Travel

Matilda Cerge

Matilda Cerge
Belgrade
Serbia
Interviewer: Rachel Chanin Asiel
Date of interview: November 2005

Matilda Cerge lives in a cozy house in a lush Belgrade suburb. Although she lives in the same two-story house as her daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren, she is entirely independent and vital.

Her vibrant flower- bed keeps her busy most of the year. While the flowers are thawed over she keeps warm and busy stoking her tiled stove

In the cold months her cat, Kica, is snuggled up next to the fireplace keeping her company.

  • Family ancestry

My family has lived in Dorcol 1 for more than 200 years. As far as I know they fled from Spain [see Expulsion of the Jews from Spain] 2. I don't know how they got here, but I do know that they lived in the Balkans. I assume they came via Istanbul, and they came and stayed in Serbia while it was still under the Turks.

[Editor's note: On the border between the Ottoman and Habsburg empires, the city passed back and forth several times between the two great powers, in the 17th and 18th centuries, but remained primarily under Turkish control until the Serbian independence movement began in the early 19th century Source: 'The Jews of Yugoslavia: A Quest for Community,' Harriet Pass Freidenreich]

That was most likely at least 200 years ago. They lived here in Dorcol, the Jewish section. Jews lived on Solunska Street, Visokog Stevan Street, Gospodar Jovanova Street, where we lived, and so on. They didn't have to live there, that's just how they settled and lived. It wasn't like a ghetto, it was voluntary.

[Editor's note: There is evidence that Romanioti, Jews who followed the Romans and were neither Ashkenazi nor Sephardic, lived in Belgrade already in the 13th century. Source: 'Until the Final Solution Jews in Belgrade 1521-1942,' Zeni Lebl.

By the 16th century a small Sephardic community had established itself in Belgrade. One of the earliest contemporary documents to survive refers to a fire in 1560 which destroyed a number of Jewish homes in the town. The first Jews apparently lived in the western part of town near the Sava River... Most of the later arrivals, however, settled in a region near the Danube called Jalija (the shore) and later also in nearby Dorcol. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich]

I don't know any stories about my ancestors. You know [when the war started] I was eleven and my sister nine, and those kinds of stories didn't interest us. Had we been a little older it would have been very interesting.

Maybe 10,000 Jews lived in Belgrade at the time. I don't know what percentage this was of the whole population. [In 1931 there were 238,775 people living in Belgrade of whom 7,906 were Jews. By 1939 there were an estimated 10,388 Jews, 8,500 of whom were Sephardim and 1,888 Ashkenazim.

In 1895 Jews constituted 5% of the population and in 1931 3%. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich] There was the synagogue on Cara Urosa Street. [At the end of the 19th century the leaders of the Sephardic community decided to build a new large synagogue in the Zerek neighborhood in Belgrade.

Construction was begun in a ceremony attended by King Petar I in May 1907 and the Bet Israel synagogue was completed on 7th September 1908. It was destroyed during the bombing of Belgrade on 6th April 1941. Source: Zeni Lebl] There was the old synagogue in Dorcol where my birth was registered.

[The Old Synagogue or El Kal Vjezo was built in the late 1600s. This building survived fires, floods, and both world wars only to be destroyed by the communists sometime after WWII.]. I know that on my baptism papers [birth record] it says 'old synagogue.'

Most Jews lived in Dorcol; I don't know if some lived elsewhere. [Until the 19th century virtually all of Belgrade's Sephardim continued to live in Dorcol. In the 1870s the wealthier members began moving out of the quarter. In 1921 there were 3,171 Jews - 65% of the city's total Jewish population - still living in Dorcol. However, the neighborhood lost most of its Jewish flavor because by then only 23% of the population was Jewish. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich]

I know that there were mainly family businesses, but there were also doctors and engineers. [Editor's note: The Jews in Belgrade were heavily concentrated in commercial activities and white-collar employment, and to a lesser extent, crafts and the free professions.

In the Sephardic community in 1940, among the 2,002 taxpayers, 27% were merchants, 21% clerks or employees, 8% artisans, and 4% physicians, lawyers or engineers. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich] In general Ashkenazi didn't live in Dorcol, maybe a few. In general they were all Sephardim. [Editor's note: The Ashkenazi community in Belgrade evolved into a completely separate entity.

Ashkenazim began arriving in Belgrade in significant numbers only in the second half of the nineteenth century. The Ashkenazi Jews neither lived in Dorcol in significant numbers nor really formed an enclave of their own. They lived wherever their financial resources allowed them. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich]

We were a middle class merchant family.

I have a picture of Jakov [Kalef] with a fez while he was serving in the Turkish army. Since the Turks had occupied Belgrade, they had to join the army. [Editor's note: In 1869, all Serbian subjects, including the Jews, became liable for military service. A number of Jewish soldiers fought in the Turkish wars of 1876-77. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich]

Image removed.

My grandmother [Matilda Kalef], her sister Lenka [Koen (nee Kalef)] and brother Jakov [Kalef] lived on the same street. Our three families lived on Gospodar Jovanova Street. Not in the same apartment; each family had its own apartment.

I don't know where they lived when Nisim Kalef, my paternal grandfather, born in Belgrade in 1878, was still alive. I know that they already lived on Gospodar Jovanova when my mother married. We lived until the end with Matilda. I don't know what Nisim did, but he was probably a merchant. Neither Nisim nor anyone else wore a hat or a beard. They were all in civil clothing. They wore regular hats as was the fashion at the time. My grandmother and grandfather were both Kalefs; they were distant relatives. Nisim died in Belgrade in 1912.

Matilda was the pillar of our house. [She was born in Belgrade in 1876] Imagine she was widowed when she was 25 with three children. [Her husband Nisim Kalef] died a banal death. He had a perforation to the caecum and died. My grandmother remained to struggle with the three kids. Then two sons died and only one remained, my father Avram. I don't know the names of the boys who died.

Image removed.Matilda woke up every morning at five. After she got up, she made herself coffee in the kitchen. I remember how she savored that coffee. Everyone else was sleeping. She was a big woman. She had lovely, long, thick hair. In my whole life I never saw such hair again. Her braids were like this [the interviewee motions to show a few inches thickness]. She then brushed her hair. She didn't cover her hair. She always wore it in a bun at the back of her head. After brushing her hair she went to the farmers' market.

The big market was on Gospodar Jovanova Street near Kralja Petra and Visnjiceva Streets. The farmers' market was open every day. Grandmother went to the market every day [except Saturday]. When she was done shopping she hired an Albanian to carry all the things back home. He carried the groceries in a big basket, which he wore on his shoulders. Then she put it all away. She instructed the girl who worked for us what needed to be prepared for lunch and went to the store. She came home at noon for lunch. She ate lunch with the rest of us, had a little rest and then got ready to re-open the store.

Grandmother always opened the store at four and was there until seven. On her way home she went by Pelivan, a pastry shop on Kralja Petra Street, right near the Jewish community building, close to Gospodar Jovanova Street, on the left side where the Jewish community is. There she always bought us some sweets.

She never came home without something for her granddaughters. She ate her dinner. Then her friends from the neighborhood came to play cards. They stayed until ten. It was a mixed group of men and women. Then she got things ready for the next day's lunch until midnight or one in the morning. Her work day was about 20 hours long.

Maybe she slept for four hours. She was a phenomenal woman. Saturdays she opened the store, but she didn't work. Instead she took me to the theater. She loved comedies. The two of us watched all the plays by Nusica [Branislav Dj. Nusic (1864-1938), considered by most to be the greatest Serbian comic actor of his time], Stevana Sremca [considered to be one of the most widely read and popular Serbian writers of the 19th century. His works are still being performed today.], etc.

She only took me. She didn't take my sister because she was too wild and mischievous. Sunday mornings we always went to the movie matinee. We went to the Kolarac movie house. There was also a pastry shop there where we would have a cake after the movie.

Grandmother was an expert at making cakes; she was a wonderful housewife. She made such fantastic baklava and cakes in general. She made all sorts of Turkish things. Not torta [rich layer cakes] rather baklava. No other housewife ever made flaky dough like she did.

I remember very well when she kneaded it with butter, then she banged it with the rolling pin to mix the butter into the dough and flour. She made those banicika, pies. Banicika is what we called those Spanish pies. The pies were from meat, milk, spinach or as we used to call them in Spanish di karni, di leci, etc...

There was dough, filling and on top more dough, all put on a tray, and then cut. It wasn't rolled like the pies we eat [in Serbia] today. Never again did I eat pies as wonderful as those made by my grandmother. Not one housewife knew how to make them as well as my grandmother.

Grandmother prepared food for the winter and all kinds of preserves. My sister loved sweets and there was never enough for her. I don't like them as much. When fall came grandmother would make preserves out of all kinds of fruits. In the dining room we had a big cabinet. Above there were two drawers and above the glass [doors] and below there was empty space.

There, Grandmother jammed in all the jars with preserves. Every day when there was no one at home, except that woman who worked in the house, who did not dare say anything, my sister would open one jar, take a little preserve and return it. With time she had opened every jar and taken a little from each. Grandmother would have had a stroke if she had known.

Grandmother sang and had a nice voice. She sang, especially while she made all those pies. While she was in the kitchen making food she was singing. She cooked and sang. I don't remember the songs she sang, but in general they were Serbian and Spanish songs. She never told us stories. There was never time. If she had free time she went out. She used to yell at my sister because my sister was so restless.

Grandmother was dressed in civil clothes. She had very nice clothing. She had two or three things that were pure Jewish clothing. They lived so long in Serbia, and they liked the Serbs very much. They took pictures in traditional Jewish clothing, but also in national Serbian clothing. That is how much they loved Serbia.

Image removed.My grandmother traveled everywhere. She went to Israel and Egypt via Greece with a group. There was even a picture of her sitting on a camel. The Germans took that picture [along with everything else we owned]. That picture was on the wall in the house.

The group she went with was comprised of Jews from Belgrade. There was also a picture of her and the group at the Acropolis. She didn't intend to live there because father was sick, immobile and dependent on other's help. I don't know if we had family there, if she had friends there, where she slept or if she brought back any souvenirs. When I look at that picture I start to laugh because I also love to travel; I am just like my grandmother - the same. I don't know if she left Yugoslavia, but she traveled a lot in Yugoslavia.

Despite all the tragedies that she encountered in life - a paralyzed son, the loss of two sons and a husband - she fought. She was the pillar of the family. She rented those apartments and maintained the stores. All of that was due to my grandmother.

Her older brother, Granduncle Jakov, helped her. We lived right next to each other, number three and number five Gospodar Jovanova. He took care of her and our family. It was as if he was our grandfather. Granduncle Jakov was on the board of the Jewish community. 

He was a cantor in the synagogue. Granduncle was involved [in Jewish communal life] and he kept my father and grandmother informed about everything. Because we were like one family and he was the head of the family. [In fact,] Jakov and Grandmother were the heads.

My granduncle Jakov was one of the main people on the board of the Jewish community. He worked a lot, he was very involved. I know that he got a decoration, a medal, but I don't know what kind or what it was for. He got it from the King.

[Editor's note: It isn't known which king presented it to him, or if it was at all presented by a member of a royal family.] He even went to the palace. When King Petar 3 was young, 16 or 17 years old, they gathered kids his age from different families and once a week they went to play with him, to socialize with him. My cousin David Kalef always participated in playing with King Petar. I think the family must have had very high standing, if this was allowed.

I had an aunt, Regina Kalef, grandmother's brother's daughter, who married a man from Sofia [Bulgaria] named Eskenazi. I don't remember his first name. Otherwise, all the rest of our relatives lived in Belgrade.

Image removed.My father, Avram Kalef, was born in Belgrade in 1902. He was a wonderful child, went to gymnasium, spoke several languages and finished that academy for international trade. My father was a diabetic and had to pay a lot of attention to what he ate.

It was real trouble with Father. He was the first person to have a wheelchair in Belgrade. It was made especially for him. I don't know who made it or where it came from. There was a young man who pushed the chair, dressed him and put him in bed.

Despite all of that he was incredible: full of energy, full of humor, he didn't give up, he wanted to go everywhere. He educated himself. All kids from Jewish families, they all took great care about educating themselves: to learn languages, etc. It was very important. My father didn't wear a kippah nor did he put on a tallit. He couldn't go to the synagogue because of the wheelchair.

Father followed the local news, everything that was possible, but he was never involved in politics. My father was very funny, very social, despite the fact that he was in a wheelchair. Sometimes he went to the store to work the cash register.

He spent a lot of time in the French and German reading rooms. He read newspapers in those languages. [Many times] he told the man to take him near a park bench and pick him up in an hour, two or three, and take him home. During that time all the governesses, French and German girls who took care of kids, would gather around him. He was full of stories and they adored him because he knew French and German. He entertained them and they loved him.

My mother was born in Ljubljana, Slovenia, in 1909. Her name at birth was Antonija Ograjensek. Her mother died when she was very young and [her siblings] were scattered all around. When she was 18 or 19 she came to Belgrade to visit her sister who was living here. That is when she met my father. I don't know how my parents met. I never asked.

My mother was very pretty and young and my father fell in love with her. She met him when she was about 20. They married very soon after they met. I don't know exactly when, maybe it was 1928.

I was born when she was still 20. When my mother met him it was fashionable for young men to walk with canes. My father used one as he was already not stable. I only remember him in a wheelchair.

The whole [Kalef] family was very much opposed to my father marrying an Aryan. It was terrible. They didn't accept her, in fact. Never. She lived here and bore children, and Father supported her. Her family wasn't Image removed.against the marriage. They were probably satisfied considering we were well- situated.

