somovit 12 and my brother to labor camps 13 and only we, the women, remained at home and we had to support ourselves, had to cope on our own.

I studied at the Jewish school; I had been to elementary school and to junior high school there - until the third grade. There were 35 to 40 students in class at that time. We studied all the subjects, which were taught in the Bulgarian schools, and Hebrew. At the end of each school year there would come a commission to test us - something like matriculation - in order to be allowed to move to a higher grade.

After that I started work, like my brother, as an apprentice to a seamstress in an atelier on 4, Denkoglu Street which later moved to Aksakov Street. I used to work in the day and go to school in the evening - to the Jewish school on Kaloyan Street. In that school they had organized, after the end of the workday, a school for vocational education. It was called ORT 14. Fintsi was our principal. I remember some of our teachers' names - Ilich Rafailov, or Todorova, who was our class teacher and so on.

After work, at 6 o'clock, we went to school and used to attend the vocational school for four hours - we studied how to draw designs, to embroider, to sew, all the different kinds of embroidery, of knitting. We had all kinds of subjects separately from the vocational subjects; we used to have Geography, History, Bulgarian, Arithmetic, Bookkeeping by Double Entry. In general we had all the subjects that were taught at both the vocational and the general high schools. They taught us everything.

The course of education lasted four years. That's why, when we went there in the evening, they gave us snacks after two hours had elapsed. They used to give us boza 15, or halva 16 on bread, gave us all sorts of sandwiches at eight o'clock and then we continued until ten o'clock and then we got back home. On completing the first two academic years we were examined by a commission. Some people came from the labor chamber, from the Ministry of Education and there were exams to prove we had successfully finished the first two years of education. After two more years we sat an exam again. We passed that exam as well and were ready to become masters.

The synagogue was wonderful, big, spacious. We always went there on holidays. And on Friday. We used to live nearby. We lived right next to the synagogue. While walking about, to some place or another, we would go round to the synagogue. I feel so sad that it was demolished. It used to be in Iuchbunar, on Positano Street like the Jewish school, somehow they shared one and the same yard. It remained in my memories as quite a big synagogue. The synagogue was in the middle, with its own yard - a big, beautiful synagogue. That's how it remained in my memories. When a ritual or some kind of holiday took place the men took their places on the floor below, and on the upper floor - the women, there was an upper floor. [The services were conducted by Rabbi Daniel, the most respected rabbi in the neighborhood]

As the neighborhood was rather big and the synagogue wasn't enough, right on the corner of Opalchenska and Positano Street there was a tiny midrash, as it is called, and prayers were read there. It was actually on Bregalnitsa Street. Between Stamboliiski and Positano there was one more tiny midrash, and there, too, prayers were read and on the corner of Dimitar Petkov and Positano there was a big yard and there was another midrash, where prayers were read, too. A lot of Jews, there were a lot of us, Jews, really a lot. There were sacred books in one of the midrashim, like in the synagogue, prayers were read there, there was also a rabbi to read the prayers [cf. Sofia Synagogues] 17.

My mother and father used to sing in the Tsadikov choir. I neither know where the rehearsals were taking place, nor did they take us to any concerts of the choir. [Apart from the fact that the choir was an establishment at the synagogue, the literature doesn't mention where the rehearsals were taking place. According to a bulletin of the Sofia Jewish Municipality, on 3rd August 1937 the first foundation stone of the Jewish Cultural Center was laid - in the place of the former and until then existing Cultural Center that had been built in 1892 on the corner of 4 Maria Luiza Boulevard and 3 St. Nikola Passage. As the edifice belonged to the Sofia Jewish Municipality and it subsidized the two elementary schools and the two junior high schools, the rehearsals of the choir probably took place there.] Usually in the evening, after coming back home from work, they would sit down and sing at home and we were around them. All the songs I know I've learned from them. Through the singing we used to forget about the poverty and the cold.

We used to go on excursions a lot. We frequently went to Vitosha Mountain, at that time there were no rucksacks and my mother would put all the things in a hamper, my father would carry it. And how were we setting off? By tram? A ticket was 5 leva, there were six of us - how could we find so much money! From Sofia to Zlatnite Mostove [The Golden Bridges - a site on Vitosha Mountain, which is not far from Sofia] we walked on foot. We first went to Knyazhevo and from Knyazhevo we climbed the mountain.

We used to play a lot of games - Jewish and Bulgarian children together. We would take walnuts and put them in a straight line but one of the walnuts we would leave aside. It was the captain. And the child who managed to hit that walnut took everything. Or until another child hit - he took everything. Or the boys would make a hole in the ground and started throwing whole handfuls of walnuts and if the whole handful entered the whole, the boy who threw it won whereas if a walnut went out, the other boy won.

We used to play the balls, too. The boys used to play the balls a lot. There was even a game with little lamb bones. The boys would scrape them and played with them. The game was called 'chilik' and it was extremely popular. A little rod was used, a little one, with its two ends sharpened and it was put in a hole and then thrown in a certain way. A lot of games there were.

I do remember Yom Kippur and this is how I remember it: we would take a quince and stick clove seeds into it so that we could smell it all day long, without any desire to eat. In fact, at home we had Yom Kippur quite often, that's what we used to say jokingly because we were often starving. And you know, the seamstress whose apprentice I was at first, was a Jew as well. Once I saw Tanti [auntie] Rebeka was preparing cookies and I wanted to taste them so much, while baking the aroma could be smelled from far away. She came and told me: 'Roza, have a cookie, eat it.' 'Oh, Tanti Rebeka, it is Yom Kippur today, I shouldn't eat.' The poor woman was flabbergasted and said: 'What are you saying, girl, what Yom Kippur, come on, have a bite. God won't punish you, it will be my sin.' You can imagine how terrible it was to be hungry.

At Purim and Rosh Hashanah there were amazing carnivals and not only at school. In Positano Street, in Morava Street, all the people went out in disguise, we were singing, laughing. 'Mavlacheta' were sold in the streets - those were made of sugar, colored shapes, like hearts, roosters, little red roosters, different circles. We used to buy those, there was such fun in the street and in the yard. The celebration was mainly around Positano Street, around the school, around the synagogue. We used to get together a lot, to play a lot. We used to make masks, put on different shirts. We found a way to disguise ourselves despite the hunger.

Rosh Hashanah was a big holiday for us. Very stately. No matter whether we had money or not, Rosh Hashanah was stately celebrated at home. And for Pesach they used to again give alms from the Jewish school. My father and brother would go there and load themselves with those round loaves, there were round loaves, very hard round loaves, called 'boyo,' which were kneaded not with yeast but the dough only and they were baked. They also gave us matzah and because we were a big family they gave us three kilos of matzah and a bag of boyo loaves. We took them home and had Pesach with the whole family. We had neighbors who didn't have children but were in a good financial situation. And they invited us to their home. For Pesach we didn't eat bread for eight days.

For the celebration of Chanukkah we used to light our candles, took turns to light them, we sang - we did all this at home.

Usually for all the holidays - for Rosh Hashanah, and for Sukkot, and for all the holidays - we were supposed to eat chicken. One would buy from the market a hen, a chicken, a rooster, and would go to the synagogue. There was a separate hall in the yard. On entering the synagogue yard, there was a little house, like a shed, where the cheese and other things were stored, there were some fountains nearby, before that some troughs were there and there was a Jew with a special task, the so-called shochet, who used to slaughter the hens and put them there to let their blood pour out; we took the slaughtered hen and ran home while it was still warm so that our mother could pluck it because the Jews didn't use to scald to pluck the hen's feathers, but plucked them immediately after slaughtering it. After plucking the animal they would take newspapers, set them on fire so that everything that remained after plucking would be burned, then they would wash what was left well, dry it and that was the way they cooked.

For Sabbath we would also slaughter an animal. At Sabbath we usually gathered, my mother would put on her kerchief, light a candle and start reading a prayer. And before laying the table, she cooked during the day and before she laid the table for Sabbath, we all went to the tub so that she could bathe us, give us a clean shirt, dress us. Everything had to be shining with cleanliness on the table. At Sabbath it was obligatory for us to have pastel [traditional Jewish dish made of flour and veal mince], obligatory. It was also obligatory to have a boiled dish - soup, boiled beef or some other soup. And this soup wasn't for eating. Then the meat would be taken out and roasted with a little pepper or some other seasoning, potatoes or rice would be added, and there you had a wonderful meal. We used to put noodles and a bit of parsley.

The people from Ruse [city in Northeastern Bulgaria 251 km from Sofia] who lived in Sofia were the best in preparing the soups I am talking about. They cooked the soups with hen meat because there was more fat in it - they used to boil the fat, to cook it with some seasonings - carrots, parsnip, other vegetables and on top of the pot they put other things to cook on the steam. We sometimes visited some families from Ruse. And that Ruse-style soup was the greatest deli for us because apart from the sauce there were veggies prepared on steam, which were extremely delicious. Apart from the pastel there were pasties with leeks, different kinds of scones and 'tishpishtil,' which was obligatorily prepared for the holidays. My mother used to cook kosher. When we bought meat, which wasn't often, my mother would always salt it so that the blood would go out.

The Jewish chitalishte 18, which didn't have a name, was located on the corner of Stamboliiski and Opalchenska Street, next to the Mako hosiery factory. [Mako Hosiery was founded in 1931. In the following year the Bulgarian Textile - Industrial Joint Venture 'Mako' was registered as well.] The things that were happening there took up most of my spare time. My brother and sister went to the chitalishte often, too, but I don't know if they were members of any Jewish organizations. My brother used to sing in the Synagogue choir. We used to borrow books from the library, there were lectures, discussions on different topics - we clarified Darwin's laws, there were history lectures or we made ourselves familiar with some topics from physics. The most important thing was that there we met other people with whom we organized some parties and we created a whole organization to raise money and to gather clothes and food for the poor. In fact the main activities of the chitalishte were educational, but while meeting we were actually performing some illegal activities, too.

In the chitalishte I also met Leon Anzhel - my future husband. He was a cheerful, natural and pleasant - a nice person to talk to. With him we often discussed the topics presented in the lectures or the books we were reading at the time. One day he told me: 'Do you want us to become comrades?' and that was how our relationship started. At that time I was 15.

My mother Olga would always find suitors for me. Some marriage arrangers used to come home. And on finding out they were home, I would run away. My sister, Stela, often covered up for me but after that got a licking for defending me. My mother could serve as an example even to the strictest tutors. And after finding out that I had a boyfriend she didn't allow me to go out and always found some work for me to complete. She wanted to marry me to a man of good stock - learned, gentlemanlike. She was looking for a different cultural milieu although she was illiterate. She was doing her research by interrogating my friends. One day I couldn't take all that any more and I told her I had a boyfriend.

'Well, then,' she insisted, 'I expect him to come and tell us, the parents, that he has serious intentions and one day you will get married. I want him to promise - it wouldn't be an engagement - but I want him to promise that his serious intentions will remain and one day you will get married.' And one day I told him - I was feeling too tormented that they wouldn't let me go anywhere; I wasn't allowed to go out at all. And I made him come with his mother, but he took some friends along to encourage him. He came home, talked to my mother. They liked each other and I was free to go out again. But the men were already being sent to the camps and we didn't see each other for a year. The year was 1942.

I became a member of the UYW 19 in 1939. My father had already joined the BCP 20 in 1937 or 1938. The poverty around us had given him a reason to join the Party and he believed that everything would change for the better some day. In general our family had leftist political orientation. In our houses we talked about justice that had to be fought for. My mother and father kept contact with the entire Jewish community because the quarter we lived in was Jewish but I don't know whether they had been members of any Jewish organization. At that time anti-Semitic incidents had started - window shops were being broken, signatures were collected against the Jews, the Jews were fired from work, we were wearing badges [yellow stars] 21.

When the men left for the camps I became the sub-group person in charge in UYW. I was supposed to lead four UYW groups, which were independent, which meant that they didn't know about the existence of the others and I had to monitor and coordinate their activities. I was supposed to give them instructions, to tell them to sell stamps, to write appeals and so on. But, quite unexpectedly, there was a failure in one of the groups. At a meeting there were two boys, somebody had drawn them to the group but they turned out to be provocateurs. They betrayed the whole group and all the members were arrested. They were taken to the Police Directorate. It was great that the work was organized in that way - that the people from the different groups didn't know each other. So, when the leader of the group was captured he didn't know the others and, thank God, betrayed me only.

While I was at work one day my future sister-in-law, Tsivi, who was living at home at that time, together with the agents and the policemen, came to the atelier where I was working. They couldn't find me at home and she took them to my workplace because the policemen didn't know where the place was and she couldn't explain it to them, so finally she decided to take them to the place. And then I saw the policemen, the agents and the leader of the group - he was with them but he could hardly walk because they had beaten him black and blue. On seeing them I went inside; the previous evening I had received stamps for seven thousand leva. I went inside and I was lucky - when they rang at the door it was me who went to answer the door, and, fortunately, on answering the door they asked for Mrs. Zvuncharova. That was my boss's name. I told them that I would tell her they were looking for her.

I went inside and said 'Mrs. Zvuncharova, somebody is looking for you.' And when she went out to see who was looking for her I managed to thrust my hand into the bag and to throw the packet with the stamps behind the radiator so that they wouldn't have any evidence against me. Then Zvuncharova came back and said: 'Well, actually, Roza, they are looking for you.' And they arrested me right there and took me to the Police Directorate. In my pocket there was a letter from Larry from the labor camp - I had forgotten it in my pocket. On the way to the police department we were on a crowded tram and with the policemen around me I managed to, little by little, tear it carefully to pieces and nothing could be heard as the tram was whirring and then I threw the little shreds of paper in the tram. We got off the tram but I had got rid of the letter.

I had to hide that letter - because I had received the letter from the labor camp - so that they wouldn't arrest him. And I don't want to tell you about the police department - the way I was beaten there, it's indescribable, even now... can you hear it? My jaw is still cracked. Electricity. My hair moved down to here. They used electricity - on the joints, on the hands, on the feet, here - on the face, my whole body was shaking - because they wanted to make me speak.

The leader of the group had told them that I had instructed him, had given him stamps, had gathered aids, that he had given me money from the aids the group had been gathering for me. What had I done with that money? Who had I given the money to? Those stamps, where had I taken them from to give them out for distribution? Literature, had I given out any appeals to the people to read? Where had I taken all that from? He had told them everything - he wasn't a provocateur but simply gave in because of the beating. He told them everything at the very first beating. And after that they were all... the police couldn't get any more information from them; they all turned their attention to me. And you can imagine what the next month was, a whole month of inquisition, what torture...

My stay there was very long because they wanted to find out everything no matter by what means. And they asked 'Who is involved? Who is involved? Who is involved?' 'Well', I say, 'It is Mr. Münchhausen...' I used Baron Münchhausen's name [a character from 'The Surprising Adventures of Baron Münchhausen' by Rudolf Erich Raspe, a collection of stories published in 1785, based on the German adventurer Karl Friedrich von Münchhausen]. 'Münchhausen. Who's that Münchhausen?' 'I don't know.' I said. 'We arrange to meet in Borisova Gradina [Boris's Garden].' 'Have you arranged a meeting with him for now?' 'We don't have a meeting.' 'Do you have any arrangement?' 'We don't have an arrangement.' And they were looking for that Münchhausen, they were looking but there wasn't such a person, he didn't exist. So they beat me almost to death and I had to tell them the names but I didn't tell them to the end and then it was over.

There was a trial I had to stand with the charges that I had been the leader of our activities but there was no evidence; there was no Münchhausen, no money, no stamps. I hadn't betrayed anyone so I had to be acquitted. But they couldn't just let me go so I was given a one-year suspended sentence. Afterwards I was interned to Vratsa [a town in Northwestern Bulgaria, 112 km north of Sofia] with my sisters... During the arrest and after that I received full moral support from both my father and my mother.

After the arrest I was forced to change my name by the police. In their opinion Roza was a Bulgarian name so I had to choose a Jewish one, for it to be obvious that I was Jewish. I was given a list and I chose the name Rout. And, as I got married before 9th September, my name in the marriage certificate is Rout. I restored my name after 9th September 22.

At first we had an invitation from the town of Kazanlak [in South Central Bulgaria, 170 km from Sofia] as there used to be an aviation factory, but there wasn't a single Jew to remain in the town. The Jews from Kazanlak were also interned to Vratsa. What can I tell you? The train was overcrowded - cattle trucks, we were carrying clothes, we had even taken the sewing machine, mattresses to sleep on. Can you imagine how much luggage we, the women, were carrying and were dragging to the railway station in order to move to Vratsa? We traveled all night long. That was the first time I had been on a train.

At the very station we were awaited by policemen and military officers and we were accommodated in the building of the school which was on the way to Vratsata [the 'Vratsata' site, which is not far from the town of Vratsa and the name literally means 'doors'], they called it 'kiumiura' [the charcoal]. We were accommodated in a classroom, how shall I put it, do you know what packed like sardines means - we were sleeping man to man. There wasn't enough room.

After a while we started looking for lodgings because we were given permission to do so. So we went to live on Tsar Krum Street. We were living in a cellar there - in a basement. There lived a lot of people - my mother and Tsivi and Stela and Beka. My father was in Somovit. Before the internment they had arrested him and sent him to Somovit. Opposite our place there was a Turkish bath house, which wasn't working, and there were rooms for rent. There we rented a room for my future mother-in-law who had been interned to Lom [in North-West Bulgaria, 128 km from Sofia] alone and we took her from Lom to Vratsa. So we helped her to settle down there, so that when her son came back from the camp he would have somewhere to live together with her.

We had to pay rent but in order to pay this rent we had to work, we didn't have money. There were work restrictions for us 23. But Granny Olga was woman of strong character [The interviewee is referring to her mother here]. She called one of our neighbors, who lived just opposite us and offered her to sew a dress for her because I was very skillful, and asked to tell her relatives and acquaintances about my skills if she liked the result. Then this woman brought some striped fabric and I sewed a dress for her to wear when visiting friends. The ends of the stripes met the so- called herringbone cloth. She was extremely pleased with the result. She was the wife of a lawyer and after that all her friends started calling on us. They came to bring the cloth and we only worked.

All the girls helped, Stela, and Tsivi, we used to even sew at the light of the gas lamp. We used to sew until we stopped seeing anything. We didn't have a mirror for the women to look at themselves. We used the window for those purposes. And we were making our living that way. It doesn't mean that we had a lot of work but at least we got some money to pay the rent.

As for the food, in the school there was a soup kitchen. And during the time in which we were allowed to walk outside, we took food from the school and then returned home. We had the right to be outside for two hours a day - between 8 and 10 o'clock. The rest of the time we didn't even have the right to show our faces at the windows because in Vratsa was the headquarters of the gendarmerie and there were blockades all the time, there were gendarmes in the streets. We couldn't go anywhere, even to buy bread. A bit later, I can't say exactly when, there started a UYW movement in Vratsa, but I couldn't join as I was too busy sewing.

We knew what was happening to the Jews around the world. When the men came back they told us about the trains full of Jews they had seen. It was rumored that we were supposed to be moved gradually closer to the Danube so that we could be loaded on barges and then sent, like all the rest, to the concentration camps.

While we were in Vratsa, Larry was working in the labor camps. They demobilized them from time to time, to spend the winter at home, and then mobilized them again. In the winter of 1943 he had come back to Vratsa. He came back and started living opposite us. We had decided to get married. We had made an arrangement with the rabbi in Vratsa, decided on the day. The wedding was between 8 and 10 o'clock because we could move about freely in this period. A lot of young people came. Granny Olga had prepared cookies with jam and had cooked some modest dishes, she had done all she could do and the wedding was fine. They had freed Grandpa Bitush from the camp [The interviewee is referring to her father]. He had returned. Otherwise what wedding would it have been? The date was 16th March 1944.

Before our wedding, there had been a big air-raid over Vratsa, a very big air-raid. The central part of the town was completely destroyed and burned to the ground by the Englishmen. Larry was mobilized in Vratsa to clear off the debris; they even made the women clear off, particularly those of us who were living in the center. The men were also digging the graves because there were a lot of victims from the raids. After we got married the air- raids continued. The raid alarm sounded twice that night, during our nuptial night. The first time we ran away because there were raids after all but we stayed after the second one - three of us in the bed as my mother-in-law remained on one side of the bed. The woman was very scared. We all survived after 9th September.

Post-war

We came back to Sofia in November 1945 - we had no place to live or any furniture because we had always lived in rented lodgings before that... A first cousin of mine who had the same name as me - Roza, a daughter of my mother's sister, told me: 'Come here, there's a little apartment on the ground floor - two rooms and a kitchen. It belongs to a relative of mine. His family won't return soon. They are in the town of Tolbuhin 24.'

The owner of the apartment, which she offered us, was the mayor in that town. My husband and I agreed to live there. My mother-in-law was with us. Thus started the ordeal of going to different commissariats because there wasn't a single window glass that had remained in the apartment, we had to repaint it, to clean it in order to make it decent to live in. The apartment was on Rakovski Street. We managed to clean the place and in 1945 I gave birth to our first child, Zhani [Yafa]. And then the wonderful owners of the apartment appeared and told us they wanted their apartment back despite the fact we had a signed contract. That was quite a situation for us. But being rather compassionate my husband and I decided to give them back the apartment, after all it was their property. And the four of us - Zhani, my mother-in-law, my husband and I - settled down in a single room until we'd find a proper place to live in.

It was a real hell when the owners returned. The husband was an alcoholic. He came back in the middle of the night although there was a curfew. There weren't restrictions for him and on coming back home he started knocking on our door, shouting: 'How long are you going to stay here? When are you leaving?' That was the situation. And as we were living on the ground floor and my husband had a shift job for the police, they made him ask a chair from me when he returned home from work. I gave him the chair through the window, he stepped on it, jumped and entered the apartment in that way.

At that time we knew about these apartments here, in the Zaharna Fabrika quarter. We had been told that there were apartments that were still being built and we submitted a request for such an apartment. When we told the people about the torture we had to go through, we were included in a list to receive an apartment here, which at that time wasn't ready. Nonetheless, without even knowing where the quarter was or which one the apartment building was, I asked the management of the Ministry of Interior to lend us a truck, we packed our luggage and came here. And on arriving here we saw our apartment for the first time.

Can you imagine how awful our life had been? We had let the people use their apartment despite having a contract with the owner. We were supposed to live there at least two years but he didn't wait even a year. We came to 'Zaharna Fabrika' quarter and settled down in the new apartment. And around us there was only mud, there were no shops, no place to buy milk from and we had a little baby.

At that time I started work as a telephone operator in the Ministry of Interior and I worked there for six years. Larry was a policeman. There was a lot of work in the police. My mother-in-law, who used to live with us, gave me a hand in the raising of the children. I worked in the Ministry of the Interior until 1951 and then I was dismissed for having connections in foreign countries, as was stated in the order for dismissal. I want to declare that wasn't true. All my relatives - my brother and sisters - at that time were here in Bulgaria. In fact, I was dismissed due to my Jewish origin. I started work in 'Voroshilov' works [in Sofia, situated in the region of 'Zaharna Fabrika' quarter, its scope of production included electricity technology and electronics] as a chief controller. I had already become a member of the BCP in 1944, immediately after 9th September.

The works was new, it was near our apartment and that was good for me because of the children. I knew that I would have spare time. I started work there and they appointed me a secretary of the Party despite my dismissal because I had been a member of UYW before 9th September. And things were going very well, they called upon from the Party and cited us a model because we were working very well.

One day Todor Zhivkov 25 came to attend a big meeting and they seated me next to him, on the platform and I was so grieved at what had happened in the police that I told him all about it. I sat next to him and told him everything: 'Before 9th September we were victimized for being Jewish. We were in disgrace and I was working here for seven years, my work was excellent and still I was dismissed for being a Jew.' 'Such were the times,' he started explaining. 'Those were the events, there was no other way...' Because a lot of Jews were dismissed. There were no consequences after that conversation, but at least I told him everything and felt much better.

There were 7,000 employees in the works and I was a chief controller there. Everybody knew me. They all knew I was a Jew, I still meet some of them, but they had never minded that - had nothing against my Jewish origin or me. The dismissal from the Ministry of the Interior was the only such case.

My first child Yafa, who was named after my mother-in-law, was born on 2nd June 1945 in Sofia. She goes by Zhani. She finished high school and got a degree in engineering. She used to work as a designer-engineer. Now she is retired. She got married to Yozhi Beraha in 1968. She has two children, Isak and Roza. My son Zhak was born on 23rd April 1949 in Sofia. He has a secondary vocational education and works as an electricity technician in the trade system. He is married to Emilia Dimtirova, a Bulgarian. He has a son, Leon.

We brought up our children in Jewish self-awareness. We kept the Jewish high holidays Rosh Hashanah, Pesach, Purim, but we didn't stick to all the rituals. For example, we didn't disguise ourselves at Purim; we weren't fasting for Yom Kippur. We went to the synagogue but rarely. The most important thing for us was that the whole family got together for the holidays. And we always had a great time.

There are no Bulgarians in the family with the exception of my daughter-in- law, Emilia Dimitrova, and that's why we are indifferent to Christmas and Easter. After my son got married I started visiting my daughter-in-law. For Christmas and Christmas Eve. She was working a lot and didn't have time to prepare for the holidays so I went to their place in the morning and prepared everything necessary for Christmas Eve. I don't go there anymore because I have grown old but she still uses my recipe for the hors d'oeuvre with walnuts. It is a very delicious dish.

We were all talking about the state of Israel. Not only with Larry and my mother-in-law, not with the children because they were too young at the time to discuss it with them, but I also talked to my mother, father and brother. We all discussed this issue but we all felt so tired of the ordeals we had been through and, additionally, we had already found jobs, had set up homes and we had simply got used to the things we had achieved with so much work... So we decided that we wouldn't go, at least for the time being, and at that time there was a big emigration wave 26, journeys, letters were coming - things not arranged, ordeals again. The people who left for Israel deserve admiration for all the things they went through but we felt so exhausted - from the camps, from all the ordeals we had survived - and the whole family decided not to leave. My two sisters, Stela and Beka, went there much later. Stela is still there, but Beka came back and now she is living with her daughter in Bulgaria.

I think about Israel with a lot of love and a lot of grief because there are a lot of incidents there, assassinations, other terrible things... And because of the fact that they continue although they have returned the Gaza Strip...We are deeply worried after each incident.

We left to visit our relatives in Israel during the period in which the relations between Bulgaria and Israel weren't very good 27. For us the official state policy wasn't a personal opinion. All the things that happened there made our hearts ache because it's true that my kin were here but my husband's brothers were there, the nephews, too, cousins - you can see how big our family is. We accepted all the incidents there with great pain.

It was very hard for us. I can't say that we overcame easily everything that happened after the change of the regime. Yes, I saw the mistakes that the Party and the state were making. Both my husband and I saw them well. We weren't blind. Regardless of all the plenums that were held all the decisions were formal, just on paper, nothing was put into practice. Nothing actually happened in reality. There was no food in the shops, there was no milk even. But there were good things before 10th November 28, too. Life was safer, there wasn't such a crime rate, but things weren't going well and we could see that. And there wasn't a single meeting without criticism, without us wanting the criticism to be included in the minutes. We sent out all the minutes but up to no effect.

My life changed after 1989. They put a limit to the size of our pensions, and that is normal, but, after all, one can live with a lot or with little. Thank God, we are not as poor as beggars, we have survived to the present day. I can't say what will happen in the future. My husband has been receiving some money for compensation for two years. [These are the compensations from Claims Conference given to all Jewish men from Bulgaria who had been in labor camps during World War II.] But why did he have to wait for so long - he worked in the labor camps for four years. There were cases when he got back home as thin as a skeleton, without clothes. The state didn't give them money and they worked dressed in their own clothes, with lice, sick, with malaria. Not to mention what condition we, the women, were in. We were interned, we suffered so much, we had to travel with so many bundles and all that without our husbands. And after so much suffering to be able to adapt to a normal way of living! We weren't compensated in any way. There is no justice.

Frankly speaking, we have been quite active in the Jewish Cultural Center [Bet Am] 29 for seven years. If there hadn't been the things done by the rehabilitation center, maybe we wouldn't have been among the living now because there are only the two of us at home - Larry and me. Our children don't live with us and they are very busy, they go to work. It has never been so quiet in this house before and we were simply looking for something to fight over, to quarrel about little things. We were rather irritable. Our big walk was to go to the market place and back. Well, we attended the synagogue, too, but only on holidays. It's great that this rehabilitation center was created and we started going there - not because of the food, we don't even eat there now, but because of the people we meet and spend time with.

In 'Zdrave' [Health] club we do exercises, sing in the choir, you saw the photos, didn't you? We dance traditional dances in the dance classes. There is more diversity in our lives now. [The interviewee is referring to all the activities and events of the Jewish organization in Sofia. There are similar activities in all the towns throughout the country where the life of the Jews is more organized and there are more Jews.] And no matter what the weather is - it may be freezing or boiling, we are always there.

Glossary

1 Sephardi Jewry

(Hebrew for 'Spanish') Jews of Spanish and Portuguese origin. Their ancestors settled down in North Africa, the Ottoman Empire, South America, Italy and the Netherlands after they had been driven out from the Iberian peninsula at the end of the 15th century. About 250,000 Jews left Spain and Portugal on this occasion. A distant group among Sephardi refugees were the Crypto-Jews (Marranos), who converted to Christianity under the pressure of the Inquisition but at the first occasion reassumed their Jewish identity. Sephardi preserved their community identity; they speak Ladino language in their communities up until today. The Jewish nation is formed by two main groups: the Ashkenazi and the Sephardi group which differ in habits, liturgy their relation toward Kabala, pronunciation as well in their philosophy.

2 Ladino

Also known as Judeo-Spanish, it is the spoken and written Hispanic language of Jews of Spanish and Portuguese origin. Ladino did not become a specifically Jewish language until after the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492 (and Portugal in 1495) - it was merely the language of their province. It is also known as Judezmo, Dzhudezmo, or Spaniolit. When the Jews were expelled from Spain and Portugal they were cut off from the further development of the language, but they continued to speak it in the communities and countries to which they emigrated. Ladino therefore reflects the grammar and vocabulary of 15th-century Spanish. In Amsterdam, England and Italy, those Jews who continued to speak 'Ladino' were in constant contact with Spain and therefore they basically continued to speak the Castilian Spanish of the time. Ladino was nowhere near as diverse as the various forms of Yiddish, but there were still two different dialects, which corresponded to the different origins of the speakers: 'Oriental' Ladino was spoken in Turkey and Rhodes and reflected Castilian Spanish, whereas 'Western' Ladino was spoken in Greece, Macedonia, Bosnia, Serbia and Romania, and preserved the characteristics of northern Spanish and Portuguese. The vocabulary of Ladino includes hundreds of archaic Spanish words, and also includes many words from different languages: mainly from Hebrew, Arabic, Turkish, Greek, French, and to a lesser extent from Italian. In the Ladino spoken in Israel, several words have been borrowed from Yiddish. For most of its lifetime, Ladino was written in the Hebrew alphabet, in Rashi script, or in Solitreo. It was only in the late 19th century that Ladino was ever written using the Latin alphabet. At various times Ladino has been spoken in North Africa, Egypt, Greece, Turkey, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Romania, France, Israel, and, to a lesser extent, in the United States and Latin America.

3 Expulsion of the Jews from Spain

In the 13th century, after a period of stimulating spiritual and cultural life, the economic development and wide-range internal autonomy obtained by the Jewish communities in the previous centuries was curtailed by anti-Jewish repression emerging from under the aegis of the Dominican and the Franciscan orders. There were more and more false blood libels, and the polemics, which were opportunities for interchange of views between the Christian and the Jewish intellectuals before, gradually condemned the Jews more and more, and the middle class in the rising started to be hostile with the competitor. The Jews were gradually marginalized. Following the pogrom of Seville in 1391, thousands of Jews were massacred throughout Spain, women and children were sold as slaves, and synagogues were transformed into churches. Many Jews were forced to leave their faith. About 100,000 Jews were forcibly converted between 1391 and 1412. The Spanish Inquisition began to operate in 1481 with the aim of exterminating the supposed heresy of new Christians, who were accused of secretly practicing the Jewish faith. In 1492 a royal order was issued to expel resisting Jews in the hope that if old co-religionists would be removed new Christians would be strengthened in their faith. At the end of July 1492 even the last Jews left Spain, who openly professed their faith. The number of the displaced is estimated to lie between 100,000-150,000. (Source: Jean-Christophe Attias - Esther Benbassa: Dictionnaire de civilisation juive, Paris, 1997)

4 The dynasty of Ferdinand I Saxe-Coburg-Gotha

Ferdinand I Saxe-Coburg- Gotha (1861 - 1948), Prince Regnant and later King of Bulgaria (1908-1918). Born in Vienna to Prince August of Saxe-Coburg-Kohary and his wife Clémentine of Orléans, daughter of King Louis Philippe I of the French. Married Princess Marie Louise of Bourbon-Parma, daughter of Roberto I of Parma in 1893 at the Villa Pianore in Luccia in Italy, producing four children: Boris III (1894-1943), Kyril (1895-1945), Eudoxia (1898-1985) and Nadejda (1899-1958). Following Maria Luisa's death (in 1899), Ferdinand married Eleonore Caroline Gasparine Louise, Princess Reuss-Köstritz, in 1908, but did not have children from this marriage. After Ferdinand's abdication in 1918 Boris III came to the Bulgarian throne. In 1930 Boris married Giovanna of Italy, daughter of Victor Emmanuel III of Italy. The marriage produced a daughter, Maria Louisa, in January 1933, and a son and heir to the throne, Simeon, in 1937. (Source: http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Boris_III_of_Bulgaria and others)

5 Iuchbunar

The poorest residential district in Sofia; the word is of Turkish origin and means 'the three wells.'

6 Tsadikov, Moshe (1885-1947)

Born into a poor family, he started showing love for music at an early age and drew the attention of professional musicians. He started taking lessons with Dobri Khristov. On the occasion of the sanctification of the synagogue, the board decided to organize a special choir. Tsadikov was awarded a grant from the board and in 1908 he began studying at Wurzberg Academy in Germany. He graduated with flying colors and returned to Bulgaria. He started work with the synagogue choir, re-organized their repertoire and changed their manner of singing. At his first concert works by Mendelssohn, Schubert, Brahms were performed. He attracted some extremely talented singers to the choir among which were the eminent Mimi Balkanska and Gencho Markov. He presented on stage his own operetta for children entitled 'Prolet' [Spring] and he took part in the first symphony concerts of Maestro Georgi Atanasov. After World War I the repertoire was enriched with classical works by Brahms, Schubert, Handel, Haydn. In 1934 he prepared the performance of the oratorio 'The Creation' by Haydn and the concert was celebrated as a real musical sensation by connoisseurs of music throughout Bulgaria. Eminent Bulgarian composers like Dobri Khristov and Petko Staynov devoted some of their musical works to Tsadikov's choir. At the 25th anniversary of the choir Boris III decorated Tsadikov with a medal for public service. In 1938 Tsadikov immigrated to the USA where he died on 4th November 1947. The Jewish choir was reinstituted by Bulgarian Jews in Israel where it is now known as 'Tsadikov's Choir.'

7 First Balkan War (1912-1913)

Started by an alliance made up of Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro against the Ottoman Empire. It was a response to the Turkish nationalistic policy maintained by the Young Turks in Istanbul. The Balkan League aimed at the liberation of the rest of the Balkans still under Ottoman rule. In October, 1912 the allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire and were soon successful: the Ottomans retreated to defend Istanbul and Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace fell into the hands of the allies. The war ended on 30th May 1913 with the Treaty of London, which gave most of European Turkey to the allies and also created the Albanian state.

8 Jewish schools in Sofia

In the 19th century gradually the obligatory religious education was replaced with a secular one, which around 1870 in Bulgaria was linked to the organization Alliance Israelite Universelle. The organization was founded by the distinguished French statesman Adolphe Crémieux with the goal of popularizing French language and culture among Jews in the Ottoman Empire (of which Bulgaria was also part until 1878). From 1870 until 1900 Alliance Israelite played a positive role in the process of founding Jewish schools in Bulgaria. According to the bulletin of the organization, statistics about Jewish schools showed the date of the foundation of every Jewish school and its town. Two Jewish schools were founded in Sofia by the Alliance Israelite Universelle in 1887 and 1896. The first one was almost in the center of Sofia between the streets Kaloyan, Lege and Alabin, and in the urban development plan it was noted down as a 'Jewish school.' The second one, opened in the Sofia residential estate Iuchbunar, had the unofficial name 'Iuchbunar Jewish school.' The synagogue in that estate was called the same way. School affairs were run by the Jewish school boards (Komite Skoler), which were separated from the Jewish municipalities and consisted of Bulgarian citizens, selected by all the Jews by an anonymous vote. The documents on the Jewish municipalities preserved from the beginning of the 20th century emphasize that the school boards were separated from the synagogue ones. A retrospective look at the activity of the Jewish municipalities in Bulgaria at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century indicates only that the education of all Jewish boys had to be obligatory and that there was a school at every synagogue. In 1891 the Bulgarian Parliament passed a law on education, according to which all Bulgarian citizens, regardless of religious groups were supposed to receive their education in Bulgarian. The previously existing French language Alliance Israelite Universelle schools were not closed, yet their activities were regulated and they were forced to incorporate the teaching of Bulgarian into their schedule. Currently the only Jewish school in Bulgaria is 134th school 'Dimcho Debelyanov' in Sofia. It has had the statute of a high school since 2003. It is supported by the Ronald S. Lauder Foundation and AJJDC. It is among the elite schools in Bulgaria and its students learning Hebrew are both Jews and Bulgarians.

9 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

10 Internment of Jews in Bulgaria

Although Jews living in Bulgaria where not deported to concentration camps abroad or to death camps, many were interned to different locations within Bulgaria. In accordance with the Law for the Protection of the Nation, the comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation initiated after the outbreak of WWII, males were sent to forced labor battalions in different locations of the country, and had to engage in hard work. There were plans to deport Bulgarian Jews to Nazi Death Camps, but these plans were not realized. Preparations had been made at certain points along the Danube, such as at Somovit and Lom. In fact, in 1943 the port at Lom was used to deport Jews from the Aegean Thrace and from Macedonia, but in the end, the Jews from Bulgaria proper were spared.

11 The Jewish Hospital

built in 1933 - 1934. Built in 1933 - 1934. It was officially consecrated on 19th March 1934. Its full name was Jewish Hospital - Memorial. It was devoted to the participation of 8,000 Bulgarian Jews in the Balkan, Second Balkan and World War I and most of all to the victims, mainly people from the medical profession - 211 Jewish doctors were killed, 54 of them were from Sofia. The hospital itself was built on 750 m2, it was a four-storey building and there were 60 beds in it. There was a surgical ward with two operation theaters, a maternity ward, an outpatients' department, X-ray, physiotherapy, and a urologic ward. 40% of the patients were poor and the hospital didn't receive any state subsidies. At the same time the personnel of the hospital accepted and treated all patients no matter what their religious denominations were. The memorial stone of the hospital was made by the Ukrainian artist, an immigrant to Bulgaria, Mikhaylo Paraschouk.

12 Somovit camp

The camp in the village of Somovit was a Jewish concentration camp created in 1943. The camp was supposed to accept Jews that didn't obey the rules and regulations decreed by the Law for the Protection of the Nation. It existed until 1st April 1944 when it was gradually moved to the 'Tabakova Cheshma' [Tabakova's Fountain] terrain following an order of the Commissariat for Jewish Affairs. After a fire broke out there, it was moved to the 'Kailuka' terrain, 4 km from the town of Pleven. After a protest demonstration of the Jews on 24th May 1943 against the attempts on the part of Bogdan Filov's government to deport the Jews outside the country, about 80 Jews from Sofia were sent to the Somovit camp.

13 Forced labor camps in Bulgaria

Established under the Council of Ministers' Act in 1941. All Jewish men between the ages of 18-50, eligible for military service, were called up. In these labor groups Jewish men were forced to work 7-8 months a year on different road constructions under very hard living and working conditions.

14 ORT

(Abbreviation for Russ. Obshchestvo Rasprostraneniya Truda sredi Yevreyev, originally meaning "Society for Manual [and Agricultural] Work [among Jews]," and later-from 1921-"Society for Spreading [Artisan and Agricultural] Work [among Jews]") It was founded in 1880 in St. Petersburg (Russia) and originally designed to help Russian Jews. One of the problems which ORT tackled was to help the working Jewish youth and craftsmen to integrate into the industrialization. This especially had an impact on the Eastern European countries after World War I. ORT expanded during World War II, when it became a world organization with branches in France, Germany, England, America and elsewhere, in addition to former Russian territories like Poland, Lithuania and Bessarabia. There was also an ORT network in Romania. With the aim to provide "help through work", ORT operated employment bureaus, organizes trade schools, provided tools, machinery and materials, set up special courses for apprentices, and maintained farm schools as well as cooperative agricultural colonies and workshops.

15 Boza

A sweet wheat-based mildly alcoholic drink popular in Bulgaria, Turkey and other places in the Balkans.

16 Halva

A sweet confection of Turkish and Middle Eastern origin and largely enjoyed throughout the Balkans. It is made chiefly of ground sesame seeds and honey.

17 Sofia synagogues

The number of the synagogues and midrashim in Sofia was changing over the years - according to a report of the Sofia Jewish Council in 1927 the Sephardim in Sofia used to have four synagogues with one rabbi and six religious officials whereas the Ashkenazim used to have one synagogue with one rabbi. The number of the midrashim was not specified. The synagogues in Sofia are on Pasazh Sveti Nikola [St. Nikola Passage] - the oldest synagogue named 'Le Keila de Los Grego,' 'De Los Francos' on 'Maria Luiza' Boulevard; on the corner of 'Maria Luiza' and the passage to 'Trapezitsa' square - 'Ashkenazim' synagogue, 'Shalom' synagogue - on the corner of 'Maria Luiza' and St. Nikola Passage.

18 Chitalishte

Literally 'a place to read'; a community and an institution for public enlightenment carrying a supply of books, holding discussions and lectures, performances etc. The first such organizations were set up during the period of the Bulgarian National Revival (18th and 19th century) and were gradually transformed into cultural centers in Bulgaria. Unlike in the 1930s, when the chitalishte network could maintain its activities for the most part through its own income, today, as during the communist regime, they are mainly supported by the state. There are over 3,000 chitalishtes in Bulgaria today, although they have become less popular.

19 UYW

The Union of Young Workers (also called Revolutionary Youth Union). A communist youth organization, which was legally established in 1928 as a sub-organization of the Bulgarian Communist Youth Union (BCYU). After the coup d'etat in 1934, when parties in Bulgaria were banned, it went underground and became the strongest wing of the BCYU. Some 70% of the partisans in Bulgaria were members of it. In 1947 it was renamed Dimitrov's Communist Youth Union, after Georgi Dimitrov, the leader of the Bulgarian Communist Party at the time.

20 Bulgarian Communist Party (1919 - 1940)

the successor to the Bulgarian Workers' Social Democratic Party (left-wing socialists). It was renamed to Bulgarian Communist Party in May 1919. Its co-founder is International III and the party adopted Lenin's theory of Imperialism as the final stage of capitalism. While the Bulgarian Agrarian National Union was in office (1920 - 1923) the BCP didn't support their government and didn't take part in the June Uprising in 1923. Two months after that it changed its course and took part in the preparation of the September Uprising, which was suppressed. It was banned by the Law for the Protection of the Nation in January 1924. In the 1930s it changed its tactics in order to survive as an illegal party. In 1938-1940 it practically merged with the Workers' Party and the Bulgarian Workers' Party was founded.

21 Yellow star in Bulgaria

According to a governmental decree all Bulgarian Jews were forced to wear distinctive yellow stars after 24th September 1942. Contrary to the German-occupied countries the stars in Bulgaria were made of yellow plastic or textile and were also smaller. Volunteers in previous wars, the war-disabled, orphans and widows of victims of wars, and those awarded the military cross were given the privilege to wear the star in the form of a button. Jews who converted to Christianity and their families were totally exempt. The discriminatory measures and persecutions ended with the cancellation of the Law for the Protection of the Nation on 17th August 1944.

22 Change of Jewish names

according to the Law for the Protection of the Nation and after the regulations for its application were enforced in 1941, the Jewish family names lost the endings -ov, -ev and -ich. In 1943 in relation to the internment of the Jews from Sofia, and the Jews from the countryside, all the personal Jewish names, which happened to resemble Bulgarian names, were also changed. In 1944 the anti-Jew legislation was abolished and the old situation was restored - the Jews retrieved their real personal and family names. There is no information about a following change of the names although until 1951 - 1955, especially after the passing of the Dimitrovska Constitution on 4th December 1947, all the names had to end in -ov/-ova.

23 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the distinctive yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expelled from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In the Bulgarian-occupied Yugoslav (Macedonia) and Greek (Aegean Thrace) territories the Bulgarian army and administration introduced extreme measures. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria proper were halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

24 Tolbuhin [Dobrich]

Town in northeastern Bulgaria not far from the city of Varna. The town has a population of about 110,000 people and was built on the remnants of a Roman and Thracian dwelling. In the Ottoman past it was a lively commercial center with a big cattle market and its name was Pazardzhik or Hadzhioglu Pazardzhik. It was renamed to Dobrich in 1882 after a Dobrudzha ruler from the past - Dobrotitsa. At that time a big fair was held in the town every year. After the Second Balkan War and according to the Bucharest Peace Treaty from 1913 the town had to be given to Romania. It was returned to Bulgaria on 5th September 1940 due to the Krayova Treaty. On 25th October 1949 the town was renamed to Tolbuhin (after a Soviet marshal, Fyodor Ivanovich Tolbuhin) and in 1989 it was renamed to Dobrich again.

25 Zhivkov, Todor (1911-1998)

First Secretary of the Central Committee of the ruling Bulgarian Communist Party (1954-1989) and the leader of Bulgaria (1971-1989). His 35 years as Bulgaria's ruler made him the longest- serving leader in any of the Soviet-block nations of Eastern Europe. When communist governments across Eastern Europe began to collapse in 1989, the aged Zhivkov resigned from all his posts. He was placed under arrest in January 1990. Zhivkov was convicted of embezzlement in 1992 and sentenced to seven years' imprisonment. He was allowed to serve his sentence under house arrest.

26 Mass Aliyah

Between September 1944 and October 1948, 7,000 Bulgarian Jews left for Palestine. The exodus was due to deep-rooted Zionist sentiments, relative alienation from Bulgarian intellectual and political life, and depressed economic conditions. Bulgarian policies toward national minorities were also a factor that motivated emigration. In the late 1940s Bulgaria was anxious to rid itself of national minority groups, such as Armenians and Turks, and thus make its population more homogeneous. More people were allowed to depart in the winter of 1948 and the spring of 1949. The mass exodus continued between 1949 and 1951: 44,267 Jews immigrated to Israel until only a few thousand Jews remained in the country.

27 Severing the diplomatic ties between the Eastern Block and Israel

After the 1967 Six-Day-War, the Soviet Union cut all diplomatic ties with Israel, under the pretext of Israel being the aggressor and the neighboring Arab states the victims of Israeli imperialism. The Soviet-occupied Eastern European countries (Eastern Germany, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Bulgaria) conformed to the verdict of the Kremlin and followed the Soviet example. Diplomatic relations between Israel and the ex-Communist countries resumed after the fall of communism.

28 10th November 1989

After 35 years of rule, Communist Party leader Todor Zhivkov was replaced by the hitherto Prime Minister Peter Mladenov who changed the Bulgarian Communist Party's name to Socialist Party. On 17th November 1989 Mladenov became head of state, as successor of Zhivkov. Massive opposition demonstrations in Sofia with hundreds of thousands of participants calling for democratic reforms followed from 18th November to December 1989. On 7th December the 'Union of Democratic Forces' (SDS) was formed consisting of different political organizations and groups.

29 Bet Am

The Jewish center in Sofia today, housing all Jewish organizations.

Roza Kamhi

Roza Kamhi
Skopje
Macedonia
Interviewer: Rachel Chanin Asiel
Date of interview: March 2005

Roza Kamhi, 82, lives in a big apartment in Skopje which she shares with her husband and her daughter's family. Around her apartment are a wealth of souvenirs and art from a long life. Amongst these items is a shelf with pictures of her living family members: her husband, daughters, and grandchildren. On the other shelf are pictures of the dead: her son, her grandchild who died of heart problems at a young age and a signed photo of Marshal Broz Tito 1 in full military uniform. Roza's husband, Beno Ruso, a retired general, served under the former Yugoslav leader, who remains a respected presence in their lives. Shortly after learning that her son died in a climbing accident in 1988 Roza became severely visually impaired.

My family backgroundGrowing upDuring the WarPost-WarGlossary

My family background

In 1903 my father, Mentesh Kamhi, participated in the progressive Ilinden Uprising 2 with his brother, Rafael [Mose Kamhi] 3. He helped his brother, who was one of the instigators of the uprising for the liberation of Macedonia from the Turks. My father was wounded in the upper leg by a knife, but the wound healed. This is a story I heard about my father. Participation in this revolution was not all that important among Jews. It was not as significant, or massive a movement, as our involvement in the people's liberation battle during World War II. [see Jewish participation in the National People's Army] 4

My father was a wheat trader and was considered rich, since he had two shops and owned a house. But slowly, slowly the income from trading dried up and in the end we lived off the rents. This was not L-rd knows what. The economic situation declined for all the Jews in Bitola at that time. My dad knew Turkish because he came into contact with traders and people from villages. As a trader, my father had contact with peasants, but he didn't socialize with non-Jews. My mother didn't know Macedonian, so it would have been hard for them to socialize.

My father went to coffeehouses. These were coffeehouses for the whole population, they weren't segregated. He played backgammon, for Turkish delight or a coffee. It wasn't so much about gambling than to pass the time. He would go frequently for a coffee since he didn't have anywhere else to go. I went often to visit him in the coffeehouse and usually he would treat me to a Turkish delight, which I liked very much. My father loved me very much because I was the only girl. Many times he would carry me in his arms in the street, all the way home. He was especially attentive to me.

My father did all the shopping. He went to the market, bought chickens and then had them slaughtered. Mother didn't leave the house. Father was responsible for shopping and things outside the house and Mother for things connected with the house.

All of my father's brothers were rich. His brother Rafael lived in Salonica [Greece], where he owned a couple of stores, and he came from time to time to visit us. He came to Bitola when someone had a wedding or some other celebration. I don't remember him well. We weren't in the same company very often. He survived the war. He managed to escape the concentration camps when the rest of the Salonica Jews were transported.

My Uncle Solomon's son, Zozef, had the first auto-parts store and one of the first cars in Bitola. When the Jews were taken to the camps he fled to Albania. [Albania, together with Kosovo as well as the ethnic Albanian parts of Macedonia, was occupied by Fascist Italy. Contrary to Bulgarian- occupied Macedonia Jews were not deported from the Italian-held lands.] Rich people had contacts and could move around better. A whole group of them went on a truck with goods. First they went to Albania and then to Italy. When he came back to Macedonia after the liberation at the end of the war, he was in Bitola. He married a Macedonian Jewish pharmacist from Skopje, Riketa. She survived because when the Jews were deported, the doctors and pharmacists weren't taken away [Editor's note: One hundred and sixty five Macedonian Jews were released from the Monopol detention center. These included 12 doctors and 20 members of their families, and 98 Jews who were foreign nationals. The doctors were released to work for the Bulgarians, who desperately needed their services, and the foreign nationals gained their freedom. Source: 'Last Century of a Sephardic Community' by Mark Cohen.] The army needed them to tend to the wounded so they were left behind. After they married they went to Israel. I was in Israel a few times and met with them.

Growing up

My mother was a good housewife. She tried very hard. What ever she could she gave to us. She worked very hard. One day she did the laundry, the next day she mended - in those days everything was mended, not thrown away like today - the third day she cleaned the house, and Friday she prepared for Sabbath. We didn't have ironing back then. We never had any household help. My mother did it all herself. We children were privileged while we studied; mother did everything for us. Sometimes relatives would come to the house. One relative would go to visit the other. So they did go from house to house visiting. At some point my mother did some crocheting and I helped her.

My parents dressed in a modern way. My father wore a hat. He wore it outside and at work. He didn't have a beard. My mother wore a 'shamija': a kerchief with decorations around it. All of her hair was inside. The soon as she washed her hair she would put it on with pins and leave it there.

Bild entfernt.My brother, Mois, finished the French school in Bitola, which was a very elite school back then. But there was great unemployment in Bitola and he couldn't get work. Mois went to Israel [then Palestine] because of poverty. He was unemployed. There was this enthusiasm: if we cannot do anything here, we might as well go and help build something there. My parents weren't against it. He went to Israel with one of the first groups from Bitola. He went to a kibbutz with a group. But he was weak. It was a very hard life there. And the life for those who first went to a kibbutz was truly for heroes. The climate was harsh, they worked very hard, and kibbutzim were not like kibbutzim today. These were truly heroes and fighters. He came back because of health reasons, something with his lungs; something wasn't good for him there. We had contact with him while he was there. He wrote that he was coming back. Although we never spoke about it, I think he was disappointed, why I do not know.

When he came home he couldn't get work even at Monopol, the tobacco factory. He couldn't find work digging in the streets. He wanted to work but he couldn't find a job. My father, at that time, didn't have capital to buy him a store. There were poor Jews, who collected scrap metal. Once they gathered it they sold it [to another party]. [They brought it to Mois], he collected it, weighed it and then it was resold to someone else. This wasn't his own business; he worked for a boss, my relative, my aunt's son- in-law. I don't remember his name. I think he did this during the war. He went and he made a few dinars. It was minimal. He was very well-read and progressive but left with that kind of life. He was peaceful and sang very nicely. He was not with the partisans. He was in the Atehija society [a Jewish cultural and sports club in Bitola] when he was young. But I don't know what exactly he did there. He sang something. I know he was a member.

Bild entfernt.I had more help from my younger brother, Pepo. Since he finished the same gymnasium as I did, he helped me with the things I didn't know for school. Pepo was a clerk in the municipality. I think he worked there until the end [deportation]. He wasn't a partisan. I guess he helped the movement. We Jews all helped the movement in one way or another. He was progressive, but I don't remember if he had some special function.

I had another brother, Simaja, who I don't remember. He died after World War I. I don't know how old he was when he died. He was playing with other children in the fields where there were remains from bullets and bombs from the war. He put one of these in his pocket and it exploded and he died there in the fields. I never saw his picture nor did they speak about him a lot at home.

My brothers were both progressive and both members of Hashomer Hatzair [in Yugoslavia] 5. My brother, Pepo, was rosh ken [head of the local Hashomer Hatzair organization].

When I was a kid I played with my girlfriends in the fields near my house. I had one friend from childhood, Adela Faradji, who lived close by and we were inseparable until she left for Israel after the war. We went to school together.

I started school when I was either five or six. I remember that I would fall asleep during classes and because of that I had to repeat a year. I was too little, but they wanted to give me something to do, so they sent me to school.

It was a Serbian school in the Jewish quarter for Jewish kids. It was a Serbian school with Jewish students and non-Jewish professors. When I was in the third grade they transferred us to a school outside the Jewish quarter, I even think it might have been in the Turkish section. I don't know why they did this. The first school still operated, but for some reason they moved my grade to another school and then to yet another one.

I spoke a language other than Ladino for the first time when I went to school. It was very hard, especially because it wasn't even Macedonian; it was Serbian. Macedonia wasn't free at that time; it was under Serbian control. [The territory of today's Macedonia was attached to Serbia as a consequence of the Balkan Wars (1912-13) and the Slavic-speaking Macedonians, as a pretext, were considered part of the Serbian nation by Belgrade.] With the kids that we socialized with from school we spoke Macedonian, even though it was hard for me. It was very hard for me to get by in Macedonian, because I didn't know it well. Only when I was older, in prison, did I learn to speak Macedonian more easily. There was one teacher who would hit us when she heard us speaking Ladino. They tried to discourage us from speaking Ladino. There was no Macedonian taught in the schools and it wasn't even spoken much during the breaks. Whether you wanted to or not you had to learn the language. We had to try and learn Serbian. The Macedonians also learned Serbian.

There were no Jewish teachers in the elementary school. They were Serbs. Back then it was the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 6, Macedonia didn't exist as Macedonia.

We had religious lessons. The Christians had theirs and we had ours. In elementary school we had some kind of religious lessons but I cannot say what exactly we studied. In secondary school we had religious instruction. At the time the rabbi in Bitola was the father of Moric Romano, [Avram Romano] 7. The rabbi would come in the afternoons and give us lectures. Twice a week, for an hour each time, we had religious lessons. L-rd knows what we learned there, probably some Hebrew and some other things. I don't remember a lot about that. I didn't go to Lumdei Torah. [Editor's note: This school was called Lumdei Torah or Torah Learners, it was established by Yitzhak Alitzfen (1870-1948), the chief rabbi after WWI (1920s-1932). The institution was similar in function to a Talmud Torah but had a strong Zionist focus. Source: Mark Cohen].

The French school was an elementary and a secondary school. I don't know when it closed. The French school worked well. Things were very French- oriented back then. I don't know who ran the school. Some nuns in white hats. Who taught? How they taught? I don't know. The school was on the main street. My father even had his hemorrhoids operated on there. I don't know if they had a hospital there. Andjela [Dzamila Kolonomos] went there; she would know. She went to school with me for the first year of the commercial academy, maybe even the second, and then she transferred to the French school. Back then a lot of Jews went to the French school, relatively speaking. They liked to learn French. Then French was an important international language

Bild entfernt.After I finished elementary school, my mother sent me for a year to a workers' school where I learned how to sew. After that year I enrolled in the commercial academy and went there for four years.

Mois finished the French school, Pepo finished gymnasium, and I went to the commercial academy. At that time in Bitola there were two options: gymnasium and commercial academy. The commercial academy was considered expert and the gymnasium general studies. After the gymnasium one went on to study [at university], but only a very few people went on to so. There were some other Jews in my class at the academy: Regina Sami and some boys like Eli Faradji, Jakov Kalderon.

I don't know where the teachers came from. I don't know if there were any from Macedonia. There was Lebl, a Jew. [Editor's note: Lebl, Arpad (1898- 1983): writer, historian, publicist; from 1917 he was a member of the Social Democratic Party and later a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. He taught economy at the Commercial Academy in Bitola. He was sent to Bitola, as were many leftist intellectuals, by the police instead of to prison. He was a very popular teacher and effective at spreading his ideology. Source: 'Plima i Slom', Zeni Lebl] He was sent to Bitola. We met after the war, in Bitola or Skopje. He would come to visit us. He probably lived in Belgrade after the war. We had one Russian teacher, from the former Tsarist Russia. He taught us merchandising. Maybe there were one or two Macedonians, but most [teachers] were from Serbia. When the Bulgarians occupied Bitola, I had to finish my final exams in Bulgarian [see Bulgarian Occupation of Macedonia in World War II] 8. In fact, I never learned Macedonian in school. I studied in a Serbian school and finished my graduation work in Bulgarian. When I finished my exams it was 1941 and the time of occupation. My diploma was in Bulgarian. [Bulgarian and Macedonian are very closely related languages.]

It was my parents wish that we get an education. They believed that it was very important that we finish school. I don't remember exactly when, I must have been around 12 or 13, the economic situation in Bitola turned bad and we had to live off the rents. My father's wheat shop didn't do well. He had another shop right next to his that he rented out, and the apartment. These rents were our main income. It was very hard to pay the fees for school, to buy books. It wasn't easy to educate children. I remember one time my mother told me that my father had to sell the gold around his pocket watch. At that time men wore round watches in their pockets. They sacrificed until the end in order for me to finish school.

My mother and father never worried if I was studying or not as long as I passed the grade. They had no contact with the school. The only connection was my brother, with the little help he gave me. Anyway, my girlfriends and I helped each other with our lessons.

I liked reading and read a lot when I was a kid. I don't remember my parents reading but my brothers read a lot of modern books. I also liked to read a lot as a kid. I remember reading the 'Good Earth,' 'Mati' by Maxim Gorky 9, Jack London. These were progressive books, Russian books, English authors. [Editor's note: 'The Good Earth' was written by American novelist Pearl S. Buck (1892-1973). Jack London (1876-1916) was an American author.] I didn't read political books.

We didn't go on vacations. When I was in the commercial academy my mother went to Salonica one or two times to visit my father's brother, Rafael, and his sister, Reina. My aunt wasn't married and lived with her brother and sister-in-law. My mother went to a fair in Salonica. Many Jews, including my relatives, lived in Salonica. [Editor's note: In the Second Balkan War (1913) the previously Ottoman Macedonia was divided up between the states of Greece, Serbia and Bulgaria. Greece occupied the southern parts with Salonica and Serbia the northern ones.] I remember that Mother brought us back our first bananas. I still remember this. I had never heard of a banana before. I tried it for the first time and thought 'this is G-d knows what.'

We went rarely, but, we did go to cake shops with my parents. In Bitola there was a theater and two or three movie theaters. We went to the theater, not often, but I remember that I went once with my parents. I went to the movies with my friends. You could go in whenever you wanted and the movie constantly repeated itself. There were a lot of films. I cannot remember the titles but there were films with Greta Garbo, with old actors.

I was a member of Hashomer Hatzair. My whole childhood, I was in ken [a chapter of Hashomer Hatzair]. I was a member from around the age of 14. It all started when Moshe, the shaliach [an emissary], came from Israel. [Editor's note: He arrived in Bitola in 1932 from Kibbutz Merchavia. He understood Serbian and remained in Bitola for two years. He was very effective at energizing the youth and developing the organization in Bitola].

Bild entfernt.We would gather in ken. We were very progressive youth. We would go to matinees and dances, but we had our own life too. We gathered every day. Every day they gave us lectures about hygiene, world events, etc. And we were considered among the most progressive youth.

This is where my brothers and I were involved. I led a 'kvutzah' [Hebrew for group] of younger children.

The ken had its own building. Inside there was a kindergarten, a big hall, a yard. We gathered there, had lectures, and played in the yard. Even though there are no Jews left in Bitola today, I think the Jewish community of Macedonia received this building back.

In Hashomer Hatzair we wore everyday clothes except when there was a special occasion. Then we wore our handkerchiefs, small pins, hats. When it was a formal occasion we wore this uniform, just like pioneers [see All- union pioneer organization] 10.

The first time I was on a train was when I went to moshav [scouting camp run by Hashomer Hatzair]. This was when all the 'kenim' in former Yugoslavia came together. Every city had a ken. And they made moshavot, camping grounds, from the whole Yugoslavia. The Macedonians had one tent, the Vinkovci had one, the Belgradians had one. We cleaned, prepared the food, learned Hebrew songs, made campfires, told stories. I think that it lasted for fifteen days. Each year it was in a different city. One time it was here, in Macedonia, in Prespa [30 kilometers southwest of Bitola]. Every year in a new place; we never went to the same place two years in a row. This was nice because we all met. This was the first time I was out of Bitola. This was the first time that I bathed in a river. I'm very pleased with the way I spent my young life in ken. It was progressive, we exchanged all progressive books. Almost every Saturday evening we would get together. We put on plays for ourselves. This helped me to make a progressive social group for myself.

I remember Bitola as a very cultured city. Bitola was an elite city, even more so than Skopje. It was called the city of the consuls. There was this French school. Not every city had one. French women, nuns, taught in the school. It was a modern city. When you went out on the promenade you were dressed up. Everyone went. Life wasn't divided into the religious and the non-religious. We all lived together. Religion was honored in the kal, in the church [synagogue]. Life was all together. There were a lot of poor people and a lot of traders who were well off.

There were two sections of the Jewish quarter, 'la Tabane' and 'la Kalaze', plus a section for the poor, called Ciflik. There were no markers separating the neighborhoods but everyone knew where they were. Someone would ask, 'Where do you live?' and the other would reply, 'a la Tabane' or 'a la Ciflik'. Ciflik was like a ghetto. Everyone had one room. There was a basement. Maybe forty people lived there. There was a communal toilet and kitchen. The residents raised donkeys and went around to villages trading things. They were porters. The lower class lived there. I lived in the neighborhood called la Tabane.

La Tabane had its kal; Kalaze had its kal. In Tabane, where I lived, there were three temples. I don't remember their names. There were bigger and smaller ones, but the biggest was in la Kalaze, Aragon. [Editor's note: the names of the other synagogues in Bitola up to WWII were: El Kal de la Havra Kadisha, El Kal de haham Jichak Levi (a beautiful temple next to the donor's house); El Kal de Shlomo Levi (this was in the donor's house, it did not survive the war); El Kal de Jahiel Levi (in a space dedicated for this purpose); El Kal de Ozer Dalim (in a special building donated by the Aruti family, this one fell to ruins in 1950); a temple for the youth in a school building and a temple in the Los Kurtizos neighborhood. Sources: Zeni Lebl and Mark Cohen]

No non-Jews lived in the Jewish quarter but there were Jews who lived outside the Jewish quarter.

I don't remember Rabbi Sabtaj Djaen 11. But I do remember the last rabbi, Rabbi Avram Romano. I was a kid and we didn't go to church [synagogue] often, maybe for the holidays. I don't know what kind of hierarchy there was in the church [synagogue] back then. There was a shochet that lived near us, maybe his name was Harachamim. He slaughtered chickens. They didn't sell slaughtered chickens; you bought a living one and took it to be slaughtered. There were special butchers that only sold kosher meat. My family bought there.

I remember the ritual bath because I once went there with a bride before her wedding. Our house had two floors and we rented out the top floor. When the tenant's daughter got married, I went to the bath with her. There was a special space where brides went to bathe a day or two before the wedding. Inside there was a pool, maybe two meters long by two meters wide, and concrete steps. The brides went there before their wedding with their close family. The bride, Rashela, maybe Koen was her last name, went in and dunked. We all watched. Only brides went there for tivilah. [Editor's note: It is highly unlikely that the mikveh was used only for brides. In all likelihood it was used by married women and brides alike for ritual cleansing.] Some were scared; they thought there were frogs inside. Afterwards we ate ruskitas [salty rolls, popular among Sephardi Jews in the Balkans before the war.]

The mikveh was in the center of the Jewish section, where they sold fruits, vegetables and other things. It was part of a complex of pools, baths. Sometimes I bathed in the pools, but not in the special one for the brides. Men and women didn't wash together. There must have been a schedule, maybe women went in the mornings and men in the afternoons, maybe there were separate days. I don't remember, but I know we weren't together. They heated the pools with wood or coal so that the water was hot. There wasn't a lot of room inside. There were two small rooms with one or two beds for resting after bathing. Inside it was tiled. There was a raised cement wall where people left their things while they bathed. You got under the faucets and bathed yourself. And on both sides of the pool there were cement seats. One person got washed while the other person was coming or going. I don't know how often I went. At home we poured water over each other to wash ourselves. I went occasionally. It wasn't entertainment to go, you went to clean yourself. One had to pay to use the pools. That's why we didn't go often.

In Bitola there was a gan yeladim [Hebrew for kindergarten] for little kids although I didn't go there. [Editor's note: Rabbi Djaen established the first Jewish kindergarten in Bitola. Teachers brought in from Palestine taught there. The first teacher was Lea Ben-David, who arrived in 1925.]

We had a community organization that kept records- of births, deaths. They managed all the administration for the Jews of Bitola. There was also a women's group, 'La Damas,' and it helped the poor people. They sent poor people to Belgrade to learn a trade. [Macedonia belonged to Serbia after 1913, and subsequently to Yugoslavia, with Belgrade as its capital.] Poor Jewish women came and cleaned other Jews' homes. They worked like this until they married. And in some cases the woman who she worked for would make arrangements for the girl's marriage.

There were two market days in Bitola, Tuesdays and Friday. It was a city market, not a special one for Jews. There were a lot of Jews who sold vegetables and fruits. In the Jewish quarter there were only houses, no stores. Women in Bitola didn't go shopping at all.

Around our house there was a ditch from the river and behind that a cattle market. We lived in a new house which was built the year I was born, in 1922. My father paid someone to build it. It had two floors. We lived on the ground floor and the tenants lived upstairs. The same tenants lived there for about 15 years. We lived together so long, it was like we were one family. I don't know why they left; I guess it was expensive for them. The upstairs apartment had a kitchen in the same place as ours. Both apartments were the same, except upstairs there was a small terrace. When they left we rented out the ground floor and we moved upstairs. The upstairs was better because it had a terrace and a view.

When you entered there was an anteroom with steps leading upstairs. Our kitchen was inside and had a stove, a non-moving table with a stand and a closet around it to connect it. Instead of a refrigerator we had a cupboard: a box covered with netting to keep the bugs out. The air passed through since it was made from netting. We had a toilet next to the kitchen. There was also a space for doing the laundry. It was outside but covered with metal and with stones on the ground.

Two rooms were used for sleeping. One room my parents slept in and that was also used for guests and eating. In the room we had a 'menderluk.' I would say that menderluk is a Turkish word which we use [in Macedonia]. Today there are no more menderluks, now there are couches, modern things. All houses in Bitola had one. There was a board with pillows on it and there was a table in the center and some chairs around. They weren't wide like the Ottoman ones; they were a bit narrower, so that you could lean back immediately. We have one in our weekend house in Marovo. I slept in this room with my mother and father. My brothers slept in the other bedroom. The third room was for trunks and things. At some point I started to use that room. We didn't have beds; we slept on mattresses on the floor. In the morning my mother would put them away in a closet in one of the rooms. My mother did this for us.

There were two basements: one for us and one for the tenants upstairs.

In the end we had electricity but I remember studying with a lamp. [Editor's note: The first electrical power plant was opened in Bitola on 24th December 1924. The plant was owned by a Jew named Todor Aruesti. First the main street was lit and later individual households installed electricity.] We were among the first in Bitola to install electricity but I don't remember when. We didn't have a radio; it was rare to have a radio. We didn't have a gramophone either.

We had a water pump but we didn't have plumbing in the whole house. There was no water upstairs. Upstairs we had a boiler where we put water from downstairs.

The Jewish holidays came one after another. We had guests for holidays. We had a lot of relatives who went to America. At the holidays, Pesach or some other holiday, my mother would take out big wedding pictures that our relatives in America had sent us, and she would line them up around the house and say, 'These are in honor of those who are not here.'

I remember Pesach the best. The people from upstairs and my family would always gather together for the reading of the Haggadah. I think that we read it in Ladino. I remember some of the text: 'Este pande la fresion ke, komeron pabre zentera inkera deaifto.' This means: 'This is the bread which our ancestors ate in the desert.' I used to wear a piece of that bread, bread without yeast, bojus [boyos], in a kerchief over my shoulder. We just sat at the table like that while they read the Haggadah. The men took turns reading. For Pesach we made boyos: unleavened bread. We made matzot from eggs and water mixed together to make something like cakes. [Editor's note: Probably they made some cake from matzah, water and eggs.] And we made 'macas d' vin' [matzot from wine]. Instead of water, you put wine. It was all without yeast. The one with wine was like biscuits and the others were round and they were pinched around the sides and had the form of a cake. And we made 'babamaca' from dough. It was a type of pie with raisins and matzot. A thin layer of dough was made with sugar into something like a pie.

I remember the fularis we sent for Purim. They were special pastries with a hard-boiled egg inside, they weren't especially sweet. I would take them to my aunt's on a plate and they would bring the same to us. We children got dressed up. We had those noisemakers but I don't remember what they were called.

On Chanukkah we lit the oil chanukkiyah which hung on the wall.

We didn't make a sukkah because we didn't have a yard. But we went to neighbors for this special holiday.

We celebrated Yom Kippur when we were little kids. But once we were older and the progressive youth started to gather we stopped. On Yom Kippur we would go on picnics and eat. My mother and father fasted but the kids didn't. My parents didn't know that we weren't celebrating or what we were doing. We hid this from them.

My parents kept kosher but I don't know if it was that strict.

For Sabbath my father didn't go to kal a lot. He went more for the holidays or when someone died, or for some special event. At home, I remember, for some time he put on a tallit and read something for Sabbath but that was just for a short time. We didn't have any special rituals for Sabbath. My mother cooked beans for Friday night in a special pot in the oven and around them she put dough. We ate eggs. Every Friday my mom made salty pies, cake - although there weren't so many cakes back then - and bread for the whole week. My father didn't work on Sabbath. And since my mother cooked the day before, she also didn't work on Sabbath. They relaxed, they took walks.

In the beginning, for a short time, when I was really young, we had someone who came to light the fire on Sabbath. But then we got electricity. My parents weren't so strict with respect to this.

It was a practice among Jews that every Friday poor people went from house to house with a bag. Some people gave them flour, someone something else, some gave money. They did this so that the poor could also celebrate Sabbath.

My family collected money for Israel. We had a Keren Kayemet [Leisrael (K.K.L.)] 12 box in our house. It was like a post box and we threw money in there. At one point we put a dinar or two in there every Sabbath or when there was some celebration, or when you felt the need to put some in. Someone would come once or twice a year to collect the money. They had a key, unlocked the box, took what was there and locked it up again.

My brothers did have their bar mitzvah, but I was little and don't remember this.

We didn't celebrate non-Jewish holidays at home. For Christmas the people who celebrated would have parades. They paraded with cars and carriages somewhere in town.

Back before the war we ate a lot of beans, lentils and potatoes and chicken. For a wedding they would make roasted chicken with rice. The rice was called 'pilaf' and each grain was fluffed and separated. This was the most elite dish. For dessert we had 'pan d' Spanija,' Spanish Bread. Probably those that came from Spain [see Expulsion of the Jews from Spain] 13 brought this recipe with them. It was the most basic cake. You whipped eight to ten eggs added some sugar and baked it. Nothing else. This was the only cake we had, only 'pan d' Spanija.' We didn't have cakes like we do today; this was the most decadent cake we had.

We didn't celebrate birthdays when I was a kid.

I don't remember any Jews marrying non-Jews when I was young. However, I do remember that my cousin Zozef was involved with a non-Jewish professor from the gymnasium. But it was absolutely unthinkable that a Christian and Jew marry. This was the one case and they talked about how this man, who had a car and everything else, was doing something like that.

During the War

I was a member of the Party [see Yugoslav Communist Party (KPJ)] 14 from 1941. I was in Hashomer Hatzair, the most progressive Jewish group. Around this time there was a dilemma in the organization: should the whole organization take membership in the Party or should we each become members on an individual basis. The 'rosh ken' at the time was a guy named Likac [Editor's note: In 1939 Elijahu Baruh, nicknamed Likac, came to Bitola from Belgrade. He was an instructor in the Zemun and Belgrade chapters of Hashomer Hatzair. He remained in Bitola until after the capitulation of Yugoslavia.] Likac wanted us to join the Party as an organization. But after a lot of discussion we decided to join as individuals. Slowly those that were more progressive became members of the communist party, some didn't, others were in SKOJ 15. For instance, my husband, Beno Ruso, was one of the first to become a member of the Party. Through him the party carried out its activities.

I led three or four groups of girls that were in SKOJ; from the younger ones that I previously led in ken. They helped as couriers: carrying groceries, distributing money, knitting sweaters, hats, etc. for the partisans.

Because of my father's involvement in the Ilinden Uprising my parents made no resistance when I began to actively work for the movement. They knew what I was doing and our house was even used for illegal activities. We kept some party materials at home and people from the movement would sleep there. It was very dangerous, but they didn't mind. Some Jews were active in these activities, others were not, but no one made problems. There were no traitors or spies among the Jews.

In Hashomer Hatzair we talked about pogroms in Poland, expulsion from Spain; I heard about Hitler for the first time in ken. Anti-Semitism came after the occupation began, when the anti-Jewish laws were introduced [see Law for the Protection of the Nation] 16. It was not anti-Semitism on the part of the Macedonian nation; it was imposed from Bulgarians who came and occupied all of Macedonia. It was not national anti-Semitism.

Bitola was bombed once or twice before the Germans came [see German Occupation of Yugoslavia] 17. I lived near the open fields where the German or maybe Austrian soldiers stayed. [Editor's note: Germany annexed Austria in 1938 (Anschluss) and the Austrians were drafted into the German army.] Then the Germans called the Bulgarians to come and govern Macedonia. Things went from bad to worse; the worst. There were so many laws against Jews starting when the Bulgarians occupied Macedonia in 1941. Every day there was a new law. We learned about the new laws from the Jewish community. I don't remember the details concerning the laws. No one had work and then it was forbidden to work.

We wore a Jewish star [in Bulgaria] 18. I don't know where we got them, probably through the Jewish community. Everyone had to wear one. One could hide it. I did this sometimes: when I stayed late at a meeting, I would take it off. If I had worn it, they would have arrested me immediately; this way they had to recognize me first. We called them shadaj. I don't know why. [Editor's note: Shadaj is a biblical term for God. There is no verification that the yellow stars were popularly referred to with this term.]

I was in Bitola the whole time up until the deportation of the Jews [of Bitola to Skopje] 19. During the war I read a lot and I attended a lot of meetings on behalf of the Party. There were communist committee meetings, and other meetings of the Party. These meetings were attended by small groups of people.

I didn't have contact with the Bulgarian occupiers. None of my family tried to escape or run away. Pepo was employed in the municipality as a clerk, but I don't remember when he stopped working. I know that he was a clerk and that he had a salary. He was the only one that had one in the family. Jews were rarely clerks.

Since I was a party organizer, we had a lot of meetings, especially at night. Wherever you were when the curfew was in force, that is where you remained the whole night. One night we heard rumors that the next day they were going to take the Jews. But we didn't know if they were going to take everyone or just young people who were able to work. So my two girlfriends, Adela Faradji and Estreje Ovadija, and I decided to sleep in a small store in the market, owned by another party member. It was a wagon-maker's shop- they sold boards, wheels, and such things. We stayed there to see what was going to happen the next day. If nothing happened, we would return home. I went home before that and told my mother that I wasn't going to come home that evening and left.

It had snowed and was very cold. At 5 in the morning the blockade began and they began to collect the Jews from the Jewish neighborhood. We could hear them banging on the doors, how they called for people to get out, how people were crying. Many of the people gathered right in front of this shop. It was an old shop and we could look out through the planks and see how they threw the people out of their homes. I saw my friends who were taken. My parents were on the other side of the town, they weren't gathered in that marketplace. Then there was silence.

We couldn't do anything. We just watched and cried. We were all very depressed and in a difficult psychological state while we watched what was happening outside. If it is someone you don't know you are sad, and you are even more so when it is your friends, your relatives, and when you think about your parents. Our fate was the same.

The next morning our friend had to open his store so we needed to leave. Our friends from the organization found us a place in the basement of another small shop. We remained there until we received information that we could leave and join the partisans. In this other place we were together with Dzamila Kolonomos and a few other Jews from Bitola who had managed to escape the deportation. We were all in this little basement of a tobacco shop in the center of Bitola. The party [people] brought us food, news. They came at night. This is where we slept, relieved ourselves, where we were sick. The conditions were very bad. We were there until we received the order to leave.

At that time the Bitola party organization had suffered from an infiltration in the villages. Because of this the partisans were inaccessible and people couldn't get orders to join them. The party organization in villages had been captured. We waited almost a month and a half in the shop basement. When we finally left we exited one at a time. Some got out safely. I did not. I left and was immediately asked by a Bulgarian agent for my identity card, but I didn't have one. The other person who left with me, a communist high school student, also didn't have an identity card. They put us both in prison.

I was in prison from April 1943 until the liberation of Bitola on 9th September 1944 20. The prison was right at the end of Bitola. There was a building there and in it the only prison. I don't know if it was a prison before the war. It probably was. I was the only Jew in the prison and was sentenced to 15 years. At some point they wanted to transfer me to some camp, but in the end they kept me in the prison. That's how I survived. Criminals and political prisoners were held there. The criminals were kept below and the political prisoners were on the first floor. Male and female. A small pantry was used for the women, since there were not that many women inmates. There were ten of us in very difficult conditions. In addition to communists there was also one prostitute, one smuggler. It was a general prison. We lived together, on friendly terms, for a year and a half. For me it wasn't hard. The others got food and we shared it. The Party sent me food through the mothers of the others who were in prison.

What did we do all day in prison? We had an encyclopedia and studied things from the encyclopedia. That's where they have the most things to learn. We secretly received Marxist material, which we would read. When there were visitations, because I didn't have any family, I couldn't go out. But the others had parents who came once a week to visit them and bring them food. The food was always wrapped in some kind of paper. No one looked at the paper. Instead of ink they used lemon juice on their quill. We took a match or some other light, and could read what was written. That's how we maintained contact; how we got news from the outside world-our secret technique.