Father said, 'This woman and no other. Her! End of story!' He didn't want to hear about any other woman. And in the end my grandmother gave in, because of her son. I just know that they, Grandmother and the rest of the Jewish family, were very against his marrying her.

She had to convert to Judaism when she married him. When she converted she changed her name to Dona Bat Avraham. They called her both Dona and Antonija. Mainly our relatives called her Dona. And everyone called her Tonka.

I know that my mother's sisters [Minka and Justina] came to the wedding from Slovenia. Her sisters came to our house but not often. Her sister who lived in Belgrade returned to Slovenia. She didn't remain in Belgrade.

My mother didn't have time to tell us stories. She was always busy. All day long she was busy. Whenever the store was open she was there. And when she came home she didn't know what needed to be done first. In addition to the help we had she was always straightening up and helping around the house.

Mother sang very nicely. When the three of us were home we always sang together. Different songs. We were always singing. My sister sang soprano and Mother and I alto. When we were together we were singing.

Mother didn't have many friends before the war, probably because she was busy all the time.

During the summer, we went with my mother to Slovenia and the seaside and to resorts with fresh water springs. We were at resorts with my mother a few times. We went to Mataruska Springs [5 kilometers from Kraljevo]. My mother had rheumatism and went there to swim in the springs. In general we were with my mother.

I went a few times with my grandmother [to the fresh water springs]. Grandmother never took my sister anywhere. She was very restless and unruly, and Grandmother didn't like this. I was her favorite.

My mother and father never fought. My mother used to yell at us. Grandmother never did. Mother respected Grandmother. Grandmother was the authority. She took care of everything. What she said was the way it had to be. It had to be listened to.

  • My childhood

Image removed.I was born at home [in 1929]. My mother was taken to the hospital, but she ran away and came home. I don't know which hospital. I guess she ran away because she was scared. She came home and gave birth there. I was born prematurely, after only seven months.

There were no incubators then. It was terrible. I needed to be kept alive. My grandmother rubbed goose-fat all over me, and then she wrapped me in cotton. Only my head remained uncovered. She kept me near the stove to keep me warm. And she fed me with a teaspoon for dolls, one drop at a time.

I had no strength. Nine months or maybe a year later, I received the first prize for the most advanced child from 'Kap Mleka' [the pediatric health clinics at the time]. I have a picture of this. We went to the city's children's health clinic where they examined us.

My sister [Rahela Kalef] was born normally in the hospital [in 1931]. My sister always had a talent for acting and everything. Whenever we were anywhere, during Purim for instance, if we were at someone's place or at home and people came over, we recited verses and sang.

Since we were the youngest in the family they always made us recite passages and sing. It wasn't enough for my sister to sing; she had to be put on the table. She liked to show off. I stood off to her side and we sang duets or we recited something in duet. She very much liked to get attention.

I was called Tilka and my sister Ela. Everyone called us by these names. After the war Mother continued to call us by these names.

My sister didn't take singing lessons, only piano. She learned to sing later. She always found a way to make trouble and to start a fight with me. She didn't have one minute of peace. Our apartment had two entrances, the main one from the hallway and the other from the garden.

By that back entrance there were steps which led to the terrace. The two of us very often separated ourselves from the others. On the small terrace we had a table and two chairs and the two of us sat there. One time I was going down the steps into the yard, a part of the terrace fence was a bit bent and she started to jump on that outer edge.

I got down from the steps and she said, 'Stay there so that I can stand on your head.' I asked her, 'Are you crazy?' She said, 'Did you hear me? I want to stand on your head.' I answered, 'I don't want you on my head.' She really started to stand on my head and then she fell and cut her chin. Panic broke out in the house. We needed to quickly take her to Tadeusa Koscuskog Street - that was Marsala something or other street [at the time] - where there was a clinic. There she was given two stitches. Terrible.

Image removed.They dressed us very nicely. They took good care of us. They always put curlers in our hair so we had nice curls with ribbons and other things.

I was Grandmother's favorite. She practically raised me. I went everywhere with her. She even took me with her to the spas. Twice a year she went to the spas, like Vrnjacka Spa [situated in southern Serbia, 380 meters above sea level], and she took me with her.
Once, when I was five years old, I went with my grandmother to the spa. Grandmother was very worried that her granddaughter shouldn't go hungry. We were in a hotel and we had normal meals there. But, it wasn't enough for her.

So she went to the farmers' market early in the morning to buy kajmak, the wonderful fresh cream that they make there and fresh lepinja flat rustic bread]. She went to buy these things to ensure that her granddaughter didn't lose one gram.

[While she was at the market] I was locked in the hotel room, so that I wouldn't go anywhere. While I sat there in the room, bored, waiting for Grandmother, I sat by the mirror and started to twist a brush into my hair.

When grandmother came she couldn't untangle the brush and in the end she had to cut my hair. Her granddaughter, her beauty, instead of having lovely curls was deformed, with one side longer [than the other side]. She only cut the one side, the other side she left as it was.

My mother made us drink fish oil everyday. Mother would shove a tablespoon of oil into our mouths and then quickly put a slice of an orange in or something for us to swallow. We had to do this everyday so that we could get healthy. I am telling you, practically all winter we were at home sick. If it wasn't a cold, then it was bronchitis or this or that.

We were even in a sanatorium on Fruska Gora [hilly country immediately south of Novi Sad which extends along the Danube for almost 80 kilometers reaching its highest point in Crveni Cot (539 meters)] for three months. We were young, maybe my sister was three and I was five.

After that mother was very worried about our health and she took us a lot of times to Slovenia so that we could be in the Slovenian forest during the summer to breath the Slovenian air. During the day we laid on a hammock in the woods to breathe in the air and get better.

It is amazing how delicate we were. We were sick, we had every possible illness: measles, chicken pox, mumps, problems with lungs, everything. We were not spoiled. Maybe my grandmother exaggerated a bit; maybe she kept us too warm. Then when we went out we got sick. And imagine this, when the occupation came, when we lived up in the attic, and when we had nothing left to eat, we were never sick.

  • Going to school

My sister and I went to the same school, but she was younger than me. We went to the Jewish kindergarten. I cannot remember where it was. In general I remember that we went there. I don't remember the teachers. I don't remember anyone from there. I don't know if there was a Jewish school.

[Editor's note: In Belgrade at different times before WWII there was a Talmud Torah, a communal institution where boys learned until their bar mitzvah, Sephardim had a meldar and Ashkenazim a cheder, both of which were private institutions for boys until their bar mitzvah. Immediately before WWII there was no Jewish elementary school. Source: Zeni Lebl] We were not in any Jewish organizations; we were too little. 

I started elementary school here on Kralja Petra Street. It was a public school. There were Jewish and non-Jewish children. It was mixed. There were some Jews in my class. [Editor's note: In the 1938/39 academic year there were 503 Jewish students enrolled in elementary schools in Belgrade; 450 in gymnasiums; 38 in commercial academies and 36 in vocational high schools.

Jewish students constituted 4.4% of the students enrolled in the University of Belgrade. Source: Zeni Lebl] I was friends with Muci Eskenazi and Mirjam Levi and a boy named Zak whose last name I don't remember. Zak liked me a lot and brought me flowers. We walked to school together and returned together.

He lived across the street on Gospodar Jovanova. He would pick flowers, white field chamomile from the lawn, [and give them to me]. He was killed too. I shared a desk with a Serbian girl. Mirjam and Mucika [Muci] sat in front of me. I was also friends with the Serbian girl but better friends with the other two. I don't remember any other friends from my childhood except Mirjam and Muci.

There were no Jewish teachers, only Serbian ones. I don't remember their names. We studied the normal program for elementary schools. I don't remember liking one subject more than any other. Elementary school started at eight and went until 12.

I think we always went to elementary school in the mornings. We didn't eat lunch at school. Only the poor kids ate there; we ate at home. I don't remember if we had religious lessons in elementary school. In elementary school we didn't have to wear any special clothing.

Image removed.I finished elementary school and then two years of gymnasium before the war. I went to the 4th Women's Gymnasium in Dorcol, on Cara Dusana Street. It was also a mixed school. All the professors were Serbian. It was normal that girls go to gymnasium like the boys. I never had any problems in either elementary school or gymnasium because I was a Jew.

At that time this type of anti-Semitism didn't exist. I don't know if we went to school on the Jewish holidays. In gymnasium we had to wear hats with our grade on it and black aprons. I cannot remember if we went to gymnasium in the mornings or the afternoons.

I went to the Jewish community for religious classes. All of the Jewish children had to go to religious lessons on Kralja Petra [Street]. I don't know the names of the teachers. There we learned about the Old Testament and the Jewish language. Clearly, I didn't learn any of that, because it was such a short time. In general I know that we Jewish children had to go to our own religious classes when the Serbian children had theirs. 

This was once or twice a week. There was a predetermined time when the Jewish kids gathered in the small hall [upstairs in the Jewish community]. This is why even today I love to go to the community, especially the small hall, upstairs on the second floor, where we had our religious classes. I love this building especially because I went there as a kid. I also fondly remember the hall downstairs where we had the Purim parties.

My sister and I learned to play the piano. At first we had a Russian teacher and then, towards the end, there was a Jewish woman named Rea who gave us lessons. At the beginning the lessons were interesting like with all kids. The two of us were always singing. We sang various songs.

  • Our family life

When we were not in school we played. We spent a lot of time in Kalemegdan since we lived two houses away and didn't have a big garden. [Editor's note: A medieval fortress and large park on the northwest tip of Belgrade where the Danube and Sava Rivers meet.] We went by ourselves with other kids from the neighborhood.

There were see-saws, merry-go-rounds, tire swings and other swings. This was great recreation for us and we spent as much time there as possible. Of course there was a time when we had to be home, maybe at eight; we had to be home to go to sleep.

When I was a kid my favorite food was grandmother's pies, banicika di karmi, di leci, that is in Spanish for: with spinach, meat, eggs, milk.

My favorite toys were dolls. My sister and I had divine rubber dolls. Grandmother's sister-in-law, Jakov's wife, Lenka [Kalef], who lived next door at number five, loved us very much. Every year before Purim, unbeknownst to us, she took our dolls and made new dresses for them. The dresses were always different so that we wouldn't fight over them. My sister's were blue and mine pink, or the opposite. It was wonderful.

We got new clothes for the Serbian holidays, when all the little kids went out. For Vrbica we always got new clothes, since we would take a walk with our parents. We always had new dresses the same as the other kids, so that we wouldn't be different than them.

[Editor's note: The Serbian Orthodox Palm Saturday and Sunday. On Saturday afternoon there is a procession of children carrying banners, crosses and little bells. Green branches of a willow are placed on a table in the church and remain there until the next day, Palm Sunday. Willow branches were used, thus the name Vrbica meaning willow branch, because palms were not available in Serbia when this custom began.]

My sister and I didn't always wear the same dresses. Dresses for holidays and special occasions were sown for us in a salon. My mother probably picked the fabrics for those dresses. Those special dresses were the same but dresses for every day were different.

My childhood was nice, thank G-d we lived well, we were materially secure, they took us everywhere and we traveled and everything. We were middle class, not too rich and not poor. But it was terrible when father fell into comas from high glucose.

Running after the doctor, bringing Father back to consciousness, give him this and that. Very often the whole house was very excited because of this. As a child I know that I was frightened but I didn't know, actually I knew what it was about, but I didn't know if he would die or stay alive. I remember that.

We had two doctors at home. Dr. Munk, a Jew, was our family doctor. He treated my dad and us. Later we also had Dr. Siber. He came to the house to treat father's paralysis. Father had diabetes and muscular atrophy which was the reason why he couldn't walk.

When Dr. Munk couldn't come Dr. Siber came instead. I don't know if Dr. Siber was a Jew or not. He was a military doctor. He was in the neighborhood. Dr. Munk was also in the neighborhood two streets down on Strahinjica Bana Street. He had an office there where he kept files on my father and all of us. Later, when my father was very sick, he would fall into a coma because his sugar level was too high. Then whoever could come first would.

Father received insulin everyday. At the end they said to Mother, 'You give so much money to those doctors, and there is no need.' Then they taught Mother to give him his injections and she taught me. I was eleven years old when I began giving Father his insulin injections. I remember those metal needles in special metal boxes. I cooked them too. I remember the poor thing all punctured, all dotted with holes in his arm from where I had given him injections.

Father went to places for treatment. Once Grandmother took him to Vienna for his paralysis; however, it didn't help him. She heard that there was some doctor there that could help with this, but it didn't help. Right before the war, I remember that a man came to treat him with electric shocks. But then the war broke out. He wasn't in the hospital often. He was mostly at home. I told you that we had two doctors who treated his illness.

My father used to tells us stories. There were lots of them, but I don't remember them. He spent a lot of time with us, especially in the afternoon. He loved us a lot and we loved him. Everything that we wanted: 'Oh, dad we would like...' He never yelled at us. He was a wonderful father.

He was a diabetic with atrophy but he went everywhere. He wanted to see everything. We even went with him to the seaside. He went to the Adriatic Sea. We went by train. We didn't go to the sea every year, but we went somewhere. Sometimes the whole family went together, but most of the time we went with Mother.

[We lived at] number three Gospodar Jovanova Street, in a ground floor apartment with three rooms, a kitchen and toilet. There were two entrances to the apartment, the main entrance and one from the yard. When you entered there was an anteroom through which you entered into a big room, a dining room.

This is where we celebrated the holidays, Purim, Frutas and Pasqual, when the whole family would gather, including Jakov and his family. Then there was my parent's bedroom, the maid's room and my grandmother's room, and then the kitchen and bathroom. Grandmother's room was next to the kitchen.

My sister slept in grandmother's room. [When I was younger] I slept in my parents' room. When I got bigger they put me in the dining room. There I had a little sofa bed. In the dining room there was an ottoman. The bathroom was inside the apartment. We had a tiled stove that worked on wood. Albanians brought us wood for the stove. We had a big basement where we kept the firewood and we had a big laundry room under the small apartments in the yard.

We had water and electricity at home as far back as I can remember. We didn't have a garden, just a yard. But it was full of flowerpots and flowers and plants growing up the walls. It was nice. We didn't raise any animals because there was no room.

We had a radio at home and a record player and a piano.

We always had a household help, a young zuska who worked with us. [Editor's note: These are girls generally of Slovakian origin who took care of homes. The word was derived from the first name Zuza, common among these girls.] A zuska is a girl from Vojvodina 4 who wore the traditional skirts from that region. These girls always helped us at home and lived in our house. I don't know, maybe they were Germans or Hungarians. They hired these women to work in homes.

Once a week a Roma woman came to do the laundry. The same woman came every week, but I don't remember her name. There were a lot of us, and a lot of laundry, and it all needed to be cleaned. The Roma woman only washed, it was hung up to dry and the zuska ironed it. She was always at home as help.

All the people who worked for us lived with us. We had a very big household and Grandmother prepared for everyone. There were two or three people who sewed on the sewing machines, a salesman, the man who took care of Father, then there was the zuska. Sometimes there were eleven of us in the house to feed.

They lived with us but not in our apartment. On Gospodar Jovanova Street we had apartments in the yard: not only in the front of the building, but in the yard too. They all ate with us in the house. All together. And Grandmother prepared it all.

My grandmother rented out the [other] apartments. In the yard there was the French woman and a Jewish couple, whose name I don't remember, but they were killed. I don't know what the French woman's name was and I didn't go to her place. I don't remember who was in the third apartment. In the third apartment downstairs there was a German woman from Vojvodina with her family, and one Serbian officer and his family. There were five apartments in all.

I can say that we got along extraordinarily. There was never anything unpleasant. Everyone respected everyone else. Let's say, when there was a Jewish holiday no one hung their laundry in the yard to dry. Never. And when it was their holiday we didn't hang ours.

I'm telling you, if there was that kind of harmony still today, where the world would be! How nice it would be. However, that was all destroyed and distorted. A terror. My father and grandmother got along well with the neighbors.

My parents probably voted. They were loyal citizens.

There were also Serbs who lived in Dorcol. But my family only socialized with Jews. Maybe I don't remember it all because we went to school, to the Jewish kindergarten, so we weren't home a lot. At night, after dinner we had to go to sleep while they were socializing and playing cards. I assume they played cards with Jews. They played for money. There were even fights about it. They all came to our house. When there were holidays it was the nicest.

[When] my mother and father went for walks the young man, who pushed the wheelchair, went with them. He had to. The young man always pushed the wheelchair, not my mother or grandmother. They rarely went for walks together because it was very conspicuous that she was walking next to him. In general my father went everywhere with the young man.

I don't know how many rabbis there were in Belgrade nor do I remember any of them [Editor's note: Before WWII there were many rabbis in Belgrade. The chief rabbi for the Sephardic community was Dr. Isak Alkalaj, and for the Ashkenazi community Ignjat Slang.].

They didn't take us little ones to the synagogue. I was in the synagogue on Cara Urosa Street twice. [Editor's note: This synagogue, Bet Israel, was opened on 7th September 1908. It was destroyed during World War II.] I was upstairs on the balcony.

I cannot remember the occasion when I was there; it probably was some holiday. My grandmother took us. I don't remember what it looked like inside. I only remember that we were on the balcony. I remember that we once went to a bar mitzvah, but I don't remember whose it was.

I know that my grandmother went to the market where there was a man who slaughtered chickens. Nothing was ever slaughtered in our house. There was a man at the Jovanova farmers' market. He must have been a Jew. I don't remember a shochet. Grandmother always bought kosher food. We never had alcohol or pork at home, G-d forbid.

There were no stores in our neighborhood. We were next to Kalemegdan, two houses away. There were no stores there; it was a residential area. All stores were near the market. There was one big grocery store on Knez Mihailova Street called 'Tata.' It was a big store that was opened right before the war. I remember this because when they opened the shop they gave out chocolates to the children, and we all ran up there [to get them].

We never went to restaurants. In general we ate at home. But when we went to the resorts we ate the food they gave us there. This food wasn't kosher. When I went with grandmother, she would tell me what I was allowed to eat. When we went with Mother we ate whatever was prepared for us. But with Grandmother it wasn't like that. She would say, 'this you may, this you may not.'

I was never in the Ashkenazi community, only in the Sephardic one. I was too little to know if the Ashkenazi and Sephardic Jews mixed [Editor's note: There is a long history of tension between the Ashkenazi and Sephardic communities in Belgrade.

However, according to Zeni Lebl, at the beginning of the 20th century these relations began to improve. One impetus for the change was the spreading of Zionism which crossed these borders.] The community was a place for older people. Granduncle Jakov was in the council.

He was always there. There they jointly resolved everything that had to with Jews and Sephardim. I know one thing and that is that Ashkenazi and Sephardic didn't like one another and they were always distancing themselves from each other. I don't know why.

I don't believe that we had a box for Keren Kayemet Leisrael 5. I know that every month my grandmother gave some of our income to poor relatives. She had a sister-in-law, her brother's wife: that brother died and his widow, Djoja Kalef, was blind. Grandmother gave her part of her income so they could live better. It never happened that she passed by a poor person and didn't give him something. That is the type of person my grandmother was.

We had a mezuzah on the front doors. I have one brooch from Israel.

My parents had books at home. All kinds. My father read a lot. I don't know if they were secular or religious books. He wrote and read Spanish, and Serbian of course. He bought newspapers, but I don't know which ones. We had children's books.

We didn't have pets. Our family didn't have a car. There were people who did have them, a few people, but there were not many in our area. You know what, in general this was one middle class which lived well but was not too rich. We traveled everywhere by train.

We had an ice box in the kitchen. An iceman brought us a piece of ice to keep the food cold. I don't know how often the ice was delivered.

At one time we had three stores, then two. In my time we had just one, on Visnjiceva Street [near the market]. When we had more stores Mother worked in one of them, Grandmother in another. Later, because of Father's illness, we had to pay a lot of doctors' bills and we were left with just one store.

The shop was full of shelves with different materials from heavy textiles to chintz, everything. Two tailors, one salesman and my mother and grandmother worked in the store. Those who worked there were not our friends nor were they Jews. They were paid for this work.

I went to the store frequently. I really loved to go there because Grandmother had one big box for the remnants of materials. There were big pieces. I loved to sew for my dolls. I would sometimes take a big piece from the box, take it home and sew something for my dolls. The store wasn't far from the house, so I went by myself.

We had two or three sewing machines in the shop. In the shop there were goods by the yard and ready-made clothing. In addition to the main space in the back there were two spaces: in one they stored all the extra goods and in the other the tailors sewed the ready-made clothing. We didn't have a sewing machine at home.

The main street in Dorcol was Cara Dusana. In general most of the people who lived in Dorcol were businessmen, craftsmen. There were a lot of craftsmen in that part of Dorcol. There were a lot of poor people. [Editor's note: Belgrade Jews, while by no means affluent as a group, were by and large gainfully employed and economically upwardly mobile. The Belgrade Sephardic community was fortunate not to have been faced with a poverty problem comparable to that of its Sarajevo counterpart.

Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich] I don't know if they knocked on the door, but I do know that whenever Grandmother went somewhere she gave money. There were people sitting on the streets begging. I was born there and love that part of Belgrade, because it is near Kalemegdan where we always played. In general I loved that section [Dorcol] where I lived.

The streets were paved with cobble-stones. There were horses and carriages. The number two tram was already working near Kalemegdan. Imagine what happened: We were at kindergarten or coming home from kindergarten or we were not, I no longer remember.

In any case, the zuska was cleaning the apartment and Mother, Father and Grandmother weren't at home. My sister left the house and went to play with stones on the tram tracks. And imagine, the tram almost came and hit her. Almost ran her over. She got away by herself, and then they found her and brought her home. She was little, maybe she was four years old.

I took the tram with my grandmother whenever we went to Terazije. I already told you that I was her favorite and that she took me everywhere.

[Editor's note: Terazije is the most famous square in Belgrade. It started to take shape as an urban feature in the first half of the 19th century. In the 1840s, Prince Milos Obrenoviae ordered Serbian craftsmen to move out of the old town where they had been mixed with the Turkish inhabitants, and build their houses and shops on the place of the present square.

The Turks called their water towers terazije (scales for water) and one such tower was placed in this square thus the name. The water tower was removed in 1860 and replaced by the drinking-fountain, which was erected in memory of Prince Milos.

At the end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century, Terazije was the center of social life of Belgrade. Terazije acquired its definitive form during its last reconstruction in 1947, when its flower beds, fountain and tram-lines were all removed. Source: www.beograd.org.yu].

We were very busy and we didn't have a lot of free time. When we were little we went to the Jewish kindergarten and then later, when we started school, we had girlfriends and obligations towards the school. All my free time I spent with my grandmother. She took me everywhere so that I didn't socialize much with others.

My father knew a lot of languages; he learned them in gymnasium and then he was always going to the French and German missions [cultural centers] and borrowing magazines. At home, whenever there were young people, like David and Mile [Kalef], they always tried to speak French or German [with Father].

They maintained the languages in that way, through conversations. They spoke pure Spanish. That was his mother tongue. Actually, maybe it was Ladino. I don't know. [Editor's note: Until the end of the 19th century, Ladino constituted the dominate language of the Sephardic community in Belgrade.

In the 1895 census 80% of the Serbian Jewry declared Ladino as their mother tongue. By the 1931 census, about 54% of the Jewish population considered Serbo-Croatian to be their mother tongue and 30% Ladino. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich] My grandmother spoke to us in Serbian. They also spoke to my mother in Serbian. But in general in my house they spoke Ladino. So, before the war I understood Ladino fairly well.

Image removed.My father helped me with my homework. Grandmother did not. She only took me to the theater and to the resort springs. Mother was strict and sometimes she spanked us. But father never raised a hand to us.

We kept kosher. We never had pork in the house. But I don't remember if we had dairy products and meat together. We mainly ate chicken and veal. On Passover we didn't eat bread with yeast. My mother sometimes wanted to eat pork and then she needed to eat it outside on paper. She wasn't allowed to bring it into the house. My grandmother knew that she was eating it but didn't say anything. But Mother wasn't allowed to do it at home on a plate. G-d forbid.

We ate lunch every day at twelve. At that time there were two shifts in the store: from seven to twelve and from four to seven. Lunch on a normal day in our house included soup, some cooked vegetables and so on, cake or pie. After lunch, there was always coffee.

Grandmother always drank a coffee. It was like a ritual, especially in the mornings. When she opened her eyes she had a coffee and after lunch and after dinner. After lunch, Grandmother went to lay down a little and rest. I no longer remember what Father did. Mother was always working. There was always so much work in the house that she had to.

I remember that on Fridays all the silver, the candlesticks, were polished so that it was nice when the Sabbath candles were lit. I no longer remember what Sabbath was like in our house. I know that the candles were lit. I think that they were put in the windows. The candles were lit in the window of Grandmother's room. I remember that Grandmother didn't do anything that day. As I said we always went to the theater. No one ever came to our house to light the fire on Sabbath.

I don't remember what we ate on Friday nights, other than the beans. On Saturdays there was always a better lunch. My father didn't go to the temple because he was in the wheelchair, but my Granduncle went to the temple and always told us what happened there. When he came home, he would read the prayers. I remember Shema Israel that is all, nothing else.

Then his whole family would come to dinner at our house. They came on Fridays and holidays. Either Mother or Grandmother opened the store on Saturdays. All Jewish stores were open on Saturday. They only didn't work on Sundays. Our store was operating on Saturdays, but not on Sundays.

I don't remember Rosh Hashanah. I don't remember Yom Kippur, only that prayers were read. I only remember Frutas and Pasqual. Those two holidays I remember well. No one made a sukkah for Sukkot. They lit the seven candles on Chanukkah. [Editor's note: Channukkah is celebrated for eight nights and each night the candles are lit.] Granduncle Jakov lit them. We had one large chanukkiyah in our house.

In general I know that when there were holidays there was always soup, peas, roasted potatoes and something else, and always chicken. Then we used a lot of turkey in the house too. There was a turkey leg hanging from a rope drying over the stove. This was mainly it, and fish. Probably carp.

I remember Frutas well. Now, I will tell you what it was like. First everyone came for dinner. Granduncle Jakov came with his family and he conducted the whole ritual. Then we ate dinner. For dinner I remember, there was always fish with mayonnaise with boiled spaghetti.

The children always got silk bags in all different colors. I remember red and yellow silk bags sewn from crepe-sateen. Inside there was everything possible: different fruits and tons of chocolate candies. This was the most interesting for us. And then we quickly went into the other room. [Our cousin] David Kalef also joined us.

There we traded candies: I give you the yellow one, and you give me this one... This was the most wonderful day, the most divine holiday. The table was cleared leaving just the white tablecloth. All of our relatives and neighbors came.

Grandmother then threw all the fruits imaginable on the table: citrus fruits, walnuts, raisins, peanuts, oranges, bananas, dates, carob, etc. I actually don't remember if there were bananas then. The table was full. All the guests helped themselves to these fruits.

I remember that. It was all spread out on the table. The record player was on and they danced and sang. I don't remember what music was played. I know that they danced and that we were in the other room. We were interested in the chocolate candies.

Our house was crazy at Pesach. For seven days before everything had to be cleaned. Every crumb had to be removed from the house. The first day nothing could be eaten the whole day. Only in the evening. I know that it was like that. Then matzot. I don't know where they got matzah, unleavened bread, back then. I know one thing: I know that I would sneak into the pantry and eat something. I couldn't wait and be hungry until night time. I had to take something so that no one saw me. Grandmother would have killed me.