We communicated with the men's cells in a similar way. Once a day we were allowed into the yard, first the men and then the women, first the criminals and then the political prisoners. We would throw away our waste, wash our faces, use the bathroom outside, and walk around about half an hour. Via the toilet we maintained connections with the men. In the toilet there were some bricks. I was almost the sole person who maintained these connections. We wrote what we wanted in a little book. We wrapped it in some paper, and put it in the toilet between two bricks. Then came some liberal guys: there were two, one was a barber. They would come to the closet [toilet] and take it. I would run straight to the closet and take what was left there. This is how mail was passed between the political prisoners. The prison authorities never caught on to us.

Once I copied one chapter of the Communist Manifesto 21 or something. I had nice handwriting and in a small notebook I wrote in very tiny script and we sent this to one another. In fact the toilet was the place for communication.

There was one terrible event that we lived through in prison. There were three partisans who had been sentenced to death. They were kept in prison for a long time. Then one night we learned that they were going to hang them. They hanged people in this prison in a special space. That night we had a special knock on the walls to signal that they were being taken to be executed. They took them from the men's cells. It was a very terrible thing when we saw how they took our friends to their execution. We didn't see it. I don't know their names. I never met them. They were from Prilepa [40 kilometers northeast of Bitola].

Eventually the Party made contact with the head of the prison. Since it was already the end of the war, Bulgaria had already capitulated, they said, 'if you do not release the political prisoners - there were three large cells of male political prisoners and one female cell - you will be killed.' And they released us, only the political prisoners; the criminals remained. We went straight to the partisans to Podmocani [30 kilometers west of Bitola] where we were given orders. I was instructed to stay in this place to work with women on behalf of the Party. Some went to the army, to partisans. I was in this place for almost a year, until the final liberation of Macedonia.

Bild entfernt.I went to visit different villages to talk to women. We helped them organize and prepare for the new government. We visited women and told them they had to give food for partisans. I was in the Communist Party's Regional Committee. We worked for the Party then. That area had 20-30 villages. There were Albanian villages so we went with a woman who knew Albanian. This was political work.

I didn't go home before going to Podmocani. We didn't think about our homes, only about the war ending, to work, to prepare food and everything that was necessary for the army. For a very long time I didn't know what happened to my family. All the time I thought that someone would come back. I couldn't fathom that they had killed everyone. I cannot say the exact date when I learned what had happened. But all the time I thought that someone would return. Even when I was in Skopje - I got work there afterwards - I thought that someone would appear. Only later did I learn that all the Jews had been killed in Treblinka 22. Maybe a year later. Before that I hadn't heard of Treblinka. I had heard about the camps but I didn't know that all of our people had been taken to Treblinka. This we learned slowly.

Post-War

I never returned to live in Bitola, not one day. I was there a few times for the 11th March commemoration [see 11th March 1943] 23. After the war I came to Skopje where I remained for the majority of my life. I worked for the finance ministry.

Beno Ruso and I were already together back in Hashomer Hatzair, then we worked together in the communist party organization. He was a member of the underground and through him we had some connections. Then he joined the partisans, and after the war we met again.

We married in 1946 in Skopje. Let me look at my ring, it should say on there if it's a replacement of the original ring. It looks like it is a replacement. I lost one of these. I think it was June and if I'm not mistaken it was the 16th. Then marriages weren't celebrated. G-d forbid. We went from our offices, found two witnesses on the way to the municipality. Beno's brother, Dario, who had been a prisoner of war, got married to my friend Dora Nahmijas on the same day. Before the war we were friends but we didn't live in the same neighborhood; she lived in la Kaleze and I lived in la Tabane. But we were together in ken. Dora fled to Greece before the occupation and from there she was sent with the Greek Jews to Auschwitz for a short time at the end of the war. After the war she returned to Skopje. She was skin and bones when we went to get married.

Bild entfernt.After the wedding we all went to lunch together at Hotel Macedonia in Skopje and then returned to work. That was the whole ceremony. There was no special celebration, just the registration. These were civil marriages. I never wanted to have a Jewish wedding. That means nothing to me, especially at this time in my life. When my children got married I organized a very modest wedding for them. More than anything else I wanted them to go on a trip, to be happy. Some people make these huge weddings and waste so much money on them. To each his own.

After the wedding the four of us lived in one room. At that time the municipalities gave out apartments. Many people had gathered in Skopje from all over Macedonia. You couldn't rent an apartment you had to be given one. I was given this one room. Then Beno came and we were there together. When we all got married Beno's brother and his wife came to live with us too. Four of us lived together in this one room with one bed. There was a small terrace next to the room so one night one couple would sleep outside and the next night the other. We lived like this a few months before we got one more room in the same building. And then we got a kitchen. Then we had a baby. That's how it was back then. We were young and we didn't think about it. We got a washbowl for cleaning but we couldn't get milk for the baby. It was very hard after the liberation. Slowly, slowly it was sorted out.

Dora had a brother who went to Israel and called her to come. She and Dario went in 1948 or 1949, even though we didn't agree with their emigration. We didn't agree because his two brothers were here in Yugoslavia. And you know what, back then you looked at things differently. We needed talented people to rebuild Macedonia. And not to mention that in Israel there was great uncertainty; here life was more certain. They remained there and had two children: a son and a daughter. We stayed in contact and went to visit them three or four times.

Bild entfernt.After the war I worked in the finance ministry. [My whole professional career] I worked in finance. After prison I first worked for the [Communist Party's] committee in Prespa, a region [in Macedonia]. There I worked with women. From there, as a little more of an intellectual, since I finished the [commercial] academy, I was transferred to Skopje to the Ministry of Finance, in 1945. There I made it to assistant to the minister. It all went very quickly because they didn't have staff in Macedonia.

Then Beno was transferred to Nis [Serbia, 195 km south of Belgrade]. [My daughter] Berta was born in Nis in 1949. In Nis I worked for the regional district, this is a higher administrative level than a municipality, in the bureau for prices. Then Beno was transferred to Belgrade and there I worked in the National Bank. This must have been in 1952 because [my son] Iko [Isak] was born in 1954. There I didn't have any interesting function because I was always being transferred. Then we were transferred to Kumanovo [38 km northeast of Skopje] in 1956. There I was the head of the regional office for finance. The head of finance. From there I came back to Skopje and they took me back at the ministry. This was in 1957-58. I immediately got a function and quickly advanced to assistant to the minister of finance, then to under-secretary to the ministry of finance. I cannot remember the last title I held. It is not so important. Something between under-secretary and deputy. I retired when I turned 60 in 1982.

[The level of activity] in the Jewish community varied through the years depending on who the president was. There was always continuity. We visited the community to the same extent [throughout the years]. But we had so many other obligations that were more important at the time. At that time Informbiro 24 was created, it was a time of crisis. There was a lot of work to be done, not only at work but after work as well. We were more occupied with the development of Macedonia. All of our friends had high positions: Shami was an ambassador and head of the Chamber of Macedonia, Moric Romano was an ambassador and a member of the Executive Council, Avram Sadikario was a doctor, Dzamila Kolonomos was on the Central Committee. We all had positions of responsibility after the war and were very engaged with them. We remained good friends with all of the Jews who survived from Bitola; we are like brothers, those of us who remained.

The Jewish community existed, but in the last few years it has become more active. And now children have started to go. After the war I never had any problems because I was Jewish. We were all respected and had the best relations with everyone.

After the war, we didn't celebrate Jewish holidays at home. We try to make sure that there is some better food for Sabbath but other than that at home we don't celebrate [Jewish holidays]. But they are celebrated in the community and we go there. We don't celebrate Christmas or Easter, G-d forbid. Never. Some people celebrate them. There are a lot of different people.

When they built the synagogue it was a great honor in memory of our ancestors. If not for us, at least for them. In their honor and for us. [Editor's note: The Jewish community of Skopje built a small chapel on the second floor of their community building in 2001. This is the first synagogue to exist in Macedonia since the war.]

The laying of the cornerstone for the future museum, they say, was so well- organized and the Jewish community has achieved a good reputation among the citizens. Building this museum is important, because it will be a lasting memorial to the Jews who lived here and who contributed to this country, as citizens of this country. It will be a permanent reminder of the Jews, even though there are fewer and fewer of us. [Editor's note: the cornerstone for a Holocaust Museum was laid in September 2005. The museum and accompanying offices and commercial space will be built with funds given by the Macedonian government as restitution of WWII.] If you take real Jews, those whose families were Jewish, there are very few of them. Real Jews who do you have? Me, Beno, Avram, Dzamila and Moric. All the others are from mixed marriages. They feel like Jews and that shouldn't be ignored.

I never stopped being a member of the communist party. This was my ideology and there was never an end to it.

We rarely speak Ladino between ourselves and my children never learned it. I'm never sure what I'm speaking: Macedonian, Serbian... Those languages are both so close to me that one minute I speak one and the next the other. I don't even notice when I switch from one to the other. But this isn't true for Ladino. I haven't spoken it for a long time, so it would be hard for me to express myself in Ladino.

When the [Skopje] earthquake 25 happened we were in our apartment in the center. We felt it very hard there. One of our daughters was in Sarajevo [today Bosnia and Herzegovina] on a school trip. Beno and I and the two other children were home. There were a lot of buildings near us that were destroyed and many people were killed. The office where I worked at the time was very close to our apartment. That morning one of my colleagues happened to go to the office at 5am to finish some work and was killed. Even though our building was new at the time, and still standing after the earthquake, we lived for some time in a tent a bit outside the city.

After the earthquake we lived in Kumanovo one year. Then we got an apartment in Skopje, near the airport, in one of these modern low-rise houses, like small villas. Then they built these apartments, where we live today, for the generals. There were no buildings here before; the government provided the land, and the army built the apartments in the 1970s. And we have lived here since.

[I have three children, Berta, Vida and Isak]. Berta was born in Nis in 1949. She is a pediatric surgeon. Berta finished medical school in Skopje. She finished general medicine, then surgery, then pediatric surgery. And she also finished cosmetic surgery and now she is preparing her doctorate. She has two children who are alive, and one who died. Bojan is 27 and Maja 13. Darko, who died when he was seven, was in between them. He had a big defect on his heart. Twice they took him to London for operations, but they couldn't save him. That is why there is such a big gap between Bojan and Maja.

Bojan graduated from the electro-technical faculty and is employed. While he was a student he worked as the secretary of the Jewish community. He likes to travel. He is going to Israel this Sunday. He is switching companies. He is always looking for something better. Since he is capable he is looking. So he is going to go for two weeks once he quits his job at the current company before he starts with the next. He has a cousin there [in Israel], my brother-in-law's son, and they are always writing to one another.

When Berta isn't working she is with her children and at home. She works a lot with the kids at home. She loves flowers and gardens and likes to cook. She is a great housewife. She lives in the apartment connected to ours. Berta has been everywhere. I don't know where she hasn't been. She was in Egypt. She travels everywhere. Once a year she goes abroad. Her husband's name is Slavenko and he is a gynecologist and professor.

Vida was born in 1947 in Skopje. She finished the electro-technical faculty in Skopje. She lives not far from us in Skopje. Her husband's name is Ljubomir but we call him Ljupco. He is an electro-engineer as well and has a studio for information systems. Vida has two daughters: Tanja and Jasmina. Tanja is about 30 and Jasmina is 27. They are both electro- engineers. Tanja works at USAID. She is quite progressive. She started her graduation paper but had to put it off for a while because she has a child one year and five months old. Jasmina isn't married. [In addition to finishing the electro-technical faculty] she also finished a post diploma degree in Hungary. All [of my grandchildren] are interested in their science. And computers are their main preoccupation. The little one already knows so much, and we know nothing. They all grew up in Skopje and went to elementary school, secondary school and university here.

[Isak was born in 1954 in Belgrade. He finished the electro-technical university in Skopje.] My son, Isak, was a good man, an avid mountain climber. There was no place that he hadn't climbed including Kilimanjaro [today Tanzania]. As a young man he was in the mountain climbing club and in the end he finished his life on Mount Triglav [the highest peak of Slovenia, 60 kilometers northwest of Ljubljana]. It was in August [1988] during a Macedonian holiday. We were at our weekend house in Mavrovo [75 km southwest of Skopje]. Our daughter Vida was with us but left to go back to Skopje. A while later, her husband came back and told us that Isak wasn't well. Only once we got home to Skopje did they tell me he had died. He was married to a non-Jew. He is buried in a non-Jewish cemetery in Skopje. At that time there wasn't even a Jewish cemetery, only a few graves. Now they have a Jewish section in the main cemetery. Anyway at that time we couldn't think about where to bury him, someone else took care of all that.

Isak was the only alpinist in the family. Bojan does a little bit [of mountaineering]. All the grandchildren were in Israel. My grandchildren were in the Jewish camps. Maja just came back from Szarvas in Hungary. A family of electro-engineers, but they are not practical. They are advanced scientists. Slavenko, who is a doctor, knows everything practical about electricity.

I didn't talk to my kids about the Holocaust; I didn't want to embitter their lives with what I had experienced. I gave my kids Jewish names in memory of my mother and my mother-in-law, who I didn't know as a mother-in- law, just as a lady. When I say Berta I remember my mother, when I say Vida I remember his mother. Neither of my children gave their children Jewish names. I did it as a memory to the dead. I had no reason to macedonianize my last name. I wouldn't run away from my roots. I'm not ashamed of this, I'm proud of it. There was no difference between people.

Every year we went on vacation. We visited the entire Croatian coast, Ohrid, everywhere [in former Yugoslavia]. The vacations were at most fifteen days. There is almost no place in former Yugoslavia that we haven't visited. We were in Israel, I was there three times and Beno was there twice. We were in the former USSR. I cannot remember the year, but it was about the time we retired because until we retired we couldn't travel that much. We went to Russia with a group. We also went to Spain to see our Spanish language in use. We chose Russia because Leningrad attracted us. We heard that there were a lot of beautiful sculptures and many interesting museums there. We were there ten days at the most. We had a desire to see Russia and Spain. To these two countries we went together. While I was working I was always going on pleasure trips abroad. I was in Italy, Greece and in Hungary and in Romania. At the time unions were active and we always organized some trips like this, union trips, group trips and that's it. I went without Beno. He didn't have a desire to travel like this, in a group. Only when we were in Spain he liked it. I don't know why. He was in Russia once by himself for the celebration of Liberation Day: the day marking the end of the war, the day of Victory [see Victory Day in Russia (9th May)] 26. There was a parade in Moscow and he went as a delegate. I don't know what year. He went through the Federation of Fighters.

I love my weekend house and to travel, but I no longer have the strength. I really like it and my children do too. How often we go depends on when we are free. Sometimes two months in the summertime.

For a long time I couldn't bear thinking about Germans. When I would go on vacation and see Germans I hated them. For a long time I couldn't forgive them for what they did to me and the whole world. My husband cannot imagine going to Bulgaria. I say, 'Let's go to Bulgaria. There are nice things there.' But he won't go. They were the implementers. Things change, but for a very long time I couldn't see that. When I think about it now: they were one generation and this is another.

I get a minimal amount [of restitution money] once every three months from somewhere but I don't know where. It is because I was in prison.

I was in Israel three times to visit because my brother-in-law was there with his wife and children, and a lot of friends from Bitola were as well. We never thought to live there. We always thought to stay here where we were needed.

I lived through the break-up of Yugoslavia with great difficulty. And today it's very hard for me to accept that we are divided. Because we had... I don't know... since I, we all, citizens here, and not only professionally, we always had meetings with all the republics and we all got along. I'm thinking of Slovenians, Macedonians, Montenegrins... At those meetings I never felt that I was being degraded or less worthy. I'm sad that Yugoslavia broke up. I'm very sad. Something needed to be changed. The system wasn't absolutely the way it should be. There were attempts to reform the system, but they didn't work out. In any case, it would have been better if there hadn't been a break-up, but that a new model had been found instead. Now it's much harder to move towards Europeanization. Then there was a chance for one industrialized and rather developed, prominent country. Now we are all no-one and nothing, as they say. Everyone lost. No- one got anything out of this war, and we could have all gone forward.

Today I spend most of my time at home. Since I cannot read, I have a big handicap. I cannot read because my eyes are not well. I cannot see. I can see general things, but I cannot read or watch TV, I just listen. It is very hard for me. As long as I could see, I knitted and all those kinds of things. Now I'm limited in what I can do. I clean and prepare things. I go with my five friends for a coffee once a week, on Tuesdays. We sit and talk for two hours and that's it. They are Macedonians and there used to be more of us before they died. Dzamila used to come, but now she is sick too. She and I have been friends for forever. It is just a coincidence that we live on the same street, but it is good that we live close to each other, although we see each other less and less. We are all at home more and more.

I'm satisfied with my life and my childhood except for what happened to the Jews. If it hadn't happened my life surely would have been better. What we lost we cannot get back. It eternally tortures us. Simply, it is the darkest part of my life, to loose everything at once. But that's the way it is.

I'm entirely satisfied with what I gave and what society gave to me and my family. All my children are on the right path, my grandchildren and even my great-grandchild, Kalina, which means pomegranate in Macedonian.

When I was a kid, I didn't pay much attention to what was happening in the kitchen. My mother was there and it was her job to do the cooking. As a student I was a little spoiled. I went to school and afterwards I had to study and then I went to ken. So, I don't know exactly how they made meals before the war. Only after the war, when I started my own family, did I start to cook. But I do make burikitas, little rolls. [This versatile and long lasting baked good was very popular among the Sephardi Jews of Bitola. The rolls were stuffed with a variety of fillings including meats, fruits, nuts, and cheese. Burikitas were eaten all the time but were also a staple for Sabbath breakfast along with hard-boiled eggs and aniseed brandy.] For the dough I use one and half cups of oil and three cups of water. I mix them and heat them up with a little salt. When it is hot I take it off the heat and add between three quarters and a kilo of flour while the liquid is still hot. I knead it so it is nice and soft, not hard. I make a few balls and roll them out and cut out circles with a glass. I mix some white cheese and an egg yolk. I put a little of this cheese-egg mixture in the center of the round, fold it in half and seal it. Then I brush it with a little egg. And bake it in the oven.

Glossary:

1 Tito, Josip Broz (1892-1980)

President of communist Yugoslavia from 1953 until his death. He organized the Yugoslav Communist Party in 1937 and became the leader of the Yugoslav partisan movement after 1941. He liberated most of Yugoslavia with his partisans, including Belgrade, made territorial gains (Fiume and the previously Italian Istria). In March 1945 he became the head of the new federal Yugoslav government. He nationalized industry but did not enforce the Soviet-style collective farming system. On the political plane, he oppressed and executed his political opposition. Although Yugoslavia was closely associated with the USSR, Tito often pursued independent policies. He accepted western loans to stabilize national economy, and gradually relaxed many of the regime's strict controls. As a result, Yugoslavia became the most liberal communist country in Europe. After Tito's death in 1980 ethnic tensions resurfaced, bringing about the brutal breakup of the federal state in the 1990s.

2 Ilinden Uprising

A failed national uprising against the Ottomans in Macedonia, carried out by VMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) between August and November 1903. The rebellion started in the Bitola region on St. Elijah's Day (2nd August), hence the name. The rebellion received the support of the local Slav and Vlach population and provisional governments were established in three localities. The intervention of the Ottoman regular army led to the dissolution of the uprising. During the uprising normal life in Bitola came to a halt. Over 15,000 people fell victim, 12,000 houses were destroyed and 30,000 people fled to neighboring Bulgaria. After three months of fighting the country was in shambles.

3 Kamhi, Rafael Mose (1870-1970)

Born in Bitola he became one of the few Jews of his time to play a significant role in the local political scene. When his family added a floor to their home in 1893 Rafael met and befriended the contractor, Fidan Gruev, and through him became acquainted with the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO). Rafael's first act of solidarity with this cause was to erect a shelter in his yard, which no one else knew about. All the main players in the uprising passed through this shelter as did arms and supplies. Before WWII he was living in Salonica, Greece, working as a gabbai in the El Kal de los Monastirlis synagogue. In March 1943, with the help of his earlier political connections, he moved to Sofia, Bulgaria. His entire family was killed in Treblinka. He made aliyah to Israel in 1948 with the one surviving members of his family, Zozef Kamhi. He died in Tel Aviv after his hundredth birthday, still composed and articulate. [Sources: Zeni Lebl and Mark Cohen]

4 Jewish participation in the National People's Army

By 1941 many Jews had begun to cooperate with the communist partisans who fought against the occupying forces. By 1942, 30 Jews from Bitola belonged to the Communist Party, another 150 had joined the Federation of Communist Youth (SKOJ) and about another 650 assisted the partisans. The great many of these were deported but some 50 survived and joined the partisans [Source: Mark Cohen].

5 Hashomer Hatzair in Yugoslavia

Leftist Zionist youth organization founded in 1909 by members of the Second Aliyah, many of whom were active in revolutionary movements back in the Russian Empire. In the diaspora its main goal was to prepare Jewish youth for the hard pioneering life in Palestine. It was first organized in Yugoslavia in 1930.

6 Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Upon the collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1918, Serbia had won high praise by the League of Nations members, while Croatia and Slovenia were in danger of losing land to the Italians after siding with the Austrians. In an attempt by European powers to unite all Southern Slavs, Croatia and Slovenia joined the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on 1st December 1918. The dominate partner in this state, which included Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina and the regions of Vojvodina and Macedonia, was Serbia. In 1929 it adopted the name Yugoslavia. Despite the name change it did not resolve the ethnic division that were already bubbling beneath the surface in the new entity.

7 Rabbi Avram Romano (1895-1943)

He was born in Sarajevo and arrived in Bitola in 1931. He served as the last chief rabbi of Bitola. He was a supporter of the Zionist cause and used his position to promote this ideology. Part of his mission was to bring the dire condition of Bitola's Jewish community to the attention of other Yugoslav communities in an effort to raise support for this poor community. He was killed in Treblinka.

8 Bulgarian Occupation of Macedonia in World War II

In April 1941 Bulgaria along with Germany, Italy and Hungary attacked the neighboring Yugoslavia. Beside Yugoslav Macedonia Bulgarian troops also marched into the Northern-Greek Aegean Thrace. Although the territorial gains were initially very popular in Bulgaria, complications soon arose in the occupied territories. The oppressive Bulgarian administration resulted in uprisings in both occupied lands. Jews were persecuted, their property was confiscated and they had to do forced labor. In early 1943 the entire Macedonian Jewish population (mostly located in Bitola, Skopje and Stip) was deported and confined in the Monopol tobacco factory near Skopje. On 22nd March deportations to the Polish death camps began. From these transports only about 100 people returned to Macedonia after the war. Some Macedonian Jews managed to reach Italian-occupied Albania, others joined the Yugoslav partisans and some 150-200 of them were saved by the Spanish government which granted them Spanish citizenship.

9 Gorky, Maxim (born Alexei Peshkov) (1868-1936)

Russian writer, publicist and revolutionary.

10 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

11 Rabbi Sabtaj Djaen (1883-1946)

He was born in Bulgaria and served as the chief rabbi of Bitola from 1924-1928. Prior to this post he held rabbinical positions in Sarajevo and Belgrade. He was a strong proponent of Israel and worked hard to encourage emigration to Palestine. During his tenure he also raised money in the Americas on behalf of the poor Jews of Bitola. He also made some revolutionary changes in Bitola's religious life, such as removing the mechitzah [divider] from the Kal Aragon synagogue. After Bitola he was chief Sephardi rabbi in Argentina and later in Romania. He died in Argentina in 1946.

12 Keren Kayemet Leisrael (K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people. After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the 'blue box'. In Poland the JNF was active in two periods, 1919-1939 and 1945-1950. In preparing its colonization campaign, Keren Kayemet le-Israel collaborated with the Jewish Agency and Keren Hayesod.

13 Expulsion of the Jews from Spain

The Sephardi population of the Balkans originates from the Jews who were expelled from the Iberian peninsula, as a result of the 'Reconquista' in the late 15th century (Spain 1492, and Portugal 1495). The majority of the Sephardim subsequently settled in the territory of the Ottoman Empire, mainly in maritime cities (Salonica, Istanbul, Smyrna, etc.) and also in the ones situated on significant overland trading routes to Central Europe (Bitola, Skopje, and Sarajevo) and to the Danube (Adrianople, Philipopolis, Sofia, and Vidin).

14 Yugoslav Communist Party (KPJ)

It was first established in 1919, after the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians came into existence after World War I. Many communists were killed and imprisoned in the purges during the royal dictatorship, introduced by King Aleksandar I in 1929 (the so-called 6th January Dictatorship, 1929-34), and the Central Committee of the KPJ went into exile in Vienna in 1930. The KPJ set up the first partisan units in November 1943 and organized resistance throughout World War II. The communist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, with Tito as its head, was proclaimed in November 1945. Yugoslavia became a communist dictatorship with a one party system and with the oppression of all political opposition.

15 SKOJ (Alliance of the Communist Youth Yugoslavia)

The organization was established in Zagreb in 1919 and was closely tied to the Yugoslav Communist Party. During World War II many of its members were imprisoned, others joined Tito's partisans and participated in the anti-fascist resistance.

16 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the distinctive yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expelled from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In the Bulgarian-occupied Yugoslav (Macedonia) and Greek (Aegean Thrace) territories the Bulgarian army and administration introduced extreme measures. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria proper were halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

17 German Occupation of Yugoslavia

On 25th March 1941 Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, allying itself with Hitler. Two days later, however, a bloodless coup d'etat took place in Belgrade, led by a Serbian general, Dusan Simovic, evidently in opposition to the government's pro-Axis policies. As a result, on 6th April, German bombers attacked Belgrade, while the Italians struck Dalmatia; shortly after, Hungarian and Bulgarian troops also invaded the country. Within less than two weeks the Yugoslav armed forces surrendered.

18 Yellow star in Bulgaria

According to a governmental decree all Bulgarian Jews were forced to wear distinctive yellow stars after 24th September 1942. Contrary to the German-occupied countries the stars in Bulgaria were made of yellow plastic or textile and were also smaller. Volunteers in previous wars, the war-disabled, orphans and widows of victims of wars, and those awarded the military cross were given the privilege to wear the star in the form of a button. Jews who converted to Christianity and their families were totally exempt. The discriminatory measures and persecutions ended with the cancellation of the Law for the Protection of the Nation on 17th August 1944.

19 Deportation of Jews of Bitola to Skopje

On 11th March 1943 all the Jews of Macedonia were collected and taken to a temporary collection center in Skopje at the Monopol tobacco factory. This round up and deportation of the Jews from Bitola was executed by Kiril Stoimenov, the inspector of the Commission for Jewish Questions. At two in the morning the city was under a blockade, at five the carefully assembled forces informed the Jewish population to prepare for a trip and at seven they began the deportation to the Monopol tobacco factory in Skopje.

20 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

21 Communist Manifesto

The Communist Manifesto was first published in February 1848 in London. It was written by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels for the Communist League, an organization of German emigre workers living in several western European countries. The manifesto's critique of capitalism and its deleterious effect on all aspects of life, from the increasing rift between the classes to the destruction of the nuclear family became one of the most widely read and discussed documents of the 20th century.

22 Treblinka

This facility was originally built in 1941 as a slave labor camp. In 1942 the Nazi constructed a second camp Treblinka II, with ten gas chambers, to serve as an extermination camp. At the height of its operation the Nazis were able to kill 15,000 people a day. Three thousand two hundred and seventy six Jews from Bitola were killed there [Source: Mark Cohen].

23 11th March 1943

On this day all of the Jews of Macedonia were rounded up and taken to a temporary camp in the Skopje tobacco factory, Monopol. They remained there for eleven days before the first of three transports transferred them by cattle car to Treblinka in Poland. Almost 98 percent of the Macedonian community was annihilated in this action.

24 Informbiro

Information Bureau of the Communist and Worker's Parties (Informbiro) was established in Warsaw in 1947. The organization was headquartered in Belgrade until the dispute with Russia began in 1948 when it moved to Bucharest. In June 1948 Stalin made a resolution accusing the communist party of Yugoslavia, among other things, of not holding true to the values of Marxism-Leninism. The resolution expelled the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau and thus it fell outside the Soviet control. This period was also marked by dissent within the communist party of Yugoslavia and the subsequent repression and imprisonment of political opponents, notably in Goli Otok. The Informbiro was dissolved in 1956.

25 Skopje Earthquake of 1963

Half of the city of Skopje was destroyed, and over 1,000 people were killed, in a devastating earthquake on 26th July 1963. The city was rebuilt after a great deal of funds was channeled there from the Yugoslav government and people as well as an extraordinary contribution from foreign governments.

26 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

Renée Molho

Renée Molho
Thessaloniki, Griechenland

Renée Molho ist 83 Jahre alt. Trotz kleiner Gehprobleme ist sie eine schöne und elegante Dame. Sie wohnt allein in einer großen Wohnung, die sie früherer mit ihrer Familie teilte. Sie hat einen großen Balkon und ist sehr stolz auf ihre Blumen. Blumen sind überall, fast in jedem Bilderrahmen. Sie erklärte mir, es ist eine Art Anerkennung für den Mann, der ihr das Leben rettete. Sie war während des Interviews sehr emphatisch und klopfte auf dem Tisch. Sie bemühte sich, Griechisch zu reden, aber sie spricht auch Ladino und verwendet nach Belieben englische und französische Wörter. Sie erzählt mit Leidenschaft – sie flüstert vor Angst und wird angespannt vor Wut. Vor nur zwei Jahren hörte sie im Alter von 81 auf, in der Buchhandlung zu arbeiten, die sie zusammen mit ihrem Mann verwaltete. Sie arbeitete seit der Befreiung dort. Sie war für die französischen Bücher zuständig, weshalb der Laden in ganz Griechenland bekannt wurde.

Familienhintergrund

Ich bin Renée Molho; mein Mädchenname ist Saltiel Abravanel. Ich wurde am 9. August 1918 in Thessaloniki geboren. Während der deutschen Besatzung wohnte ich in Israel. Ich spreche Griechisch, Französisch, Englisch und Spanisch [Ladino] und ich verstehe Italienisch.

Ich habe zwei Schwestern: Matilde Dzivre wohnt in Athen und Eda Saporta wohnt in Paris. Matilde wurde 1917 und Eda 1921 geboren. Sie sprechen dieselben Sprachen wie ich.
Alle Familienmitglieder waren spanische Staatsbürger. Wir stammen ursprünglich aus Spanien, aber wo genau weiß ich nicht.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Mazaltov Saltiel (nee Saporta) und mein Großvater hieß Samuel Saltiel. Großmutter Saporta wohnte allein in einer Wohnung in einem zweistöckigen Wohnhaus. Im ersten Stock wohnte mein Onkel Sinto und im Erdgeschoss wohnte meine Großmutter. Sinto war der älteste von Omas Söhnen.

Die Geschwister meines Vaters, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, waren: Sinto, dann mein Vater Joseph, dann Onkel Avram, Onkel Mentesh, Ongel Sabetai und dann Tante Sol, die mit [Vidal] Amarilio verheiratet war, Tante Julia, Tante Berta und Tante Bellika.

Onkel Sinto war mit Bella Malah verheiratet. Ihre Kinder waren Samuel, Mathilde, Linda, Rosa, Renée und Alice.

Onkel Avram war mit Regina verheiratet – Tante Regina, wer weiß wie sie mit Nachname hieß. Sie hatten zwei Kinder, Leilia und Mathilde.
Onkel Mentesh hatte mit Rachelle Pinhas zwei Söhne, Samiko und Moris.

Onkel Sabetai war mit Rene, Tante Rene, verheiratet, und hatte Samiko und Julia. Sie waren alle spanische Staatsbürger.

Mein Großvater mütterlicherseits wurde früher Nadir genannt, aber eigentlich hieß er Shabetai. Sie nannten ihn Nadir, weil er ein sehr beharrlicher und intelligenter Mann war. Er stand früher immer um vier Uhr morgens auf, um französisch zu lernen. Immer wenn die Türken eine Rede halten mussten, musste er sie vorbereiten. Er war ein guter Mann und sie haben ihn so gerne gehabt, dass sie ihn Nadir genannt, was auf Hebräisch und Türkisch ‚selten’ heißt. Sie haben ihn immer gemocht und geschätzt. Ich weiß nicht was er beruflich machte, da er schon tot war, als meine Mutter, Stella Abravanel, heiratete. Ich wusste nur von ihm.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Rikoula Abravanel, geboren Tsinio. Sie wohnte mit ihren Kindern, die Geschwister meiner Mutter. Sie waren David, Pepo, Leon und Mario - alle hießen Abravanel – sowie Rachelle, die mit Avram Haim, der Waschtuchverkäufer, verheiratet war. Sie hatten zusammen fünf Kinder: Lina, Elio, Renée, Nadir und Silvia.
Onkel Pepo heiratete Mitsa Rosengrad. Sie wohnten hier in Thessaloniki und hatten eine Tochter, Rena Abravanel, jetzt Greenup, die heute in Amerika lebt.

Onkel David war ein ehrlicher und wichtiger Mann. Der war Geschäftsführer bei einer großen Tabakfirma, „The Commercial“. Er war nie verheiratet, also war seine ganze Liebe an seine Schwestern, meine Mutter und Tante Rachelle und ihre Kinder gerichtet. Er besuchte uns oft und interessierte sich für uns; er wollte unsere Schulnoten sehen und wissen, wer von uns gut in der Schule war, wer nicht, und warum.

Als der Laden meines Vaters im Brand zerstört wurde, war es Onkel David, der neben ihn stand und ihn unterstützt hat. Er hat ihm sogar das Geld für einen Neustart gegeben. Gleichzeitig hat er für meiner Mutter ein Bankkonto eröffnet, so dass sie sich keine Sorgen mehr machen musste. Natürlich habe ich deswegen ein Faible für ihn. Er war immer für uns da.
Onkel Leon war mit Nini Nahmias verheiratet und hatte zwei Töchter, Riki – Rikoula – und Victoria. Sie waren 5 Jahre alt als der Krieg ausbrach. Er arbeitet auch bei „The Commercial,“ der Tabakfirma, unter der Führung seines älteren Bruders David.

Onkel Mario heiratete Ida. Ihr Vater war Arzt und er hatte in den Pariser Krankenhäuser studiert. Als sie heirateten, gingen sie nach Paris, um mit ihren Eltern zu leben. Doch sie schafften es nicht und kamen nach Thessaloniki zurück. Als die zurückkamen, kamen Idas Eltern nach. Der Vater, der unser Familienarzt war, erklärte uns alles. Ich weiß nicht was Onkel Mario in Frankreich machte. Hier war er Tabakexperte. Sie hatten einen Jungen, Edward, und zwei Mädchen, Renée und Lily Abravanel.

Während der Besatzung versteckten sie sich in Athen und wurden nicht deportiert. Edward war schon tot, weil er während der Eleutherias-Platz-Versammlung Meningitis bekam und daran starb.
Nach der Befreiung flüchteten sie versteckt auf einem Schiff nach Israel. Doch der Onkel Mario hatte kein Glück: er starb auf dem Schiff und wurde über Bord geschmissen. Seine Töchter heirateten in Israel und lebten im Afikim Kibbutz.

Mein Vater, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, wurde [am 5. Juni 1881] hier in Thessaloniki geboren. Er hat Spanisch und Deutsch und selbstverständlich auch Griechisch gesprochen. Er war schön, groß, dunkelhaarig und gutaussehend. Er war nicht sehr lustig; er war ernst, bestimmt ernster als er hätte sein sollen, da er drei Töchter hatte, was ihn störte. Er trug immer Anzug mit Krawatte, Hut, natürlich, und Handschuhe. Er kümmerte sich sehr ums Aussehen und war immer sehr gut angezogen. Ein sehr eleganter Mann.

Mein Vater war nicht besonders mutig und auch wenn er politische Überzeugungen hatte, hätte er sie nie öffentlich preisgegeben. So war er nicht. Doch er war sehr weise. Stellen Sie sich vor, zwei Menschen hätten sich gestritten. Er hätte sich eingemischt und den Kompromiss gefunden, weil er ein sehr gerechter, korrekter und weiser Mann war. Alle hatten Vertrauen in seine Ernsthaftigkeit und Logik. Ein Vermittler war er, kann man sagen. Er hätte gefragt: Inwiefern unterscheiden sie sich voneinander? Warum nicht dies oder jenes machen? Er hätte versucht, ihnen den Sinn zu zeigen und eine akzeptable Lösung zu finden, egal was für ein Problem.

Zuhause wurde nicht diskutiert – nicht über Nachrichten, Aktualitäten, Politik, Gerüchte, was auch immer. Er war nicht für lange Gespräche. Er kommunizierte nicht viel. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob ich ihn einmal beim Lautlachen gesehen hätte. Er war immer ein bisschen kühl, auch mit Freunden! Er war nicht leicht zu erreichen, doch war ich das Hauptobjekt seiner Liebe.
Er schüttelte niemandem die Hand, nur mit mir hatte er es gemacht. Wenn er musste und es nicht vermeiden konnte, kam er schnell nach Hause, um sich die Hände zu waschen und sie mit Alkohol zu reinigen. Er hatte große Angst vor Mikroben und Verseuchungen aller Art; schließlich starb er an Krebs.

Er war sehr streng. Er wollte gerecht sein und deswegen war er in sich selbst eingeschlossen. Er zeigte selten Zuneigung – an kaum jemanden, ob an seine Frau, weiß ich nicht. Er war introvertiert.
Er war nicht bei der Armee. Damals war die Armee türkisch. Erst 1912 wurde Thessaloniki griechisch. Während der türkischen Zeit musste man nur einen bestimmten Geldbeitrag bezahlen, um den Wehrdienst sicher zu entkommen.

Beruflich verkaufte mein Vater Holz für die Bauarbeit. Er importierte Holz aus Rumänien. Ich erinnere mich noch daran, wie er nach einer Berufsreise wiederkam – er trug hohe Stiefel und einen Mantel mit Pelz drin. Einen Hut aus Pelz hatte er auch. Als er zurückkam, schien er mir – ich war damals noch sehr klein – so groß wie die Tür zu sein. Dieses Bild von ihm trage ich noch; Mein Vater als groß, stark und schön.

Meine Mutter dagegen war einem ganz anderen Charakter. Tante Rachelle, ihre Schwester, war groß und dick, meine Mutter dagegen klein, dünn und sehr intelligent mit einer fröhlichen Ausstrahlung. Sie war immer elegant, immer sehr gut angezogen. Sie war sehr vorsichtig, wurde nie dreckig und trug immer die neuste Kleidermode. Meine Großmutter Abravanel war einmal sehr schockiert, weil sie ein sehr kurzes Kleid trug. Kurz heißt: knapp über den Knie! So war die Mode, also trug sie es.

Sie war sehr klein. Sie hatte eine Schuhgröße von 34. Damals waren Schuhe immer maßgefertigt. Man kaufte keine Schuhe im Laden, stattdessen ging man zum Handwerker. Oft passten die Schuhe nicht so ganz – zu eng oder kurz – und man hatte Hornhaut überall auf den Füßen. Sie war eine glückliche Person und sang viel. Immer war sie am Lachen oder Witze erzählen. Sie las auch gerne.
Weder Kosmetik noch Lippenstift trug sie, doch sie benutzte Gesichtspuder. Ich habe noch eine kleine Kiste davon, gut versteckt, nur um meine Mutter noch riechen zu können.
Ich weiß, dass die Ehe meiner Eltern durch einen Heiratsvermittler arrangiert wurde. Die Heiratsvermittler kannte die Familien und suchte die passenden Töchter oder Söhne im Heiratsalter aus. Kontakt lief natürlich über die Eltern, nicht die Kinder. Man hat damals mit 18, 19, 20 geheiratet. Wenn eine Frau mit 29 unverheiratet blieb, war sie schon eine alte Jungfer.

Damals war es den Neuverheirateten üblich, die ersten Jahre bei der Familie der Frau zu wohnen. Doch meine Eltern machten das nicht, weil meine Mutter keinen Vater mehr hatte und Oma wohnte mit ihren noch unverheirateten Söhnen. Damals war es selten, aus Liebe zu heiraten. Ich kenne keine solchen Ehen. Damals hing es davon ab, was für eine Person dein Gatte oder Gattin war.
Zu dieser Zeit gab es wenige Mischehen. Sehr, sehr wenig. Bei uns sind die Schwestern von Tante Mitsa, Ida Margariti und Silvia, in gemischten Ehen großgeworden und ihre Kinder sind alle Christen. Ich weiß nicht, was die Familie dazu sagte, da ich damals noch sehr klein war.

Familienleben

Als ich klein war, wohnten wir in einem Haus mit großen Garten. Im Garten war das Haus, wo mein Onkel Sinto mit seiner Familie im ersten Stock wohnte und meine Großeltern mit Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai, die noch nicht verheiratet waren, im Erdgeschoss wohnten. Unseres Haus war klein und stand am anderen Ende des Gartens. Da war ein Wohnzimmer beim Eingang, zwei Schlafzimmer und eine Küche. Im Wohnzimmer und in der Küche wurde mit Holz geheizt; die Schlafzimmer waren kalt. Ein Schlafzimmer war für die Eltern, das andere für die drei Mädels. Matilde hatte ihr eigenes Bett, während Edi und ich zusammen im selben Bett schlafen mussten.

Eda war viel jünger als ich und eine Person voller Freude. Sie war nicht so pessimistisch wie ich. Ich war immer viel zurückhaltender. Eda war immer bester Laune – wie Mutter. Sie hat gerne und viel getanzt – sie tanzte auch diesen russischen Tanz im Sitzen, den Kalinka.

Im Haus hatten wir fließendes Wasser, doch im Hof stand noch eine Handpumpe, die wir fürs Pflanzengießen benutzten. Damals hatten wir auch eine Badewanne – damals nicht üblich. Strom hatten wir auch. Im Garten wuchsen nichts Essbares – kein Gemüse, nur Blumen und grüne Pflanzen. Wir Kinder spielten immer im Garten: fünf Kinder von Onkel Sinto und wir drei. Doch ich saß immer am Zaun und schaute was sie alle machen, weil sie sehr wild waren. Tiere hatten wir keine.
Als wir im Garten spielten, saß mein Opa immer vorm Haus um uns zu beobachten. Da gab es einen kleinen Granatapfelbaum mit zwei Blumen. Er hat gewartet und gewartet, bis die Früchte zeigen. Eines Tages merkte er, wie eine der Blumen anfing zu verblassen. Nachdem Eda eines Tages die Blume abschnitt, merkte sie, was sie getan hatte, und klebte sie mit einer Stechnadel wieder an den Baum. Opa sah alles und war von der Geste bewegt, deswegen wurde sie nicht von ihm bestraft.

Opa hatte eine Hernie und einen riesigen Bauch, deshalb konnte er nicht mehr gehen. Also saß er immer vorm Haus. Er trug immer Andari, weil er wegen seines großen Bauches sonst nichts tragen konnte. Kippa trug er nicht, trotzdem war er religiös. Jeden Freitag versammelte sich ein Minjan bei ihm zuhause, um dort, statt in einer Synagoge, die traditionelle Lektüre zu machen. Ich weiß nicht in welche Synagoge sie sonst gingen.

Mein Vater war nicht dabei. Er bekam nicht von der Arbeit frei. Zuerst wurde am Schabbat nicht gearbeitet, aber später, in 1934, machte die griechische Regierung ein neues Gesetz bekannt, das Sonntag zum offiziellen Feiertag erklärte. Also mussten sie arbeiten, auch wenn sie nicht wollten.

Meine Großmutter war so angezogen wie wir heute. Sie trug nichts von den traditionellen Klamotten der jüdischen Frauen. Ich kenne solche Klamotten nur aus Fotos.
Es waren viele Juden in unserer Gegend. Doch war die Familie so groß, dass wir keine Freundschaften außerhalb dessen suchten. Eigentlich waren alle Juden. Der Lebensmittelhändler, der Gemüsehändler. Sie gingen alle durch die Gegend, um ihre Waren anzukündigen.

Immer als der Gemüsehändler bei meiner Großmutter vorbeikam – bei Großmutter gab es zwei Fenster an der Straße – stand Großvater am Fenster und fragte, „wie viel kostet eine Tomate heute? Ah, zu teuer, kauf ich nicht, verkaufen Sie sie mir für einen billigeren Preis?“ – „Was kann ich für Sie tun, Herr Samuel, wieviel möchten Sie bezahlen?“
Dann sagte mein Großvater den Preis und meine Großmutter, am anderen Fenster, winkte den Mann zu und sagte, „Sagen Sie ja, ja.“ „Ach, was mache ich mit Ihnen, Herrn Samuel? Ich gebe sie Ihnen, aber nur weil Sie es sind.“ Dann nahm Großvater die Waren und Großmutter bezahlte die Differenz vom anderen Fenster, nur um Großvater eine Freude zu machen und ihm die Genugtuung zu geben, er hätte was erreicht.

Durch die Straßen gingen wir nie. Ich glaube die waren alle noch unbefestigt, mit Erde aber keinem Asphalt bedeckt. Ein Auto hatten wir nicht, aber damals gab es schon welche. Pferde hatten wir auch nicht. Wir sind immer mit dem Bus oder Tram gefahren. Eher Tram als Bus.
Wir waren noch sehr jung, als wir das Haus verließen. Wir verließen es als wir zur Schule mussten. Immer als die Schule umzog, zogen wir auch um. Zuerst Konstandinidi, dann Gravias, dann... wir verfolgten die Mission Laique Française.

Im neuen Haus waren wir immer noch nicht ganz allein – das Haus war in einer Straße, in einer Umgebung, voller Juden.

Unser Glaubensleben

Meine Eltern waren gläubig aber keine Fanatiker. Mein Vater ging während den hohen Feiertagen vom Neujahr [Rosch ha-Schana], Pessach, Jom Kippur usw. in die Synagoge. Damals gingen keine Mädchen in die Synagoge, nur Männer. Wir blieben mit Mutter zuhause.

Kaschrut [die jüdischen Speisegesetze] nahmen wir insofern wahr, dass der Metzger Jude und das Fleisch dementsprechend koscher war. Jeden Freitag kam der Metzger zu uns nach Hause und nahm unsere Bestellungen entgegen.

Jeden Freitag las mein Vater Kiddusch [Segenspruch]. Er schnitt uns auch Stücke gebackener Eier [huevos encaminados] und, nach dem Kiddusch küssten wir ihm die Hand und er segnete uns. Das war jeden Freitag. Das Brot kauften wir beim jüdischen Bäcker.

Für Rosch ha-Schana machten wir alles was man dafür machen sollte. Wir aßen das von der Religion vorgeschriebene Essen. Wir machten alles und ich kann mich noch an ein paar Sachen erinnern, die mein Vater immer auf Hebräisch sagte. Die bleiben noch mit mir, obwohl ich kein Hebräisch kann. Mein Vater sprach kein Hebräisch, doch lesen konnte er es. Die Feierlichkeiten für Rosch ha-Schana sind genau wie heute.

Jom Kippur nahmen wir auch wahr. Immer als mein Vater an dem ersten Jom-Kippur-Abend nach Hause kam, mussten wir schon bereit, gewaschen und ruhig sein. Fasten machten wir auch mit. Am Ende des Fastens aßen wir zuerst Süßigkeiten, um uns ein süßes neues Jahr zu wünschen. Danach tranken wir Limonade und aßen dazu Kekse, die wir beim jüdischen Konditorei, Almosnino, kauften. Dann Suppe mit Pasta und am Ende Hühnchen mit Tomatensauce. Limonade trinken wir am Jom Kippur, weil sie anscheinend gut auf leeren Magen ist. So war es in jedem Haushalt. Das war Standardmenü – man findet alles im Buch „Les Fētes Juives“ [Die jüdischen Feiertage]. Niemand hat mir das Kochen beigebracht. Man lernt alles nur beim Zugucken.

An Pessach erinnere ich mich nicht mehr. Wir aßen das Traditionelle. Am ersten Abend Pessachs waren die Brüder meiner Mutter, Onkel David und Onkel Pepo, bei Tante Rachelle und am zweiten Abend waren sie bei uns. Wir feierten dann alle zusammen und lasen Haggada, wie am ersten Abend. Den Seder lasen wir auf Spanisch, da wir unter uns immer auf Spanisch sprachen.
Am Pessach aßen wir Mazze, weil wir kein Brot essen. Mazze ist Brot, das nicht treibt. Jetzt kaufen mir Mazzen von der Gemeinde. Als ich noch ein Kind war, gab es Bäckereien in Thessaloniki, die Mazze machten. Nicht wie heute. Damals war die Juden so zahlreich, dass die Mazze hier hergestellt wurden. Die wurden von den Bäckereien an die Häuser geliefert und die Stücke waren so groß – ungefähr 40x40 cm – dass wir einen speziellen Schrank dafür hatten. Und acht Tage lang – während der ganzen Pessach-Zeit – gab es kein Brot zuhause.

Während Pessach wurde auch Eier gebacken [huevos enchaminados]. Es war damals Tradition in Thessaloniki, Verwandten vor der Pessach-Feier zu besuchen. Die Taschen der Besucher waren schon so voll mit Eiern, dass sie am Ende des Abends mindestens 15 hatten. Wir besuchten die anderen Häuser nicht. Mädels dürften nicht, nur Männer.
Dafür bereiteten wir das Haus mit schönen Sachen vor. Meine Mutter trug ihren Schmuck und die Besucher kamen in ihren Abendkleidern. Das Haus glänzte. Alle hatten Eile, weil sie noch jemanden und noch jemanden und noch jemanden besuchen mussten. Aber zumindest kamen sie und wir sahen uns und verloren nie den Kontakt.

Über die hohen jüdischen Feiertage gibt es viele Bücher. Das, was ich habe, erklärt die Unterschiede zwischen dem Essen der Sephardim und dem der Aschkenasim. Die Aschkenasim essen Gefiltefisch, wir nicht. Stattdessen essen wir „Sasan“ – Fisch mit Sauce.

Während des Laubhüttenfestes [Sukkot] hatten wir natürlich eine Laubhütte. Onkel Sinto, der Bruder meines Vaters, hatte einen großen Balkon, fast wie ein Raum. Dort baute er die Laubhütte und wir gingen alle hin. Da saßen wir, aßen wir, es wurde geredet und war ganz schön.

Mein Vater war bei jeder Feier in der Synagoge. Wir warteten darauf, bis er mit Süßigkeiten wieder nachhause kam und zum guten Glück alle Lichter im Haus anmachte. Er brachte immer ‚baissées’, eine komplett weiße Süßigkeit, die er beim jüdischen Bäcker Almonsnino kaufte, mit. Dann gingen wir alle zu Oma um sie zu küssen und ihren Segen zu bekommen.

Beim Hanukkah-Feier zündeten wir die Channukia an und das war’s. Wir sangen noch und das war’s.

Bat-Mitzwa für Mädchen hatten wir nicht. Aber Bar-Mitzwa für Jungen gab es: unsere Cousins feierten ihre in der Synagoge. Wir waren alle dabei, auch die Mädchen. Wir waren in unterschiedlichen Synagogen, doch es gab eine hier in der Gegend, genau dort, wo wir den Bus nehmen. Bet Schaoul hieß sie. Da, wo wir jetzt hingehen, die Monastiriotin, war bei Vardari und weit weg von uns. Damals gingen wir nicht dahin.

Bis auf die Bet Schaoul, kann ich mich an keine anderen Synagogen erinnern, da die Mädchen nicht sehr oft dahingingen. Für Hochzeiten oder andere Arten Feier gingen wir hin. Es war nicht so wie heute.

Frauen waren auch nicht bei Beerdigungen. Im Friedhof auch nicht.

Meine Jugend

Wir waren ziemlich wohlhabend. Wir hatten ein Dienstmädchen. Wir hatten Dienstmädchen, die bei uns im Haus wohnten. Alle Jüdinnen. Später, kurz vor dem Krieg, war bei uns eine Christin aus Ai Vat. Sonst hatten wir nicht so wirklich Fremde bei uns. Eine namens Sternia mochte mich sehr. Sie verließ uns schon lang vor dem Krieg und ging nach Israel, wo sie heiratete. Während der Besatzung, als ich in Israel war, kam sie mich mit ihren Kindern besuchen.

Mein Vater, wie ich erzählte, war sehr streng und erlaubte uns nicht, das Haus zu verlassen. Ab und zu im Sommer, wenn wir ins Kino wollten – und wir konnten ihn nicht wirklich anlügen – sagten wir ihm: „Wir gehen mit Herrn Saporta ins Kino.“ Herr Saporta war Raf, der Bruder meiner Freundin Tida. Er war jünger als wir! Wir gingen ins Apollon, ein Freiluftkino. Aber nur die Mädchen gingen zusammen ins Kino. Es gab keine Jungen in unserer Gruppe. Wenn mein Vater wüsste, dass Herr Saporta Raf war, hätte er uns nie erlaubt, dahin zu gehen.

Meine Mutter hatte Probleme mit ihren Beinen und ging deswegen im Sommer nach Laganda, ein Dorf nordwestlich von Thessaloniki, wo es eine Thermalquelle gab. Sie fuhr mit der Pferdekutsche dahin und blieb bis sie komplett erholt war. Manchmal ließ sie uns alleine, manchmal brachte sie eine von uns mit. Generell blieb ich zuhause, da mein Vater ein Faible für mich hatte. Alles war ruhig und ich stritt mich mit niemandem. Meine Schwester Matilde und Eda stritten sich immer. Sie waren sowieso leichter aufzureizen, während ich dagegen sehr ruhig war. Doch manchmal streitet man sich trotzdem.
Bis auf die Aufenthalte meiner Mutter bei der Thermalquelle fuhren wir nicht in Urlaub. Unser Haus stand am Meer, deswegen hatten wir nie das Bedürfnis, irgendwo anders hinzufahren.

Ich ginge in die französische Schule – die Lycée Française – hier in Thessaloniki. Ich absolvierte die Mission Laïque Française und ging dann in die amerikanische Schule, Anatolia College. Ich war nie an einer jüdischen oder griechischen Schule. Meine Schwester war an einer griechischen Mädchenschule – die Cschina – deswegen kann sie besser griechisch als ich.

Dann gab es ein Gesetz, das sagte, wir durften so mit der Bildung nicht weitermachen. Alle nicht-griechischen Staatsbürger durften nur zu griechischen Grundschulen gehen. Da wir spanische Staatbürger waren, mussten wir die Schulen wechseln. Matilde war kurz davor, die französische Schule zu absolvieren.
Das hätte auch für mich gelten müssten, doch, weil ich im Verhältnis zu meinem Alter mit meinem Studium schon so weit war, wollte mein Vater sich nicht einmischen, und ich durfte wie geplant weiterstudieren. Ich war in allen Fächern eine gute Schülerin. Ich konnte sie alle sehr gut, doch hatte ich sie weder gemocht noch gehasst.

Eda war dagegen noch sehr jung und immer noch an der Grundschule, also wurde sie sofort an die griechische Schule geschickt. Sie war, wie an der französischen Schule, in der 5. Klasse, doch konnte sie kein Griechisch. Mein Vater fragte bei der Lehrerin, Fräulein Evgenia, und sie bekam von ihr Nachhilfe in Griechisch. Bis Mitte des Schuljahres war sie die Klassenbeste.

Von anderen Religionen wussten wir immer schon. Von ihnen wussten wir, wir sahen sie, hörten sie, sogar im Viertel. An der Mission Laïque Française waren nicht nur Juden.

Wir hatten mit Christen keine engen Verhältnisse. Natürlich gab es christliche Schüler bei mir und ab und zu trafen wir uns außerhalb der Schule, aber keine engen Freundschaften. Nichtdestotrotz hatten wir keine äußeren Merkmale, die uns vom Rest der griechischen Bevölkerung unterscheiden könnten – weder an Klamottenstil noch an Verhalten. Sie konnten uns nicht unterscheiden.

Nach der Schule waren wir auf eine fünftägige Exkursion mit der Anatolia College. Wir waren ungefähr 12-14 Mädchen, drei von uns waren jüdisch. Wir fuhren nach Olympia [bedeutender archäologischer Ort] und dort sah ich wunderschöne Sachen, die ich sonst nicht hätte sehen können, da mein Vater so streng war.

Bücher, die nicht für die Schule gelesen werden mussten, lasen wir nicht. Mein Vater las Bücher über Religion, doch er war kein Fanatiker. Er wollte nur gut informiert sein. Abends saßen wir immer zusammen – jeder bei seiner eigenen Beschäftigung, sei es lernen, sei es lesen oder nähen.

Zuhause hatten wir kein Grammofon. Meine Großmutter Abravanel hatte eins und wir besuchten sie fast jeden Samstag. Dort hörten wir Musik – klassische Musik und was damals sonst en vogue war. Dort waren auch Zeitschriften, weil mein Onkel David nur ernstzunehmende Zeitschriften abonnierte. Bei Oma war immer gutes Essen, Musik, Zeitschriften und Wärme. Wir besuchten Großmutter sehr gern.

Damals waren die Träume ganz einfach – die Träume eines jungen Mädchens. Es war normal, dass man heiratet und eine eigene Familie gründet. Doch ich konnte nicht verstehen, wie wir heiraten werden, weil dafür eine Mitgift nötig war. Ich weiß nicht, ob mein Vater sich drei leisten konnte. Auch weiß ich nicht, ob ich hätte heiraten dürften. Es gab eine Reihenfolge – Matilde zuerst, da sie die älteste war, danach ich und Eda. Deswegen stand Matilde im Fokus. Sie musste immer gut angezogen sein und gut gepflegt aussehen. Das Heiraten hatte damals nichts mit persönlicher Präferenz zu tun – das gibt’s nur ohne Mitgift. Ich kenne niemanden, der vor dem Krieg ohne Mitgift heiratete.

Da wir keine Brüder hatten, hatten wir wenig Kontakt zu Jungen. Erst später, am Anfang des Krieges, als wir im selben Haus mit Tante Rachelle und ihren Söhnen, Nadir und Elio, wohnten, hatten wir das erste Kontakt zu Jungen, ihren Freunden.

Ich wollte unbedingt arbeiten und besuchte nach der Schule einen Kurs zur Stenographie. Dann bewarb ich mich bei einer Ölfirma. Die Aussichten waren gut und ich hätte die Stelle bekommen, wäre der Krieg nicht gekommen.

Mein Vater wollte nicht, dass ich arbeite, doch machte er nichts dagegen, weil wir das Geld brauchten. Sein Laden ist runtergebrannt. Nicht nur sein Laden, sondern auch die ganze Gegend. Das war in der Santaroza-Straße – wo sich all die Holzgeschäfte befanden. Es war mein Eindruck, dass alle dort Juden waren. Das Holz wurde von Juden verkauft. Dort arbeitete auch Onkel Sinto, Onkel Daniel und Onkel Avram. Eigentlich kenne ich keinen Beruf, der nicht von Juden ausgeübt wurde. Sie haben alles gemacht. Nachdem der Aufruhr hier stattfand und sie die Häuser im Campbell-Viertel niederbrannten, gingen diejenigen, die dort am Hafen lebten und arbeiteten, nach Israel. Dort arbeiteten sie am Hafen Haifas mit und sind für seine Entwicklung mitverantwortlich.
Um das Campbell-Viertel zu erreichen, musste mein Vater mit zwei Bussen fahren. Sein Laden war sehr weit weg von zuhause. An dem Tag ging er wie immer sehr früh und meine Mutter stand am Balkon und sah zu, wie er wegfuhr bis er endlich verschwand. Irgendwie spürte ich schon, dass etwas war. Alle hatten damals Angst und der Beweis dafür ist, dass sie endlich weggingen. Zuhause redeten wir nie darüber.

Während des Krieges

Als der Krieg mit Italien deklariert wurde, zogen wir zu meiner Tante Mitsa in der Gravias-Straße. Ich weiß nicht mehr, warum wir dorthin zogen – mein Onkel Pepo und Tante Mitsa waren aus irgendwelchen Grund in Athen. Bei ihnen zuhause waren Okel Leon und die Schwestern von Tanta Mitsa, Silvia, mit ihrem Mann, Herr Margaritis, meine Tante Rachelle mit ihrer Familie, und wir.
Unser Beitrag an den Krieg war das Stricken. Mir machten Socken und Handschuhe für die Soldaten. Wir strickten Tag und Nacht, doch weiß ich nicht an wen die schließlich verteilt wurden. Ich, meine Schwestern, meine Freunde – wir saßen alle rum und strickten für die Soldaten in Albanien. Dort froren sie und als sie zurückkamen, hatten sie gefrorenen Finger und Ziehe. Ich kannte einen namens Saqui, der mit gefrorenen Beinen zurückkamen. Ich weiß nicht ob die amputiert wurden, aber das war damals Thema. Nach dem Krieg ging er nach Israel und kam nie wieder her.
Wir strickten und sangen das patriotische Lied von Vembo : „Blöder Mussolini, keiner bleibt, du und dein lächerliches Land haben Angst vor uns und unseren Khaki-Farben [griechischer Militäruniform].“ Wir glaubten an diese Lieder, sie beeindruckten uns. Vembo war toll und wir sangen mit Leib und Seele.

Nachdem Italien von den Griechen besiegt wurde, kamen die Deutschen, ihre Alliierte, um das Problem zu lösen. Um das Gesicht zu retten! Daran kann ich mich noch dunkel erinnern. Doch weiß ich noch, dass wir bei Tante Mitsa wohnten, als die Deutschen in Salonica eintrafen. Sie nahmen das Haus weg. Alle hatten Angst. Wir mussten ausziehen und schnell ein neues suchen. Als sie das Haus wegnahmen, hatte ich große Angst. Dazu beschlagnahmen sie mein Vaters Geschäft. Dafür bekam er einen Beleg – doch weiß ich nicht mehr, wo er zu finden ist. Wir enthielten niemals eine Entschädigung dafür. Sie beschlagnahmen alle wichtigen jüdischen Läden. Sie waren bei Alvo und entleerten alles. Er verkaufte Badewannen, Fliesen, Sanitärartikel und Drahte. Tagelang wurde alles von deutschen LKWs entleert.

Wir zogen nachher hierhin, in dieses Viertel, direkt gegenüber von da, wo wir jetzt sind. Damals hieß die Straße Mizrahi und nicht Fleming wie heute. Wir mieteten ein großes Haus – gegenüber von Solono, den ich zu der Zeit nicht kannte. Selbstverständlich gab es Essensrationen. Beim Bäcker bekamen wir ein Stück saftiges „Bobota“ [Brot aus Mais; während des 2. Weltkriegs war es das einzige erhältliche und daher Teil der Essensration]. Jedem ein Stück, nicht ein Leib. Die uns verteilten Portionen entsprachen der Anzahl der Familienmitglieder.
Später, als wir im Ghetto mit Tante Rachelle und ihrer Familie waren, machten wir unser eigenes Brot. Ich weiß nicht, wo das Mehl herkam. Die Jungen, Elio und Nadir, kümmerten sich darum.
Wir wussten vom Radio was passiert. Wir hatten ein tolles Radio und konnten alles hören, auch die Vembo-Lieder.

Mit den Deutschen hatten wir keinen Kontakt. Irgendwie, weil wir spanische Staatsbürger waren, fühlten wir uns geschützt. Spanien war schließlich Alliierte von Deutschland. Das erste Mal, das ich einen Deutsche sah, sah ich nichts Böses. Sowas sehe ich nicht beim ersten Blick. Sie sahen alle normal aus. Wie normale Menschen von keiner besonderen Bedeutung. Sie hatten nichts an, was einem zwingen könnte, den Kopf wegzudrehen. Sie waren nicht besonders furchterregend.

Von den KZs wussten wir nichts, weil sie das sehr gut versteckten. Unser Rabbi, der aus Deutschland kam, vielleicht wusste er etwas. Vielleicht wusste er von den Geschehnissen und entschied sich dagegen, darüber zu sprechen. Rabbi Koretz hieß er. Wir dachten, wir gehen nur arbeiten und, dass wir wiederkommen. Die Menschen wurden so getäuscht. Als sie deportiert wurden, gaben sie den Deutschen ihr letztes Geld und nahmen dafür polnisches Zloty oder einen Rückzahlungsbeleg entgegen. Was wussten wir? Von den Konzentrationslagern hatten wir keine Ahnung. Keine Ahnung! Es gab Leute, die aus dem Ausland herkamen, außerhalb von Griechenland, und sie sagten Einiges, doch wir konnten es uns nicht vorstellen. Es war noch alles unfassbar. Wir dachten, sie erzählen Märchen.
Eine Meinung konnten wir uns nicht bilden, weil wir nicht genug wussten, um zu verstehen. Wenn die Mächtigen dich täuschen wollen, machen sie es sowieso. Sie haben die Mittel dazu. Wir wussten nichts und glaubten den Menschen nicht, die zu uns kamen und erzählten. Es war einfach unfassbar. Was sie uns erzählten war schwer zu verstehen, es war nicht echt, es hätte nicht echt gewesen sein könnten. Sie logen nicht, doch wir dachten, sie würden stark übertreiben.

Eine Schulfreundin von mir, Bella, heiratete in Jugoslawien und, als die Deutschen in Jugoslawien einmarschierten, kam sie zurück nach Salonica, zu ihrer Mutter. Sie kam mit ihrer Familie – mit ihren kleinen Tochter Ettika, die sehr schöne rote, sehr rote, Haare hatte – und sie hatten nichts zu essen. Ihr Mann fing an, kleine Sachen wie Knöpfe, Nadeln, Halstücher usw., zu verkaufen. Er ging von Tür zu Tür, um Geld zu verdienen und Brot zu kaufen. Sie hatten kein Brot, aber Bella rauchte weiter. In Israel fing ich auch an zu rauchen und plötzlich dachte ich an Bella und wie sie kein Brot hatte, aber noch rauchen musste. Ich fragte mir, bin ich verrückt? Ich hörte sofort auf.

Bella erzählte uns, dass als die Deutschen kamen sie alles wegnahmen. Sie erzählten uns von Gräueltaten, aber sie erschienen uns damals noch als reine Vorstellungen. Dann kam der Befehl, dass man den Stern zu tragen hatte. Danach trugen alle den Stern. Ich weiß nicht was passiert wäre, wenn man den Stern nicht getragen hätte. Ich trug keinen. Ich war Spanierin.
Dann erteilten die Deutschen den Befehl, dass die Juden in die Ghettos ziehen mussten. In Thessaloniki gab es noch niemals ein Ghetto. Wir zogen wieder um, diesmal mit der Schwester meiner Mutter, meiner Tanta Rashel, und ihren Kindern. Wir gingen ins Ghetto, mit unseresgleichen, doch weiß ich nicht mehr, ob wir als spanische Staatsbürger überhaupt mussten. Wir fühlten uns deswegen mehr geschützt. Als sie anfingen, die anderen zu sammeln, wagten sie nicht, die Spanier anzufassen.

Nina Benroubi war wohl auch nicht im Ghetto. Sie hieß mit Nachname Revah – der spanische Konsul war mit einer Revah aus derselben Familie verheiratet. Der Konsul hieß Ezrati und war auch Jude. Ich habe noch Briefe mit seinem Namen drauf. Manchmal frage ich mich, wie wir das alles schafften – Briefe schreiben, den Konsul und Botschafter besuchen usw.
Am Anfang hatten wir nicht so viel Angst. Nur danach fing es an – als Menschen plötzlich anfingen, zu verschwinden, als wir ins Ghetto mussten, als wir uns nicht mehr frei bewegen durften. Wie kann man keine Angst haben, wenn mein nicht weiß, was am nächsten Tag oder mit einem passieren wird?

Im Ghetto war mein Vater schon krank und meine Mutter schon gestorben. Meine Mutter hatte eine kleine Operation gehabt – ein Polyp musste entfernt werden. Da es während der Besatzung war, brachte sie mein Vater für die OP zu einer Privatklinik. Er war sehr vorsichtig und wollte nicht, dass ihr was passiert, also wusch er sich immer die Hände mit Alkohol, bevor er ins Zimmer ging. Jeder musste sich vorher die Hände mit Alkohol desinfizieren.

Die Operation war ein Erfolg, trotzdem starb die Patientin. Die OP fand während der deutschen Besatzung statt, also kümmerte sich niemand um sie. Niemand kam, um sie zu pflegen oder nach ihr zu schauen, ihr zu helfen oder überhaupt irgendwas zu tun. Sie zog sich also eine Lungenentzündung zu und starb.
Es gab eine Beerdigung, aber ich war nicht dabei. An dem Tag gab es einen schrecklichen Schneesturm. Es schneite ganz viel und war bitterkalt. Die Männer nahmen sie weg und ich konnte sie gar nicht sehen. Sie nahmen sie weg – schnell, weil sie es vor Sonnenuntergang zum Friedhof und zurück schaffen mussten. Sie begruben sie dort. Die Männer der Familie kümmerten sich um solche Sachen. Wir Frauen durften nichts – wir waren nicht bei Beerdigungen oder im Friedhof. Erst heute ist es üblich, dass Frauen bei Beerdigungen sind. Nach der Beerdigung gab es die kria - wir machten alles nach Tradition, weil wir noch eine gewisse Freiheit hatten.

Als die Deutschen uns den Friedhof wegnahmen, musste meine meine Mutter umgebettet werden, indem sie ihre Überreste aus dem Grab rausholten und sie in den neuen Friedhof brachten. Alle waren sehr wütend und hatten Angst. Aber was konnten wir machen? Wir hatten keine Macht, nichts, keinen Weg, um uns zu verteidigen. Wir hatten wirklich Angst, als sie dann anfingen, Menschen zu verschleppen und sie verschwinden zu lassen, sowie die Bewegungsfreiheit zu begrenzen.
Ich musste eh bleiben. Meines Vaters wegen – er war krank. Er hatte Krebs. Es gab eine Periode, wo er jeden Abend Fieber hatte. Als der Krebs schließlich diagnostiziert wurde, war es schon zu spät.
Während dieser Zeit mieteten wir zusammen mit Tante Rachelle ein Haus in der Broufa-Straße. Das war im Ghetto. Ich weiß nicht, wie die Grenzen des Ghettos bestimmt wurden. Wir Mädchen verlassen niemals das Haus. Das Essen kauften wir immer vom Laden im Ghetto.

Die anderen Juden mussten den gelben Stern tragen, aber ich nicht. Ich war spanische Staatsbürgerin und als solche wurde nicht verfolgt. Keiner in meiner Familie trug den Stern, obwohl wir innerhalb des Ghettos wohnten. Ich war ans Haus – an meinen Vater – gebunden. Ich hatte sowieso kein großes Bedürfnis, rauszugehen.
Also mussten Freunde uns besuchen kommen. Eine Gruppe kam jeden Abend rum. Es wurde viel diskutiert, gesungen, gespielt – wir hatten Spaß. Ab und zu spielten wir auch Karten. Wir spielten auch mit dem Nachbar von unten, Isaac hieß er. Während sein Siegeswille sehr stark war, war es uns egal. Einer von uns schaute über seinen Rücken und gab uns ein Zeichen, woraufhin Herr Isaac verlor. Ich glaub wir hänselten ihn nur deshalb, weil uns die Beschäftigung als Ablehnung von all den grausaumen Sachen, die wir derzeit leiden mussten, diente.
Zuhause hörten wir Musik und es kann sein, dass wir dazu auch tanzten. Wir hatten eine Nachbarin mit deutschen Wurzeln und ständig sie beschwerte sich und schrie uns wegen der Musik an. Sie wollte immer, dass wir leise bleiben.

Damals hatten wir Angst, weil man jederzeit weggetragen werden könnte. Ich kenne niemanden, dem das passiert ist. Aber es gab Gerüchte darüber, wen sie erwischt und aus dem Ghetto wegtransportiert hatten. Niemand wusste, was ihnen letztendlich passierte. Einige Tage nach dem Tod meiner Mutter kam die Idee, eine nichtvollzogene Ehe zwischen unserem Vater und Tante Rachelle, der Schwester meiner Mutter, zu schließen, so dass sie die spanische Staatsbürgerschaft bekommt und dadurch geschützt wird. Die Hochzeit fand nicht in der Synagoge statt. Ich weiß nicht mehr wo, wahrscheinlich zuhause. Ich habe noch die Urkunde vom spanischen Konsulat. Niemand wäre wegen einer solchen Ehe in die Synagoge gegangen. Mein Vater war schon sehr krank und lag im Bett. Er tat all das, was ihm gesagt wurde. Also wurde Tante Rachelle Spanierin, aber ihre Kinder nicht. Eine zweite Ehe war damals sehr selten. Die Menschen schieden sich nicht. Sie akzeptierten alles Mögliche, um sich nicht zu scheiden. Nicht wie heute. Damals, wenn eine Ehefrau starb, die eine Schwester hatte, wurde versucht, die Schwester mit dem Ehemann zu verheiraten. Das waren Maßnahmen damit die Familie eng bleibt und niemand allein sein muss.

Das war alles während der Zeit des Freundeskreises, als wir jeden Abend zuhause blieben und die Gruppe zu uns kamen. Nadir und seine Freunde, Solon, Totos und die anderen, waren jeden Abend da. Sie bemühten sich, uns zum Lachen zu bringen. Nadir war von Natur aus ein lustiger Kerl. Sie spielten auch Theaterstücke für uns und wollte uns die Laune heben. So freundeten Solon und ich uns an und später wurde aus unserer Freundschaft Liebe.

Dann sahen wir, wie die Menschen Thessaloniki verließen: Die Menschen, die gesammelt wurden, gingen mit einem kleinen Koffer oder Tasche. Sie gingen los, ohne zu wissen wohin. Als sie zum Bahnhof kamen – wie wir später erfuhren – wurde ihnen gesagt, sie müssen dort ihr Geld lassen, da es am Ankunftsort nicht gültig sein würde. So klauten sie ihnen das Geld. Das erfuhren wir nur aus Erzählungen anderer, da wir zuhause waren und nichts erster Hand erfuhren. Wir wohnten in einem leeren jüdischen Bezirk. Als sie die anderen Juden sammelten, blieben wir in diesem Haus.
Die Italiener waren, im Gegensatz zu den Deutschen, uns gegenüber viel menschlicher. Zu dieser Zeit halfen sie uns. Sie erstellten uns die Scheindokumente, um nach Athen fahren zu dürfen, das zu dem Zeitpunkt unter italienischer Besatzung war. Tante Rachelle entscheid sich dazu mit Elio und dem Rest ihrer Kinder nach Israel zu gehen. Das tat sie in zwei Schritten. Zuerst gingen drei der Kinder – Nadir, Silvia und Rene. Später ging der Rest der Familie – sie und Elio.

Alle unserer Verwandten waren spanische Staatsbürger. Es war den Deutschen also nicht erlaubt, spanische Staatsbürger ins Konzentrationslager zu schicken. Sie wurden trotzdem gesammelt und ins Konzentrationslager geschickt. Später waren sie in einem Lager in Spanien, später in einem in Nordafrika – in Casablanca, Marokko. Dann in Israel. Alle, bis auf meinen Vater, meine Schwestern und ich, weil wir bei dem deutschen Kommandanten um eine Ausnahme baten, da Vater unter Krebs litt. Irgendwie ließen sie uns in Ruhe.

Ein Italiener namens Neri half uns, weil er, als sie für uns kamen, meine kleine Schwester Eda mit Vater in einen Zug nach Athen setzte. Ein paar Tage danach kamen Matilde und ich.
Wir entschieden uns dafür nach Athen zu gehen, als klar wurde, dass wir uns nicht mehr ordentlich um Vater kümmern konnten. Neri arbeitete bei dem italienischen Konsulat und bereitete uns die passenden Dokumente vor. Das machte meine Schwester Matilde mit ihm aus. Laut diesen Dokumenten waren wir italienische Staatsbürger. Die mussten wir sofort an dem Kommandanten des Zuges überreichen.

So fuhren Eda und Vater nach Athen. Nachdem sie wegfuhren, verließen wir die Wohnung und waren dann bei einem Mädchen. Sie hieß Angela und war Nagelpflegerin. Sie bot uns ein Schlafzimmer an und wir waren dort Tag und Nacht mit geschlossenen Fensterläden. Sie war Christin und ihr Vater, der im selben Haus wohnte, wussten nichts von uns. Sie brachte uns Essen und wartete darauf, bis wir auch nach Athen fahren konnten. Wir waren länger als eine Woche da.

Endlich durften Matilde und ich fahren. Wir mussten an einem gewissen Tag und Uhrzeit am Bahnhof erscheinen. Die Italiener waren für den Zug zuständig. Papiere hatten wir nicht mehr, da wir sie dem Kommandanten des Zugs gaben. Der Zug hätte wohl in Plati anhalten sollten, doch hielten die Deutschen den viel früher an, um den zu kontrollieren. Sie hatten wohl Ahnung, dass etwas im Zug passiert. Wir wussten nichts – nicht mal unsere Namen oder Geburtsdaten auf den Scheindokumenten.

Als die Deutschen in den Zug kamen, schliefen wir. Anscheinend kümmerte sich der Kommandant um die Deutschen, gab ihnen die Dokumente. Dann stiegen sie aus. Der Zug fuhr mit einem Waggon voller Juden weiter. Unter uns war auch Rosa, die jetzt in Athen lebt. Ihre ganze Familie war in diesem Waggon. Es waren im Zug junge italienische Soldaten. Einer mochte mich und wollte mich danach in Athen treffen, doch wegen Angst gab es keinen Platz zum Flirten.

Wir kamen in Athen an und gingen in ein Haus in Magoufana, heute Lefki – ein Vorort von Athen. Ein Mönch von dem Heiligen Berg Athos bot uns das Haus an. In der Gegend waren viele kleine Bauernhöfe; der Mönch kam wöchentlich und, während er betete, machte er alle Türe auf, so dass alle in der Gegend ihn hören könnten.
In diesem Haus in Magoufana waren wir nicht allein. Dort war auch Toto und zwei seiner Schwestern. Eine von ihnen wurde später deportiert und kam nie wieder. Die andere heiratete einen Christen namens Mikes, dessen Kinder noch in Thessaloniki wohnen. Toto hatte noch eine Schwester, die eine leichte geistige Krankheit hatte. Sie war nicht mit uns in Athen. Sie wurde auch deportiert und kam nie wieder.

Wir blieben eine Weile in Magoufana. Wir hatten kein Geld. Später bezahlte Paul Noah meinen Beitrag an den Partisanen. Das Haus in Magoufana musste auch wohl bezahlt werden. Aber ich weiß nicht mehr von wem. Normalerweise gingen wir zu Fuß von Magoufana nach Kifissia, eine Strecke von 13km, um Medikamente für meinen Vater zu kaufen. Wir gingen im Dunkeln, mit bellenden Hunden um uns herum und ohne Papiere. Aber bei der Apotheke bekamen wir was wir brauchten.
Der einzige Kontakt außerhalb des Hauses war mit Elios, meinem Cousin, der mit seiner Mutter, Tante Rachelle, in einem Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers wohnte. Als sie nach Israel gingen, verloren wir eine Weile den Kontakt.

In Magoufana war es ziemlich einsam, deswegen fuhren wir, nachdem Elios und Tante Rachelle gegangen waren, nach Athen in ihr Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers, was jetzt leer war. Zuerst wurde Vater dahingebracht und wir liefen die ganze Nacht von Magoufana nach Athen. Gott sei Dank passierte uns nichts!
Dann waren wir in Athen mit Vater. Vater saß immer in einem Sessel und wurde zwischen diesem Sessel und seinem Container im Zimmer transportiert, was als Klo benutzt wurde. Wir drei Schwestern mussten die Toilette im Haus teilen, die einer anderen Familie gehörte.

Eines Abends kam eine Gruppe Verräter mit den Deutschen – ein Quisling-Jude und drei Deutsche – um Elios festzunehmen, der früher dort wohnte. Nicht ihn, sondern uns – spanische Staatsbürger – fanden sie dort. Zu der Zeit wurden alle Spanier schon abgeschoben. Als unsere Situation mit Vater und seiner Krankheit ihnen klar wurde, entschieden sie sich dafür, nur zwei Töchter zu nehmen und eine da zu lassen, so dass sie sich um ihn kümmern könnte.