We had guests for dinner, as always. Granduncle Jakov read the Haggadah. I don't know how it all went. But everything was prepared. It wasn't read in Hebrew, maybe in Spanish. When they all got together they spoke Spanish, not Serbian. Jakov led everything. We all sat together at the table: men and women, children, my father, everyone, except the servants.

None of the servants sat with us when there were rituals. They were in the kitchen then. They brought the food to the table and cleaned up, but never did they sit with us during the holidays. However, on regular work days, in our house we all sat together to eat. The servants were never separated. As far as I remember, there was never any degradation. Only on the holidays.

The Purim party would be downstairs in the hall [in the Jewish community]. Grandmother also went to the party. And Father. We all went together. It was nice. We always went to that show. The Jews organized it and participated as well as their friends and the actors that they hired, such as Zanka Stokic

[Editor's note: Considered to be one of the most serene Serbian actresses (1887-1947), she was a dominate force in the Serbian theater in the interwar period.] Then there was a raffle.

They had many beautiful things, expensive things. The first two or three prizes were high quality, the others were so-so. Imagine, my mom, despite all the Jews that were there, won the first prize. The prize was a big snake skin covered case and inside it had a full manicure set. The other women were annoyed that Mother got that first prize. I remember this.

I don't remember the other prizes or if we ate anything there. But I do remember that there was music. People did wear costumes but we didn't, probably because we were too little. There were prizes for those who wore the costumes. My mother didn't get dressed up but my Aunt Regina and [cousin] Mile did. Aunt Regina won prizes for the best costume two or three times. I don't remember anything else about Purim.

We didn't celebrate Christmas or Easter in our house. Mother wasn't allowed to do so. I knew that other people celebrated these holidays but we didn't.

I don't remember a funeral, but I was at a wedding. My grandmother's brother's son married a girl from Banat 6. They took us to the wedding. The girl worked with golden decoration in some store. I know because we got gold bracelets and rings from her as a present. I don't remember much about the wedding.

I only remember that she was a beautiful bride in a big white wedding dress. I have a picture. She was probably Ashkenazi. [The bride was most likely Valerija and the groom Moric Kalef].

  • Wartime

I remember how worried everyone was when King Aleksandar I 7 was killed. I was a kid and couldn't understand. Everyone put candles and his picture with a black band on it in the windows. I also remember, that my parents were very worried about the demonstrations that the Communists made in Belgrade right before the war.

We were at home and we saw when they were running, when they passed by, when they screamed, and all of that. None of us were ever included in any party. No one in the whole family was included. But we saw this. I know that they were very worried. However, as a child this is all that I remember.

I don't remember any anti-Semitism. Here, no. I don't remember any military parades nor did we need to learn any national anthems in school.

When they started to talk about Zionism and to recruit volunteers among the youth for Israel, they didn't talk about this in front of the children because they were scared that we would blurt it out. What do I know? In general, I know that they taught me this song for my birthday:

'Today is my birthday, Daddy called me, three times kissed me, And gave me this doll. It came here from the fatherland. There where the pioneers are'

I cannot remember the rest. Then I responded, 'Oh, how proud I am of you, little baby. You are dearer to me than any present.'

Did my grandmother teach me that song or did someone else in the house? I don't remember. I believe that my father's nephews were ready for Zion to go to Israel. These were my father's uncle's sons, Jakov's sons.

The family talked about the situation with the Germans, but we were little and not interested. We saw their worried faces, but we didn't know the true weight of all of this. My sister was nine and I was eleven, what of this would be of interest to kids aged nine and eleven?

The Germans sealed off our store, with one of those seals, as Jewish property, they stamped it and then they took everything.

We went to school until it was forbidden for all Jewish kids to go to school. [Editor's note: Already in August 1940 there were signs that Jewish students were being denied enrollment in schools and expelled. On 5th October 1940 the Numerus Clausus was passed in Yugoslavia and with it the first formal restrictions on education for Jews.]

That was terrible, very unpleasant. I don't remember how they informed us of this or when. Jews were forbidden to appear in public places, they weren't allowed to work in public institutions or go to school.

For instance, my mother told Grandmother's sister's son, Isak - we called him Red Isak [because he was a red head] - Isak Koen was his name, 'Isace, you are healthy, innocent, join the Partisans. Run to the forest to save yourself. I will help you.

I will go with you to Avala [A 511 meter peak, 18 km south of Belgrade], and you flee to the forest, so that you can save yourself.' The other young people had been taken away for work. And Mother helped him get to the forest. But instead of going further, imagine, he came back. In the end they caught him. None of them were saved.

My mother's brother [Rudolf] learned that Belgrade was going to be bombed and the day before [6th April 1941] 8 he took my sister, mother and me, along with his wife and his daughter, in a car to Umcare, a village near Belgrade. Grandmother and Father were left behind in Belgrade during the bombings. Father was in a wheelchair and Grandmother old, and they couldn't go with us.

The car that picked us up was a state-owned car because Rudolf worked in a state hospital while he was in Belgrade. We stayed with some man in a house there for a few days. After the bombing they immediately moved us [my sister and I] to my uncle's apartment in Banovo Brdo [a neighborhood on the outskirts of Belgrade].

In front of our apartment on Gospodar Jovanova there was a 100-kilogram unexploded bomb and a big crater. The whole house was crumbling. Father and grandmother were sitting in the house unable to help themselves. Mother left us up there [in Banovo Brdo] and then went to see what was happening with Father and Grandmother.

Then she would take us to visit Father and Grandmother for a few days. [It was during one such visit] that the German came and told us, 'Jews out!' So from the bombing [of Belgrade] until the time when the German came to evict us, we were mostly in Banovo Brdo with my uncle. Before they took Father and Grandmother, when people started to get the armbands, Mother asked the nuns to take us in, and we stayed there for three months.

Mother sometimes slept with us, sometimes with them. Most importantly she moved us and put us in a safe place. It was a small place. No one knew us there, which was important.

Rudolf's house was also bombed; I don't remember when. We were already with the nuns. When his house was bombed, he got a room in the state hospital where he was employed. He lived there with his wife and daughter. He lived [in Belgrade] until the liberation and then he returned to Slovenia.

They took away some of my relatives before they came to us and told us to leave: for instance, David and Mile Kalef, grandmother's brother's sons. We lived in number three and they lived in number five. David and Mile Kalef were picked up for these actions to clean the destruction from the bombing of Belgrade on 6th April.

At one point they came home and then after that they never appeared again. I don't know what they talked about when they came home. We were already hidden. Mother told us that for some time they still came. David and Mile's mother, Lenka Kalef, poor woman, even went to the construction sites where they were cleaning and sometimes brought them some food to eat, until they took her away too.

The two of us were small and didn't get our yellow stars, but all the others had to wear them. It was a yellow band around the arm. Mother didn't wear one but Father and Grandmother and the rest did. I don't know why Mother didn't wear one.

[Editor's note: Jews were ordered to register on 19th April 1941 at the command center at Tasmajdan Park. At the time of registration yellow armbands with the word JUDE printed in black letters and under it JEVREJIN in Cyrillic were distributed.

Somewhere between the two was a Star of David. The armbands were made from material taken from Jewish textile stores. They were made from anything from cotton to silk and came in a variety of shades of yellow. Later on the Germans decided the armbands were not enough and added yellow badges. Source: Zeni Lebl]

[One day] a German officer came to our house and told us that the apartment needed to be emptied and everyone needed to get out. This was in 1940 or 1941. When the German came it was part of an action. They went from house to house saying, 'Out, this and that, you must get out, etc.'

I don't remember when they came to the house. I don't know where my sister was at the time. We had seen [this German] on the street but never had this kind of direct contact with him, to imperil you in your own house.

My father, who spoke excellent German, began to complain. This German took out his revolver and he wanted to shoot at him. I was horrified. I was paralyzed from fear, and then my mother began to beg. She said that he was sick and she calmed the German down and that's why he didn't kill him. But he said that we had to get out of our apartment because we had all been expelled.

My mother, completely beside herself, took us to Banovo Brdo, first to one of her brothers who lived there. My uncle helped us a little when he could, but he moved very early on. And they didn't have what to live of either. [I don't know if she moved us the same day as the German appeared or if it was later.]

In general she quickly hid us because they had to go. Mother packed things for us. [She packed] those things that were easiest for us to take. Everything else stayed in the apartment. I don't remember how we got there: by tram, or walking. It was probably by tram or some public transport.

[In Banovo Brdo] she begged a catholic priest, Andrej Tumpej, [to take us in]. [Editor's note: Father Tumpej was born on 29th November 1886 in Saint Lavranac, Slovenia. From 1941 to 1945 he was a priest in St. Cyril and St. Methodius parish in Banovo Brdo in Belgrade. He died in Belgrade on 5th March 1973 and is buried in the Topcider cemetery in Belgrade.] She probably went there because she was Slovenian and thought that they would [help her].

I don't know if she knew [this priest and] these nuns before. Before we left the house, Mother took all of the documents, that is the birth certificates, deeds, marriage certificates and wrapped them up [and hid them].

We didn't have anything with us which could connect us to a Jewish family. [Father Tumpej] gave us fake documents as the out of wedlock children of Antonija [Ograjensek], so that we would have some documents. My false name was Lidija Ograjensek and my sister's was Breda Ograjensek; her birth name was Rahela.

Next to the church there was an apartment where these nuns lived. We got two beds in a room and were there for three months. Just my sister and I. They took us in and then we couldn't go anywhere. We were with the nuns for three months. We didn't leave there: we slept, ate, etc. When we were with the nuns we were the only children hiding there.

They were polite to us, very polite. And most importantly, they were thrilled because we knew the Old Testament. As Jews we learned the Old Testament. There was no pressure. I went to visit them after the war. They were up there in the railway hospital where they worked. The priest was very sick so I went to visit him.

Mother was always running around seeing what she could do for Father and Grandmother to follow what was going on with them and their condition. She slept at her brother's, Rudolf Ograjensek, who lived in Banovo Brdo, until his apartment was bombed. He moved somewhere else and Mother found a place for the three of us in an attic, also in Banovo Brdo.

My grandmother went with Father. They transported, transferred them to the old age home and mother hid us. [Editor's note: This building, located at 24 Jevrejska (Jewish) Street, was built in 1929. It functioned until 1942 when all of its residents were evicted and killed. Source: Zeni Lebl] I don't know how they were taken away.

I don't know what happened: did the Germans take them away, did they go on their own, or maybe the Serbian guards took them. I don't know any of that because I was gone. At first they were taken to an old age home somewhere in Dorcol, and later they transported them to the Jewish hospital.

[Editor's note: Immediately upon their arrival the Germans fired all Jewish health care workers. Since it was forbidden for them to practice in the public health care facilities, in May 1941 a Jewish hospital was opened in the building of the Jewish Women's Society, 2 Visokog Stevana Street. Source: Zeni Lebl] These were the last transports of Jews from Belgrade.

[Editor's note: On 19th March 1942 the liquidation of the hospital began. Trucks serving as mobile gas chambers came twice a day. On 22nd March the hospital staff was liquidated in those same trucks. Source: Zeni Lebl] They were in those mobile gas chambers. From the gas trucks they were later liquidated.

[Editor's note: The cars were constructed by Beker and Walter Rauf and made in the Sauer factory under the name 'Truck S.' The Nazis had different names for them including: Sonder-Wagen, Sonderfahrzeug, Spezialwagen, S-Wagen and Entlausungswagen. Source: Zeni Lebl]

After leaving us my mother returned home to see where they were going to take my father and grandmother. Since they had nothing with them and no possibilities and my father was sick, my mother, poor thing, went somewhere and got some bread and made Melba toast for them, and packed some sacks for them thinking that if they were transported somewhere, they could survive on this and not die of hunger.

[Before mother left our apartment she stowed away our pictures and documents.] We are very lucky that the pictures were saved. This was due to the fact that my mother was so smart and wise. She wrapped all these pictures and documents in thick brown paper. She took the parcel and she squeezed it in between a beam and tiles in the attic in order to protect it.

If we survived, and if we returned, we would have some proof that we were the legal children of Jewish origin and about the property and everything. In addition to the pictures and documents that my mother hid there was also Jakov's tallit and tefillin. That was it.

Mother saved these things. One time [after the war] I was looking for something and found them. I asked her, 'why are you saving this? Let's take it to the museum.' A year or two after the war I took them to the museum.

When we were all gone the Germans took whatever they wanted from our belongings. Whatever remained they burned and said, 'Let a Jewish house burn.' Since the apartment was open and the windows and doors broken, homeless people entered, saw it was empty, and lived there. They put out what ever was still burning. I am telling you that is how our documents were saved. It wouldn't have been, had the house burned down. That is that.

In the meantime she went out to visit [Father and Grandmother]. I don't know if at that time the Serbian guard was Nedic's 9 or Ljotic's 10. Mother had heard that they were going to transfer them from the old age home to the hospital. So she asked the Serbian guard who was guarding the Jews in the old age home to allow her to bring the children to see their father one more time. He agreed.

The next day she secretly brought us there, because you know, no one was permitted to see us in Dorcol because they would recognize us and betray us. She secretly brought us there and this was the last time we saw our father and grandmother. We went inside.

She took us in and we kissed our father and grandmother. My father's last words were: 'Dona, protect my children. Take care of my children.' 'Dona, protect my children. Take care of my children.' This was my guiding principle through life. She fought so hard during the war to somehow keep us well, feed and save us.

After that they were transferred to the Jewish hospital. [In the hospital there] were women who had just given birth, the elderly and the sick. Mother heard that [they had been transferred] and decided that we should try one more time to see Father and Grandmother.

Across the street from the hospital lived a Serbian friend of my mother's. Very early one morning, around six, she took us to this woman. She lived across the street in a building on the second floor. We hid there behind the drapes so that we could see Father one more time when they threw them into the trucks. However, the street was blocked off for 40 meters on two sides.

I don't know where that hospital was; I was very little. After this I never asked Mother where it was. I know that it was somewhere on the corner, close to Kalemegdan. No one could get near while they were throwing people into the trucks for suffocation.

They pushed them up some wooden steps. We could just see the feet climbing up onto the truck. My father couldn't walk. They either threw him in with his wheelchair or without it. This was our last chance and in the end we didn't manage to see Father or Grandmother.

This was in 1942. It was the last transport of Jews from Belgrade. I don't remember when I saw Father the last time at home before Mother took us away. [Editor's note: By the end of May 1942 the last phase of the 'removal' of Jews was completed. In a correspondence from 29th August 1942 a German officer boasted: 'The Jewish question as well as the Gypsy question are totally liquidated. Serbia is the only country in which the Jewish and Gypsy question have been solved.' Source: Zeni Lebl]

That priest [Andrej Tumpej] made it possible for us to go to school in Banovo Brdo with the false documents. We went to school and then we came home. Then there were no textbooks and we had no supplies; I have no idea how we went to school.

The people in the school didn't know about us. Imagine this: the priest asked the school director to accept us in the school. We had no documents because I told you that Mother packed up all our documents. We had nothing. No documents or diplomas with which to prove that we had been in school. The director accepted us and only he knew we didn't have documents. The priest brought us there. He accepted us on his personal responsibility.

Now I will tell you about my experience in school. Today, I still get the chills when I think about this. It was the third grade of gymnasium because I finished the first two at the 4th Women's Gymnasium. When I entered the classroom, the teacher said, 'We have a new student.

Stand up and introduce yourself to the class.' I stood up but at that moment my brain froze out of fear-I was so scared I forgot my name. It was terrible. I still get the chills today. I turned as red as a crab, I couldn't remember my new name and I couldn't say my old name. I stood before them like someone who had lost her senses. The kids looked at me and I didn't know my name. At one moment I guess I remembered and I stuttered out 'Li-di-ja'. And today I cannot forget that moment.

After that the kids accepted me. But I am telling you that we had nothing. No supplies. Whenever we managed to visit the priest he always gave us fruit because he knew how hungry we were. When we were in school we socialized with the other children. However they didn't come to our house. We only socialized outside.

Image removed.[Andrej Tumpej] was an exceptional man. He hid two [other] Jewish girls. Up in Banovo Brdo there was a German cemetery. This was in 1942. During the day they hid in the cemetery and at night they came to him. He gave them a place to sleep in one big hall so that they didn't freeze. Imagine this, then he, who had good relations with the Serbian priests, through them got these two papers that they were Serbian women going to work in Germany.

With this, I think, he thought he helped save them. He obtained all that for them. When they got to the train station as two Serbian women to go work in Germany a Volksdeutscher 11 recognized them and turned them in. They were arrested and transported. We never saw them, and I don't know their names.

He told us this during the war. After this the Germans locked him up for one, two, three months in Belgrade. He also hid Dr. Vajs, a pediatrician. She was with the Partisans. She also came to him in Banovo Brdo and slept in the big hall.

He helped everyone a lot. He died after the war, but I don't remember what year. When he was in prison a German asked him, 'How could you dare to do this, to hide Jewish girls?' and he answered, 'And tomorrow if you were in that kind of situation I would do the same for you.'

He was a great man and he got along very well with the Serbian priests too. They hugged and kissed when they met each other. There was no hatred. He was a man in the true sense of the word. Exceptional. We have a picture with him after the war with a group of kids.

After three months mother found us an attic apartment in Banovo Brdo. When we lived in the attic, a man, who made purses, lived below us in the house. Sometimes my sister, poor thing, went there to help him and got a few dinars so we could buy something to eat. I don't know how much he knew about us but he was entirely OK. He let us use the space without any compensation. He had children but we didn't socialize with them.

When we were in the apartment we were not with Mother a lot. Poor Mother left us there and she went from village to village to gather what was left on the fields because we didn't have what to live of. Nothing. They took everything from our place and she couldn't take things to sell them.

Not the store either. Everything was blocked, it was all taken away. I tell you, the poor thing went from village to village, gathered the remains from the fields and brought them to us. I have no idea how we survived. In general she was out of the house. Then she would drag branches to cook with. We had a stove. To this day, I have no idea how she managed.

Mother sometimes smuggled goods so that she could resell them somewhere else. Some sausages. She truly suffered. Then it was forbidden to be outside at night. There were defined hours when people could move around.

[There was a curfew in Belgrade. Serbs were allowed to be on the streets from 5am to 8pm and Jews from 6am to 7pm which was quickly reduced to 6pm. Source: Zeni Lebl] So, when Mother went to the village to get things she had to sleep there. Four times she slept in a pigsty. She snuck into some hog breeder's stable and slept there.

We lived in this attic until Banovo Brdo was bombed. Then a shell hit and destroyed the roof [of the house where we were living]. We were not at home at the time. After that a woman on Radnicka Street let us use a space where her girls slept, her household help. This was also in Banovo Brdo, so we were able to stay in the same school until the end, 1945, I think.

  • Post-war

In 1945 we returned to our house. I must tell you this sad and unpleasant story. When we returned home, Mother said, 'Go and see who is left from the old tenants.' We had five apartments in the garden. But everything was changed. Only one family remained. Mother was so excited when she saw that at least someone had remained from before the war.

She said to them, 'I am so happy that you remained.' Then she saw our couch in their home and said, 'Oh, you saved our things for us, that was so nice since we really have nothing.' He said, 'Excuse me, if I hadn't taken it, the Germans would have taken it.' Mother said to him, 'You are miserable and miserable you will remain.' You know how they got it?

The Germans put a seal on the door so that no one could go in until they cleared out the things. But we had a main entrance and a side entrance. They took the things from the garden entrance, so that no one saw them. They took some things but couldn't take too much; otherwise it would have been too obvious. That's how our couch came to be in their house.

There were eight apartments in our building. [After the war] all of our property was nationalized. Those people who had entered our apartment during the war received occupancy rights automatically when the Communists [see KPJ] 12 took over. We came [to the municipal authorities] and told them we didn't have a roof over our heads.

In 1945 the Stari Grad municipal authorities allotted us one part [of the apartment]. They gave us the maid's room and the anteroom and we lived there. Those others kept the rest of the apartment including the toilet. For fifty years, until democracy came, my mother had to go to the yard to use the communal toilet.

The other residents didn't let her use the toilet [in the house]. At one point Mother built a door between the two rooms so that she didn't bother us. And then we sealed up the maid's room to be more secure.

Of course all this bothered her, but we didn't have the possibility to kick them out as long as the Communists were here. Mother fought for two years to get the apartments denationalized. She proved that there were three owners, not one. [At that time] one person had the right to own one larger apartment and two smaller ones.

If there was one owner with eight apartments they would be nationalized. [She succeeded] in getting the apartments denationalized. This was during the 1960s and 70s. Those who had occupancy rights [to the apartments in the yard] left one by one. As they became vacant Mother sold them for very little, just so that they wouldn't be nationalized again.

When the democratic government came in the 1990s, I requested that she get her whole apartment back. After two years of fighting with the authorities we managed to relocate the person living in Mother's apartment. That's how we liberated Mother's entire apartment. One apartment upstairs was also liberated and one 70 square meter apartment is still occupied.

Mother could finally expand her living space. I only wanted her to feel free. You know what she did? The tenants didn't want to go even though they were provided with a nice new apartment. They were thrown out by force from the apartment.

She stood there and asked to immediately break down the door and one wall so that she could get into that part of the apartment. We told our mother that it was not safe: 'please don't sleep here!' Those people didn't want to leave the apartment and we were scared about what they might do.

However, she took an ax and said, 'No one else is going to ever throw me out of my apartment.' She didn't actually break down the wall, someone else did. She was so excited. And she slept there. We asked some man to take care of her for a few days to make sure no one attacked her. You know how people are. While we lived with this family, whose name I don't know, they were constantly threatening us saying, 'better that they killed you.' Today, my daughter uses that apartment as an office.

For four years we lived in hope that someone would return alive. When we returned in 1945, no one else came back. Only Aunt Regina came back to Belgrade and then moved to Israel with her family. We saw each other for a short while. She didn't stay here long before moving to Israel. [Immediately after the war] she fought to get Jakov's house back. She sold it and went to Israel. She didn't sell it to us. My mother didn't try and fight for their apartment.

Mother began to work; she had to. We didn't have what to live of. She worked in a state-run shop as a saleswoman.

I finished gymnasium and went to study to be a dental technician. I chose to become a dental technician because my mother thought it best for me to do something which would make money so we could live more easily. I went to a private dentist and I learned a little with him and then passed the test in the state institution.

At the time there was no formal school in this field. That was formed only later. I worked as a dental technician making bridges, crowns and artificial teeth. I worked on Oblicev Venac Street, in the laboratory, for thirty years.

Image removed.In 1948 I got married and left home. I met my husband [Onton Cerge] during the war in Banovo Brdo. He lived there. We both knew the same people and that's how we met. I guess he knew that I was a Jew from the priest. He also knew the priest. But he didn't say anything.

In 1946 I went to Slovenia to my uncle, a dentist, to work a little there. But I didn't last long there, and in 1947 I returned to Belgrade. I got a job at the dental clinic. Onton came to visit me, this and that, and in 1948 we married. I went to live [with him] on Topcidarski Brdo. We married on 8th September 1948 at the Savski Venac municipal office. My mother and sister were not present. There was no celebration after the ceremony.

I had a desire, I always had it, to live in Israel; however, my husband was here and I stayed here in Yugoslavia. If I could be born again, I would like to marry a Jew and live there.

Very soon [after the war] my sister and I joined the Jewish community. We were working and couldn't go often. We went periodically. Now that I am free I can go more often. But all the time we were members of the Jewish community. My sister even sang with the choir and went to Israel with them in 1952, '54, '56, '58. Breda was also in Israel for six months performing with the Israeli Opera Company from September 1964 to March 1965.

After the war we didn't keep any Jewish traditions. Since my husband was Slovenian we celebrated Christmas and Easter at home. For some time, he went to church and then he stopped going. I almost never went. He worked as a business administrator for Elektrometal. We lived with his mother in the same house [our entire married life]. She even outlived him by a year.

After the war I guess Mother had more friends than before. It is amazing how my mother got used to life in Serbia and to this environment in general. And she loved Jews so much. After the war, G-d forbid someone should say something against Jews. Against Slovenians it was OK to say whatever you wanted but against Jews no. She would jump up and react immediately. If someone said something against Jews, she would poke his eye out. She was heart and soul loyal to Jews.

Mother spoke with us in Serbian and Slovenian and a little in that Spanish. She spoke Serbian OK, well. We always answered her in Serbian. You know she lived in Serbia for almost 70 years. She came here when she was 17 [or 18], married [soon after] and died when she was 91. That means she lived in Serbia for almost 70 years.

My husband and I have a daughter [Edita]. We never put pressure on her to identify herself as a Jew or not. We left it up to her to decide. She was a member of the Jewish community as long as I paid for her. I no longer pay for her. We live under the same roof, but we have our own apartments. My daughter built an apartment in the attic for herself.

I was never a member of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. I simply was not. We weren't members during the occupation and afterwards, during socialism, we were still not. When democratic parties were formed then I joined the Democratic Party. I'm still a member but I don't do anything.

My husband followed politics but he was never active. Mother wasn't with the partisans. When I was at work I had one very unpleasant situation. During the 1971 war in Israel [the interviewee is most likely referring to the Yom Kippur War 13], there was talk here that our army would be sent over there.

My co- workers were talking about this when one woman stood up and said, 'If our children start dying over there, then no Jew has a place over here anymore.' I will never forget these words. I talked to my husband about this and he suggested that I not make a fuss and let it go. It was very unpleasant.

We traveled very often to Hvar [Croatia]. Mother bought an old house there more than 35 years ago. She renovated it. In fact my brother-in-law, Breda's husband, is an architect, and he made the plans for the renovation. We, my husband and I, my sister, mother, and the children with their friends, took turns using the house, so that there wouldn't be too many people at once.

We weren't there for nine years during this war. [Editor's note: From 1991 to 1995 Yugoslavia was dismantled in a series of bloody wars. In the end each republic gained statehood. The fighting ended in 1995 with the signing of the Dayton Peace Accords]. We couldn't go there.

Our house wasn't destroyed and no one took anything, so we were able to start going again. I was there for the first time in 2000. I go there but I don't socialize a lot with the local people. Mostly I am at home, go to the beach. The main contact is when I go to the store, and I haven't had any problems there.

The first time I went back, they looked at me like I had just landed from Mars. They said, 'How come that you returned?' I said, 'Normal. I got a visa, they checked me out, I am not an enemy, and they permitted me to come.' That first year I didn't get electricity. I had to use butane gas during my stay. The next year they fixed it and I had electricity.

When my daughter turned twenty, I started to go on trips abroad with different travel agencies. I was a few times in Israel and in Holland and Spain. I went with my girlfriends as my husband was busy. My daughter was already twenty so she also didn't go. My husband traveled a lot for work.

When the summer came and I wanted to go some place outside [of Yugoslavia], he would say, 'I want to stay home.' The time we spent on Hvar was wonderful but it was also extraordinary to go somewhere else. He said, 'When I go there for work I don't spend time; I must work.' So I said, 'OK, if you don't want to go, I will go.' And then I made an agreement with a friend.