Da ich mehr Geduld mit ihm hatte, musste ich mit ihm bleiben, während meine Schwestern weggenommen wurden. Sie meinten, sie wollten nur die Papiere kontrollieren. Während solchen Momenten kann man weder denken noch fühlen. Man wird mit dem Schicksal konfrontiert – alles wurde schon entscheiden und man kann nichts mehr machen. Ich hatte den Eindruck, meine Schwestern kommen wieder. Stattdessen, nach einem kurzen Besuch bei der Gestapo, waren sie in den Militärbarracken in Haidari – ein Gefängnis für alle Typen – interniert. Das erfuhr ich erst nach dem Krieg.
Als wir noch alle zusammen waren, kam oft eine Dame – Frau Lembessi – die Ehefrau eines Luftwaffenoffiziers, um uns zu helfen. Sie kümmerte sich auch um Vater und täglich meldete sie seinen Zustand dem Arzt. Am Tag seines Todes war Frau Lembessi 8 Uhr morgens bei uns, weil der Arzt ihr mitteilte, er hielt es wohl nicht länger aus. Er starb genau 13 Tage nachdem meine Schwestern weggeschleppt wurden. Es passierte früh am Morgen, während ich ihm sein Essen im Bett gab. Er wollte den Mund nicht aufmachen. Er drehte seinen Kopf zur Seite und starb.

Frau Lembessi war da. Sie sagte, ich sollte mir keine Sorge machen. Sie informierte den Arzt und kam kurz darauf wieder, um sich um alles zu kümmern. Sie reinigte und bekleidete den Körper. Dann rief sie die spanische Botschaft an. Irgendwann später kamen ein paar Männer im Auftrag der Botschaft. Sie befahlen uns, den Körper zu entkleiden, reinigen und in ein Betttuch zu wickeln. Frau Lembessi versuchte mich nochmal zu beruhigen und ging allein, um das zu machen was sie von uns wollten. Dann warteten wir und sie nahmen den Körper. Sie teilten uns nicht mit, wo sie mit ihm hinfuhren.
Frau Lembessi übernahm schon wieder die Kontrolle und nahm mich mit zu ihr – fast gewaltsam, da ich nicht denken konnte – und sagte mir, dass ich nie wieder in die Wohnung wo mein Vater starb gehen sollte. Am selben Abend kamen die Deutschen für mich – doch ich war schon geflüchtet.

Die Tochter von Frau Lembessi schlief am Boden und ich bekam das Bett. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wir lange ich da war. Sie kümmerte sich sehr gut um mich. Ihr Mann wollte auch, dass ich jenen Mittag einen Wein mit ihm trinke, da ich sehr schwach war. Frau Lembessi ist jetzt eine von den Gerechten unter den Völkern.

Danach ging es darum, wie man das Land verlassen könnte. Toto kümmerte sich darum. Als ich noch bei Frau Lembessi war, war ihr klar, dass Toto mit mir sein wollte, in mich verliebt war. Sie riet mir, ihn nicht zu heiraten, denn für sie schien es als sei er nicht so wertvoll wie ich. Eine solche Liebe fand sie unanständig. Frau Lembessi wusste nichts von Totos Schwester und ihrer geistigen Krankheit.
Toto erhielt Anweisung und wir gingen Karfreitag, nach Ostern, am Abend zu einem Ort, wo von den Widerstandskämpfern ein LKW, organisiert worden war, um uns abholen und nach Evoia bringen. Toto machte alles mit den Partisanen ab.

An diesem Ort kamen alle diejenigen an, die Griechenland verlassen wollten: Unter ihnen war Paul Noah, seine Frau Rita und ihre Tochter Lela Nahmias, die Ehefrau von Moise Nahmias, und noch viele mehr, deren Namen ich schon vergaß. Wir waren alle verstreut; unser Treffpunkt war an einem Kaffeeladen, wo der LKW uns hätte abholen sollten. Ich saß mit Toto in diesem Kaffeeladen und wir warteten und warteten und warteten, doch niemand kam. Irgendwann wurde es klar, dass niemand kommt. Wir waren sehr, sehr enttäuscht und mussten zurückgehen.

Später erfuhren wir, sie hätten es nicht geschafft, alle abzuholen. Die Hälfte ließen sie stehen. Dann erhielten wir die Mitteilung, dass der LKW uns am kommenden Freitag am selben Ort abholen wird. Nochmals gingen wir zum selben Ort, wir trafen dieselben Menschen und endlich stiegen wir in den LKW ein.

Mit dem LKW fuhren wir von Athen bis aufs Land gegenüber von Evoia. Wir fuhren im Dunklen los und es war Nacht als wir ankamen. Alles war sehr dunkel und um nach Evoia zu kommen, mussten wir über das Meer. Die Deutschen hatten einen großen Scheinwerfer und patrouillierten das Meer. Wir stiegen in kleine Boote und mussten sehr still halten und sehr leise paddeln. Endlich kamen wir in Evoia an. Wir kamen im Frühsommer an und es war noch recht dunkel. Mir mussten einen großen Berg besteigen um dort anzukommen, wo die Partisanen waren. Während ich eine gefühlte Ewigkeit laufen musste, bekam ich Blasen an den Füßen, weil ich Sandalen anhatte.

Oben kamen wir in einen großen Raum. Der Boden wurde mit Mosaik oder sogar Marmor gelegt. Es gab stinkende Decken und dort mussten wir schlafen. Es war voll mit Menschen. Alle waren Juden. Juden, die wir kannten und Juden, die wir nicht kannten. Wir versuchten zu schlafen und um 4 Uhr morgens fingen sie an zu schreien, dass das Boot, das uns mit rüber in die Türkei bringt, da ist. Andere mussten schon drei Wochen dort warten und das Boot kam am Abend unserer Ankunft!

Da wir oben auf dem Berg waren, bekamen wir Maultiere, die uns runtertrugen. Natürlich nicht für alle – manche waren zu Fuß mit den Anderen auf den Maultieren. Wir wussten nichts von Maultieren. Die Frauen, die nach „Cowboy“-Art auf dem Maultier saßen, bluteten vor Reibung als wir unten ankamen. Zum Glück saß ich seitlich – im Damensitz mit beiden Füßen zusammen. Ich litt weniger.
Als wir ans Meer kamen, waren zu unserer Überraschung noch mehr Menschen anwesend, bestimmt aus anderen Heimen, und Kinder und alte Menschen – alle Juden. Die Partisanen trugen lange Bärte und ich hatte viel Angst. Sie sammelten uns und wollten uns etwas „beibringen.“ Sie erzählten uns, dass sie einen beim Lügen erwischten und ihm gleich einen Messer durch das Hals zog. Sie sagten uns, „Falls Sie sich überlegen, zu lügen, überlegen Sie lieber zweimal.“

Selbstverständlich waren die Partisanen bewaffnet; und dazu hatten sie noch große lange Bärte und Schießkugeln um den ganzen Gürtel und die Brust herum. Am selben Abend standen wir um 3 oder 4 Uhr morgen auf. Sie riefen uns, weil das Fischerboot kam. Wir waren kaum auf dem Berg. Wir schliefen nur in einer kleinen Decke auf dem Boden. Wir hatten keine Zeit uns Sorgen darüber zu machen, was oder wo wir essen, wie oder wo wir uns waschen oder organisieren können. Wir gingen sofort los. Wir blieben nicht, wie die andere, drei Wochen lang dort.

Sie wollten Geld von uns. Sie sagten, alles, was wir haben, sollten wir dort lassen, weil das Geld von nun an für uns keinen Wert mehr hat. Das stimmte nicht, aber die Menschen ließen ihr Geld dort. Ich hatte nichts, was ich dort lassen konnte. Mein Beitrag wurde von Paul Noah bezahlt. Er gab mir auch ein bisschen Geld, weil ich nichts hatte. Ich überhaupt hatte kein Geld, kaum etwas anzuziehen und keine Verwandten bei mir. Ich hatte nichts, gar nichts.

Ich weiß nicht, wie Paul es schaffte – wie er die Partisanen bezahlte. Aber ich weiß, dass er bezahlte und für Toto auch bezahlte. Ich weiß nicht, wie viel das kostete. Toto war derjenige, der sich darum kümmerte. Ich weiß nur, dass ich in Pauls Schuld stehe.

Mit mir im Fischerboot waren Toto und Mois Nahmias. Rita, Paul Noah und ihre Tochter waren nicht bei uns. Sie fuhren früher und alles geschah sehr, sehr schnell. Als wir in der Türkei ankamen, wurden wir schon erwartet.

Schon vor uns hatten meine Cousins und Cousinen – Nadir, Silvia, Rene – sich dazu entschieden, eine eigene Gruppe zusammen mit zwei der Kinder von Noah zu bilden. Sie gingen ebenso mit den Partisanen mit, kamen aber nie an. Wir wussten nicht, ob sie verraten wurden, ob das Boot unterging, wann oder wie sie starben, wer sie erwischte und so weiter, und so fort. Bis heute weiß niemand, was tatsächlich passierte.

Auf dem Boot waren wir im Laderaum eng zusammengepackt. Wir waren ungefähr 30. Als das Boot losfuhr, fing die Menschen an, wegen des stürmischen Wetters am Meer, sich zu übergeben. Wir hatten Eimer und wenn sie voll waren wurden sie ins Meer geleert und wieder zu uns gestellt. Ich hielte es nicht mehr aus. Ich konnte nicht atmen. Ich war nicht seekrank und ging aufs Schiffsdeck, wo ich in einer Ecke saß. Der Kapitän – ein Mann von ungefähr 23 Jahren – damals war ich 20 – fand mich und sagte, dass er seine eigene kleine Kabine hatte, wo ich mich erholen durfte. Dafür musste ich mich gar nicht bemühen. Deshalb reiste ich mit einem bisschen Abstand von den anderen Passagieren. Ich hatte meinen eigenen Raum. Toto war auch nicht mehr im Laderaum und der junge Kapitän erreichte erfolgreich die Küste der Türkei.

Früh am Morgen kamen wir in einem Ort namens Tsesme an. Der Kapitän nahm jeden von uns und trug uns nacheinander zum trockenen Boden, indem er durch die See lief. Als er den letzten von uns darüber trug, erklärte er uns, dass wir 10 Minuten in einer bestimmten Richtung zu einem Ort laufen mussten, wo sie uns abholen werden. Die Sonne war noch nicht auf, als er und sein Boot schon wieder losgefahren waren.

Später kamen griechische Menschen in Namen des griechischen Staates und kauften uns Frühstück in einem Café. Sie waren vom griechischen Konsulat und dort, um uns zu unterstützen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob wir überhaupt Türken kennenlernten. Nach dem Frühstück brachten sie uns zum Zug. Ich erinnere mich noch sehr deutlich an den Zug. Sie brachten uns in eine Art Lager, wo Soldaten, Griechen und andere waren. Natürlich waren auch viele Juden dort.

Wir nahmen uns vor, Paul und Rita zu suchen, die auf einem anderen Boot waren. Wir fragten nach ihnen, aber sie erzählten uns, dass sie noch nicht angekommen waren, obwohl sie Griechenland eine Woche früher verlassen hatten als wir. Wir machten uns schon viele Sorgen. Doch eine Woche später waren sie da. Anscheinend hatte deren Kapitän eine Freundin auf einer Insel und fuhr mit dem Boot und Passagieren dahin. Um mit seiner Freundin zu sein, blieb er eine Woche oder zehn Tage auf der Insel, während die Passagiere mit mangelnden Wasser und Essen im Laderaum versteckt blieben. Unser Kapitän war dagegen viel effizienter und sogar tapfer.

Ich glaub der Lager hieß Halep. Beim Ankunft mussten wir duschen und wurden desinfiziert. Die hatten Angst davor, dass wir Flöhe oder sonst was hätten. Vielleicht hatten sie sogar Recht. Dort warteten viele andere Juden darauf, mit der Bahn nach Israel geschickt zu werden.

Kurz nach der Ankunft war da eine rumänische Familie, die mit dem Auto nach Israel fahren wollte und ich wurde gefragt, ob ich mitfahren will. Obwohl ich die Familie nicht kannte, entschied ich mich dazu. Ich dachte: die anderen fahren wohl mit Güterzügen – ich nehme das Risiko an. Also fuhr ich mit ihnen und war in kurzer Zeit in Haifa und dann Tel Aviv. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange wir fuhren. Ich weiß nur noch, dass wir früh morgens losfuhren und dass sie untereinander auf rumänisch sprachen und ich nichts verstand. Als wir in Haifa ankamen, übernahm Sochnut [Jewish Agency for Israel – israelische Einwanderungsorganisation] und brachte uns nach Tel Aviv. Wir waren dort acht Tage mit Sochnut. Ein Neffe meiner Großmutter Saporta wohnte in Tel Aviv. Er hatte dort eine Bücherei. Er hieß Albert Alcheh. Endlich, nach acht Tage Warten, war ich dann bei Lina, einer Cousine.

Nach einer Woche bei Lina kam Samuel Molho mit einem Antrag. Er war irgendwie mit mir verwandt, da eine Schwester meines Vaters mit einem Molho verheiratet war. Er schlug vor, dass ich ihm bei einziehe, da er auf dem obersten Stockwerk ein Zimmer gebaut hatte, wo Paul, Rita, Totos, Mimi Nahmias, und Pauls Mutter und Vater waren. Er meinte, „da dein ganzer Freundeskreis bei mir wohnt, solltest du auch kommen, um Lina nicht zu belasten“. Und so entschloss ich umzuziehen und bei Samuel Molho zu wohnen.

Dort schlief ich im selben Zimmer mit Frau Noah und ihrem Mann und Mimi. Mein Bett lag unter einem anderen und wurde zum Schlafen rausgezogen. Vier Menschen in einem kleinen Zimmer war nicht einfach. Die arme Frau Noah konnte nachts nicht schlafen und weinte wegen ihren zwei verlorenen Kinder, die mit Nadir, Rene und Slyvia verschwanden. Den Verlust konnte sie nicht akzeptieren.
In Tel Aviv gab es einen Thessaloniki-Club, „Le Club des Salonciens,“ und nahmen auf, wen immer sie konnten. Frau Angel, ein Mitglied des Clubs, sagte, dass sie gerne bei ihr zuhause ein Mädchen aus Thessaloniki, die ungefähr so alt wie ihre Tochter wäre, unterbringen würde. Obwohl ich nie bei diesem Club gewesen war, kamen sie mit dem Antrag zu mir. Sie meinte zu mir, dass es dort viel bequemer und ruhiger und was weiß ich noch wäre. Ich dachte, drei wären schon zu viel für dieses Zimmer. Weil ich die Chance hatte, in diesem neuen Ort zu leben – obwohl es weg von Freunden und mit fremden Menschen war – entscheid ich mich dafür und ging dahin. Bei Frau Angel hatte ich mein eigenes Zimmer. Da gab es eine Couch, die zu einem Bett wird. Die Tochter von Frau Angel hieß Nora. Sie war sehr sympathisch und wir verstanden uns schon gut.

In Tel Aviv wollte ich so schnell wie möglich einen Job finden. Ich habe alle möglichen Bewerbungen rausgeschickt. Ich schrieb, dass ich Französisch, Englisch, Spanisch und Griechisch konnte. Ich bewarb mich bei der Post, beim Militärlager, bei der Bank, zu der alle Juden Thessalonikis gingen, die Tida Saportas Cousin gehörte, sowie bei der Zypries-Bank. Der Militär-Lager bot mir eine Stelle an, also fing ich an, beim britischen Militär zu arbeiten. Ich musste 5 Uhr morgens aufstehen, um in einen Militär-LKW zu steigen, der mich ins Lager brachte. Es war weit weg von der Stadt und ich wusste nicht mal in welcher Richtung. Dort tippte ich den ganzen Tag auf einer Maschine. Ich schrieb das, was ich bekam. Ich weiß nicht mehr, worum es in den Briefen ging. Damals trug ich im Gegensatz zu allen anderen im Lager noch Zivilkleidung. Ich weiß auch nicht mehr, wann wir wieder zurück von der Arbeit kamen. Ich weiß nur, dass es extrem erschöpfend war.

Nicht lange nachdem ich beim Militär anfing, erhielt ich eine Zustimmung von der Post und später auch von der Bank. Deshalb kündigte ich den Job beim Militär – und auch weil es so erschöpfend war. Ich hatte die Gelegenheit, dass alles zu ändern. Die Post erklärte im Brief, dass sie mich für die Zensur wollte. Ich hätte die Briefe von anderen lesen und mich melden müssen, falls ich etwas Unangemessenes finde. Ich wusste, dass sowas nicht für mich wäre, und sobald ich das Angebot von der Bank erhielte, ging ich dahin. Die war die Zypries-Bank.

Bei der Bank war ich Sekretärin der Bankgeschäftsführer. Da waren zwei – ein britischer Geschäftsführer und ein zyprischer. Ich hatte einen eigenen kleinen Büroraum neben den Geschäftsführern. Der Rest der Mitarbeiter war in einem Großraumbüro. Der englische Geschäftsführer schrieb die Briefe, ich tippte sie und brachte sie ihm zu unterschrieben. Das und die passenden Akten ablegen gehörten zu meinen Hauptaufgaben. Der zyprische Geschäftsführer beriet mir darin, was ich machen sollte und wie ich mit dem britischen Typ umzugehen habe.

Ich hatte keine festen Arbeitszeiten, da ich immer dann ging, wenn ich mit meinen täglichen Aufgaben fertig war und alles in Ordnung hatte. Das war manchmal um drei oder drei Uhr dreißig, oder vier, je nachdem wie viel ich zu tun hatte. Nach der Arbeit ging ich nicht sofort zu Frau Angel zum Mittagessen, stattdessen ging ich in ein sephardisches Restaurant in der Nähe. In diesem Restaurant konnte ich alleine essen. Er kochte auch wie bei uns. Der Besitzer machte auch gefüllte Tomaten, weil er aus Thessaloniki war, und die Menge und Qualität war immer zufriedenstellend. Dort traf ich mich mit vielen anderen wie wir.

Da ich kein Geld hatte und Paul den Partisanen für mich bezahlte, suchte ich einen zweiten Job. Nach dem Essen im Restaurant ging ich zum Import-Export-Händler, an dessen Name ich mich nicht mehr erinnern kann. Da nahm ich seinen ganzen Schriftverkehr auf. Er erzählte mir was er wollte, dann musste ich es umformulieren und die Briefe ordentlich schreiben. Ich musste mich um alles kümmern.
Normalerweise war ich um 20 Uhr fertig, war aber bis dahin so müde, dass ich keine Kraft mehr für etwas hatte. Deswegen lernte ich niemals Hebräisch. Ich lernte mal eine Woche als ich ankam, aber hörte sofort auf, nachdem ich zur Arbeit ging.

Eines Tages kam der Geschäftsführer zu mir und fragte über meine zweite Beschäftigung. Er fragte, ob es mir schon bewusst war, dass ich für eine zweite Beschäftigung nicht genehmigt war, da ich mit Bankbewilligungen involviert bin. Ich hatte Zugang zu allen Akten und hätte Informationen rausgeben könnten. Ich sagte dem Geschäftsführer, dass, obwohl ich keine Familie hatte, mein Gehalt nicht ausreichend war. Deshalb musste ich eine zweite Stelle suchen. Daraufhin sagte er mir, dass er offiziell nichts über meiner zweiten Beschäftigung wusste. Er war mit der Qualität meiner Arbeit so zufrieden, dass er dafür bereit war, in der Hinsicht die andere Wange hinzuhalten. Später, als ich mit meinem zukünftigen Ehemann verlobt war, weinte er, weil ich gehen musste.

Mit den zwei Jobs waren meine Tage verplant und ich hatte keine Zeit für mehr. Während dieser Zeit ging ich nirgendwohin. Ich ginge nicht in die Synagoge, nicht einmal, und während den Hohen Feiertagen war ich bei Frau Angel. Diese Familie, in der der Mann ein entfernter Verwandter meiner Mutter war, war nicht sehr religiös. Sie spielten immer Karten und ich blieb bei ihnen.
Es gab zu meiner Zeit in Thessaloniki keine „traditionelle“ Juden. Erst in Israel sah ich Juden mit langen Bärten, runden Hüten und schwarzen Gewändern mit vielen Fettflecken. Solche Juden hatten wir auch nicht auf Fotos gesehen. In Thessaloniki war es uns nicht bewusst, dass wir anders vom Rest sein könnten.

Mein Eindruck von den Menschen in Israel war, dass sie aggressiv sind. Wir waren daran gewohnt, dass Menschen sich mehr Aufmerksamkeit geben. Sie kümmerte sich auch nicht um ihr Aussehen. Sie trugen Kurzhosen, die bis zum Knie ging, was wir in Thessaloniki noch nie sahen. Auch die Offiziere trugen solche Kurzhosen. Man gewöhnt sich irgendwann daran und ich muss gestehen, dass sie schon sehr praktisch für das Klima sind. Aber zuerst schien sie mir sehr schäbig zu sein. Manche aus Thessaloniki trugen am Ende solche lumpigen Klamotten, ich nie. Ich hatte ein Kleid und dies war immer sauber und gebügelt. Ich war nie schlecht angezogen. Ich war allerdings nur im Sommer da und ging, bevor der Winter kam.

Mit Israelis hatten wir keinen Kontakt – weder mit Männern noch mit Frauen. Alle unserer Kontakte dort waren mit Menschen aus Thessaloniki, vor allem als ich bei der Bank arbeitete und ein Büro für mich allein hatte – ohne Kontakt zu den anderen Mitarbeitern im Großraum.

Meine Freunde fehlten mir auf jeden Fall, doch waren alle damit beschäftigt, mit Fabrikarbeit o.ä. sich übers Wasser zu halten. Meine Verhältnisse waren zum Vorteil, aber nur dank meinen Kenntnisse der englischen und französischen Sprachen und von Tippen.

Bei der Befreiung war ich noch in Israel. Später erfuhr ich über meine Schwestern. Da ich nicht in Griechenland war, weiß ich nicht wie die Befreiung hier war. Ich erinnere mich noch an freudiges Schreien: „der Krieg ist vorbei! Der Krieg ist vorbei!“ Ich erinnere mich an sonst keine Feier. Wenn man den ganzen Tag arbeitet, weiß man nicht immer was passiert.

Nach dem Krieg

Die erste Änderung war, dass sofort wieder Kontakt mit Thessaloniki entstand. Ich erfuhr, dass Onkel David und Tante Mitsa noch am Leben waren. Briefe waren die einzige Form von Kommunikation. Sie wussten, ich war in Israel und schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh.

Zuerst stellte ich Kontakt mit denjenigen her, die in Griechenland blieben – nämlich meinen Onkeln Pepo und David. Der Rest der Familie wurde von den Konzentrationslagern nach Spanien, nach Casablanca und danach nach in ein Lager in Israel gebracht. Als sie ankamen, ging ich sie dort besuchen.

In Israel mieteten Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai eine kleine Wohnung. Doch gab es kein Platz für ihre Mutter, meine Großmutter, die dann im Altersheim war. Während des Krieges war Großmutter zusammen mit den ganzen spanischen Staatsbürgern und Rosa, die Schwester von Alice und Linda, kümmerte sich um sie. Das Leben im Altersheim war nicht schön für Oma. Sie war fast taub und machte Geräusche mit den Metalltöpfen beim Toilettengang in der Nacht und die andere „Gäste“ beschwerten sich. Sie konnte nicht genug hören, um vorsichtiger zu sein. Einmal kamen sie zu ihr und fragten, ob sie sich die Haare schneiden lassen mag. Weil sie ihnen weder hörte noch verstand, schnitten sie ihr die langen Haaren ab, die sie ihr ganzes erwachsenes Leben in einem Chignon trug. Als Großmutter ihr Frisur zum ersten Mal sah, fing sie an zu weinen. Sie starb sehr, sehr traurig.

Das einzige, worüber ich nachdachte, war zu meinen Menschen zurückzukehren. Ich sehnte nach der Wärme meiner Familie. Ich wusste, dass Onkel David und Pepo noch lebten. Onkel David heiratete nicht und wohnte mit seinem Bruder Pepo und seiner Frau, Tante Mitsa. Die drei hatten vor sich auf einer kleinen Insel zu verstecken und dort mit ihrer jungen Tochter Rena zu leben. Leider wurden sie auf Lesvos von den Deutschen erwischt und inhaftiert. Doch Tante Mitsa, die aus Wien kam, konnte Deutsch und deswegen kamen sie und ihre Tochter nicht ins Gefängnis. Später auf der Insel verdiente Tante Mitsa ihren Lebensunterhalt damit, Kaffeesatz zu lesen. Ihre Kunden bezahlten sie mit einem Hühnchen oder einigen Kartoffeln, etwas, womit sie überleben konnte.

So war es bis zur Befreiung, als alle nach Athen und später nach Thessaloniki zurückgingen. Da ich während der Zeit noch in Israel war, weiß ich nicht so viel, doch weiß ich, dass sie danach nie wieder mit Kaffeesatz zu tun hatte.

Sie schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh. Sie konnten mich erreichen. Auch die spanische Botschaft in Athen konnte mich erreichen; meine Reisepapiere schickten sie an Ida Arouesti, eine Freundin meiner Schwester Matilde. (Vor dem Krieg hatte Ida eine Cousine, die Selbstmord beging, in dem sie vom Balkon sprang. Um sie zu ehren, ließ sich ihr Vater eine Synagoge bauen, die heute Monastirioton heißt und die größte Synagoge Thessalonikis ist.) So lernte ich, dass meine Schwestern noch leben – wir fingen einen Briefwechsel an. Ich arbeitete zu dieser Zeit noch. Trotz meiner Lust zurückzugehen, wusste ich, dass es meinen Schwestern an Ressourcen mangelte und sie dementsprechend so lebten. Sie waren beide in Athen bei Ida Arouesti und hatte zwischen sich nur einen Mantel. Sie hatten gar kein Geld. Später bekam Eda eine Stelle bei der griechisch-britischen Handelskammer, während Matilde noch arbeitslos war.

Einige meiner Verwandten die nach Spanien gegangen waren, waren schon wieder in Thessaloniki. Onkel Sinto, der Vater von Rene, schrieb mir einen bewegenden Brief, in dem er fragte, ob ich nicht mitkomme und sagte, dass er auf mich aufpassen würde, „Als wärst du meine eigne Tochter.“ Doch seine Frau, Tante Sol, die Schwester meines Vaters, war dagegen. In einem Brief von ihr, schrieb Tante Sol, dass sie vier Söhne hat – Davi, Sumuel, Joseph und Marcel – und sich deswegen nicht um uns kümmern kann. Onkel Pepo und Onkel David meinten, wir durften zu jeder Zeit bei ihnen einziehen.
Zu dieser Zeit zog Solon Molho von der Insel Skopelos, wo er während des Krieges versteckt war, wieder hierher und ging zu Onkel David, um ihn zu erklären, dass er mich liebt und heiraten möchte. Onkel David schrieb mir in Israel und ich sagte seinen Antrag zu. Warum nicht?

Ich kannte Solon aus der Zeit der Besatzung. Wie ich schon erzählte, waren in der Zeit Solon, Totos, Bob und andere Freunde jeden Abend bei uns. Ich hatte deswegen noch Erinnerungen an Solon. Ich stimmte also zu ich bereitete mich vor, nach Thessaloniki zurückzukehren.

Solons Eltern kannte ich sogar vor dem Krieg. Sie hießen Mair und Sterina Molho. Mair war Buchhändler und Sterina war Hausfrau. Ihre Kinder, außer Solon, waren Victoria und Yvonne. Beide Schwestern heirateten und hatten schon Kinder vor dem Krieg. Yvonne, die älteste, war mit Henry Michel verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Daviko. Victoria war mit Youda Leon verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Niko, und eine Tochter, Nina.

Im Gegensatz zu meiner Familie, waren die Molhos nicht spanischer Herkunft. Die Molho Familie wohnte in einem Haus uns gegenüber. Also kannten sie uns auch. Sterina war auch dafür, dass wir heiraten. Sie war sehr entspannt und gutartig, doch dazu noch eine Realistin. Solon Molho war als Kind sehr gemocht. Er hatte eigentlich einen älteren Bruder, den er nie kennenlernte, da er eines Tages unter dem Bett mit Streichhölzer spielte, sich dabei in Brand steckte und starb. Ich glaub er wurde zwischen den beiden älteren Schwestern geboren.

Als junger Mann war Solon ziemlich sportlich. Er war draußen viel unterwegs – Berge steigen, angeln usw. Er war auch Pfadfinder. Deswegen waren unsere Kinder später Pfadfinder. In seiner Nachbarschaft war der Laden von Thomas, eine Fahrradwerkstatt, wo man Fahrräder ausleihen oder reparieren lassen konnte. Solon war immer dort. Jahre später kam in einer Bäckerei eine ältere Dame auf mich zu und fragte nach Solon. Sie war die Schwester von Thomas und erzählte davon, wie, nachdem Solon ein Fahrrad nahm und los radelte, Sternia immer hinterherkam um Thomas darum zu bitten, auf Solon aufzupassen.

Solons Vater, Mair Molho, war ein ziemlich strenger Mann. Nachdem seine Tochter Victoria verheiratet war, nahm er den 16-jährigen Solon mit in die Buchhandlung, um ihn auszubilden. Der war der einzige Buchladen Thessalonikis mit internationalen Angebot, d.h. englischen, französischen und deutschen Büchern.

Das einzige was ich zu der Zeit seines Heiratsantrags wusste, war, dass er aus einer anständigen Familie kam, die eine berühmte Buchhandlung hatte, und dass er ein enger Freund von Nadir, meinem Cousin, und noch ein Mitglied unserer Gruppe war. Dazu wusste ich, dass er Jude war, von guter Humor zu sein schien und das war’s. Obwohl wir zunächst nichts hatten, kämpften wir zusammen und hatten gemeinsam ein schönes Leben.

Als ich Solon kennenlernte, war er schon mit einem Mädchen namens Dolly Modiano verlobt, aber anscheinend war seine Mutter damit nicht einverstanden. Dolly war später mit jemanden anders verlobt – mit Mardoche. Er hatte viel Geld und sie ging mit ihm weg, so hatte sie das Konzentrationslager vermieden.

Solon war bei der griechischen Armee. Er leistete seinen Militärdienst mit Nadir; deswegen wurden sie Freunde. Er war immer noch bei der Armee als die Deutschen kamen. Ich glaub er war in Sidirokastro [Sidirokastro war eine Festung an der bulgarisch-griechischen Grenze. Sie wurde am 6. April 1941 von den Deutschen angegriffen und drei Tage später eingenommen] Davon ging er zu Fuß zurück nach Thessaloniki.

Solon war damals für die Militärkasse verantwortlich und seine Aufgabe bestand darin, die Inhalte zu vorzuzeigen. Er ging mit anderen Soldaten zu einem Hafen wo sie ein Boot nahmen, das von Flugzeuge verfolgt wurde, dann liefen sie, um nach Thessaloniki zu kommen. Diese Kasse machte ihn sehr nervös, da sie nicht ihm, sondern der Armee gehörte. Er schaffte es, die Kasse an jemanden anderen zu übergeben und kam als Zivilbürger und nicht mehr als Soldat in Thessaloniki an.

Währenddessen waren die Deutschen schon in die Stadt angekommen. Als sie da waren, beschlagnahmen sie sofort den Buchladen. Sie schmissen alle raus – die Besitzer sowie das Personal – ohne die Erlaubnis zu geben, ihre Sachen, gar ihre Jacken, mitzunehmen. Mair Molho schickten sie ins Exil. Ich weiß nicht wo sein Exil war. Vielleicht auf der Insel Ios. Kurz danach wurde er zurückgebracht und gezwungen, sein ganzes Geschäft an einen Kollaborateur der Deutschen, ein Buchhändler namens Vosniadis, für insgesamt drei Pfund zu verkaufen. So „wechselte“ die Geschäftsführung.
Solon blieb in Thessaloniki bis die Deutschen anfingen, Maßnahmen gegen Juden durchzuführen. Direkt nach der Versammlung am Eleutherias-Platz in Thessaloniki, fuhr er in einem Ruderboot weg. Er ruderte nach Evoia und war am Ende in Athen, was unter italienischen Besatzung war. Unter diesen Maßnahmen waren alle Juden im Ghetto und später in den Lagern interniert. Unsere Beziehung war plötzlich zu Ende.

In der Zwischenzeit – als er von der Armee wieder da war und bevor er nach Athen ging – war er jeden Abend bei uns. Zu der Zeit waren wir mit Tante Rachelle, die zwei Jungs und ein Mädel hatte. Mit uns zusammengezählt waren es fünf Mädchen. Die Jungen freuten sich, bei uns zu sein. Da unsere Mutter vor kurzem gestorben war, kamen sie immer zu uns. So lernte ich Solon erst kennen. Er verhielt sich sehr gut!

Nachdem Solon wieder da war, dachte er wohl unbewusst, dass ich schon seine Frau wäre. Wahrscheinlich wegen seiner Mutter, die ihm immer sagte: „Dieses Mädel ist für dich.“ Als er von der Insel zurückkehrte, ging er zu meinem Onkel David, um zu sagen, dass er mich heiraten wollte. Und Onkel David schrieb mir, wie ich schon erzählte. Ich wollte ihn heiraten, weil ich ihn und seine Familie schon kannte und nicht woanders suchen wollte.

Während dieser ganzen Zeit wusste ich ganz klar, dass Toto in mich verliebt war. Also wie hätte ich Solon zusagen könnten? Nachdem ich zusagte, bereitete ich mich vor, zurückzukehren. Es ist auch bemerkenswert, dass mich zu diesem Zeitpunkt ein Cousin von mir in Israel, Leon, auch heiraten wollte - geschweige denn Toto! Aber Solon war meine Wahl.

Wir fanden das ganze Leben in Israel damals etwas eintönig. Der ganzen Zeit gingen wir nicht einmal tanzen! Auf den Straßen sangen wir die griechischen Lieder, die wir kannten. Wir sangen mit viel Nostalgie für Griechenland und in dieser Stimmung sagte ich mir, „Ich werde zurückgehen.“ Ich ließ mich deswegen von niemanden beraten, weil ich schon wusste, was ich wollte. Ich schickte also die Zusage an Onkel David.

Ich freute mich nach der Befreiung sehr darüber, dass Briefe nach und nach ankamen; diese habe ich noch. Briefe von und zu meinen Schwestern, Briefe von Onkel Pepo und, natürlich, die Briefe von Solon. Ich war glücklich. Ich stand davor, meine eigene Familie zu haben und nicht mehr in einem fremden Land oder fremden Haus leben zu müssen. Ich freute mich wahnsinnig auf meine Rückkehr.
Danach besorgte ich die entsprechenden Papiere und fuhr mit Charles Joseph und seiner ersten Frau, Nini, der Tochter eines Cousins meines Vaters. Alle Mitglieder der Familie Saltiel. (Auch seine zweite Frau, Rosa, war Saltiel.) Wir kamen zuerst in Piraeus an und fuhr von dort aus nach Thessaloniki.

Als wir in Thessaloniki ankamen, kam Victoria zu mir, da Solon krank war. Er wurde kurz vor meiner Ankunft wegen einer Hernie operiert. Die hatte er vom zu viel Schreien beim Yachtturn bekommen. Also erholte er sich im Bett.

Die ganze Familie Molho wurde nach Deutschland deportiert: Solons Vater und Mutter, seine Schwester Yvonne und ihr Mann und Kind. Das gilt auch für den Rest der Familie. Victoria und ihre Familie waren die einzigen, die noch da waren.

So wurden sie gerettet: Eines Tages waren sie in der Apotheke und da war zufällig Dr. Kallinikides, der über die furchtbaren Sachen, die den Juden derzeit passieren, erzählte. Dazu sagte er, dass er dazu bereit war, eine jüdische Familie zu retten. Sie hörten diese Ansage und obwohl sie ihn nicht kannten, gingen sie auf ihn zu. Frau Kallinikides ging dann zu ihnen zuhause um die Kinder zu holen und brachte sie mit zu ihr nachhause. Später hatte er Kontakt mit denjenigen, die direkt vor den Augen der Deutschen Juden illegal nach Athen schleppten. So rette Dr. Kallinikides ganz unauffällig die ersten Kinder; später stellte er jemanden dafür an, die Erwachsene abzuholen und organisierte alles für die sichere Fahrt nach Athen. Sie hatten viel Glück und Frau Kallinikides wurde für immer Freundin der Familie.

Solon war schon in Athen. Als sie sich wiederfanden und um zu überleben, stellten sie Seifen her – Solon half Youda, der eine Seifenmanufaktur in Thessaloniki hatte. Sie gingen von Haus zu Haus, um das tägliche Brot zu verdienen. Später wurde Athen von den Deutschen besetzt und sie mussten sich woanders verstecken.

Sie gingen also nach Glossa Skopelous. Giorgos Mitzilotis, der Bürgermeister des Dorfes, war einer der Zulieferer für Onkel Youdas Manufaktur. Sie lieferten ihm Olivenöl – ein Rohmaterial für seine Seife. Die ganze Familie Leon, die Großeltern, Maurice, Jackos, Youda und seine Familie und der Bruder Victorias, Solon, eine Gruppe 14 Personen, wurden von ihm nach Glossa gebracht. Dort blieben sie der ganzen Besatzung bis zur Befreiung Thessalonikis.

Girorgos nahm ein großes Risiko auf sich. Nicht nur für sich selbst und seine Familie, sondern auch die ganze Gemeinde. Menschen aus dem Dorf halfen ihm – sie gingen mit Girorgos Bäume abfallen, Holz sammeln, sie passten auf die Tiere auf usw.

Die Deutschen kamen erst noch nicht in Glossa Skopelous. Aber nachdem sie da waren, musste die Familie von Ort zu Ort ziehen, um nicht von den Deutschen entdeckt zu werden. Das war ganz viel Aufregung! Zu der Zeit ging Solon immer wieder zur Werft um mitzuhelfen. Er war noch jung und voller Kraft und Vitalität. Er arbeitete auch mit einem gefälschten Ausweis mit dem lokalen Eisenschmied.
Die Familie hörte auch heimlich Radio, also wusste sie von den ganzen Geschehnissen. Als der Krieg vorbei war, kehrten sie nach Thessaloniki zurück. Giorgos Mitziliotis und sein Bruder Stephanis wurden als Gerechtete unter den Nationen geehrt.

Nachdem sie wieder in Thessaloniki angekommen waren, ging er zum Buchladen und ein paar Tage später hatte er ihn wieder. Die erste Etage war vom britischen Geheimdienst übernommen und als ein „Vorlesungs- und Übungssalon“ benutzt worden. Natürlich wurden alle Bücher von Vosniades genommen. Später brachten sie all die Bücher, die nicht von Vosniades verkauft wurden, wieder in den Laden. Diese erste Etage war jeden Tag voller Menschen, weil die Briten oben eine große Karte hatten und markierten auf dieser die Bewegungen der Armeen, wie die Deutschen den Rückzug antreten usw. Die Briten blieben im Laden bis jeder Ort befreit wurde. Später eröffnete sie ein British Council, wo sie u.a. eine Bibliothek hatten, wo sie Englischunterricht anboten. Genau wie heute.
Als die Buchhandlung wieder aufgemacht wurde, kamen sowohl griechische Bücher als auch Bücher aus dem Ausland. Ich habe den Eindruck, dass wir die älteste Buchhandlung Thessalonikis, wenn nicht ganz Griechenlands, sind – älter als Elefteroudaquis [Anm. eine der ältesten Buchhandlungen Griechenlands, in Athen beheimatet. 2016 geschlossen.].

Solon wohnte bei seiner Schwester Viktoria und ihrem Mann Youda in der Karolou-Deal-Straße während ich bei Tante Mitsa wohnte. Bei unserem ersten Treffen waren wir sehr emotional. Er war bewegt, ich auch, also weinten wir und küssten wir uns. Wir dachten nicht, wir fühlten und agierten nur. Es ist oft so, dass Tränen erstmal kommen und danach folgt das Lachen.
Ich kehrte in ein befreites Thessaloniki zurück. Das war 1944 oder 1945. Ich hatte gar keine Probleme. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wo ich meine Schwestern zum ersten Mal wieder traf. Ob es in Thessaloniki oder Athen war. Eda war noch beim griechisch-britischen Handelskammer und Matilde war bei Tante Mitsa. Matilde heiratete David Dzivre. Das war durch eine Heiratsvermittlung. Sie hatten zusammen zwei Kinder, Nico und Yofi (Joseph). Nico ist schon tot.

Eda war zuerst mit Albertico Abravanel verlobt. Da sie sich doch nicht sehr gut verstanden, trennten sie sich. Raf war heimlich in sie verliebt. Rafael Saporta war Tidas Bruder und einer unserer besten Freunde. Ihre ganze Familie wurde mit den spanischen Juden deportiert. Nach dem Krieg wohnte er erst in Paris. Als Tida ihn besuchte, vermittelte sie die Verlobung. Ich schaffte es nicht zur Hochzeit. Sie hatte eine Tochter namens Sylvie.