I was in Israel three times. The first time was in 1971. When I went some asked me, 'Are you normal?' I think it was when there was a disagreement with Egypt. That is when I went. [Editor's Note: The interviewee is most likely referring to the Yom Kippur War.

On 6th October 1973, during Yom Kippur, a two-pronged attack on Israel was launched. Egypt struck across the Suez Canal while Syria advanced from the north. Iraq, Jordan, Libya and smaller Arab nations also joined in the attack. Israel managed to push out the aggressors but at a high cost in human life. A cease-fire was brokered and resulted in the resumption of diplomatic relations between Israel and Syria and Egypt.]

I had a very unpleasant experience. Let me tell you: I went to Russia; it was a study trip with all the dental technicians from Yugoslavia. We went as a group to visit the laboratories in Russia. It was 1971 or 1972. We went to Kiev by plane and then to Moscow by train.

When we arrived in Kiev, imagine they didn't search anyone except me. They strip-searched me. They opened the chocolates I had brought to share with the colleagues from the labs. It was all unclear to me. Wherever I had traveled before no one ever searched anyone.

Then in Leningrad we had a guide who was a Jew. He knew Serbian so I confided in him. I tell him, 'Imagine that something like that happened to me. I don't know why.' He says, 'Let me see your passport.' Before [this trip] I wanted to go to Israel and had a visa in my passport.

They searched me because of this, because they thought I was a spy. I wanted to go to Israel before this but didn't go because I went to Russia instead. They searched me in this way; it was horrible. And he told me it was because of this. I was in Holland. I was in many places.

I really tried to go wherever I could. I always went with a group through a travel agency. This is why I laugh when I see my grandmother's pictures from Israel and Athens, the Acropolis. I start to laugh and say to myself, 'Now I know who I take after, Grandmother Matilda.'

The first time I wanted to go to Israel so badly; I can't explain it to you. My sister had been, but I had never had the opportunity. Since our country was one of the non-aligned nations and in discord with Israel there were no organized trips there.

I was telling this to my aunt who lived in Ljubljana [Slovenia]: 'I would so much like to go to Israel but I can't. Over here they don't have anything organized.' And she says, 'In Ljubljana we have organized trips.' I say, 'No kidding. Please tell me as soon as you hear that someone is organizing a trip from Ljubljana.

Call me and immediately reserve me a place. I will come to Ljubljana and join the group.' She called me and told me that a group of pilgrims, in fact Putnik [a travel agency], was organizing a group via Trieste [Italy] with Lufthansa. I immediately said, 'Please reserve me a place, I'm coming to Ljubljana.'

I slept one night at her place and the next day joined the group. That was the first time I saw Israel. This was such an experience for me! When the plane landed at the airport, I had such deep feelings that I can't explain it. After that I was there another two, three times with different agencies.

  • Life today

Every year I go to Greece for summer vacation. We go to Hanioti, a place near Halkidiki [a peninsula southeast of Thessalonica]. It is a place which is very comfortable and inexpensive. Before the season it is always very inexpensive.

I go there with my sister and brother-in-law and friends - always with people. I have been going there since the beginning of the break-up of Yugoslavia, when we could no longer go to Hvar. The sea is warm in June, which is very important, and exceptionally beautiful. We go by bus, that's why it's so cheap.

My mother died in 1990. She is buried in Belgrade, in the Topcider cemetery, where my husband is [also] buried. We have a family plot there.

My older granddaughter, Leana, went to the Jewish community for a while. And for some time I took the younger one [Sara]. They have drifted away from this and I don't know why. Leana studies acting and the younger one, Sara, is still in high school and very busy. She would like to do Israeli dance and I tell her to go.

But she says, 'Grandma I really can't.' We live far away; she goes to school, comes home, has extra courses in German and goes to music school. She is so overextended, she really doesn't have time. Maybe when she begins university she will have more time. I also try and convince her to join the choir because she has a nice voice.

I never sang in the Jewish choir, but I did sing in some state choir. But I only sang for a few years because I was very busy. I don't remember what it was called.

Image removed.I retired 23 years ago. I have a garden, a cat named Kica; I also used to have a dog. I have to take care of the garden and the house. Mostly I take care of all these things on my own. In the winter I need to keep the fire going in the tiled stove.

I have to get all the things I need on my own. I cannot expect anything from my children, who are very busy and have their own life. I pay the bills, go shopping and take care of the house. I had some friends, but unfortunately five of them died within a very short time. I read a lot of fiction. I follow everything.

I have a subscription at the library and take all the books that they have. Whatever [they have] I grab. I spend a lot of time reading. I especially like to read in the morning when I wake up. I hate to get out of bed, so I stay in and read a while before getting up and start taking care of the things that need to be taken care of.

I can't read at night because it keeps me awake. I concentrate so much on the book [that I can't fall asleep]. That's why I prefer to read in the morning and in the afternoon when I lay down to rest a little. I watch very little television, just a few films. I like programs about history and animals. Once a day I listen to the news to have some idea of what is going on. But I have had enough of all this politics and other stuff.

Fridays I go to the Jewish community. We exercise, socialize and talk a little. Recently we agreed that every week each person will tell a little story from his life. We didn't only survive; we are still living. Everyone must tell a detail from his life, something nice that he has in his memory. There you go, a little this, a little that.

This last war in Yugoslavia [the NATO bombing of Serbia in 1999] was very difficult for me. I live on a hill fifty meters from where they were launching anti-aircraft defenses. When they bombed, it shook a lot over here. Our house is also very close to a military facility and then Rakovica [military airport], and the gas reserves in Banovo Brdo. It was a lot of banging. The whole time we were at home.

Had Yugoslavia not broken up, we would have had a divine life. If we had been smart. The politicians did all sorts of things to us. It is unforgivable. Now little by little we will remain a minority in Serbia.

When the State of Israel was established I was so happy. I don't remember how I heard about it or if there was any celebration in the community. I was happy that, thank G-d, we finally had one corner on the globe where a person could feel safe and where he could come if there was a pogrom.

When there is a census I declare myself a Jew.

I get restitution money from the Claims Fund [Conference].

I didn't go to Topovske Supe a few weeks ago when [Vojislav] Kostunica [the Premier of Serbia] dedicated a new monument to the Jews that were executed at that spot. I get very upset [at those commemorations] and I don't go to them anymore.

When the Berlin Wall fell, I was satisfied that this had finally happened. Maybe it isn't alright for a person to feel like this. The nation as a nation didn't participate in many things and is not guilty, but I never managed to like Germans.

Andrej Tumpej was declared a righteous Gentile [in 2001] and received a certificate from Yad Vashem 14. His nephew received it for him and my sister was present at the ceremony in Ljubljana when the Israeli ambassador gave his nephew this document since the priest had died. He died of natural causes. This was a few years ago. I cannot remember the exact date. He had helped everyone.

My mother didn't learn how to make anything [food] from my grandmother. So she wasn't able to pass down those things to us. And the situation at first was very bad; we almost didn't have anything to eat for four years.

Today, I am having guests and will make pita [salty pie made with sheets of flaky dough]. First you make the filling: a kilo of greens such as spinach, Swiss chard, etc. cut into tiny, tiny pieces, white cheese and kajmak [Serbian cream] and eggs.

Mix it all together really well. Then you take two sheets of flaky dough and sprinkle them with the water and margarine/oil and then cover it with filling, two more sheets sprinkled with carbonated water and oil and then add the filling. Repeat until the tray is full. Then I pour some sour cream and carbonated water on top.

Cook it in a pre-heated oven for twenty minutes at 200 degrees Celsius. At the end you might need to cover it with aluminum foil so it doesn't burn. When I take it out I sprinkle it with some more carbonated water and cover it with a clean cloth.

  • Glossary

1 Dorcol

Turkish for 'four ways.' This area, several blocks square, to the southeast of Kalemegdan, became known as Jevrejska mala, the Jewish quarter. (Source: 'Jews of Yugoslavia: A Quest for Community' Harriet Pass Freidenreich)

2 Expulsion of the Jews from Spain

The Sephardi population of the Balkans originates from the Jews who were expelled from the Iberian peninsula, as a result of the 'Reconquista' in the late 15th century (Spain 1492, and Portugal 1495).

The majority of the Sephardim subsequently settled in the territory of the Ottoman Empire, mainly in maritime cities (Salonika, Istanbul, Smyrna, etc.) and also in the ones situated on significant overland trading routes to Central Europe (Bitola, Skopje, and Sarajevo) and to the Danube (Adrianople, Philipopolis, Sofia, and Vidin).

3 King Petar II (1934-1970)

born in 1923 to King Alexander I and Queen Marie. He became King on 9th October 1934 upon his father's abdication. He was deposed on 29th November 1945 and died in exile in 1970.

4 Vojvodina

Northern part of Serbia with Novi Sad (Ujvidek, Neusatz) as its capital. Ethnically it is the most mixed part of the country with significant Hungarian, Croatian, Romanian, Slovakian population as well as Roma and Ruthenian minorities (and also a large German population before and during World War II, which was expelled after the war).

An integral part of Hungary, the area of present day Voivodina was attached to the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (Yugoslavia after 1929) at the Trianon Peace Conference in 1920. Along with Kosovo it used to be an autonomous province within Serbia between 1974 and 1990, under the Yugoslavian Constitution.

5 Keren Kayemet Leisrael (K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people.

After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the 'blue box'. In Poland the JNF was active in two periods, 1919-1939 and 1945-1950. In preparing its colonization campaign, Keren Kayemet le-Israel collaborated with the Jewish Agency and Keren Hayesod.

6 Banat

Geographical area confined by the Maros River in the North, the Tisza River in the West, the Danube in the South and the Carpathian Mountains in the East. Until the end of World War I the area was an integral part of Hungary.

It was an ethnically mixed area with a large German, Serbian, Romanian, Slovakian, Ruthenian and Croatian population. As a result of the Trianon Peace Treaty Banat was split up between Romania and Yugoslavia. Today Serbian Banat is part of Voivodina.

7 Aleksandar I (1888-1934)

King of Yugoslavia from the Karadjordjevic dynasty between 1921-1934. In 1929 Aleksandar dismissed the parliament, abolished the constitution and the parties, and became absolute ruler.

Although he announced the end of the dictatorship in 1931 and proclaimed a new constitution, he kept the power in his own hands.

His authoritarian and centralizing policy brought him the hatred of the separatists, especially the Croatian Ustasha and the Macedonian IMRO (Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization). He was assasinated by the Ustasha Movement on an official state visit to Marseille in 1934.

8 6th April 1941

Yugoslavia was invaded on all sides by the Germans and their allies. After less than two weeks, on 17th April 1941, the Yugoslav armed forces surrendered and the state ceased to exist. On this day Belgrade suffered a severe bombing destroying much of the city.

9 Nedic, Milan (1878-1946)

Serbian soldier and politician, who was a major collaborator during WWII. Born in Groska, Serbia, he participated and led many battles and was an accomplished military man; this led to his appointment in 1939 to Minister of Army and Navy of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. However, he was removed from this post in 1940 because of his strong alignment with Hitler.

Once the Germans occupied Yugoslavia, the Wehrmacht commander entrusted Nedic with the administration of German- occupied Serbia. He managed to squelch resistance and it was with his help that Serbia was considered 'judenfrei' in 1942.

In October 1944 his government was disbanded and he escaped to Austria but was captured by British forces in 1946. He was incarcerated in Belgrade but supposedly committed suicide by jumping out of a window while the guards weren't looking.

10 Ljotic, Dimitrije (1891-1945)

leader of the Yugoslav National Movement which also used the name Zbor (Rally). Ljotic professed a strong Serb nationalist ideology and advocated a centralized, corporate state similar to Mussolini's Italy. Zbor was the most enthusiastic and active collaborationist organization in Serbia during the years of Nazi occupation. His organization had its own youth movement which was known as the White Eagle.

11 Volksdeutscher (ethnic German)

Early 18th century German colonists from southern German states (Baden-Wurthenberg, Bavaria) who settled, on the encouragement of the Habsburg emperor, in the sparsely populated parts of the Habsburg Empire - especially in southern Hungary.

Thanks to their advanced agricultural technologies and and hard work they became some of the wealthiest peasants in Hungary. Most of them lived (and partly still live) in Tolna and Baranya counties in present-day Hungary, Baranja in Croatia, Voivodina in present-day Serbia and the Banat in Romania. After the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, following World War I, many of them came under Yugoslav and Romanian rule on the territories disannexed from Hungary on the basis of the Trianon Peace Treaty.

12 KPJ (Yugoslav Communist Party)

It was first established in 1919, after the new state of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians came into existence after World War I. Many communists were killed and imprisoned in the purges during the royal dictatorship, introduced by King Aleksandar I in 1929 (the so-called 6th January Dictatorship, 1929-34), and the Central Committee of the KPJ went into exile in Vienna in 1930.

The KPJ set up the first partisan units in November 1943 and organized resistance throughout World War II. The communist Federal Republic Yugoslavia, with Tito as its head, was proclaimed in November 1945. Yugoslavia became a communist dictatorship with a one party system and with the oppression of all political opposition.

13 Yom Kippur War

(Hebrew: Milchemet Yom HaKipurim), also known as the October War, the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, and the Ramadan War, was fought from October 6 (the day of Yom Kippur) to October 24, 1973, between Israel and a coalition of Egypt and Syria.

The War began when Egypt and Syria launched a surprise joint attack in the Sinai and Golan Heights, respectively, both of which had been captured by Israel during the Six-Day War six years earlier.

The war had far-reaching implications for many nations. The Arab world, which had been humiliated by the lopsided defeat of the Egyptian-Syrian-Jordanian alliance during the Six-Day-War, felt psychologically vindicated by its string of victories early in the conflict.

This vindication, in many ways, cleared the way for the peace process which followed the war. The Camp David Accords which came soon after led to normalized relations between Egypt and Israel - the first time any Arab country had recognized the Israeli state. Egypt, which had already been drifting away from the Soviet Union, then left the Soviet sphere of influence almost entirely.

14 Yad Vashem

This museum, founded in 1953 in Jerusalem, honors both Holocaust martyrs and 'the Righteous Among the Nations', non-Jewish rescuers who have been recognized for their 'compassion, courage and morality'.

Edith Klein

EDITH KLEIN
Slovakia

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War

Family background

My paternal grandfather was Ignatz Klein. They used to call him Natzi, but,
obviously, no one used that name after the 1930s. He had been in the Austro-
Hungarian army, but I don't recall the years. He served in Komoron
(Komarno) and built a bridge there. He was born in Rad. He was a farmer and
lived in a small town, Kralovsky Chlmec. He supported his family working as
a manual laborer and transporting goods. My paternal grandmother, Roszalia
Klein, was born in Boj, Slovakia, which was in Austro-Hungary at the time.
Grandmother Roszalia was deaf. She had three children: my father,
Maximilian, Miklos and a third child, whose name I cannot remember. She
died in Auschwitz in 1944.

My mother was Gisela Boczani. She was born in 1902 in Zdana, in eastern
Slovakia. My mother's mother was Fani Berger, a housewife. My mother was
one of seven brothers and sisters. My mother and Uncle Alexandar worked
together because their father died young. He worked in the forests, hauling
wood. It was very difficult to make ends meet.

My mother died in a concentration camp in 1944. She was 42. My uncle
Alexandar was taken to a Hungarian labor brigade. They all perished in the
Holocaust.

Growing up

I was born on June 18, 1929, in Rad, where there were six Jewish families.
I had two brothers: Arnold was born in 1931, and Pavel was born in 1934.

I started to go to school in 1934 in Kosice. It was really hard at first
because I didn't know any Slovak, but I was a good student and worked hard.
In Kosice, I lived with my mother's mother, who kept a strictly kosher
home. In 1938, the Hungarians arrived, and as a Jew I was not allowed to go
to school. I was sorry I couldn't continue. I loved to study. I went back
to our village and went to school there. I completed eight years.

During the War

At first, we had to wear yellow stars. My father was militarized in 1938
and was in the labor brigades, at the time of the Munich crises. After
Munich, he was demobilized and came home. They took him into the Hungarian
army in a labor brigade. We never saw him again. We know that he was taken
by the Hungarian army to the eastern front, and that he survived this, and
then was taken to a concentration camp in Hungary. We were told he died of
typhus.

We had a horse, and my mother had a wagon. To make a living, she did a
little work by doing errands for people. It was so hard on her.

The deportation was in April 1944, and it was carried out by the Hungarian
police, not the Germans. Everyone from my town was taken to
Sátgoraljújhely, and from there we were deported. I was with my father's
mother, who was deaf, my mother and my two little brothers.

We were all standing in a line, all five of us. It was Mengele who stood
there and told me to go to one side. He sent my mother to the other side.
She waved to me and I waved to her; I asked if I could be with her, but
they said no. They took us away and I asked someone where they were taking
my mother. They pointed and said, "She's going up that chimney." Arnold was
only 13 years old and Pavel was just 10. They were also killed.

I was 15, and they put me to work. My number is A12561. I was in the B
camp, and pretty soon, I was in bad health. The girls in my barracks told
me to hide from the Germans, because if they caught me, they would have
sent me straight to the gas. So I would keep walking around in the back and
avoided any contact with them when they looked us over. My friends also
shielded me and kept me hidden.

I was transported to Leipzig, and I was there from October 1944 until April
1945. Then, just before liberation, we were marched into the yard and, with
no preparations, we were marched away. We walked for 16 days, and the only
way we got food was begging from people along the way. One of the German
soldiers saw me begging and he hit me so hard I thought it would kill me.
We finally arrived in Terezin, and they cleaned us there. They gave us a
little to eat as well. I had terrible health problems by then - dysentery.
On May 9, the camp was liberated by the Soviet soldiers. Soon after, those
of us from Slovakia were told to report to an office. We were put in
wagons, and I went to Bratislava. I was given an ID and 500 crowns. The
only document I have about myself is this Auschwitz tattoo. Nothing else.
On the train back east, Soviet soldiers approached me and I was so
frightened. But they left me alone. I went to Rad, but there was a woman
living in our house. I can't talk about it.

After the War

Adolf Klein, a cousin, came to find me, and then with my friend Erzi, we
lived together in Pavelovo. While we were there, Adolf's brother Vilhelm
came to me and said, "I have been going around and looking over the girls
and I think you're the best one." I said, "But we're related." I thought
that second cousins once removed couldn't marry or have children. But
Vilhelm laughed and said no.

I had a cousin in the United States. In 1948, I wanted to go there. I took
my passport and, with three friends, I went to Prague. I had my relative's
affidavit. But it didn't matter - the Americans wouldn't give me a visa. Of
my three friends, all went to Israel, and one did eventually get to the
U.S.

About my husband - well, I was just so happy that I survived and that I was
alive. I wanted to care for someone and I wanted someone to care for me. I
had this simple wedding dress - we had no money. But my sister-in-law did
come all the way from America. We were married on February 15, 1948, in
Kralovsky Chlmec. There was still a small community there, and I recall
that the rabbi's name was Katz.

My husband served in the military of Czechoslovak army in 1947. We went to
live in Pavelovo. We stayed there until 1971. I worked as an agricultural
technician for the state.

We earned a living from our own land: corn, wheat, vegetables, and we had
cows. Altogether we had seven hectares of land, and we spent all our spare
time working the land. We had a man who worked for us. The farm was
collectivized in 1957, but Vilhelm managed to get them to leave us a
garden, which we continued to work.

I have two boys. Arnold was born in 1950 and Pavel - or Paul as he's called
now - was born in 1953. Both of my sons had a brit milah and bar mitzvah.
They married before they left the country. Both of my boys had Jewish
weddings and married under a chuppah, but this was not done publicly. It
was done in secret. They met their future wives in the Jewish youth club.
Both emigrated to America. Arnold is a vice president in a private firm,
and has two children. His wife's name is Helen Moskowitz. Pavel married
Mira Haimovitch, and they also have two children.

Arnold calls himself Andy now. He left Czechoslovakia in 1984. He went
through Yugoslavia, and then over to Italy. I knew he was going to do it. I
didn't encourage him, but I didn't keep him, or his brother, back. Andy did
have a great job here; he was the vice chairman of a very big firm.

Vilhelm, my husband, always went to synagogue. Our family was Orthodox; all
the families were Orthodox in the small villages.

I am very sensitive and I am prone to tears when I think about my life. But
I'm very happy that Andy calls me three times every week. And I have to
tell you that my grandson will marry soon. Did you just ask me if he will
marry Jewish? Of course Jewish!

Roman Barskiy

Roman Barskiy
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Orlikova

Family background
Growing up
During the war
Post-war

Family background

My mother's mother, Freida Borschevskaya, nee Rutenberg, was born in
Romny, Poltava province, in 1888. Romny was a small town. There were a
few Jewish families of doctors, pharmacists, merchants and very
skilled handicraftsmen. They were patriarchal families that observed
all Jewish traditions and celebrated holidays. Freida Borschevskaya's
family was one of these. They spoke Yiddish and knew Russian and
Ukrainian. Their children received excellent education in the
universities of the Russian empire. Theirs was a religious family. My
grandmother's father went to the synagogue in Romny on holidays. They
always celebrated Sabbath in the family. My grandmother also followed
all Jewish traditions and celebrated holidays, although she was only
moderately religious. My grandmother was the last child in a large and
rather wealthy family. The youngest children were traditionally raised
in the families of the older children. This made it easier to give the
other children good education.

My grandmother got a very good education. She finished grammar school.
She was a very beautiful woman. Even in her 50s she was still
attractive. My grandmother was raised in the family of her older
sister Bella, and she grew up with her nephew. That was why of all her
brothers and sisters she only remembered Bella and her family.

Bella's son Boris was born in 1894. Bella's marriage name was
Ponarovskaya. Hers was a wealthy family. I believe Isaak Ponarovskiy,
Bella's husband, was a tradesman, a respectable man in the town. My
grandmother always maintained good family relationships with her
cousin Boris Ponarovskiy. He was an economist in Moscow. He died in
1989. Boris's son became a musician and his granddaughter Irina
Ponarovskaya became a popular pop singer in USSR. Women had
traditionally been housewives in such families as Ponarovskiy.

In 1904, when she was 16, my grandmother married Peisah Kazakov. My
grandfather had two brothers. Gilel, born in 1875, graduated from the
medical faculty of Kiev University. He worked as a doctor in Nezhyn;
his daughter Elena taught physics at the Pedagogical Institute in
Nezhyn. She was single and died in 1991 at the age of 76. My
grandfather's brother Emmanuel was a doctor in the province of
Poltava. Emmanuel's son Mikhail (1897-1954) was a writer. He was the
author of the novel Empire's End. This book about the events before
the revolution of 1917 was popular in the USSR in 1930s. It described
the processes of ruination of patriarchal foundations of different
levels of the society and of the way of life of various parts of the
society, including Jewish. His son Mikhail Kazakov is a famous Russian
actor and producer.

My grandmother had a real Jewish wedding. The bridegroom was a man of
standing at that time and the bride was an educated girl for that time
- she had finished 5 classes at the grammar school by then. All famous
Jews of Lubny came to their wedding. The chief rabbi, Warshavskiy, led
them to the huppah, and musicians from Kiev played at the wedding.
The best Jewish cooks made kosher food. People remembered the wedding
for many years.

My grandmother became a member of the Kazakov family. They were very
religious and observed all Jewish traditions. My great-grandfather
Ruvim Kazakov owned a post office in Lubny. He must have made good
money, as he was a wealthy man. He gave all his children, except my
grandfather, a good education. My grandfather was to inherit his
father's business. It was customary for an older brother to work in
the family business and earn money for other brothers' education.

Lubny was a larger town. The post office was located in the center. My
mother and I visited my grandfather in Lubny before the war. He and
his second wife Maria lived in a big brick house, with the stables and
sheds where my grandfather kept wagons. There were horses even before
the war in 1940. I was five years old and I remember my grandfather
putting me on the horseback to have a ride in the yard. I look like my
grandfather. He was tall and gray-haired. My grandfather was a
handsome man. My grandmother said that my great-grandfather Ruvim was
even more handsomemy grandmother said. My great-grandfather Ruvim had
a beard. My grandfather didn't. My great grandfather Ruvim had a
beard. My great grandfather and my grandfather wore a little cap. Now
I know that it was a kipah. My grandfather spoke Yiddish at home. He
also knew Russian and Ukrainian. He had Ukrainian employees in the
post office and he communicated with them in Ukrainian.

There was an inn near the post office that also belonged to my
grandfather. He had a cook there to make meals. He also had a Jewish
cook at home that made meals for the family following all kashruth
rules. My grandfather was a religious man and demanded that all Jewish
traditions were observed in his family. ::::::::::::::

The Kazakovs had two daughters. The older daughter died in her
infancy. The second daughter, Bertha, born in 1909, was my mother. We
have kept excerpts from the registries of all Jews born in Lubny with
Rabbi Warshavskiy's signature.

Then a romantic story happened in the family. My grandfather's close
relative Boruh Zelman Borschevskiy came to Lubny after graduating from
the law department at the University in St. Petersburg. My grandmother
fell in love with him at first sight and he did with her. It was a
great love. As my grandmother was dying at the age of 102, her last
words were "Zelman, Zelman, I'm coming to you." She died almost 50
years after Zelman did.

My grandmother insisted on getting a divorce. Rabbi Warshavskiy
stamped his feet, yelling, "I can't, because I've never heard you
arguing." At that time it was next to impossible to get a divorce, but
my grandmother managed to convince my grandfather to divorce her.
Zelman Borchevskiy forgot about his dream to enter the medical faculty
at the Warsaw University. He took my grandmother to St. Petersburg. In
order to obtain a permit for my grandmother to live beyond the
boundaries of her residential area, he took her to Kronstadt, a
fortress on an island near St. Petersburg. (In Tsarist Russia, the
Jewish population was only allowed to live in certain areas. In Kiev,
Jews were allowed to live in Podol, the lower and poorer part of the
city.) In Kronstadt the rabbi of the Baltic Navy married them for 100
rubles. There were no friends or relatives at their wedding. The rabbi
said the prayer under the huppah and issued their certificate. And my
grandmother obtained the residential permit as a wife of a Jew with a
higher education.

Her daughter, my mother, was raised by her father Peisach Kazakov in
Lubny, because her mother was going to start a new life and her father
thought that it was better for her to stay at home and in familiar
surroundings.

There was a small number of Jews that observed Jewish traditions in
St. Petersburg, but my grandmother observed them very strictly. Even
after the war when she was living with us she knewYiddish all holidays
and traditions, always wore a shawl and lit candles at Sabbath,
although she spoke, thought and read in Russian, and was a woman of
the world. I don't remember her praying, but she observed all the
rituals. Her second husband Zelman Borschevskiy had a higher education
and added much to my grandmother's education.

After the October Revolution of 1917 when the famine began in St.
Petersburg, my grandmother and her husband Zalman moved to Kiev.
(After WWI, St. Petersburg, the former capital of the Russian Empire,
was cut off from food supplies and actually blocked. Food industries
were impacted by the general chaos and long war in the country.) They
rented an apartment in the center of the city. During the civil war of
1916-1919, the regime changed 11 times in the city: the Reds (the
Soviet Army), the Whites (fighting for the Russian monarchy), and the
Greens (a well-known ataman, a leader of robbers and bandits, was
nicknamed Zeleniy, Russian for "green")-all took it several times.