Meine Schwestern wurden nicht viel über mein Leben in Israel informiert, genauso wie ich nicht viel über ihr Leben im Haridari-Gefängnis berichtet bekam. Ich weiß nur, dass die Deutschen ab und zu Gefangene vom Appellplatz aussortierten und zum Erschießungskommando schickten. Da meine Schwestern spanische Staatsbürgerinnen waren, waren sie vom Erschießungskommando geschützt. Der spanische Botschafter, Herr DeRomero, sorgte für ihr Überleben. Jede Woche schickte er ihnen ein Paket voller Essen.

Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange nach der Wiedervereinigung Solon und ich heirateten. Frau Margaritis, die Schwester meiner Tante Mitsa, gab mir mein Brautkleid. Sie war Musikerin und trug dieses auf Konzerten.

Die Hochzeit fand am 17. März 1946 in der Monastirioton-Synagoge statt. Tante Mitsa und Onkel Pepo kümmerten sich um die Vorbereitungen und alles war in Ordnung. Wir waren ganz glücklich. Nach der Hochzeit gingen wir zu Tante Mitsa.

Das Haus, in dem wir noch heute wohnen, war das von Solons Eltern. Solon wurde hier geboren und kam wieder hierher, nachdem er bei Victoria wohnte. In diesem Haus fand er andere Menschen drin wohnen. Sie waren Flüchtlinge und natürlich wollten sie nicht ausziehen. So war es mit allen jüdischen Häusern, die im Krieg „leer“ standen. Menschen zogen ein und wollten nach dem Krieg nicht wieder gehen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie Solon das Haus zurückkriegte. Thomas, der vom Fahrradladen, unterstützte ihn dabei. Als wir heirateten, stand für uns das Haus schon bereit. Solon kümmerte sich gut ums Haus. Er baute meinetwegen auch ein Kaminfeuer. Er wollte mich glücklich machen.

Unsere Flitterwochen waren eine Bootsfahrt nach Athen. Wir waren in Kifissia, ein Vorort Athens, und verbrachten ein paar Tage dort im Hotel. Dann fuhren wir zurück nach Thessaloniki, wonach wir anfingen zu arbeiten... und arbeiten und arbeiten und nur noch arbeiten.

Also waren wir verheiratet. Er war Buchhändler und ich versuchte, Vorhänge aus Mücken-geschützem Stoff zu machen, die ich auch in einer fröhlichen Farbe färbte. Ich hängte sie an die Fenster auf der Straßenseite. Nur so konnten wir unsere Privatsphäre sichern. Unsere Sachen wurden von dem Mann geklaut, der auf sie aufzupassen hatte. Wir hatten eine schwierige Zeit.
Ich war unglücklich, weil ich einem Haus wohnte, wo ich keinen Ausblick vom Meer hatte. Zuerst dachte ich, es wäre eine Art Gefängnis, da ich immer in Häuser neben und mit Ausblick des Meeres wohnte.

Solon und ich entschieden als Nächstes, Kinder zu bekommen. Also wurde ich schwanger. Ich war dann sehr, sehr glücklich. Ein Kind in der Familie! Es waren Jahre seitdem wir Kinder überhaupt sahen. Mein erstes Kind war ein Junge! Ein sehr glücklicher Moment. Das war mein erstes Kind, meine erste Freude. Als wir die Brit Mila organisierten, sah er so schön aus und viele Leute waren dabei. Der Athener Mohel war da. Ich genieß die ganze Stimmung – die Süßigkeiten, die Menschen, die Musik, die Tchalgin – sehr. (In Thessaloniki in der Zeit vor dem Krieg und kurz danach, hießen die jüdischen Musiker, die bei Hochzeiten, Verlobungen und andere Feiern waren, Tchalgin.)

Als der zweiter Junge geboren wurde, war ich enttäuscht, da ich eine Tochter wollte. Und schon wieder die Brit Mila, die Feierlichkeiten usw. Aber ich wollte ein Mädchen. Ich betete zu Gott und es klappte! Das dritte Kind war ein Mädchen.

Nie hatte ich eine Fehlgeburt, doch als ich zum vierten Mal schwanger wurde, wollte ich die Schwangerschaft abbrechen, weil alles in der Zeit sonst so schwierig war.

Als die Kinder noch zur Schule gingen, hatten wir zwei Damen – beide namens Olga – bei uns zuhause. Sie kümmerten sich ums Haus und die Kinder. Die ältere – „Olga Mama“ – war vor dem Krieg jahrelang das Dienstmädchen meiner Schwiegermutter. Sie war ein paar Jahre älter als Solon und er war die einzige Familie, an die sie sich erinnern konnte. „Olga Mama“ arbeitete nach dem Krieg erst bei Victoria und danach bei uns, nachdem wir Kinder bekamen. Sie sprach auch Spanisch wie der Rest der Familie. Spanisch war die Sprache, die wir mit meinem Mann sprachen. Mit den Kindern sprachen wir auf Griechisch und manchmal auf Spanisch, so dass ihre Ohren sich daran gewöhnen.

Wir gingen nicht sehr oft in die Synagoge. Manchmal ging ich freitags, um eine Kerze anzuzünden und zu beten. Die Hohen Feiertage feierten wir zuhause. Doch weiß ich nicht, ob ich meine Kinder das Judentum beibrachte. Ich glaube an Gott, bin aber keine Fanatikerin hänge nicht an den Regeln fest. Ich weiß nicht, wie meine Kinder sich zu Religion verhalten.

Mein Mann arbeitete Tag und Nacht. Um das Geschäft wiederaufzumachen, musste Solon Kredit von der Bank leihen. Er fragte nach 150.000 Drachmen und erhielt doppelt so viel. Mit dem Geld konnte Solon die Bücher zum ersten Semester bestellen. Ich fing irgendwann auch an im Buchladen zu arbeiten. Ich arbeitete sehr intensiv. Zuerst kümmerte ich mich um aktuelle Probleme – zum Beispiel die Bestellung der angefragten internationalen Zeitschriften für diversen Fakultäten an der Aristoteles-Universität. Wir konkurrierten mit einem anderen Buchhändler und wir ließen die Bücher per Flugzeug liefern, um die ersten zu sein. Auch Einzelhändler kamen ständig in den Laden – auch um Mitternacht, um die Bücher früh morgens in ihrem Laden zu haben. Ich hatte das Gefühl, dass wir nie aufhörten zu arbeiten.

Im Laden hatte wir alle Zeitschriften und wir lasen sie auch. Ich las die griechischen Zeitungen nicht sehr viel, da es mir einfacher war, die englische oder französische Zeitungen zu lesen.
Wie gesagt, wir fingen mit keinem Kapital an. Als die Buchhandlung von den Deutschen zugemacht wurde, gab es noch offene Rechnungen mit Zulieferern im Ausland. Als wir nach dem Krieg wieder aufmachten, um Geschäftsbeziehungen mit unseren Hauptzulieferern wiederanzufangen, mussten wir diese alten Beiträge noch bezahlen, obwohl es ganz klar war, dass wir für die Umstände nicht verantwortlich waren. Doch versprachen wir, alles vor dem Krieg trotzdem zu bezahlen. Und alles bezahlten wir, auch wenn wir dafür nicht schuldig waren.

Die Jahre gingen langsam vorbei und in 1988 erreichten wir das 100. Jubiläum der Buchhandlung, da sie 1888 offiziell gegründet wurde. Also wollten wir feiern. Wir veranstalteten einen sehr schönen Empfang und der französische Staat verlieh Solon die Auszeichnung „Chevalier des Lettres et des Art.“ Es ist gar nicht so einfach, so eine Auszeichnung von der französischen Nation zu bekommen. Viellicht nach 100 Jahren Geschäftsbeziehungen mit französischen Verlagen.

Für die 100. Jubiläumsfeier druckten wir ein kleines Gedenkheftchen mit der Geschichte der Buchhandlung. Dazu war der Empfang. Wir hatten auch ein Gästebuch, in dem Professuren der Aristoteles-Universität, Kunden und Freunde ihre Gedanken und Eindrücke von uns schrieben.

Ich weiß nicht, in welche Richtung mein Leben hätte führen könnten, hätte es kein Krieg gegeben. Vielleicht wäre ich mit einer anderen Person verheiratet – doch ich glaub es hätte keinen so wirklichen Unterschied gemacht, solange ich ihn liebte. Ehen aus Liebe waren sowieso selten.

Die äußere Seite der Stadt sah unverändert aus, doch ohne die Präsenz der Menschen, die wir kannten. In all den Gegenden, wo die Juden früher wohnten, gibt es heute keine Juden. Ihre Häuser werden von Christen bewohnt. Ganze Straßen – wie die Misrahi oder Fleming, wo wir jetzt leben – waren nur von Juden bewohnt. Wir sind jetzt die einzige jüdische Familie in der Straße, während es damals nur eine christliche Familie gab. Nicht nur in dieser Straße, sondern auch in anderen Gegenden wie „151“ oder „Vadaris“ – doch kannte ich mich dort nie sehr gut aus. Wir fühlten uns sehr isoliert und versuchten den Kontakt mit allen noch lebendigen Verwandten zu behalten.

Die Christen waren uns sehr, sehr neutral gegenüber. Wenn wir uns auf der Straße begegneten, sagten sie uns mit ihrem Blick: „ah, sie haben überlebt“ – ein bisschen überrascht, aber eine Reaktion die weder den Anschein von Freundschaft noch Feindschaft zeigte.

Irgendwie wussten Victoria und Solon, dass ihre Eltern nie zurückkommen werden. Sie wusste es nur aufgrund der Aussagen von denjenigen, die zurückkamen – die Überlebende der Konzentrationslager. Ich hatte nie die Gelegenheit, mit solchen Menschen zu sprechen. Darum redeten wir nicht. Auch nicht mit engen Freunden. Niemand wollte das Thema ansprechen. Selbst die Menschen, die zurückkamen, wollten nicht über ihre Erfahrungen reden. Sie wollten sich nicht daran erinnern. Dazu wurden sie auch mit dem Nichtglaube von anderen konfrontiert. Es war erst später, nach fünfzig, sechzig Jahre, dass sie darüber reden konnten.

Da ihre Erfahrungen mit extremen Fällen zu tun hatten, Fälle die wegen ihrer Bösartigkeit über die Grenzen des menschlichen Verstands springen, wollten die Menschen nicht zuhören und sie konnten nicht glauben, dass solche Sachen tatsächlich passierten. Nur als die Überlebende am Ende des Lebens waren und dieses näher rückende Ende spüren konnten, schrieben und erzählten sie über ihre Erfahrungen, so dass die Menschen wissen können.

Mit Solon redeten wir auch nie darüber. Da wir nichts hörten, nahmen sie es stillschweigend hin, dass die Eltern nicht zurückkommen. Weder seine Eltern noch Yvonne, die andere Schwester. Das erfuhren sie nie offiziell. Natürlich gab es keine Todesurkunde.

Mit meinen Kindern diskutierte ich nie solche Themen, da sie nie genug Geduld dafür hatten, sich hinzusetzen und zuzuhören. Wäre ich nicht gefragt worden, hätte ich nie davon erzählt, wie ich aufwuchs, was ich erlebte und wie mein Leben sonst so war.

Normalerweise gehe in den Friedhof in Thessaloniki, wo eine Mehrheit meiner Verwandten begraben sind. Ich fange mit dem Grab meiner Mutter an, die mit meinem Großvater begraben ist. Dann besuche die Gräber von Onkel David, der zuerst starb, dann Onkel Pepo Abravanel und danach Tante Mitsa Abaravanel. Dazu auch die von Onkel Sinto und Tante Bella Saltiel, dem Bruder meines Vaters und seiner Frau. Das nächste Grab ist das von meinem Mann, Solon Molho. Dann geh ich zu Jeannette Bensousan, die Mutter von Rena Molho, meine Schwiegertochter, die mit meinem Sohn Mair verheiratet ist. Danach ist Renée Avram an der Reihe, die zweite Frau von Joseph Avram, ein Freund, der in seiner ersten Ehe mit meiner besten Freundin, Tida Saporta, verheiratet war. Dann zu Mme. Gentille Saporta, die Mutter von Tilda, dessen Grab neben dem meiner Mutter liegt.

Zunächst besuche ich das Grab von Maurice Haim. Er war ein Angestellte im Buchladen und wurde von den „Rebellen“ umgebracht als er im Bürgerkrieg zur Armee eingezogen wurde.
Dann gehe ich zum Denkmal zu den Opfern der Konzentrationslager und sage ein Gebet.

Mein Vater wurde in Athen beerdigt. Lange wusste ich nicht wo, da ich nach seinem Tod schnell gehen musste. Als ich aus Israel wiederkam, lernte ich, dass er im jüdischen Teil des 1. Athener Friedhofs – ein christlicher Friedhof mit einem kleinen jüdischen Teil – begraben wurde. Natürlich besuchte ich ihn dort.

Immer am Todestag meines Vaters und meiner Muter rezitieren wir Kaddisch. Ich weise erst auf sie hin, dann habe ich eine Liste von allen Namen der Männer und Frauen, die meines Erachtens nach erinnert werden sollten. Vor ein paar Jahren ging ich für solche Jahrestage in die Synagoge. Jetzt ruf ich den Rabbi und rezitiere zuhause.

Mein Sohn Yofi übernahm die Buchhandlung und mein Sohn Mair machte einen Schreibwarenladen auf. Meine Tochter arbeitet ab und zu im Buchladen und ab und zu im Schreibwarenladen – nicht Festes.

Yofi heiratete Yolanda Papathanasopoulou, eine Christin die zum Judentum konvertierte. Sie studierte Judentum und als wir in Jugoslawien für die Hochzeit waren, gab ihr der Rabbi eine Menge Prüfungen über Glaubensfragen, konvertierte sie und dann wurden sie verheiratet. Obwohl sie keine gebürtige Jüdin ist, zieht sie die Kinder ganz ordentlich groß. Ihr Sohn hatte eine schöne Bar-Mitzwa und ihre Tochter Renee, die nach mir genannt wurde, hatte ihre Bat-Mitzwa. Sie verfolgen die jüdischen Traditionen, doch wer weiß wie es in der Zukunft wird.

Ich habe sechs Enkelkinder. Ich habe drei Kinder und jeder hat zwei Kinder – ein Junge und ein Mädchen. Mein ältester Sohn Mair heiratet Rena Bensousan und ihre Kinder heißen Solon und Milena. Mein zweiter Sohn heiratet Yolanda Papathanosopoulou und ihre Kinder heißen Sami und Renee. Meine Tochter Nina heiratete Maurice Carasso und ihre Kinder sind Naomi und Dov. Sie ist jetzt geschieden. Sie sind alle Juden, aber keine Fanatiker diesbezüglich.

Ich habe heute viele Wünsche, doch hängen die von den Wünschen anderen, mir zu helfen, ab. Als mein Mann noch lebte, kamen sie an Feiertagen immer zu uns. Wir saßen immer rum, aßen, spielten Karten, sangen, lachten – alles war in bester Ordnung.

Heute sieht es anders aus. Meine Tochter Nina versucht es, uns bei ihr zusammenzubringen. Aber es ist nicht dieselbe Stimmung. So ist es, wenn das Familienoberhaupt fehlt. Dank Nina kommen wir immerhin zusammen.

Ich bin Gott dafür dankbar, mir einen guten Mann, der mich liebte und mir half, gegeben zu haben. Ich habe drei Kinder, deren Gesundheit und Wohlbefinden ich mir im tiefsten Herzen wünsche. Ich bete zu Gott, mich auf nette Weise zu nehmen. Das ist mein Gebet.

Pavel Sendrei

Pavel Sendrei
Subotica
Serbia
Interviewer: Klara Azulaj

Growing up
During the war
Post-war

Growing up

My name is Pavel Sendrei. I was born on August 18, 1922 in Zilina
(Czechoslovakia). My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, was born on August 28,
1888 in Krivosud Bodovska, Slovakia. He was killed on March 15, 1945 in the
concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei (maiden
name - Holzmann) was born on October 31, 1893 in Stari Bistira, and she
died on December 2, 1981 in Subotica.

I grew up in a middle class Neolog Jewish family. We did not go to
synagogue everyday, but we observed the big holidays. We lived in a rented
apartment. Hungarian was my mother tongue, because my father had finished
his studies at the university in Budapest and my mother went to a Hungarian
school during the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. I had a governess
who taught me German. I only began to learn Slovakian when I started the
first grade of primary school. After elementary school I enrolled in a
secondary school. I didn't have any problems with Slovakian. I graduated on
May 25, 1939.

As a young boy I was a member of the Makabi where we practiced
gymnastics and athletics and which was part of the Zionist society Makabi
Hazair. The members of this organization went on picnics, and camping trips
where we were taught dances, songs, Hebrew language and history. In 1937 I
participated in the Makabiada in Zilina and every year I went to the Makabi
Hazair camp. After 1940 this was interrupted because of the German
occupation of Slovakia.

Zilina had about 25,000 residents of which about 6,000 were Jews. One
of the deputy mayors was a Jew. During the war Zilina was a big camp. It
was a gathering camp where people were put into wagons and transported to
other camps.

My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, spent all day in his drugstore. He was
a big fan of football. He was a member of the ESKA ZILINA football club and
one of its big donors. This football club was once one of the leaders in
Slovakia. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei, was a classical housewife. She made
really tasty meals, but her cuisine was not kosher.

I do not remember either my maternal or paternal grandfathers, as they
died when I was quite small. I met my grandmothers, but I do not remember
them too clearly because they had both died around 1930.

My family gathered around my grandmother's sister Hermina Glazel. She
was a housewife, very communicative and always willing to make the best
reception for her guests. She was in fact the head of our family. She had
two married daughters in Zilina. Hermina had a big house with a huge garden
in which there were all kinds of fruits. All of our relatives would gather
here during the summers. We loved gathering in her garden in the summer
time. In the shade of the trees we used to drink cold drinks and talk about
everything. Those were moments of real relaxation.

I socialized exclusively with Jewish children. In my class in school
there were about 40 children, 11 of which were Jews. I was happy that there
were no arguments in my class between the Jewish pupils and the others. We
spent seven years together and were good friends all that time. My best
friend, Kornil Verthajn, and I sat on the same bench. We went together to
the Makabi Hazair. Kornil was deported together with his parents and
returned, but his parents did not survive the Holocaust. After the war I
helped him make aliyah from Czechoslovakia through Yugoslavia.

During the war

I remember that in school every week we had lessons with Rabbi Dr.
Fridman. He taught Hebrew language and the history of the Jewish people.
After graduation I worked in the drugstore until its "aryanization." Then I
got fired, and like many Jewish children, I attended an agricultural course
in the Jewish community. The course took place on rented agricultural
property. We cultivated the land ourselves, and sold everything that grew,
and that is how we survived. This lasted about a year. On that farm, we
worked for a living, but it wasn't in preparation for aliyah to Israel,
only for survival.

During that time my father, Aleksandar Sendrei, as a former member of
the social democratic party was imprisoned. My father wasn't an active
member of that party. He had a very good friend, who was a secretary in the
social democratic party and he persuaded my father not to register for the
party. So, my father was more like a passive member. From prison he was
taken to a concentration camp where he remained until the Slovakian
uprising in 1944, when he was liberated. After that he joined the
partisans, but quickly in one of the actions he fell into the hands of the
Germans and was deported to Bergen Belsen where he died on March 15, 1945
of typhus.

I was taken into forced labor until September 20, 1944. Then I saw
Jews being taken to the train station for deportation, and I decided to go
into hiding. My mother refused to go with me because she wanted to live in
her apartment and wait for father to come home. However, in October 1944
she was taken to Auschwitz and from there she was taken to a factory where
they made parts for airplanes in Sakis-bat-kudove, and from where she was
liberated on May 8, 1945. (Editor's note: Sakis-bat-kudove was in Germany,
5 kilometers from the border with the Czech Republic; the nearest town to
it was Nachod.)

Post-war

Immediately after liberation, I was employed at the repatriation
office in Bratislava. The Jewish community in Bratislava had started its
work, and I was informed that the repatriation office needed employees.
Thanks to the fact that I speak several languages, Hungarian, German,
Slovakian and Czech, I was engaged in April 1945. The office belonged to
the Czech Office of Internal Affairs. I met my wife, Judita Bruck, and her
family while I was working in Bratislava. They went from the Strashov camp
to a work camp in Austria, where they were held until the war ended. They
went to Bratislava on foot and in a wagon and they ended up in the
repatriation office where I worked.

I liked Judita immediately, and because she was hungry most of the
time, whenever I could I took her to restaurants, sometimes three times a
day. Wishing to do something in return, Judita's father Matija invited me
to visit the family in Subotica (Yugoslavia). When I could, I accepted his
invitation and visited them in 1946. The love between Judita and me was
mutual, and we agreed to get married. We married in May l947 and went to
Czechoslovakia. On April 24, l949 Sonja, our daughter, was born.

After the war I worked for a short period in a drugstore, but when it
was nationalized I got work as a photoreporter in Czech TANJUG. I worked
there until the "Slansky trial." In Czechoslovakia antisemitism was
reestablished, and because of that I and another seventy Jews were expelled
from our jobs. In 1950 I was a member of the three-member presidency of the
Jewish community of Zilina. In 1956 the Jewish community received an
invitation to a reception with the Israeli ambassador in Prague. I went
with my wife Judita. We were the only members of the entire Jewish
community in Czechoslovakia who accepted the invitation, the rest were too
scared of the communists to go.

At the reception I met the secretary of the embassy who made aliyah
from Czechoslovakia in 1938 and whom I knew from our days back in Makabi.
He told us that the JOINT was helping as much as it could old Jews who had
survived the Holocaust, but that it was not something that was going
through the Jewish community rather through individuals who were willing to
help. Judita and I accepted this work and we worked until the end of March
1959 when we were arrested by the Czech government for allegedly "spying."
Later, we were accused of undermining the Republic of Czechoslovakia
because the JOINT were sending the money anonymously to survivors of the
Holocaust. Judita was imprisoned from March 29, 1957 to November 29, 1957
and I was incarcerated from March 29, 1957 until March 29, 1959.

After fulfilling my sentence, I could not find work and life was very
hard. Finally, we packed our things took our daughter, Sonja, and in
October 1962 we moved to Subotica, Yugoslavia where we live today.

In Subotica I was employed in the "Slavica" cosmetic factory where I
worked for a year. After that I was employed at the "Sever" electro-motor
factory as an export representative. I worked there for ten years. From
1974-1984 I worked as the head of international transport in "Dinamo
trans." I retired in 1984 with 43 years and 12 days of work experience. All
during this time I was very active in the Jewish community. From 1992-1993
I was secretary of the community. And now, my wife, Judita, and I enjoy
going to the community to celebrate the holidays and to participate in
cultural events.

Sarra Eidlin

Sarra Eidlin 
St. Petersburg 
Russia 
Interviewer: Inna Gimila 
Date of interview: April 2002 

Sarra Eidlin is a short woman, very compact and dexterous, with lively, kind eyes and a very active face mimicry, which allows one to read emotions that she experiences as she tells her life story.

Her hands gesticulate earnestly when she describes this or that scene from her life.

She is friendly and hospitable and possesses an open soul and a warm heart.

It was a real pleasure for us to have this interview, because we established contact and understanding easily.

  • My family background

I was born in 1914 in the town of Kherson in Ukraine, into a religious family. A beggar Jewish woman, called Sarra Leya, when she was dying, asked my grandmother to give a girl born in our family her name in her honor. My parents gave me the name Sarra in her honor.

Almost only Jews lived in our district. My mum lived with her parents, so during my childhood I learned all the Jewish traditions: I knew that nothing should be done on Saturdays; I knew how to behave on holidays and what traditions to observe.

My maternal grandparents were born and lived in the first half of the 19th century in Kherson. Grandfather Gersh Levit, born in the 1840s was a melamed, a teacher, and that's how he earned a living. He had a big thick beard and he was almost bald. He wore a high hat, a skull-cap and dark long clothes. I remember Jewish boys coming to our house and studying in a separate room. I could hear Jewish words and prayers. Grandma Feiga Leya Levit, who was also born in the 1840s, was a housewife. She was a very hospitable and kind woman. I don't know her maiden name or her background, she never told me and I never asked.

My paternal grandfather, born in 1840, lived in our house for several years. His name was Zalman Eidlin. There was a Jewish colony not far from Kherson, it was called Lvovo, near the small town of Kalinindorf in Kherson region. My grandpa and father came from that place. Grandpa Zalman lived with us after his wife died. I don't know anything about her. He was kind, did nothing, prayed a lot and read Jewish books. He was very old, and mum and grandma took care of him. He died aged 80 when I was four or five years old, in 1918 or 19. Our family had no pictures of him.

The elder generation and my parents spoke Yiddish to each other, but lived among Russians and Ukrainians, so they knew Russian pretty well, and spoke in Russian to the children as well. In 1920 my maternal grandparents celebrated their golden wedding anniversary. They had lived together for 50 years. All relatives, even poor ones, came to the celebration, collected some money and presented an expensive golden watch to grandpa and a black silk skirt to grandma.

My grandmother died in Kherson in 1922. My grandfather lived another 10 years after. Before he died he had made a voyage to several cities and visited his children, who lived in Odessa, Leningrad and Moscow. He was very proud of that trip of his. He died in Moscow at his daughter Khaya's place in 1932.

While Grandpa Gersh was alive, Jewish traditions were preserved in our family, but later on it slackened a lot: we celebrated holidays less frequently, forgot the prayers and the language. We weren't able to demonstrate our religious predilections under the Soviet regime [during the struggle against religion] 1. Religious people were persecuted; Russian Orthodox churches were blown up; economic warehouses were arranged in the Catholic cathedrals, and synagogues were shut down. People were intimidated.

We could gather in the family circle at home, but we couldn't openly advertise the celebration of Rosh Hashanah, for instance. I remember how, in 1923-1924 in Kherson, we placed and decorated a tent with branches in our yard and our family had lunch and dinner in it. It was Sukkot, the fall holiday.

Grandma and grandpa Levit had six children: Khaya, Volodya, Sonya, Boris, Fanya and Maryasya - my mother.

Their elder daughter, my aunt Khaya, was born in the 1860s. She lived for 94 years, married a native of a Lvov Jewish colony in the 1880s, a religious man called Gersh Kart. He was a sewing cutter and lived in Kherson by that time. Khaya was the most religious of all her sisters and brothers. While grandpa was alive she celebrated all the holidays with us. I remember it because my mum as the youngest daughter lived at grandpa's after she got married.

Aunt Khaya and Gersh Kart had four children: Bella, Vladimir, Boris and Malka. Their elder daughter Bella was born in 1904. Bella is my eldest cousin. She was born in Kherson, as were all Khaya's and Gersh's children. She left for Odessa in the 1920s to study at the Chemical and Pharmaceutical Institute. She didn't graduate from the institute because she married a native of Odessa from Peresyp 2, David Lvovich Katz. He was a commissar in the Kotovsky 3 division, which was located in Odessa after the Civil War 4.

After some time David was transferred to Berdichev, a town with a lot of military units. Bella had no complete higher education at that time, though she was rather well-read and was a good orator. Several years later David retired and was sent to one-year courses to become a construction company manager. After these courses he was assigned to Moscow in 1930. He worked in the defense narkomat [people's commissariat] and supervised the construction of defense fortifications in the east of the country. It was a secret construction.

Bella worked as an instructor at one of the Moscow party raykoms [district party committee]. She graduated from Mendeleyev Institute in Moscow and after that worked at Narkompischeprom [People's Commissariat of Food Industry] as Glavmargarin Manager, that means she supervised all the plants that produced margarine. When the war broke out David became head of a big construction trust, which was evacuated to Tashkent. Their family also moved there, they already had two children: a son and a daughter.

At the beginning of 1945 after the war ended their family returned to Moscow and David was designated a commander of a brigade, which dismantled electrical power stations in Germany under the Reparation Agreement 5. The dismantled parts were sent to the Soviet Union. Reparation meant something that the Germans, as the defeated, were supposed to deliver to our country under the Agreement. A lot was removed from Germany as the country, which lost the war.

Bella worked at the Promenergomontazh Scientific Research Institute as an engineer and retired after some time. She died at the age of 84 in Moscow in 1998. She was an atheist and a Soviet person, regardless of the fact that her mother Khaya was a religious woman. Bella's and David's son Marlen graduated from the Moscow Aircraft Institute and worked at Baykonur 6 during the time when the space-vehicle launching site was under construction and the first space flight took place.

He was irradiated severely and died of sarcoma in 1963 at the age of 40. He was my grand- nephew. Marlen's daughter Lina graduated from the Pedagogical Institute in Moscow and works as a mathematics teacher at school. She still works, though she is already retired. Her daughter Sonya, after graduating from the institute, also works at the same place. She also lives in Moscow with her husband Vladimir and daughter Sofia, who is fifteen years old. Both Lina and her daughter Sofia married Jews and remained Soviet non-religious women.

Khaya's and Gersh's second child, Vladimir, was born in 1906. He studied at the Odessa University. He died at an early age, approximately in 1922, during an appendix operation.

The third child was Boris. He was born in 1908. He was a construction engineer. He married a Russian woman in Kherson during his studies. His wife was considered the most beautiful woman in town. He had a daughter. Her name was Zoya. Before the war Boris was head of a construction trust in Stalingrad, where he was assigned after he had graduated from the Odessa Construction Institute.

Boris evacuated his trust from Stalingrad to the town of Yurga in the east of the country. An artillery plant, a whole town and a railroad station, Yurga-2, were constructed near that city under Boris's supervision. He was an important person, respected by everyone. After the war Boris worked in the town of Gorky at a plant in the position of head of a construction department. Later he worked at the staff of the Gorky gorispolkom [municipal administration, executive committee], supervising a construction department. In 1972 he was recommended for a State Prize with a group of engineers for the invention of unique construction tiles. He obtained the prize, which was very honorable. Boris died in 1990.

Khaya's fourth child is her daughter Malka, born in 1919. She finished a construction technical school in Kherson and moved to Moscow, where her parents had lived since 1930 with their elder daughter Bella. Malka, Malla in Russian [common name] 7 graduated from the part-time department of the Construction Institute and worked as a principal engineer at the Stalproyekt Institute until retirement.

After the war everyone had to exchange passports and the office employee offered to write Malla instead of Malka in her passport. Thus she became Malla. Malla lives with her daughter Tanya in Moscow, who is also a pensioner, and her husband Ilya. He is a Jew too. Tanya also graduated from the Construction Institute with an excellent certificate. She worked at a construction company too. They live a non-religious secular life.

Khaya's husband, Gersh Kart, died in Moscow after the war in 1949 or 1950. They were in evacuation in the Urals during the war. He didn't participate in the war, as he was too old. He worked at the Klara Tsetkin sewing factory as a trimmer. He cut out patterns. He was a wonderful tailor. He sewed a perfect coat for his daughter from a soldier's blouse pattern. They lived in Izmailovo district in Moscow.

It is so called because when Jews were allowed to live in big cities after the [Russian] Revolution of 1917 8 mostly Jews inhabited this district. When Tanya married Ilya, they exchanged their two-bedroom apartments for one four-bedroom apartment. Now they live near Rizhsky Railroad Station.

My uncle Volodya, mum's elder brother, was born in Kherson in the 1860s. He was married to a Jewish woman. Their whole family starved to death in 1921 in Kherson during the famine in Ukraine 9. They had an apartment in the center of the city and lived moderately, but his wife was a 'stinker,' as everyone called her, she was a bad housewife. It was always very dirty in their apartment and everybody blamed her for that. It was a real shame to have such a wife.

Volodya came to us and told my grandma and his mother and said, 'Bathe me, mum.' We had a zinc bath, into which we placed a samovar and the water was heated. Vladimir and his wife had four children. They all starved to death, except their elder daughter Sonya.

Sonya was born in 1900. She lived at our place in Kherson and studied at the medical school. Sonya stayed with our family. She had a wedding, which was called 'Schwarze Hipe' [chuppah]. There was a canopy; everybody walked around it, but there was no music, since Sonya was an orphan and an orphan was not allowed to have a merry wedding with music. At the end, though, a violinist was invited.

Everything was exactly as a Jewish wedding means it to be: everybody was dressed beautifully. However, later on Sonya and her husband didn't observe the Jewish traditions, deviated from religion and led a life of secular Soviet people. Sonya moved to Moscow from Kherson and got married there. She died in the 1950s in Moscow. She worked at a newspaper stand. She could not work as a physician because during her first operation she felt unwell at the sight of blood and ran out. Her husband was a Jew and worked as an engineer at a plant. He died in Moscow of an illness at the beginning of the war. They have a son, Vladimir.

My mum's next sister, Sonya, was born in the 1880s. She married Gersh Kontsevoy in Kherson. He worked as a seller in a kerosene-store. Sonya and Gersh had four sons and they were all born in Kherson: Motya, Isaac, Iosif and Zalman. After 1930 they all moved to Moscow. Actually, the whole Kontsevoy family left Kherson. Their elder son Motya, married a native of Moscow, Rosa, a Jewess, and lived with his family in the suburbs, at Udelnaya station.

Now this station is part of the city. They had two daughters, Valya and Sonya. Valya graduated from the Planning Economic Institute in Moscow and worked at the Gosplan of the USSR. Then she married a Jew whose name was Boris and moved to Kishinev [Moldova] with him, where he worked as a dispatcher at the railroad.

They have a daughter, Maya. Later Motya and Rosa moved to their daughter in Kishinyov. Motya died at the age of approximately 90. Rosa died in Kishinyov in the 1980s, several years before her husband. Currently Valya and Borya live in L.A. in America; they are retired. Their daughter finished a technical school and travels a lot: she has been everywhere in California and visited Ireland and Spain, too. She has been living in America for five years already.

Sonya, Motya's second daughter, graduated from the Pedagogical Institute in Moscow as a teacher for handicapped children, but never worked as such a specialist. She married a Jew, his name is Alexander, and moved to Lvov. She worked at a library there and retired there. Her husband had higher education, was in charge of an electricians' team, which put electrical power stations into operations. He worked in this position all his life. They have recently left for Germany for permanent residence. They don't know Jewish customs. They have a daughter who lives separately. They wrote to me that everything became more expensive with the introduction of the euro. However, she visited Venice, Italy, with her husband Sasha and were present at a carnival. It's almost impossible to describe their impressions! She wrote to me that she liked Venice but wouldn't like to live there. This is how she spends time in contrast to us, Russian pensioners. I, personally, as a war participant, have a high pension. But a lot of people, for instance, my daughter Maya, have a pension of $50 only, though she worked as a principal engineer all her life. We cannot go anywhere with this pension.

Lena, daughter of Sonya and Alexander, attends computer courses. She is an adult already and a mother of two children. Her wedding took place in Lvov in the palace of Earl Potocki. [Editor's note: Potocki, Valentine (d. 1749): Polish count martyred as a proselyte. According to legend, during his studies in Paris count Potocki once went to a tavern with a friend of his, also a young Polish aristocrat, and they noticed that the owner of the tavern, an old Jew was studying the Talmud. They asked him to teach them the principles of Judaism. Potocki converted to Judaism in Amsterdam and settled as a Jew near Vilna in Lithuania. He was reported as a proselyte to the authorities and was arrested. As he refused to recant, he was burned at the stake. So far no historical evidence for the story has been discovered, although it is generally believed to have been true.] Her mother had been saving money for a year to celebrate the wedding. The wedding was splendid. Not a Jewish one, but secular. She had such a magnificent wedding dress, that some rented it for their weddings later. She had two children, but she divorced this husband and left for Germany with a different man.

Yura, son of Sonya and Alexander, graduated form Nuremberg University in Germany, works now, and acquired German citizenship. The rest in the family were not able to receive citizenship. They still have Ukrainian passports and citizenship.

The second son of Sonya and Alexander, Iosif, lived in Moscow, where he moved as a boy. He married a Russian woman there. She was run over by a tram and died. Iosif worked as an electrician in Moscow. He wrote poems and some of them were published in Ogonyok magazine. When the war broke out, he moved to Yurga, to the north and joined his cousin Boris there, son of Khaya and Gersh Kart, in evacuation. Iosif worked there for the Svet Ilyicha newspaper and continued writing poems. When he retired he continued to contribute to this newspaper. He died in Yurga in the 1980s. He has a son, Volodya, who lives in Yurga. He works in oil fields now.

Sonya's and Alexander's third son, Isaac, was born in Kherson in 1910. He lived in Moscow, took part in the war and returned disabled. He lived in a communal apartment, since his relatives had left already. He got acquainted with a woman and raised her children. He didn't have children of his own. He died in Moscow in the 1990s.

Their fourth son, Zalman, was born in Kherson in the 1910s. He worked as an editor-in-chief for a newspaper, a House Organ at the Moscow watch plant. [House Organ: an informational newspaper, published at the enterprise for the purpose of keeping the employees informed about the life and events of their organization]. His wife was Russian. He didn't get evacuated during the war and perished there. His wife didn't want to deal with our family. I don't now why.

My mum's brother Boris, the fourth son of Gersh and Feiga Levit, was born in Kherson in 1885. His wife Klara was a Jewess. He sold quilted jackets from a tray at the market place. They lived in a rented apartment in a three-story house, as many of my relatives did. They moved to Rostov-on-Don [a city in the south of Russia] in the 1930s, as it was difficult to live in Kherson, and Rostov was a more lucrative and populous city. Boris went out of his mind in the 1930s and died.

Everyone lived on starvation rations. I remember how Volodya, who died, came to Aunt Khaya. He was a big guy but he was crying and it was a pity to see it: he had got the bread ration and had carried it under his arm. Some hooligans had robbed him of it and he couldn't protect himself. Everyone was starving then. I remember how we three children sat on the bed.

My parents were suffering from jail-fever or spotted fever, and they were under quarantine. They survived. My mother's brother Boris got ill before the war in 1941. He had some sanity problems and he died before the war. He and Klara had a daughter and three sons: Iosif, Vladimir and Mayorka. They remained in Rostov and didn't get evacuated. To be more precise, Klara and her daughter Manya stayed.

The Germans were in Rostov twice during the war. When our forces kicked them out the first time, the citizens threw flower pots on their heads from the windows. So when the Germans conquered Rostov the second time, they were very angry with the city. Klara, Manya and two children were put into a truck, which was called the 'mobile gas chamber.' People were murdered in this truck with gas. No one ever saw them again.

The two sons of Boris and Klara, born one after another, graduated from Rostov-on-Don University. The elder, Iosif, was assigned to a metallurgical plant in Nizhny Tagil. He had been working there as an engineer for many years. He died in 1992. The second son, Volodya, was drafted to the army in 1940. He was married to a Don Cossack woman, Alexandra. She is still alive and lives with her daughter in Moscow.

Volodya returned from the war holding the rank of colonel. He returned to Moscow and worked there at a military organization until he died. Their daughter Klara was named in honor of her mother. Klara is in Moscow. She married a Russian. His name is Alexander Mokhov. He is a colonel. He works now at the Ministry of Health. He has a very warm and kind attitude to our Jewish family. Klara works at the State Library.

The third son of Boris and Klara, Mayorka, graduated from an institute in Moscow and worked as a teacher in a technical school. He died at an early age. He had a Russian wife and had a daughter, Marina. She is very nice to us. She works now for the tax authorities in Moscow.

My mother's sister Fanya Georgiyevna, or Fani, was born in 1891. Fani finished a school in Kherson before the Revolution. They lived poorly. She even had to ask her rich classmates for the textbooks and they sometimes didn't let her in, asking to wait outside. After the Revolution she went to Odessa to study at the institute with her niece Bella. They were almost of the same age. Unlike her niece she graduated from the Chemical and Pharmaceutical Institute, married a Jew, Nisya Zelmanov. This aunt was very much respected. She wasn't extremely religious, but followed the kashrut, prayed, knew and tried to observe all Jewish traditions as far as possible. Her husband Nisya was in charge of a grain-collecting station; later it was called grain procurement station, 'zagotzerno'. The station was located in the suburbs of Odessa and Nisya started an apiary, a bee-garden, there.

Obviously, the famine wasn't as severe in Odessa as in Kherson, where we lived, because Aunt Fani sent us parcels with cereals. Nisya's brother lived in St. Petersburg. At the beginning of the 1930s Aunt Fani and Uncle Nisya moved to his place in St Petersburg. By that time she only had one son, Vladimir. They lived in a communal apartment 10 in the center of the city.

Their room was next to Nisya's brother in the apartment. Fani worked as a pharmacist in a drugstore and combined her job with managing a hospital-car, which checked the quality of food products at each station on the Murmansk railroad. She even planned to write a thesis. I keep a brochure of hers. This brochure was published by the Higher Medical Courses in 1935, called 'Sanitary analysis of foodstuffs and food.'

After Kirov 11 was killed in Leningrad in 1934, Nisya's brother - I don't remember his name - was put into prison as a Trotskyist 12. Then Feiga's son Volodya, who was a YCL [Young Communist League] member, went to the party organization and stated that his uncle had been arrested as an enemy of the people 13. However, he himself was exiled from Leningrad to timber- felling sites in the north, as a nephew and relative of an enemy of the people.

Volodya's mother solicited for her son's release, but as soon as she got a permit for Volodya's release, signed by Kalinin 14, she received a message that said that Volodya had perished in an accident: he had been hit by a log in the process of timber loading. This happened at the end of 1938.

Fani and Feiga died in 1958 in Leningrad. Fani's husband Nisya Zelmanov died in 1955. Nisya's brother disappeared in the place he was sent to. We never saw him again.

My mother, Maryasya Gershevna Eidlin, was the youngest among her brothers and sisters. She was born in 1895 in Kherson. My mother gave birth to me when she was nineteen years old. She finished four years at a Jewish school in Kherson. She liked to read. Her sister Fani hired a teacher for her, who came home and taught her. My mother was the favorite child in the family. She assisted her mother, with the household duties. Later she was a housewife. My mother was very religious, read prayer books aloud at home, attended the synagogue on holidays, observed all ceremonies. She didn't mix dairy and meat utensils, and she kept kosher.

My mother was a sick person. She had heart problems. She suffered a lot of miscarriages because of her health condition. When she was in hospital she was treated by a German physician called Berbayer. He wasn't able to cure her. Later this physician worked for the Germans during the war as a mayor. He appeared to be a bad person, tried to save his own skin. My mother died of loss of blood in Kherson in 1929 at the age of 39, when I was 15. Four children remained after her death.

  • Growing up

My father, Yerakhmil Zalmanovich Eidlin, was born in 1880 in Lvovo Jewish colony near Kherson. However, this is not precise information. There was a time when my father worked as a handicraftsman. He was the only child in the family. My father walked on foot from his village to the synagogue in Kherson. He studied at cheder and left his village for Kherson to look for a job.

He was engaged in trade, but later on, when Uncle Gersh Kart taught him, he became a trimmer. My father rented a corner in a big four-bedroom apartment of my mother's parents. This was how dad met mum. They got married in 1913. They had a wedding with a Jewish chuppah. My mother took her husband's last name. I was born a year after they got married, in 1914.

I finished a seven-year Ukrainian school in Kherson. During the first two years of studies I had a private teacher, Olga Richardovna. She supplied us with writing-books, taught us to read and to count. My parents paid her for that. She was a secular woman. In 1923 I went to a Ukrainian national school and studied there until 1928.

I remember from my childhood how we celebrated all Jewish holidays at home: Purim, Pesach, Chanukkah and Rosh Hashanah. I lit lamps on Sabbath, I was a shabesgoy, as grandma called me and I was forgiven because I was just a small child. I remember how I lit candles with grandma. Grandma always cooked food for Sabbath in a stove, covered up the stove door with clay to prevent food from getting cold, and everything was served hot on Sabbath. We always had clear soup and peas, which were cooked separately. Stuffed fish was cold. It was before the famine [in 1930], and during the famine we ate porridge on holidays and on common days.

Besides this, I remember how grandma prepared for Pesach, how she burnt all breadcrumbs in the stove in a wooden spoon, everything was burnt together with the spoon. We also had Pesach utensils. A stone was made red-hot, we threw it into hot water to purify it, and thus utensils were prepared for Pesach. We only had a few special utensils at home. All the rest were baked [burnt].

We bought milk from a Jewish woman for Pesach. I remember how we hid matzah under grandpa's pillow. It was the custom [The interviewee is referring to the afikoman]. One of the boys was supposed to take it out, when he turned away. I remember Pesach 'fir kashes' [Yiddish], the 'four questions.' Certainly our boys, my brothers, did that. I was only present.

One had to drink four glasses of wine. Each time one took the glass, a little had to be poured out into the plate. We had six glasses on the table for five members of the family. The sixth glass was poured for Elijah the prophet 15 and the door was left open. The chicken was cut by a shochet at the synagogue.

We never had any Jewish pogroms 16 in Kherson. The Civil War didn't affect us. I only remember how we children were led to the cellar because of some military operations nearby. All grandfathers were buried according to Jewish customs. I don't remember how grandma Feiga was buried, but mum told me that grandpa endured starvation, kept the whole fast. I don't remember any other holidays, because it was a very long time ago. Some things I still remember and they appear in my memory like separate pieces of past reality, not like precise clear stories.

I remember how Feiga, my younger sister, was born. She was born at home in 1926. A midwife came to help my mother. She was paid for it. It was a custom in Kherson to give birth to babies at home. Nobody took a woman in childbirth to a hospital. I don't remember if there were gynecologists or maternity hospitals. I remember how my brothers were circumcised. There was a whole ceremony, but I don't remember it in detail.

Some people came. I also remember how at one of the cousin's, uncle Boris's son, Mayorka, a minyan was collected, for ten people to be present. I remember that there was a huge fish on the table prepared for stuffing to feed to the guests after the ceremony.

In 1928 I entered the Jewish Industrial Special School, but lessons were in Yiddish, so I wasn't able to study there. My mother tongue is Russian. I also know Ukrainian perfectly, I learnt German, but I don't speak it freely. I wasn't able to study at the Jewish school because I didn't understand many terms. I remember, when I was a pioneer, there was a Zionist organization in Kherson.

Our neighbor lived across the street. We were taken there for a meeting and were lectured - I don't remember about what. I attended this meeting maybe twice. They were children of approximately YCL members' age, and I was younger. There were Zionists in Kherson but I didn't participate in their activities.

In 1929, after my mother died, my father got married a second time. Aunt Khaya in fact married him off. Father remained alone with four children: Mordekhai, born in 1917, Volf, born in 1920, my sister Feiga and me. Mum's sister, Aunt Fani, was a very smart woman; she wrote letters to father after my mother's death: 'Don't seek a mother for your children, you won't be able to find any. Better look for a wife, you are to live with her!' But aunt Khaya found a woman. I don't know how she managed to do it. Her name was Anna Lazarevna. She was a Jewess. She took my father's last name. She gave birth to two children: Lena and Ilya. Their whole family perished during the war in Kherson.

Anna Lazarevna was able to tell my younger brother Volf, 'Go buy some bread in the store, school can wait.' She never loved us, father's children. They lived in dad's apartment and their life wasn't going right. Dad started to drink, though he had never drunk before. He was at the head of a sewing workshop at the Society of the Blind in Kherson. He was the only person with eyesight there.

He worked in administration and wasn't able to get evacuated when the war broke out. Their neighbor wrote to me later; her signature was crossed out, I think, by the military censorship: the signature and last line were snipped off. She wrote that 9,000 Jews and 6,000 Russians had perished. It wasn't possible to leave Kherson: the railroad was cut off and the ships weren't able to carry everyone, so father remained there. All citizens were taken out of the city, a ditch was dug out and people were executed. They all perished. My father perished too. It happened at the end of 1943 or the beginning of 1944.

I studied at the road construction school between 1929 and 1931. After finishing the school I was assigned to work as a foreman at the Jewish Kalinindorf district. A position of a foreman is much lower than a technician, who supervises the works. I worked at the administration of the executive committee and supervised the construction of bridge roads. In 1932 a party central committee resolution was introduced for all officials in charge to move to agricultural districts. I was authorized by the YCL and worked in a kolkhoz 17.

We got a message that Voroshylov 18 was planning to visit us. I was urgently summoned to Kalinindorf and we constructed pavements and decorated the city hastily. There was this drunkard technician, who was responsible for the sinking of the ferry that I was supposed to use for loading planting seeds. I was urgently summoned because of that accident. I had to figure out how to drag out the ferryboat. We pulled the ferry out and restored it. I was so nervous that I came to the rayispolkom [District Executive Committee] chairman and told him that I was leaving for home. I left for Kherson and finished short-time courses for estimators at a canned food plant. I counted how many cans the workers made, thus calculating their salaries.

Working at the plant, I simultaneously studied at the workers' faculty of the Odessa Water Resources Institute. This faculty assisted those who had no education to enter a higher school. We studied in the evening after work. Jewish traditions were out of the question - I was a YCL member, and religion was alien to YCL members.

In fall 1933 I was assigned to work at the machine-tractor station [MTS] according to the mobilization program of the YCL obkom [regional committee]. The Komsomol 19 members were summoned and informed about the necessity to participate in works for a year. I had this stepmother, Anna Lazarevna, so I left without demur. Total collectivization 20 was carried out and the kolkhozes were to be strengthened. I visited various villages, conducted seminars and taught people how to arrange Komsomol meetings. I was always an active member. I was also sent as an authorized member for sowing grain crops.

There was the editor-in-chief of a house body for the political department of the MTS, Weisman. He entrusted me with the production of Komsomol pages and dreamed about making me his secretary. But he was soon transferred to Kiev. I was left almost alone. The newspaper was signed by the political department deputy head; all the rest was done by me: I collected materials and printed everything. The newspaper was called 'For Bolsheviks' Kolkhozes.' In 1935 these political departments were shut down.

At the beginning of 1935 I moved to the town of Gayvoron in Odessa region. From then on I worked for the district newspaper, Put Communy. Later its name was changed. At first I supervised the mass department in the editorial office: wrote articles, taught new employees, rural reporters and conducted meetings. Reporters went to kolkhozes and brought me material for publication. Later I became the executive secretary for the newspaper.

In 1939 I became deputy editor-in-chief and in 1940 I was approved editor-in- chief for the same newspaper. I worked there until 1969, and then retired. There was no Jewish employee with the newspaper except for me. Everyone knew I was a Jewess, but I didn't feel any anti-Semitism at that time.

  • During the war

My younger brother Mordekhai finished several grades in a Ukrainian school and worked in Kherson as a car and tractor re-fueller. When I started to work I took both my brothers to live with me in Gayvoron. Mordekhai worked at a machine-tractor station as a mechanic. He moved to Nikolayev in 1939 according to mobilization. He worked as a mechanic at the Andre Marti ship- building plant. [Andre Marti: leader of the French sailors' rebellion at the Black Sea; Secretary of the Comintern Executive Committee.]

Later the plant was renamed. Andre Marti seemed not to satisfy communists anymore. He worked as a foreman and had a reservation, which kept him away from the army, in spite of his call-up age. The country needed him at the home front. However, in 1940 he voluntarily joined the army and served in Roven region and in western Ukraine. In 1941 when the war broke out, they were bombed on the first day. The first and last message about him was that he was in Kiev in 1941. Mordekhai perished at the front.

My other brother, Volf, came to stay with me in Gayvoron in 1936. He finished a Russian secondary school there, left for Moscow and entered the Moscow Transport Engineering Institute. He was a final-year student when the war broke out. The institute was evacuated and he stayed in Moscow to participate in the defense.

When, in December 1941, the Germans were driven away from Moscow, he was sent to a tank school in the town of Vetluga in Gorky region to become an officer. He finished that school in 1943, studied for two years, and fell ill with meningitis. He was allowed vacation and came to visit me in Podolsk, near Moscow, where I was in evacuation. He stayed with me for a month. I insisted that he continue his studies at the institute. There was a Party and Government Resolution introduced regarding recalling final-year students from the front for the purpose of continuing studies.

His institute was in evacuation. I asked him, 'Did you write an application to say that you want to leave the front and continue studying?' He replied, 'What? How can I, a Jew, ask to be released from the army during the war?' He felt uneasy writing such an application, as he was a man of honor.

I remember how one man, standing on his knees, asked my Russian husband to go to the front instead of him. After some time Volf returned to school and visited the combatant department. He was told that there was a detachment being formed and he was supposed to accompany it to the front. The studies office offered him a teaching job, since he had completed three years at the institute. But he refused, and in several days left for the front with the detachment. I keep one of Volf's last letters, which he sent to me from the front.

He perished in January 1944 in Dnepropetrovsk region in Ukraine. I was looking for my brothers in order to find out what had happened to them. A notification about Volf's death arrived after some time: 'He perished, burnt in the tank on 11th January 1944'; and the place was indicated. I heard a lot of conversations about Jews not participating in the war, 'resting in Tashkent.' But I don't understand it, both my brothers perished at the front.

When mum died my younger sister Feiga was three-and-a-half years old. Aunt Fani, mum's elder sister, adopted her and took her to Leningrad. Feiga is still alive and lives in Leningrad. She finished a secondary school in Kherson and graduated from the Faculty of Biology of Leningrad University. Being a final-year student she got married and thus acquired a free certificate, without any assignment. Formerly, the Party assigned all institute graduates to workplaces prepared in advance for young specialists. It was called 'the assignment.' Feiga worked for a long time, all her life, at a laboratory of a children's hospital. She is retired now, but continues to work. She is 73.

Her husband, Berg Zvyagin, a Jew, is a candidate of physical science. Feiga took his last name. Berg was in the army during the war and had been to many fronts. After the war he defended a thesis and taught physics at the Leningrad Institute of Mines. Now he is an activist at the synagogue, attends it and observes all Jewish ceremonies. He and his wife are present at all Jewish events. They have a daughter, Marina. She graduated from university, became a candidate of mathematical science and works as a teacher. However, neither I, nor Feiga have grandchildren any more, but I'll come back to that later. We meet every weekend and visit each other.

I married a Ukrainian, Kuzma Yefremovich Zelinsky in 1938. He was born in 1911 in the village of Salkovo in Gayvoronsky district. It is a Russian territory. I worked in Gayvoron at that time. There was a township nearby, which was called Khaschevataya. There was a Jewish school, a Jewish kolkhoz 'Progress' [the district leader] and the Jewish town council before the war. [Village (town) council -self-government body in kolkhozes and small inhabited localities of rural type]. I know that because I worked there and knew the territories around. It was Odessa region.

The town council was also a progressive one. After the war there was a Russian town council established, but the chairman of the council was a Jew, Yakov Izrailevich Vinokur. My husband Kuzma was raised in a big family with nine children. He went to the town school and later joined the army. Their family was very nice to me, and his mother said that I was her best daughter-in-law. His father came from the village of Polish settlers, which was formed during World War I.

My husband's parents were common peasants and worked in the kolkhoz. His mother remembered the serfdom times. His father's name was Yefrem, and his mother's Natalia Danilovna Melnik. His mother stayed with me in evacuation during the war in Podolsk.

Kuzma returned form the army and worked in DOSAAF [Voluntary Society of Assistance to the Army, Aircraft and Navy]. They taught the youth and prepared them for service in the army. We got acquainted at a Komsomol meeting when he came back from the army. We knew each other for about two years, and then he proposed to me. He knew that I was a Jewess. I accepted his proposal and didn't discuss it with anyone; I had become a rather independent person by that time.

There was no wedding; we just registered the marriage at the ZAGS [civil marriage registry office], which was located in a room in the rayispolkom building. Kuzma didn't even have three rubles to pay for the registration. We were registered on credit, since it was in rayispolkom [District Executive Committee] and everybody knew us as active YCL members. Later our friends came to celebrate the wedding, and his mother also visited us to take a look at me.

We lived together and rented an apartment at first, later we got an apartment from the state. I didn't take his last name: there was a boy in my class at school who told me that my last name was sonorous. I remembered it and didn't want to change my last name. Later during the war when Kuzma was at the front, I regretted that very much, because we had to show our documents everywhere to prove that we were husband and wife. Kuzma's mother tongue was Ukrainian, but he also spoke Russian. He worked in DOSAAF, later as a secretary at the rayispolkom. We had a Russian housemaid, whom we paid some money and we provided her with food. We actually had several at different times.

They helped me all the time. I kept housemaids while the kids were small because the working hours were irregular; we had to work a lot during the evenings: I never got home until I completed the newspaper, so I could come home from work at 12 at night or at 6 in the morning. The children had to stay with someone. I worked at the editorial office. Even my baby Maya was brought to me there, so that I could feed her. My elder daughter Maya was born in Gayvoron in 1939.

When in 1941 the war broke out I was evacuated with my daughter Maya and my husband from Gayvoron. We were escaping from the approaching front line in whatever possible way: on horses, on trains, on passing cars. Trains didn't leave on schedule. There were lice on the walls in the railroad cars. The train traveled for two weeks and nobody washed himself. I never thought that the Germans might reach so far because we had such a strong army. We had been traveling 400 kilometers in the train for two weeks.

We made a stop at a kolkhoz. I found out that my cousin Boris was in Stalingrad and we left for Stalingrad. But by that time dreadful battles took place there. Then we began to find a way to Pyatigorsk, where my husband served. We reached the place in summer 1942. I met my husband in Pyatigorsk. I worked there for several months as a radio broadcasting editor and got an apartment.

In fall 1942 the Germans landed at Mineralnye Vody station not far from Pyatigorsk. The military artillery school, with which Kuzma was evacuated to Pyatigorsk, was the only one that defended Pyatigorsk. When the Germans retreated, we were provided with a train and on that train we went to Podolsk. It was a one-month journey! It happened at the end of 1943. At the end of 1944 Kuzma joined the front-line forces and appeared in Germany, in Leipzig. When he came back, we went to Gayvoron at the end of 1945.

  • Post-war

After the war, when the Party Schools 21 were first organized, I sent him to study to Odessa in a Party School and he became a party supervisor. I started to work for a newspaper. In 1947 our second daughter Yekaterina, or Katya, was born. Kuzma never came back to me from Odessa. There was a trial and my friends persuaded me not to divorce my husband. So we remained non- divorced.

He didn't want to live with me because he'd found a new wife. I knew about his life, and he about my life. He assisted our daughters, paid the alimony until Katya came of age. He died in Odessa in 1970. My husband didn't have any problems about me being a Jewess. He simply fell out of love with me and abandoned me with two children.

In 1969 I defended a thesis at Kirovogradsky Pedagogical Institute for the specialty of 'Ukrainian Language and Literature.' I worked for the newspaper before moving to Leningrad. I retired in 1969 when my grandson, Katya's son, Volodya was born. I took care of him for a year, then exchanged my apartment and left for Leningrad. I continued to work in Leningrad. When my seniority was calculated, it came to 52 years. I didn't work at the editorial office any more, though I was a member of the Journalist's Guild. There was no job for my profession and I worked as a typist for a housing trust. I enjoyed my life. I went to all the theaters with my daughter and watched the best performances.

I thought that my life in Leningrad was something that God had rewarded me with in exchange for all my suffering. I went on tourist trips to Volga, in Leningrad region, organized trips for the party cell and party committee. Life was wonderful. We had a friend who worked at the theater ticket office. We overpaid a ruble for each ticket but always got the best tickets for the best performances. I've seen all the famous actors. If there was a 'burning' ticket at the Trust for a tourist trip, they gave it to me and I went on the trip. The Trust had a good trade union.

My elder daughter Maya worked in Leningrad. Her friends helped her to find a job. She lived with temporary registration in the city for eight years and rented corners. She was registered in the region; she had paid for it. I exchanged my 'villa' for a garden, and a vegetable garden in Gayvoron for a room of 12 square metres.

My daughter found an old woman who had come to Leningrad in 1926 to participate in a construction project. So I obtained a room in an apartment located in Vasilievskii island [one of the disctricts of St. Petersburg]. It had a very small kitchen and three neighbors. My daughter wasn't able to get registration with me. They told her that she had to get registration from her employer otherwise it wasn't possible to get registration in a big city.

Maya graduated from the Leningrad Institute of Mines as an electrician, mechanical engineer. After graduation she worked at the Graphite Combine. Later on an incident happened with her. She worked as a foreman at the mechanical shop in Zavalye in Gayvoron district and simultaneously was the secretary of a YCL organization.

Maya is a very well-educated girl. She had practical work in the mines and the miners never cursed in her presence, she couldn't stand it. Katya, for example, could say a swear word, but Maya was a very delicate person. She listened to the radio and concerts very attentively and liked classical music very much. Later she moved to Leningrad to study.

A worker came to her mechanical shop looking for a part. She told him, 'Go to the Komsomol meeting!' And he replied: '...you - he used some dirty words - I cannot finish this part and you make my head spin with your Komsomol meeting!' She held a piece of cloth in her hand and slapped it across his face for those swear words. A huge thing was stirred up out of it: the foreman beat the worker. She wasn't invited to party plenary sessions anymore. When my daughter was summoned to the party committee, she was asked, why she had hit the worker. She told them that he had cursed. And they said to her, 'Well, well, what a pampered young lady we have here!' I wrote an article to the central newspaper Izvestiya. I called the article 'In defense of a pampered lady.' I received a lot of responses and comments. It was a huge story. In short, my daughter had to leave Gayvoron.

She went to Murmansk region where a friend of hers worked; they studied together at the Leningrad Institute. He wrote a letter to her saying that she could come; get a job and a room after a year of work. She left for Murmansk but never reached it. With her railway ticket it was possible to make a stop. She made a stop on her way from Gayvoron to Murmansk in Leningrad for ten days. My younger sister Feiga lived there. Besides, a lot of friends, who studied with her at the institute, lived there, too. They helped her to find a job at the Heavy Machinery Central Design Office in Metallostroy, near Kolpino, in the suburbs of Leningrad. She worked there for many years and became principal engineer.

Later she was transferred to the Electrosila plant and worked there until she retired. Maya had a fiancé, his name was Lyonya Weissman. His mother was Russian and his father was a Jew. They planned to get married. She wanted to stay in the city, but his parents worked somewhere in the North. His mother arrived and she didn't like my daughter at all. After that Maya never got married.

My younger daughter Yekaterina [Katya] finished a secondary school in Gayvoron and went to work in Kirovograd. She worked as a laborer in a vinegar shop at the foodstuffs plant. Later she was appointed foreman. She got married in 1976. Her husband was a Ukrainian. His name was Pyotr. He still calls me mother. He now lives near Kiev. He was a musician in the army. She worked at the plant at that time and was on duty 24 hours every day. They got acquainted on the phone. He was on duty in his unit and the soldiers were entertaining themselves, calling girls on the phone. They got married and in 1969 their son Volodya was born. He was born in the town of Kirovograd. After he finished a vocational school he was drafted to the army.

Volodya joined the army in 1988 and served in the town of Kaunas in Lithuania. In 1990 two months were left before his demobilization. The soldiers were driving in a car, 15 of them, and sang songs. The driver wasn't very well trained. The car turned over at a sharp turn and 12 people were killed. Katya fell ill from grief and died in a year. During the year that Volodya perished and Katya was still alive, she adopted two kids at the boarding school, a girl for herself and a boy for Maya. This boy lived with us for six years and perished, too. He was riding a bicycle at our summer house near Moscow, fell into a pit, smashed his head badly and died. When Katya died, a childless newly wedded couple adopted the girl. Thus we remained with Maya.

I never wanted to emigrate to Israel. I liked it here, in this country and I didn't want any changes at my age, so the constitution of that country didn't influence me in any way. My parents' graves are here. I was at the burial place, but couldn't find mum's grave. There is a memorial at the place of my father's execution. 15,000 were executed there.

Meetings are held there annually on 9th May, Victory Day 22. I wrote to the Kherson Rabbi and asked him to send me the lists of the executed and information about my parents, if possible. A woman from the Rabbi's office called me and asked me, 'Where was your father born?' It happened five years ago. I replied that I didn't remember where he had been born for sure, but I was certain that he had perished there. Later I lost contact with the Rabbi. But I visited the place on my own, when I came to see my daughter Katya in Kirovograd.

When Hesed was set up in 1993, the Warm House program was the first to be arranged. My friend invited me there. We got together and listened to lectures about customs and holidays. I celebrated Pesach according to what I remembered from my childhood. In a year or a year and a half when that woman left I began to conduct the Warm House myself. Food products are delivered to us. I don't cook lunch, only starters and desserts. I get accustomed to this tradition and try to introduce others to it, telling my recollections at these meetings. I have 13 people at my Warm House. There are very interesting people, even a candidate of science, so there is a lot to talk about and to recall.

I turned back to my Jewish origin, when the situation in the country started to change. We celebrate all Jewish holidays, get acquainted with the Jewish customs, talk about our current business, about our families and celebrate birthdays. We always have refreshments on the table during such meetings and everybody is happy. People say that as soon as they leave, they begin to wait for the next Friday to come. Sometimes women fall ill and we call them and visit them in hospitals.

So we have a very friendly and united family. There are two lonely women among my visitors who still live in communal apartments. In the near future they will supposedly get separate apartments in a social house, which is already built, though something needs to be completed in order to let people move in. As they say, I combine jobs: I'm also a member of the War Veterans Council. I'm a war veteran myself, I have eight medals and recently received a 'front-line soldier' medal. But I'm not as strong as I used to be, so I'm now impatiently waiting for the re-elections in order to be free of this position. However, I'm not planning to get rid of the Warm House.

Hesed delivers food products permanently and there is enough strength so far for cooking and keeping in touch with people. Seminars are held for volunteers, as well as boat trips on the Neva River and trips outside of the city, which helps to regain vitality. I also attend concerts, which the Jewish community arranges in honor of Jewish holidays. I didn't really become a very religious person. I don't pray every day, but I celebrate the Sabbath with the first star every Friday and wait for every Jewish holiday with pleasure.

  • Glossary:

1 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

2 Peresyp

An industrial neighborhood in the outskirts of Odessa.

3 Kotovsky, Grigory Ivanovich (1881-1925)

Russian hero of the Civil War. He worked as an assistant to a manor manager. He was arrested several times over the years and was even sentenced to death, but this was later changed to penal servitude for life. In 1917 he joined the leftist Socialist Revolutionaries. He carried out a heroic campaign from the river Dnestr to Zhitomir in 1918 and took part in the defense of Petrograd in 1919.

4 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

5 Reparation Aggreement at the Yalta Conference

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin met at Yalta, Crimea, USSR, in February 1945 to adopt a common policy. Most of the important decisions made remained secret until the end of World War II for military or political reasons. The main demand of the 'Big Three' was Germany's unconditional surrender. As part of the Yalta Conference an agreement was concluded, the main goal of which was to compensate Germany's war enemies, and to destroy Germany's war potential. The countries that received the most reparation were those that had borne the main burden of the war (i.e. the Soviet Union).

The agreement contained the following: within two years, removal of all potential war-producing materials from German possession, annual deliveries of German goods for a designated amount of time, and the use of German labor. Fifty per cent of the twenty billion dollars that Germany had to pay in reparation damages was to go to the Soviet Union.

6 Baykonur

Situated in Karaganda region in Kazakhstan, it was one of the biggest space vehicle launching sites in the USSR, which carried out an extensive program of space research. The first artificial satellite was launched from Bayknour; the first human astronaut, Yury Gagarin, as well as the first woman astronaut, Valentina Tereshkova, was also launched from Baykonur.

7 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda).

When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

8 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

9 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

10 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

11 Kirov, Sergey (born Kostrikov) (1886-1934)

Soviet communist. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Party in 1904. During the Revolution of 1905 he was arrested; after his release he joined the Bolsheviks and was arrested several more times for revolutionary activity. He occupied high positions in the hierarchy of the Communist Party. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, as well as of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. He was a loyal supporter of Stalin. In 1934 Kirov's popularity had increased and Stalin showed signs of mistrust. In December of that year Kirov was assassinated by a younger party member. It is believed that Stalin ordered the murder, but it has never been proven.

12 Trotsky, Lev Davidovich (born Bronshtein) (1879-1940)

Russian revolutionary, one of the leaders of the October Revolution of 1917, an outstanding figure of the communist movement and a theorist of Marxism. Trotsky participated in the social-democratic movement from 1894 and supported the idea of the unification of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks from 1906.

In 1905 he developed the idea of the 'permanent revolution'. He was one of the leaders of the October Revolution and a founder of the Red Army. He widely applied repressive measures to support the discipline and 'bring everything into revolutionary order' at the front and the home front. The intense struggle with Stalin for the leadership ended with Trotsky's defeat.

In 1924 his views were declared petty-bourgeois deviation. In 1927 he was expelled from the Communist Party, and exiled to Kazakhstan, and in 1929 abroad. He lived in Turkey, Norway and then Mexico. He excoriated Stalin's regime as a bureaucratic degeneration of the proletarian power. He was murdered in Mexico by an agent of Soviet special services on Stalin's order.

13 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

14 Kalinin, Mikhail (1875-1946)

Soviet politician, one of the editors of the party newspaper Pravda, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of the RSFSR (1919-1922), chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1922-1938), chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1938-1946). He was one of Stalin's closest political allies.

15 Elijah the Prophet

According to Jewish legend the prophet Elijah visits every home on the first day of Pesach and drinks from the cup that has been poured for him. He is invisible but he can see everything in the house. The door is kept open for the prophet to come in and honor the holiday with his presence.

16 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

16 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

17 Voroshylov, Kliment Yefremovich (1881-1969)

Soviet military leader and public official. He was an active revolutionary before the Revolution of 1917 and an outstanding Red Army commander in the Russian Civil War. As commissar for military and naval affairs, later defense, Voroshilov helped reorganize the Red Army. He was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party from 1926 and a member of the Supreme Soviet from 1937.
He was dropped from the Central Committee in 1961 but reelected to it in 1966.

18 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

19 Collectivization in the USSR

In the late 1920s - early 1930s private farms were liquidated and collective farms established by force on a mass scale in the USSR. Many peasants were arrested during this process. As a result of the collectivization, the number of farmers and the amount of agricultural production was greatly reduced and famine struck in the Ukraine, the Northern Caucasus, the Volga and other regions in 1932-33.

20 Party Schools

They were established after the Revolution of 1917, in different levels, with the purpose of training communist cadres and activists. Subjects such as 'scientific socialism' (Marxist-Leninist Philosophy) and 'political economics' besides various other political disciplines were taught there.

21 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

Arkadiy Redko

Arkadiy Redko
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: October 2003

Arkadiy Redko is a short bald-headed man. Although he is severely ill, he is still quite vivid. In 1993 Arkadiy became assistant chairman of the Association of Jewish War Veterans in Kiev. He collects memoirs of the veterans. The organization resolves everyday life issues, assists veterans with medications and food products and takes care of lonely and ill people. Arkadiy has little free time. We met in the building of the Kiev Association of Jewish War Veterans, when he managed to get an interval. Arkadiy appreciated the idea of preserving the story of his family. He lives with his wife now.

My parents' families lived in the village of Ilintsy, Vinnitsa region [285 km from Kiev]. I didn't know any of my grandmothers and grandfathers. They died long before I was born. I don't know where they were born, and never heard anything from my relatives in this regard. My paternal grandfather's name was Volko Redko. It's a Ukrainian name, but my grandfather was a Jew through and through. I don't know the origin of this name. My grandfather was born in the 1850s. I don't know what my grandfather did for a living. I don't know my grandmother's name. All I can say is that my older sisters, Mariam and Esther, were named after our grandmothers. All I know about my mother's father is that his first name was Avrum.

There were four children in my father's family: three sons and a daughter. Avrum, the oldest of the children, was born in 1880. The next was my father, Leib, born in 1885. My father's sister, whose name I don't remember, was born in 1886. My father's younger brother, whose name I don't remember either, was born in 1887.

My father never told me about his childhood and youth. I don't know anything about his life in his parents' home. His mother tongue was Yiddish. My father must have got some religious education. I don't know whether his brothers or sister went to school. When my father was old enough, he was sent to become an apprentice to a tinsmith. Later my father began to work as a tinsmith.

My mother, Pesia Redko, was born in Ilintsy in 1886. I don't know how many brothers and sisters she had. I only remember her two older brothers. One of them, whose name I don't remember, lived in Ilintsy. He was much older than my mother. He was a tall, stately man with a big black beard. My mother's brother was the chief rabbi of the synagogue in Ilintsy. Judging from my mother and her brother, my mother's family was very religious. My mother's second brother emigrated to the USA in the early 20th century. I don't remember his name. I only saw him once in July 1932, when he came on a visit. I was a child, and can hardly remember this meeting. My mother's family spoke Yiddish.

Ilintsy was a district town in the district of the same name. Before the Russian Revolution of 1917 1 this was one of many Jewish towns in Vinnitsa region. Its population was about 10,000 people, of which about 5,000 were Jews, so about 50 percent of the total population. Ilintsy was located on the bank of the Bug River. There was a market in the main square and a church nearby. There was a synagogue not far from the main street. I don't remember whether there was as shochet in Ilintsy, but I guess there must have been one, considering that there was a synagogue. In 1934 during the period of the Soviet authorities' struggle against religion 2, this synagogue was closed, and the building housed a machine and tractor yard. There was a club in Ilintsy where they showed movies and conducted meetings. There was also a cinema where we, boys, used to go, when we managed to save a few kopeck.

There was a cheder in Ilintsy before 1917, but after the Revolution it was closed. There was a seven-year Jewish school. There were no religious subjects taught after the Revolution, but teaching was in the Yiddish language. The school was near the church and the market. There was a football ground near the school. There was a big sugar factory in Ilintsy where many townspeople had seasonal jobs. Jews in Ilintsy were craftsmen and tradesmen, shoemakers, tailors and store owners. Perhaps, Jews also owned bigger stores before the Revolution, but they were dispossessed after the Revolution of 1917. There was also a very good assistant doctor in Ilintsy, a Jewish man. There was no Jewish neighborhood in Ilintsy; the majority of Jews lived in the center of town. Farmers lived on the outskirts keeping livestock and working their fields. There were district fairs in Ilintsy. There were no Jewish pogroms in Ilintsy 3, which otherwise happened frequently during the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War 4. Jews got along well with their neighbors. People respected each other's religion and traditions.

My parents got married in the early 1900s. They had a traditional Jewish wedding. It could have been no different at that time. After the wedding the newly-weds settled down in the small wooden house on the bank of the Bug River, about 20 meters from the bank on Zemskaya Street, where our family lived till 1932. Our family occupied one half of the house, and the other half belonged to my mother's older brother Avrum, his wife and two children. There were two rooms and a kitchen in each half of the house. There was a small yard and a shed in the yard. There was a well, from where the families fetched water. For washing they heated it on the Russian stove 5.

My oldest sister was born in 1914. Her Russian name was Klara [see common name] 6, and her Jewish one Mariam after one of our grandmothers. My second-oldest sister, Esther, was born in 1916. She was named after the other grandmother. In 1918 my brother, Volko, named after my father's father, was born. I was born in 1924. My Russian name is Arkadiy, and I was given the Jewish name of Avrum after my mother's father. My youngest sister, Asia, was born in 1926.

My mother was a housewife after she got married. My father had to support the family. He traveled to neighboring villages looking for work. He mainly fixed buckets and wash tubs. He didn't earn much and we were poor. We lived from hand-to-mouth. We only had meat on holidays and our everyday food was bread and potatoes. The younger children wore the older children's clothes and shoes. However, we didn't care that much about it since the majority of the population of Ilintsy lived that way: Jews and non-Jews. Despite our poverty, my father insisted that all children had education.

We spoke Yiddish at home. We also knew Russian and Ukrainian, but our mother only spoke Yiddish. She just knew a few Russian words. My mother wore a kerchief. My father didn't wear a hat. He didn't have a beard or payes.

My mother was more religious than my father. On Friday evening the family got together for dinner. My mother started preparations for Sabbath in the morning. She made gefilte fish and potatoes and put a pot with cholent into the oven for the next day. Even when my father was away from home for a few days, he always came back before Sabbath. My mother lit candles and recited a prayer and then we sat down to dinner. The next day my mother went to the synagogue. Sometimes she took me and my younger sister with her. My father didn't work on Saturday. My older sisters and brother didn't go to the synagogue. They studied at school where religion was not appreciated. The school children weren't only raised atheists, but they were also taught to 'enlighten' their retrograde religious parents, telling them there was no God. However, my sisters and brother joined the family for celebrations on Sabbath and other Jewish holidays.

Before Pesach my mother baked matzah in the Russian stove. We, children, enjoyed preparations for holidays. We hardly ever had enough food on weekdays, but my mother tried to make as much food as possible for holidays. She saved money to have chicken, gefilte fish, and make strudels from matzah with jam, raisins and nuts for holidays. There was a general clean up of the house before Pesach. Bread crumbs were removed and fancy crockery was brought down from the attic. I don't remember any details about the celebration of Pesach in our home, or whether my father conducted the seder: it was so many years ago... I remember that we also celebrated other Jewish holidays: Chanukkah, Sukkoth, Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur, but no details. I was seven to eight years old then, and now I am 80.

In 1931 my father was arrested by the NKVD 7. He was kept in a cell for a month while they kept demanding silver and gold from him. My father was brutally beat, as they demanded: 'Tell us where the money is'. We didn't have any money or gold, and only when they had made sure that this was true they let my father go. I didn't recognize my father when he came home. He was 46 years old, but he looked like an old man. He was thin, couldn't walk and stayed in bed for a long time. My father didn't tell us anything, but that he was beaten terribly. My mother hardly managed to bring him to recovery. However, we didn't blame anybody thinking that it had just been a mistake. We thought that since the Soviet power had many enemies, the NKVD often had to resort to strong measures.

I went to the 1st grade of the Jewish school in 1931. My older sisters and brother also went to this school. I had all excellent marks at school and I enjoyed going to school. I had many friends. I knew many of my classmates before school. We used to swim in the river and play together.

A famine plagued Ukraine in 1932 8. It was easier to survive in towns, but in villages people died in thousands. It was a tragedy for our family. We were starving. We didn't have our own vegetable garden and had to buy all food products. My father hardly ever managed to get work. My older sisters moved to Kiev. My brother went to study in a rabfak 9 in Kharkov [430 km from Kiev]. Only Asia and I stayed with our parents. Our situation was very hard. My sisters sent us a message saying that it was possible to find a job in Kiev and thus my parents decided to move to Kiev. We left Ilintsy in December 1932. I studied in the 3rd grade at the time.

We settled down in the damp basement of a house on Artyoma Street in the city center. My parents fixed it as much as they could to bring it to a condition we could live in. I went to the 3rd grade of the Jewish school near our house. My sister Asia went to the same school a year later.

My father continued to work as a tinsmith in Kiev. He left home early in the morning to work in the streets fixing casseroles and wash tubs that housewives brought him. He earned very little, but at least we could survive.

My oldest sister, Klara, went to study in the Kiev College of Food Industry. At first she studied in the preparatory department called rabfak; then she became a student at the college. She was accommodated in the dormitory. In 1937, my sister Esther married Yuzia Orlovski, a Jewish man from Ilintsy, whom we knew well. He finished a military school and became a professional military. They didn't have a Jewish wedding, considering the political and economic hardships of the time. They registered their marriage in a registry office, and in the evening there was a wedding dinner with the family in our damp basement on Artyoma Street.

I liked studying at school. I became a pioneer and then joined the Komsomol 10. We were raised patriots of the USSR and had unconditional faith in Stalin and the Communist Party. We learned patriotic poems and sang Soviet songs in Yiddish and Russian. They were popular Soviet songs by Soviet composers, such as the 'March of the Pioneers': 'Dark blue nights will burst in fires, We are pioneers - the children of workers, A fair era will come soon The pioneer motto is 'always be ready', or: 'My homeland is vast There are many fields and rivers in it, I don't know another country Where an individual can breathe so freely'

We sang songs about friendship and the Komsomol; I don't remember their titles. There was a melodious song in Yiddish about the happy life of various nations in the Soviet Union building a happy life for future generations.

The arrests that started in 1936 and lasted till the beginning of World War II [during the so-called Great Terror] 11 didn't have any impact on our family. They mainly arrested high officials, party activists and the military that were declared 'enemies of the people' 12. Almost every day there were announcements about new arrests in the newspapers and on the radio. We believed that there were true reasons behind it. Stalin was our idol.

My mother couldn't correspond with her brother in the USA. Soviet authorities cut off any contacts with foreigners. [It was forbidden to keep in touch with relatives abroad.] 13 People were arrested and sent to the Gulag 14 for having relatives abroad, or could be executed on charges of espionage.

After World War II, when I visited Ilintsy, I was told that the director of the Jewish school in Ilintsy had been arrested in 1936. He was captured when he was getting off a bus. They said he was an enemy of the people. I knew this man well and understood that he was innocent. But at that time, before the war, I had no doubts that he was guilty; I was just a boy then. However, at that time the majority of adults believed everything the newspapers wrote.

My older brother, Volko, moved to Moscow after finishing Industrial School in Kharkov. He had been reading a lot since his childhood and started to write poems in Yiddish at the age of 16. He was going to enter the Jewish department of Moscow Pedagogical College. He traveled by train, where his documents were stolen. Upon his arrival in Moscow my brother arranged a meeting with Kalinin 15. Kalinin had duplicates of all documents issued, and my brother managed to enter college. He lived in the dormitory where he met many activists of the Jewish culture. He shared his room with Aron Vergelis who was chief editor of 'Sovyetishe Gaymland', 'Soviet Motherland', the only magazine in the USSR published in Yiddish.

My father fell severely ill in 1939. There was something wrong with his legs: he couldn't walk and became an invalid. He couldn't work any longer. His doctor, a surgeon, told him there was no cure. My younger sister and I studied at school. My mother didn't work. My brother switched to the extramural department in his college and moved to Kiev. He went to work in the editor's office of 'Der Shtern', 'The Star' newspaper, published in Yiddish. There was a big team of Jewish writers and journalists. My brother's poems and articles were published in 'Der Shtern', and the Kiev newspapers 'Komunist' [Communist] and 'Pravda Ukrainy' [The Truth of Ukraine], published in Russian and Ukrainian. Volko also wrote reviews on Jewish literature. Sometimes he took me with him to meetings of Jewish poets. Volko believed that whatever I was going to do in life, I had to know the Jewish literature. Volko finished college in 1940 and received a diploma with honors. My brother was the pride of our family and my idol.

In 1939 the government issued an order to close Jewish schools in the USSR. I had finished eight grades before then and continued my studies in a Russian school. There was no anti-Semitism in this new school. I also had all excellent marks there.

My older sister, Klara, finished college in 1939 and received a [mandatory] job assignment 16: she was sent to the town of Stanislav, present-day Ivano-Frankovsk [490 km from Kiev]. She rented a room from a local Polish family. They treated her like one of their own.

On 20th June 1941 I finished the 9th grade. There was another year left at school, but I was already thinking of where to continue my studies. On the morning of 22nd June we got to know that German planes bombed Kiev and that the Great Patriotic War 17 had begun. At noon Molotov 18 spoke on the radio announcing that Hitler had breached the Non-Aggression Pact [Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact] 19, attacking the USSR without announcing war. Then Stalin spoke: he said we would win.

The following day my brother Volko, my brother-in-law, Yuzia Orlovski, and I went to the district registry office to volunteer for the front. We were sure that the war was to be over soon and rushed to take part in it. The military commander told me I was too young to go to the front and that they would call for me, if necessary. Since my brother-in-law was a professional military, he was recruited to go to the front. My brother and other recruits took a course of training in the military registry office before they went to the front. My sister went to see Volko. She came one hour before he was to depart for the front. Volko gave her a notebook with his poems, 67 of his poems which he had written from 1937 to 1941 and which had never been published. My brother went to the front, joining Regiment 148 of the Kiev Proletariat division defending Kiev.

Evacuation began in Kiev. Everyone believed our troops would stop the Germans before they could invade Kiev, but my parents decided to leave anyway. We left Kiev on 7th July. There were my parents, Asia and I, my older sister, Esther, and her twins: her daughter Sophia and her son Herman, born in 1939. Herman was called Izia in the family. We headed for Chkalov, present-day Orenburg, in Russia. It took us almost eight days to get to the town of Sol-Iletsk in Chkalov region. We found shelter with an old couple. Their sons were at the front and they treated us like their own.

My older sister, Klara, was in Stanislav when the war began. Her landlords were nice people and meant well for Klara. They told her to stay with them and that Germans were civilized and cultured people and weren't going to do any harm. My sister agreed to stay. On 28th June a lieutenant whom she knew came to tell her that the last train was leaving and if she didn't take it, she would be killed by the Germans. My sister decided to come to us in Kiev. On the way the train was bombed and only moved very slowly. The trip lasted twelve days. There was a long stop in Poltava. My sister took her luggage to her acquaintance and left it with her. She was so sure that the war was to be over in no time that she only took her documents with her. Klara arrived in Kiev on 11th July and began to look for us. Fortunately, there was an evacuation information agency in Buguruslan that helped her to find us. She joined us in Sol-Iletsk four months later, in October 1941. The Germans exterminated all the Jews of Stanislav on the first days of the occupation.

The locals and the administration of Sol-Iletsk were kind and sympathetic. They understood how hard it was for the people who had left their homes. This was a small town and the people living there were poor. They never reproached us with coming to their town. We heard the words: 'Why did you come here, did anybody call for you?' when we returned to Kiev from the evacuation. There was no anti-Semitism in Sol-Iletsk. The locals didn't even know who Jews were.

I had to go to work to support the family. My father could barely walk, but he still tried to go out to find some work. It took a long time before he finally got a job as water carrier in the school of assistant doctors. It was too hard for him to work alone there and I helped him. My father didn't get money for this work, but received food cards [see card system] 20. I went to work at the Ministry of Defense storage facility. I was the only young employee there - the rest were 20-30 years older than me. We worked three shifts. I came home and went straight to sleep.

My sister Esther went to work at the railway station. When her husband, who was at the front, found her, she began to receive certificates for money allowances. My mother stayed at home and looked after Esther's twins. There was a ration of 400 grams per person. My younger sister, Asia, had to stand in line the whole day to receive bread for the family. In Sol-Iletsk Asia went to work at the school of assistant doctors.

We never missed the news from the front. There was a map of the USSR where employees marked the positions of the Soviet troops in every organization. Each town or village left to the enemy was pain for us, but we believed in what Stalin said: that we would win. We were full of patriotism and hatred for the enemy. Boys were impatient about going to the front and I was no exception. There was less than a year for me to wait till I would go to the front.

We didn't have many clothes with us. When the manager of the storage facility saw what I wore to work, he gave me a pair of trousers. I wore them twice and then gave them to my father - his clothes were even more miserable than mine. Our landlords helped us a lot, giving us their sons' clothes. We kept in touch with those people after the war and corresponded with them till 1967, when the old couple died. No one of the family was left: both their sons had perished at the front.

In September 1941 we received a notification saying that my brother Volko was missing in action. We wrote to the military units and registry offices searching for him. His comrades, writers and journalists, also tried to help us, but in vain. We didn't have any information till 1976. In my despair I wrote to the 'Pravda Ukrainy' newspaper, which published my article, 'Looking for my brother' in 1975. My brother's former fellow comrade called me. This was Yakov Ziskind, a Jewish man. He met with me and told me about my brother.

Volko perished on 7th August 1941 in the battle near the village of Stepantsy, Kanev district, Cherkasy region [100 km from Kiev]. During a counterattack he threw himself with a bunch of grenades under a German tank. Yakov Ziskind took my brother's passport and diploma to give them to us after the war, but on the next day there was an air raid and Yakov lost his leg. He was evacuated to a rear hospital at Zolotonosha station [140 km from Kiev]. The following day this station was captured by the fascists. All warriors of regiment 148 defending the station perished. Yakov was in hospital for a long time. Later he tried to find us, but failed. The newspaper article helped him to find me.

I went to Stepantsy where I met with the former director of the local school, Ivan Skoropud. He promised me to try to find my brother's grave. In 1980 the district newspaper 'Dneprovskaya Zvesda' [The Dnieper Star] published an article about Volko, entitled 'On a field near Stepantsy'. All school children were looking for Volko's grave, and, finally, they found it. His comrades had buried him in the field... I visited my brother's grave near Stepantsy.

I joined the army in June 1942. All new recruits were sent to the Reserve Regiment 61 near Chkalov where we were trained in hand-to-hand combat, shooting, the basics of military training. From there we went to the front in early 1943. The first stage of the war in 1941-42, when our troops were retreating and suffering great losses, was over. Those were the hardest years of the war. In early 1943 there was a turning point in the war. Our armies were attacking on all fronts. We sensed that we were on the way to victory. We became stronger. There were better provisions to the army and we also began to receive assistance from the US: vehicles for the front and food products. However, the Americans didn't open the second front before June 1944, when the US saw that our armies were on the threshold to Germany and knew that we might manage without their help.

I was sent to regiment 125 of the rifle unit of the 3rd Ukrainian Front. My first battles were for the liberation of Donetsk region, the town of Konstantinovka [610 km from Kiev]. Our troops were advancing promptly. Our artillery regiment started artillery preparations and then the infantry went into action. When we incurred big losses, we were sent to the rear for several days or months. At that time we could lead a normal life where there was no war. Then we returned to the same front or a different one at times.

So I started my front experience in the 3rd Ukrainian Front and ended in the 1st Belarussian Front under the command of Marshal Zhukov [Editor's note: Georgy Konstantinovich Zhukov was born in 1896 in Kaluga province, Russia, and died in Moscow, in 1974. He was a marshal of the Soviet Union, and the most important Soviet military commander during World War II.]. After Konstantinovka we liberated Artyomovsk [610 km from Kiev] and on 17th October 1943 we came to Zaporozhiye [400 km from Kiev]. Then, in 1944, we relocated to Manevichi station [400 km from Kiev] in Western Ukraine and liberated other towns and villages there. This was when I received my first combat award: the medal 'For Valor'. Military units were continuously relocating. At times we moved to new locations by train and when there weren't enough vehicles we walked. The Americans supplied their first vehicles in 1944, but we still had to cover vast distances on foot.

There were three Jews in our company and two in the platoon. Vinnitskiy from Leningrad had a squad under his command. He was a good man. We didn't pay attention to each other's nationality. We were about the same age and were raised patriots. We cherished human values. It was important at the front line what kind of a person was beside you. At times your life depended on your comrades. There was no anti-Semitism at the front. There was a common enemy, and a common goal: victory.

We usually pitched tents and sometimes stayed in local houses, when there was a village nearby. We had food supplies every day and the people in the field kitchen cooked for us. We also received mail from our families, and newspapers. There were central, front line and division newspapers. I liked to read articles by Erenburg 21 published in 'Krasnaya Zvesda' and 'Pravda'. These newspapers were read aloud and then we shared them with one another. I corresponded with my family.

We were young and during intervals tried to forget about the war. We had musical instruments in our military unit and arranged concerts, singing and dancing along to the music. When we stopped in a village, we went for walks and to dances.

In 1943 I submitted my application to the Party. The procedure was no different from the one in peaceful times. I needed two recommendations. I had a recommendation from the Komsomol and two recommendations from party members. The only difference was that if someone submitted an application before a combat action you added the following words: 'If I perish, please consider me a communist'. The candidateship lasted a year. I joined the Party on 9th May 1945, on the day, when the complete and final capitulation of fascist Germany was announced [see Victory Day] 22.

I was very fortunate: I wasn't wounded once the whole time I was at the front line. Once I was shell-shocked and my commandment wanted to send me to hospital, but I refused because I didn't want to be in hospital when the war was over. I always thought the end of the war was near.

There were also penal battalions at the front. I only heard about them. They consisted of former prisoners. I guess, they were sent to the front from 1942 to 1944. There were many military who failed to follow their commanders' orders, and even if it was impossible to follow them, they were sent to the tribunal anyway. They were sent to the most dangerous locations. They completed their task. They had to serve there till they 'tasted blood'. If they got wounded, they were sent to hospital and once recovered, they joined ordinary military troops.

We began to meet partisans in 1944 and talked to them. In 1944, during the liberation campaign in Lutsk region, we struggled with partisans for some time. One of them told the story of how they had shot one of the partisans, a Jew. He stood sentinel over other partisans, when he fell asleep. The partisan military tribunal sentenced him to death. I asked the partisan how it happened that he had fallen asleep. Could he not just have been exhausted? And this partisan just replied that if there had been an attack and the guard had been asleep they would have been eliminated. That's how it was: the laws of the wartime were not to be discussed. In Volyn region the commanding officer of my company met his friend, a partisan. They were in encirclement in 1941. Kovtun fought his way into a military unit, and his friend stayed in the woods. Kovtun gave him his horse. In late 1944, when the war was coming to an end, the partisan units were disbanded, and the partisans were assigned to military units.

There were representatives of SMERSH [special secret military unit for the elimination of spies; lit. translation 'death to spies'] in each squad in the army. SMERSH actually belonged to the NKVD and was responsible for fighting spies, but of course, there were many more SMERSH representatives than spies. Those people were to identify people who expressed their concerns about so many unjustified losses or their discontent with the commandment, etc. They had their informers, whom they called 'volunteer assistants'. After the war SMERSH operated in our regiment in Germany.

We were advancing fast. In late 1944 we came to Poland. Some Polish people were glad the Soviet army was there, others hated us. Before attacking Warsaw we stayed in a village. This was in January 1945. I made friends with a Polish man; he was a nice person. I knew Russian and Ukrainian and thus had no problem understanding Polish. He told me about his life and country, and sang Polish songs. He told me that there were people who hated communist ideas and didn't like us to be there. I was 19 years old and this seemed weird to me; I didn't understand.

I remember the following episode from our attack on Warsaw: One soldier discovered a group of Germans in a forest. One of them left the group running from one tree to the next and looking back. I followed him. He saw that I was coming closer and threw a grenade. I threw myself to the ground before the grenade exploded. Then I rose to my feet and shot at him using my machine gun. He fell. When I came closer, he was still alive. He was holding a grenade. He probably wanted to blast himself and me, but it was too late. He turned out to be a corporal, who had been awarded three crosses. He was a sniper and had killed many soldiers during the war. We got to know this after we studied his documents. Our front newspaper wrote about it and published my photograph. I was awarded the 'Order of the Great Patriotic War, 2nd class'.

I faced fascists for the second time in April 1945, when the column of vehicles of our regiment moving in the direction of Berlin, was fired at in the woods. A shell hit a vehicle of our squad and many perished. When this kind of attack had happened at the beginning of the war, we tried to pass the dangerous location as soon as possible. At the end of the war, however, we didn't just flee. A group of soldiers of our regiment including me ran in the direction from where we heard the shooting. I ran to the nearest blindage. There were seven Germans, one of them an officer. They were caught unawares. I yelled, 'Haende hoch!' and they raised their hands obediently. I took the captives to our commanding officer and went back to my unit. Our army newspaper also wrote about this incident.

In April 1945 the central newspaper published an article by Alexandrov, chief of the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee, in which he criticized Erenburg for his appeal to exterminate all Germans. Alexandrov wrote that we, Soviet soldiers, had to clearly understand the difference between fascists and peaceful people and be loyal to peaceful Germans. I felt the same way. Germans were different, just like all other people. Some Germans hated Hitler, but there were too few of them to raise arms against him. I hated fascists, but when they surrendered, I could shoot at them, or even hit them. When we arrived in Germany, the local population fled, thinking that we were going to kill them, but we didn't. However many towns, villages and plants they had destroyed, however many Jews and people of other nations they had killed, I was loyal to them: I respected kind people and treated German fascists like defeated enemies. We were also raised in the spirit of respect of German workers and German communists. We were sure that the Germans would kill all Soviet people forcibly taken to Germany, but we met girls and women working for German families and we were happy to see them and so were they.

The attack on Berlin began in April 1945. Those were horrific battles. The commander of the 1st Belarussian Front, Marshal Georgiy Zhukov, came there to take command in person. Our troops were in the hollow, and the Germans had more beneficial positions than us. We couldn't see the German tanks - they were camouflaged. Our attack lasted several days and we incurred great losses. However, this was all we could do - and we won. This was the last big battle. I was near Berlin, when the war came to an end. On the early morning of 9th May we heard about the victory on the radio. This was such a holiday! There was a festive meeting in the regiment. Everyone, even strangers, kissed each other, talked about the end of the war and the life at the front. We went to Berlin, and I and my fellow comrades signed the wall of the Reichstag. Our peaceful life began.

Of course, the joy of the victory was saddened by the memory of those who had perished in this war: our fellow comrades, families and peaceful people. The Germans came to Ilintsy three weeks after the war had begun. Many Jews failed or didn't want to evacuate. My father's brother Avrum and his family perished during a mass shooting of Jews in Ilintsy. My mother's older brother, the rabbi of the synagogue in Ilintsy, and his family were shot. We don't know the exact date, but this was one of the first mass shootings. On 17th January 1943 the family of my brother-in-law, Yuzia Orlovski, was killed during a mass shooting of Jews in Ilintsy; there were seven of them: his father, mother, two brothers and a sister and her two children. They were buried in a common grave. Yuzia survived at the front. He was severely wounded during the defense of Leningrad [see Blockade of Leningrad] 23 and became a war invalid. When he heard about his family, he went to their grave, and there witnesses told him how it had happened. This was a tragedy. Yuzia lived his short life after the war in poverty and hardships. He died in 1963. He was buried in the Jewish section of the cemetery in Berkovets, Kiev. My father's younger brother died in evacuation in Tashkent [Uzbekistan] in 1942. His older son perished at the front in 1941. The younger son survived, finished a medical college after the war and became a doctor. I didn't have contact with him. He died in 1996. My father's sister stayed to live in Tashkent where she had been in evacuation. She died shortly after the war.

In 1945 I got a leave and went to Kiev to visit my family. They were in the same basement apartment where we had lived before the war. My older sister, Klara, and my parents returned to Kiev. My father was very ill and could hardly walk. My sister worked and helped my mother to take care of the father. My sister Esther, her husband and children also lived in Kiev, but not with my parents. My younger sister, Asia, finished the school of assistant doctors in evacuation and worked as an assistant doctor in a polyclinic. She fell ill with tuberculosis in evacuation. There was no medication and life was full of hardships and her disease progressed. My parents couldn't work and didn't receive any pension. Fortunately, Volko's friends did what they could to help my parents to get a pension of 200 rubles for their lost son, my brother.

Unfortunately, I only visited Ilintsy twice after the war. Once I went there after demobilization in 1950 and the second time with my wife in 1973. She wanted to visit my homeland. Hardly anyone of all ´the Jewish families living there before the war survived. They were hoping for a miracle, but it didn't happen. My friends who stayed in Ilintsy also perished.

Of course, many nations and many countries suffered in this war, but I think that the heaviest hardships fell on our people. Would any other country have endured this? Not one army or state. I think any other country would have had to surrender, sign an agreement and stop its existence at this. Germans were merciless to many peoples and particularly so to Jewish people. Only the Soviet people serried by the party and Stalin could win after suffering such great losses. According to the most recent data we lost 24 million people to the war. Who made a decisive contribution to the victory? The Soviet Union and the Soviet army, of course. And those Jews who were at the front and perished fighting for the Motherland, did not give their lives for nothing. I can say the same about my brother, who perished young, having seen or done nothing in his life. We, the living, must feel this. That's all.

After the war I served in Germany for five years. My year of recruitment to the army, 1942, meant that I was subject to demobilization in 1950. Berlin was divided into four zones. Our regiment was to prepare territories for the arrival of English, French and American troops. Besides, in 1946, we were involved in preparing German specialists for their departure to the USSR. The government didn't want them to work for the occupational armies. They weren't forcibly taken to camps, they volunteered to go to the USSR. They were selected by representatives from the USSR - directors and human resource managers of big plants that were in need of qualified personnel since most of our specialists had perished at the front. There were announcements on the radio for qualified personnel willing to work in Soviet plants to make their appearance at certain locations. Those people had contracts and willingly went to work at enterprises.

The population of Germany suffered from hunger in the postwar years. And those, who went to the USSR, were provided with food and clothes and had normal living conditions. The majority of them worked at plants in various towns of the USSR, helping to restore the industries and install new production lines. They weren't involved in the military production, of course. I remember us sending a train with Germans to Kuibyshev, where they were accommodated in dormitories with everything necessary for a living. They could take their belongings with them and were allowed to correspond with their families. They wished to go to the USSR and were glad to have this opportunity. I don't know exactly what happened to these people then since I never met any of them, but I believe they returned home. I know for sure that they weren't forced to stay.

In the Soviet sector we helped the local population. I served in Kustrinchen on the border of Poland and Germany, and, later, in Frankfurt an der Oder. In 1945-46 we often went to the camp for prisoners-of-war, German officers. They talked to us and answered our questions. When the subdivision of the town into sectors was over, so was the arrangement of the Soviet sector. I was sent to serve in Berlin. I spent the last two years of my service in Dresden. Half of the town was in ruins from bombings. We stayed in the barracks of the former military academy in Dresden. We communicated with Germans. There were very good people among them. We did our ordinary military service and had trainings. There were SMERSH representatives in our regiment, but we didn't know their mission. We were far from them. The SMERSH representatives sometimes arrested the military. Once in 1947 our soldier guarding a German prisoner began to help him: he went to addresses that this German told him to deliver messages to. This German was arrested for his ties with intelligence and the soldier was arrested for assisting him. I don't know what happened to him.

During my service in Germany I was aware of the events in the USSR from magazines, newspapers and the radio. In 1948 the campaign against 'cosmopolitans' 24 began in the USSR. I knew about this from newspapers. Almost every issue of the newspaper published an article about Jewish scientists, artists, writers or poets accused of incredible things, even of their efforts to destroy the USSR. I couldn't believe those people were against the Soviet power and Stalin. Sometimes I bumped into names I knew, like Lev Kvitko 25, a Jewish writer, and others. I was sure they were innocent and couldn't understand why they were referred to as cosmopolitans. It wasn't just me, a 24-year old guy, but also older people who had no doubts about the truthfulness of what the papers published. I had an ambiguous attitude to this: I could not believe that the people whom I had known and respected were guilty and I couldn't distrust Stalin. Jews were blamed for everything; it was like there was an entire Jewish conspiracy. I didn't experience any change in attitude towards me in my regiment, but I sensed that the attitude towards Jews on the whole had changed.

When I read in newspapers about the establishment of Israel in 1948 [see Balfour Declaration] 26, I was happy. Finally the wanderings and persecution of the Jewish people were over and we had our own state.

In 1950 I demobilized and returned to my family in Kiev. I had to work and study. I had finished nine grades before the war. I went to work as a receptionist at the mixed fodder factory. In 1952 I went to the 10th grade of an evening school. I attended school after work, came home very late and still had to do my homework. It was very hard, but I was eager to get education. My family supported me as best they could.

I met my future wife, Tamara Shkuro, in the evening school. She and I shared a desk. I liked this sweet humble girl. We became friends first and then began to see each other. Tamara is Ukrainian. She was born in Poltava [315 km from Kiev] in 1922. Her mother, Tatiana Shkuro, was a housewife, and her father, Timofey Shkuro, was a cashier at the railroad. Tamara's younger sister, Yevgenia, was born in 1924. During the Great Patriotic War the family was in evacuation. After the war they moved to Kiev. Tamara's father was an invalid; he was bedridden for ten years. My wife's mother died in 1959, her father in 1963. Yevgenia got married. Her family name was Gorova. She was a cashier. Yevgenia had two sons. We were always close with her. Yevgenia died in February 2004.

In January 1953 the 'Doctors' Plot' 27 started. A group of Jewish doctors was accused of trying to poison Stalin. I simply couldn't believe it. I thought that Doctor Timoschuk, who disclosed them, was fulfilling someone's order. Somebody wanted to instigate anti-Semitism and they didn't disdain to use any means. This was a horrific time. I didn't believe what the newspapers published. I couldn't believe that there were Jewish people speaking against Stalin. Stalin was an idol in my family. Only my mother was against Stalin. Of course, this caused arguments. We argued with Mama and she kept saying, 'You will know who Stalin is, time will show'. I guess, she thought that Stalin was a tyrant and to blame for anti-Semitism and the arrests of innocent people, including my father's arrest and the resulting impact on his health condition. She never believed this could have been happening without Stalin's knowledge while my father and I thought this happened because of local officials, and Stalin had no hand in it.

On 5th March 1953 Stalin died. It was a grief to me like to the majority of the Soviet people. I was crying like people cry after their close ones. We were thinking what was going to happen to us and to our country. I still think that if it hadn't been for Stalin, we wouldn't have won the war. He solidified the people and taught us courage acting as an example himself. When fascist troops were close to Moscow, Stalin didn't evacuate, but continued to rule the country from Moscow. Yes, Stalin was a rough man, but he was as rough with his family as with his comrades. During the war we all knew the story of his son from the first marriage, Yakov Dzhugashvili [Stalin's family name was Dzhugashvili; Stalin was his revolutionary pseudonym.], whom Germans captured at the front. They offered Stalin to exchange his son for the German Field Marshal Paulus who was in Soviet captivity, but Stalin refused saying that they wouldn't exchange a private for a Field Marshal. This was the kind of man he was.

I didn't quite believe what Nikita Khrushchev 28 said about Stalin at the Twentieth Party Congress 29. I think, Khrushchev was wrong with regard to the evaluation of Stalin's personality and deeds. There are many books now representing Stalin as a bloodthirsty monster. Well, they can say what they want, but one needs to know the history. Everybody must know what Stalin accomplished. He was so far-seeing that back in 1939 he expanded the Soviet borders shifting them to the west. Who, if not Stalin, won the war? Who stopped the advance of the Germans? Of course, Stalin had his shortcomings. He exterminated the members of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee 30, and he was killing Jews and other nations, but we need to pay tributes to him: Stalin rescued the Soviet Union and the whole civilized world from the fascist threat. This is my personal point of view and I shall not give it up. Time will show who is right.

In 1954 I finished school with a gold medal. I had all excellent marks in my certificate. That same year I entered the Sanitary Technical Faculty of Kiev Engineering Construction College. I didn't have to take any entrance exams having finished school with a gold medal. I had to pass an entrance interview 31. I never faced any anti-Semitic attitudes. Perhaps, the fact that I had been at the front, played a role. I studied well. I was one of the few communists in the course. I was appointed senior man of the group. My co-students and lecturers respected me. I had many Jewish and non-Jewish friends in college, and we still keep in touch. In all the years of my studies I only had three 'good' marks, the rest were 'excellent'.

My wife, Tamara, entered the Geodesic Faculty of the Land Reclamation College. We got married after finishing the second year in college, in 1955. My mother had died in 1954. We buried her in the Jewish cemetery in Kiev according to the Jewish ritual. Later this cemetery was closed since there were no more places for burials. My father didn't worry about my marrying a non-Jewish woman. What mattered to him was that we loved each other. He helped us with preparations to the wedding. We registered our marriage in the registry office, and in the evening we had a wedding dinner with our closest friends. We stayed to live with my father.

In 1956 a tragedy struck our family: my younger sister Asia died from tuberculosis. She was only 30 years old. We buried Asia in the Jewish section of the Berkovets town cemetery in Kiev.

I finished college in 1959 and got a job assignment to work at a construction and assembly agency. I worked as a foreman, an expert in sanitary engineering, on construction sites in Kiev. I was involved in the construction of all the major facilities in Kiev: hotels, colleges, the buildings of the Verkhovna Rada [Ukrainian Parlament] and the Cabinet of Ministers. My management thought highly of me. I worked there 33 years and had nothing to complain about. I retired in 1992, but I keep in touch with my organization. Tamara didn't finish college - it happened so. She worked as a geodesist. My wife retired in 1990.

My wife and I didn't celebrate Jewish or Christian holidays. We always celebrated Soviet holidays: 1st May, 7th November [October Revolution Day] 32, Victory Day, Soviet Army Day 33, 8th March [International Women's Day], New Year's. We also celebrated birthdays. Our friends and relatives visited us. On Victory Day we went to the Grave of the Unknown Soldier. Veterans of the war got together there to share their memories. Children brought us flowers. On this day I always recall those who didn't live to see the victory, and of course, my brother Volko is the first whom I recall.

In 1960 we received our first apartment. It was a communal apartment 34 and we had several neighbors. In 1968 my wife and I received a separate apartment in Rusanovka, which was a new district in Kiev then. Now it is a well established district on the bank of the Dnieper. We have no children. My father lived with us. He died in 1973. He was buried in the Jewish section of the Berkovets cemetery in Kiev.

My niece Sophia, Esther's daughter, married Boris Lifshitz, a Jewish man. Her only daughter, Zhanna, was born in 1959. Sophia was a housewife. Her mother, my sister Esther, was severely ill and bedridden. Sophia tended to her. Her twin brother Herman worked at the pram factory after finishing school. He was married and had a daughter. Herman fell ill with anemia and died in 1986. His daughter finished the national Polytechnic University. She works as an engineer.

When Jews began to move to Israel in the 1970s, I didn't even consider departure. My wife is Russian, she wouldn't go and I couldn't leave her. But first of all, I was a patriot and I could have never left my motherland for good. I was confused about my friends and acquaintances who decided to leave their motherland. I couldn't understand how they brought themselves to leaving their country, though I understood that anti-Semitism was dispiriting and it was hard for people to endure it. I never faced anti- Semitism, but I knew it existed.

In 1979 Zhanna, Sophia's daughter and granddaughter of my sister Esther, left the country. Her parents stayed in Kiev. Sophia had to take care of Esther. We were against Zhanna's departure, but now I understand that she did the right thing. We correspond with her. Zhanna lives in New York. She is doing well. She is married and has two children: her daughter was born in 1992 and her son in 1997. My sister Esther died in 1990, Klara died in 1991. They were buried in the Jewish section of the Berkovets cemetery, near Esther's husband and my father's graves.

In 1976 I got an unexpected gift from life. Volko had left his scrapbook of poems with Esther before he went to the front. These poems were published in Yiddish in 1976; the book was entitled 'The Lyre'. Besides, this same year my brother's friend and co-student, Aron Vergelis, chief editor of the 'Sovyetishe Gaymland', published these poems in Yiddish in ten issues of the magazine. Vitaliy Zaslavskiy, a Ukrainian poet, translated almost all the poems by my brother into Russian. He published six volumes of Volko's poems in Russian. The most recent one, 'Premonition', was issued by the Kiev publishing house 'Rainbow' in 2001, shortly before Zaslavskiy's sudden death. Besides, Zaslavskiy sent Volko's poems to Israel. In 2003 Volko was awarded the Literature Award of Israel posthumously. They now prepare a volume of poems by my brother in Ivrit for publication.

When the general secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU [Communist Party of the Soviet Union], Mikhail Gorbachev 35, started perestroika 36, it first seemed a turn to a better life to me. We were interested, but he didn't give us anything real. I thought Gorbachev made too many mistakes. They became fatal and led to the breakup of the USSR [Yeltsin in 1991 signed a deal with Russia's neighbors that formalized the break up of the Soviet Union. The USSR was replaced by the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS)]. They say Gorbachev gave us freedom. Yes, one can go out into the street and shout that the president is bad, but it will not change anything. Yelling, making noise and going to parades will not make anything happen. I think perestroika didn't give us anything, but took away our past, our life and, finally, the USSR. I believe, this was an American plot. Gorbachev followed directions; he didn't have his own opinion.

I've taken interest in the life in Israel since it was established. I've never been there. I've had many invitations, but I refused. I've only traveled to Leningrad, Moscow and the Crimea with my wife. I read about Israel though. The situation is very hard now. I think their Prime Minister, Sharon, conducts the right policy making no mistakes. There is no other way out. It's hard to fight with Arabs. They surrounded Israel on all sides. The Jewish nation struggles for survival. The nation has lived in this hostile environment for 2000 years. I believe Israel must win. And it will.

I retired in 1992, but I've still been working since. In 1993 I became deputy chairman of the organization of Kiev Jewish veterans of the war. I was elected secretary of the all-Ukrainian organization of veterans of the war in the Jewish Council of Ukraine. I am a member of the military commission in the Jewish Council of Ukraine. For eight years I've been a member of the council of the Kiev Jewish community, a representative of the Jewish Council of Ukraine in the Sohnut 37 and Joint 38, and a member of the Association of Jewish War Veterans in Kiev.

As for the Jewish life in Ukraine after the breakup of the USSR, I think there are more Jewish leaders in Kiev and Ukraine than there is a Jewish life. There are many Jewish centers: 10-15 make a Jewish center, but they don't want to unite for the sake of the common goal, but want to take command. Over ten Jewish newspapers are published in Kiev and more than 47 in Ukraine. And they compete with one another. I think there will never be a Jewish life in Ukraine because people live very different lives. Ukraine will never get out of this state: it's necessary to replace the political elite. The only Jewish organization really beneficial for the people is Hesed 39. Hesed helps old people by providing food and medications; they also celebrate birthdays in Hesed. It's very important for old people to know that they are remembered. There are often meetings with delegations. And of course, Kiev's Hesed supports Jewish organizations. We need to render justice to them - they accomplish a lot.

I am an atheist; the majority of Jews are atheists. I think that any religion is anti-scientific. An intelligent person who knows about history would never agree to believe all those fables about the existence of God. Every nation has a religion believing that it descends from God. But in reality, people do not believe in gods or idols, they believe in real life. Real life is what is important.

Glossary:

1 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

2 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

3 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

4 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

5 Russian stove

Big stone stove stoked with wood. They were usually built in a corner of the kitchen and served to heat the house and cook food. It had a bench that made a comfortable bed for children and adults in wintertime.

6 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

7 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

8 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

9 Rabfak (Rabochiy Fakultet - Workers' Faculty in Russian)

Established by the Soviet power usually at colleges or universities, these were educational institutions for young people without secondary education. Many of them worked beside studying. Graduates of Rabfaks had an opportunity to enter university without exams.

10 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

11 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

12 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

13 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

14 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

15 Kalinin, Mikhail (1875-1946)

Soviet politician, one of the editors of the party newspaper Pravda, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of the RSFSR (1919-1922), chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1922-1938), chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1938-1946). He was one of Stalin's closest political allies.

16 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

17 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

18 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

19 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non- aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

20 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

21 Erenburg, Ilya Grigorievich (1891-1967)

Famous Russian Jewish novelist, poet and journalist who spent his early years in France. His first important novel, The Extraordinary Adventures of Julio Jurento (1922) is a satire on modern European civilization. His other novels include The Thaw (1955), a forthright piece about Stalin's régime which gave its name to the period of relaxation of censorship after Stalin's death.

22 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

23 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

24 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

25 Kvitko, Lev (1890-1952)

Jewish writer, arrested and shot dead together with several other Yiddish writers, rehabilitated posthumously.

26 Balfour Declaration

British foreign minister Lord Balfour published a declaration in 1917, which in principle supported the establishment of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. At the beginning, the British supported the idea of a Jewish national home, but under the growing pressure from the Arab world, they started restricting Jewish immigration to Palestine. However, underground Jewish organizations provided support for the illegal immigration of Jews. In 1947 the United Nations voted to allow the establishment of a Jewish state and the State of Israel was proclaimed in May 1948.

27 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

28 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

29 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

30 Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC)

formed in Kuibyshev in April 1942, the organization was meant to serve the interests of Soviet foreign policy and the Soviet military through media propaganda, as well as through personal contacts with Jews abroad, especially in Britain and the United States. The chairman of the JAC was Solomon Mikhoels, a famous actor and director of the Moscow Yiddish State Theater. A year after its establishment, the JAC was moved to Moscow and became one of the most important centers of Jewish culture and Yiddish literature until the German occupation. The JAC broadcast pro-Soviet propaganda to foreign audiences several times a week, telling them of the absence of anti-Semitism and of the great anti-Nazi efforts being made by the Soviet military. In 1948, Mikhoels was assassinated by Stalin's secret agents, and, as part of a newly-launched official anti-Semitic campaign, the JAC was disbanded in November and most of its members arrested.

31 Entrance interview

graduates of secondary schools awarded silver or gold medals (cf: graduates with honors in the U.S.) were released from standard oral or written entrance exams to the university and could be admitted on the basis of a semi-formal interview with the admission committee. This system exists in state universities in Russia and most of the successor states up to this day.

32 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

33 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the 'Day of the Soviet Army' and is nowadays celebrated as 'Army Day'.

34 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

35 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

36 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

37 Sochnut (Jewish Agency)

International NGO founded in 1929 with the aim of assisting and encouraging Jews throughout the world with the development and settlement of Israel. It played the main role in the relations between Palestine, then under British Mandate, the world Jewry and the Mandatory and other powers. In May 1948 the Sochnut relinquished many of its functions to the newly established government of Israel, but continued to be responsible for immigration, settlement, youth work, and other activities financed by voluntary Jewish contributions from abroad. Since the fall of the Iron Curtain in 1989, the Sochnut has facilitated the aliyah and absorption in Israel for over one million new immigrants.

38 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re- establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

39 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

קיטי ואוטו סושני - רק כמה רחובות זו מזה

אורך הסרט : 12 דקותמערך שיעור מצורף

קיטי ואוטו סושני גדלו בווינה, מרחק רחובות בודדים האחד מהשנייה, אך לעולם לא נפגשו בזמן שגדלו.
בליל הבדולח, נובמבר 1938, שניהם נמלטו מאוסטריה להגן על חייהם. קיטי עזבה לאנגליה ואוטו היגר לפלסטינה. לאחר המלחמה הם שבו לווינה נואשים למצוא את שעל בגורל הוריהם
...שם, קיטי ואוטו נפגשו ומאז לעולם לא נפרדו

Kitty und Otto Suschny -- Only A Couple Of Streets Away From Each Other

Kitty and Otto Suschny both grew up in Vienna, only a couple of streets away from each other, but they never met while growing up. After the Reichspogromnacht in November 1938, both fled Austria for their lives; Kitty went to England, while Otto emigrated to Palestine. After the war, they returned to Vienna, desperate to find out what had happened to their parents. That´s where they met, and they never separated again...

Kitty und Otto Suschny -- Nur Ein Paar Strassen Voneinander Entfernt

Kitty und Otto gingen beide in Wien zur Schule. 1938 floh Otto nach Palästina, Kitty wurde per Kindertransport nach England geschickt.

Nachdem Otto als Soldat der britischen Armee in Italien das Ende des Krieges miterlebt hatte, ging er als Dolmetscher zurück nach Wien. Auch Kitty kehrte zurück, in der Hoffnung, ihre Eltern zu finden. So lernten sich Otto und Kitty kennen..

ХАЯ-ЛЕЯ ДЕТІНКО: "ПЕРЕЖИВШИ СТАЛІНСЬКИЙ ГУЛАГ"

Хая-Лея народилася в 1920 році в Рівному, яке згодом відійшло до Польщі. Вона виросла в традиційній єврейській родині, вступила до сіоністського молодіжного клубу «Гашомер Гацоїр» і сподівалася емігрувати в Палестину, як і її сестра. Але Радянський Союз окупував східну Польщу у вересні 1939 року і членство Хаї-Леї в «Гашомер Гацоїр» коштувало їй десяти років заслання в Сибір. Її сім'я залишилася, не знаючи, що згодом нацисти заполонять місто після депортації Хаї-Лeї на схід. Хая-Лeя пережила ГУЛАГ і переїхала до Ленінграду (Санкт-Петербург), де вона поділилася своєю історією з Centropa в 2002 році. Цей фільм присвячений Хаї-Лeї, яка померла незабаром після інтерв'ю.

Haya-Lea Detinko -- Przetrwanie Stalinowskiego Gułagu

Haya-Lea urodziła się w 1920 roku w Równem, które należało wtedy do Polski. Wzrastała w tradycyjnej rodzinie żydowskiej, przyłączyła się do syjonistycznego klubu o nazwie Haszomer Hacair i planowała wyemigrować do Palestyny, tak jak jej siostra. Jednakże we wrześniu 1939 roku sowieci zajęli wschodnią Polskę a Haya-Lea została skazana za przynależność do Haszomer Hacair na dziesięć lat ciężkich robót na Syberii. Reszta jej rodziny pozostała w Równem nie wiedząc, że naziści opanują miasto tuż po deportacji Hayi-Lei na Wschód.

חיה לאה דטינקו - בגולאג של סטלין

חיה לאה, נולדה בעיירה הפולנית של רובנו, שם היא גדלה במשפחה יהודית מסורתית, הצטרפה למועדון הנוער הציוני וציפתה בכיליון עיניים להגר לפלסטינה, בדיוק כמו אחותה. אבל הרוסים כבשו את מזרח פולין בספטמבר 1939 ובעקבות החברות של חיה לאה בשומר הצעיר היא קיבלה עונש של עשר שנות עבודת פרך בסיביר. שאר בני המשפחה שלה שנשארו מאחור, לא ידעו כי הנאצים פלשו לעיר מיד לאחר גירושה של חיה של לאה מזרחה

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