I asked my grandmother about pogroms and she said "I guess there were
some in Podol, but I didn't know for sure."

"Did they happen when Denikin units were in town?" I asked. General
Deniken led a counter-revolutionary gang of White Guards, famous for
their brigandage and their anti-Semitic actions all over Russia;
legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.

"I don't know," my grandmother said, "Denikin officers were polite and
saluted me in the streets."

The pogroms happened in Jewish neighborhoods. My grandmother was a
beautiful, well-dressed, noble woman. However, she always remembered
her identity and was a Jew to the marrow of her bones. When I asked
her about the Bolsheviks, she called them bandits. The Bolsheviks
threw her family out of its house in 1918. The house was siezed to
become the Revolutionary Military Council office. The Bolsheviks took
away all the people's possessions. She saw them shaking chandeliers
where people had hidden their diamonds, and the diamonds falling from
there. However, they didn't throw her out of the house. Men were
always impressed by her beauty and manners. She told me that they gave
her a ring and earrings, which she exchanged for a quart of milk and
half loaf of bread during the blockade. After the civil war they
returned to Leningrad where her husband died.

My grandfather Peisach Kazakov got married to Maria, a Jewish girl. I
don't remember her well. They had two children. My aunt Anna, born in
1922, entered Kiev Medical Institute. When she was a student she often
visited us. She read me fairy tales in German and translated them for
me. Anna went to the evacuation with the Medical Institute, graduated
from it and went to the front. She married a Russian officer from
Siberia named Yukechev. They went to Novosibirsk after the war. They
have two sons: one is a journalist and the other is a musician.

Anna died in Novosibirsk in 2001. I correspond with her sons. Her
brother Ruvim was in evacuation in Saratov with his parents. He stayed
there after the war and worked as an economist. During the war he
worked at the aviation plant.

My grandfather Kazakov had a big house and a big family in Lubny. Even
during the difficult times of revolution their family was all right.
They earned their living by providing wagons and wagon drivers for
transportation. My mother Bertha was raised in this family until she
finished school. However religious her family was, they didn't impose
their beliefs on her. She could have a meal with wagon drivers; and in
general she wasn't raised according to the Jewish rules. But still my
mother knew Yiddish well. My grandfather was kind to her, though her
stepmother didn't care much for the girl. My grandmother visited her,
and my mother went to see them in Petersburg. The families were on
friendly terms.

In 1923 my grandmother's son Boris Borschevskiy was born in
Petersburg. He finished school in 1941. He was a talented young man,
but he starved to death in 1942 during the blockade of Leningrad. My
grandmother was sorry that he hadn't gone to the front as a volunteer.
She said that he would at least have gotten some food there. Her
husband Zelman Boruh Borschevskiy also perished at that time. He was
Financial Director at the Skorokhod shoe factory.

My mother finished labor school in Lubny in 1928. She was a typist.
Later she left for Kharkov. Kharkov was the capital of Ukraine until
1934. My mother got a worked as a typist at some company. In Kharkov
she met her future husband.

My father Israil Barskiy was born in Lubny, Poltava province, in 1907.
I also have an excerpt from the birth registry. This excerpt states
that the circumcision was done on the 8th day after his birth,
according to the rules. This document was also signed by Rabbi
Warshavskiy. My father never told me about his family and I don't know
anything about my grandfather. My grandfather Perets Barskiy died in
1933, before I was born.

I remember my grandmother Tsypa Barskaya, born in 1876. She knew
Yiddish very well, it was her mother tongue. She was a very nice and
kind woman. We visited my grandparents before the war. She was a very
sweet Jewish grandmother. She was a religious woman. She observed all
Jewish traditions, celebrated holidays and prayed at home. The
synagogues were closed at that time. (In those years it was not safe
to go to the synagogue. Those were the horrific 1930s, the period of
struggle against religion. There was only one synagogue left of the
300 existing in Kiev before the revolution of 1917. Religious
buildings were removed; rabbis and Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests
disappeared behind the KGB [State Security Committee] walls.)

We usually visited my grandparents in the summer. I don't remember any
of their celebrations. I have very sweet memories of staying with
them. Their house seemed huge to me. There was a big garden near the
house.

My father's older sister Henrietta (her name in marriage was Litovt),
born in 1904, lived in Kharkov for a long time. Her first husband
perished during the war. She got married for the second time in
Leningrad. She was an economist. Her daughter Elena, born in 1939, is
my cousin. Elena, her husband, and their two children emigrated to
Israel after Henrietta died in 1990.

My father's younger brother Iosif, born in 1912, was killed at the
front in 1942. He never married.

I believe my father's family was rich. Many of them received higher
education in St. Petersburg. I only know that my father's cousin Raya
Granat was a lecturer on strength of materials in the Mozhayskiy
Academy in Leningrad. His other cousin Anna, I believe, was married to
the academician Luriye.

My father didn't like to talk about his childhood. I know that he
finished the rabfak (an educational institution for young people
without secondary education, specifically established by the Soviet
authorities). He was good at painting and he went to Moscow to study
at the Art Institute. Later, when the Art Institute was opened in
Ukraine, my father got transferred to Kharkov Art Institute. He
graduated as an architect in 1934.

Young people in Kharkov gathered in groups of people from the same
areas. They remained friends for the rest of their lives supporting
each other regardless of their nationalities or ethnicity. My parents
met in one of these groups. A Jewish wedding was out of the question
in 1934. Although they were not Komsomol members, young people of
their time believed that it was enough to register a marriage at the
registry office and get a stamp in the passport.

Growing up

My father received a room in a communal apartment. He worked a lot at
the design Institute and my mother went to Leningrad before I was born
to have my grandmother help her to look after the baby. They wanted to
call me Ruvim after my great-grandfather, but changed their mind at
the last moment and named me Roman. Roman was a more fashionable name
at the time. I was born in Leningrad (St. Petersburg) on August 2,
1935.

In 1934 the Ukrainian government moved to Kiev. Voenproject, where my
father worked, also moved to Kiev in 1935. My mother came to Kiev from
Leningrad and we settled down in a big communal apartment in 2
Pushkinskaya Street. The nobleman Rusakov, the former owner of this
apartment, also lived in one of the rooms. He was an engineer and he
socialized with my father. The rest of the tenants were a worker, two
clerks, and a single mother and her son, who was a timorous, thievish
teenager. We often visited Rusakov in his room. Later we were told
that he left with Germans in 1943.

Ethnicity didn't matter in those days. My parents were young and
progressive and didn't celebrate any Jewish holidays that were
considered to be vestiges of the past. My father and mother could
exchange a couple of words in Yiddish, just because they came up at
some point. These were the Soviet days when ethnicity was no more
important than the color of hair. My father wasn't a member of the
Communist Party, but like the majority of people he believed that
everything in our country was being done as it should have been.

My father and mother worked a lot. I was at a special kindergarten of
the "Communist" plant and the Writers' Union. It was located in a big
orchard. There were lots of toys. I remember a party in 1939 when the
Soviet army entered Western Ukraine. The boys dressed up as tank men,
pilots, and cavalry men. We were happy, and recited poems dedicated to
Stalin under a big portrait of him. We believed that Stalin heard us.

During the war

On July 22, 1940, my sister Elena was born. At the beginning of the
war she was 11 months old.

I clearly remember the first and each following day of the war. (On 22
June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning, Nazi Germany attacked the
Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-
named Great Patriotic War.) In the previous years, the kindergarten
moved to the country house in Ostyor, about 90 kilometers from Kiev.
But in 1941 we were staying in town for some reason. The children woke
up to the roar of bombing. I was 6 years old and was a senior in my
group. I remember evacuation. My father put us on a truck heading to
Kharkov. We only had one suitcase with us and my mother was holding my
sister. Somewhere near Poltava we were attacked by a Messerschmitt, a
powerful German fighter plane. It imprinted in my memory. The plane
flew so low that I could see the face of the pilot. He looked out of
the window and saw that there were no soldiers, just women and
children, and he flew away. He turned out to be a decent man even
though he was a German. I realized that it was a war from the first
day.

Many people stayed in Kiev, remembering the Germans during WWI. I had
asked my grandmother about the civil war and revolution and what time
was best for the people. She replied that it was best when Germans
were in power. They were cultured people and there were no pogroms.
People didn't believe that the nation of Schiller, Goethe and Heine
could be so wild. I understand those Jews that stayed in Kiev and even
waited for Germans to come. They didn't believe that Germans would
shoot them just for being Jews.

There was no anti-Semitism at the beginning of the war. It is my
understanding that it started after Germans began to separate Jewish
and non-Jewish prisoners-of-war.

We didn't stay long in Kharkov. My mother went to work as a typist at
Kharkov Military Headquarters. In Kharkov we stayed at my grandmother
Tsypa's house. She looked after Elena. We didn't stay long in Kharkov.
Later my grandmother and my aunt and my cousin evacuated. My aunt's
husband went to the front and was killed there. When Germans were
approaching Kharkov we moved on to Kuibyshev. On the way I saw
bombings and destroyed cars, people who had been killed, and blood.

We reached Kuibyshev, but there was no place to stay there and we
sailed on a steamship from one town to another, I don't remember their
names, looking for a place to stay. It was a boat with paddle wheels,
of pre-revolutionary make. It was September and October, 1941. We
settled down in Stavropol-on-the-Volga (Toliatti at present). I
remember a lot of mud, and black houses. It looked prehistoric.

We received a letter from my father. He wrote that he was going on
business to Kuibyshev and that we could meet there. We caught the last
boat, as the Volga was beginning to freeze. It was cold when we
arrived in Kuibyshev and it was beginning to snow. We went up the
street to catch a tram. My mother was carrying Lena and I was holding
her by the skirt. My mother was crying and I was freezing. We came to
the railway station and found my father's note on a bulletin board. So
we went on to Tashkent, a warm, cozy town very far away.

My father went to the army in Kiev. I remember him wearing his uniform
of a private. He served in the engineering unit at the southwestern
front. He had previous military construction experience and was sent
to the southern border with Iran to a construction site. He and mother
agreed that my mother would be writing to him poste restante to Moscow
so that he could find us. He came to us to Kuibyshev on vacation in
October 1941.

We went to Kizilarvat, a station at the Krasnovodsk-Tashkent railroad
in the Karadag foothills where my father had his job assignment. There
was a Russian village for the railroad employees. We rented a room
from a Russian family. The host of the family was a locksmith at the
depot. He had three sons. The boys were very handy like their father.
There was a locksmith shop in the yard and I spent most of my time
there. The boys, the youngest of whom was in the 5th form, explained
everything to me. My father worked most of the time. They were
building something there. The government was going to send troops to
Iran. My mother worked as a typist at the hospital.

1942 was a terrible year of famine. The boys and I went to the
foothills to dig out tulip bulbs. We ate them. I also tried a turtle.
We made soup and the meat tasted like chicken. The boys also ate
hedgehogs, but I couldn't. My older friend's name was Zhora. The
younger one, Vova, went to the 10th form. He went into the army in
1943 and died. People sympathized with us. There were other families
in the evacuation. I understood the importance of water there. It was
where the Kara-Kum desert began. Everything looked heavenly when it
was watered. There I realized that I was a Jew. Someone called me a
"zhyd". I don't remember why. My parents explained to me about the
Jews and about our identity. I learned to play babki - sheep bones, an
ancient game. I was responsible for getting bread from the store. I
remember a terrible incident when I gave the day's ration of bread to
a boy and he promised to give me babki. When my mother asked me about
the bread I told her the truth. She didn't beat me, she only said "He
won't give you anything." And he didn't. I remember this first lie in
my life. I remembered for the rest of my life that not all people
could be trusted.

Then there was the first time I realized that I was a Jew. Someone
called me a "zhyd." I don't remember why. My parents explained to me
about the Jews and about our identity.

I went to the Russian secondary school, but I attended it for only
about 3 weeks. There was no food to give me and my mother sent me to
the kindergarten at the military base. I had to get up at 4 AM and
walk by myself about 4 km across a ravine and a stream. I remember
the food we received: toasted bread and porridge. There were no
comforts there. It was just a building in the middle of the steppe and
we had to go to the toilet outside. There was a military aerodrome
with one plane left. The rest of the planes had been sent to the
front.

In 1943 my father was transferred to another military unit in
Semipalatinsk. We lived there in a big wooden house and the toilet was
outside.

My mother continued working. By that time my grandmother Freida from
Leningrad joined us. She was looking after my sister and me. We
stayed there until 1944. The neighbors' boys teased me more than once
for being a Jew. Once I even injured the nose of one of them. My
mother told me off then. She said I couldn't beat someone because he
didn't understand.

My grandmother was very thin after she came to live with us. She
stayed with us until she died. She introduced Jewish identity into our
family, which we didn't have. She spoke Yiddish to my father and
mother. She celebrated all Jewish holidays and cooked traditional
food. She fasted at Yom Kippur and never ate bread at Pesach. She
made her own matzo. At Hanukkah she always found small change to give
it to the children and she insisted that we observed all these
traditions. After the war she made more traditional food: gefillte
fish, etc. She was a very good cook. She told me that she had learned
cooking from my grandfather Kazakov's cook. I learned cooking from
her and I always make my own meals.

In April 1944, we returned to Kiev. During our trip back, we saw a
stunning battlefield near Voronezh with a lot of damaged equipment.
The Darnitsa station near Kiev had been destroyed by German bombings.
We went to the Jewish bazaar when we arrived in Kiev. There was
everything there! My mother bought me a pie with beans and it was such
a delicacy! There had never been enough food in the evacuation. And
there was so much of everything at the bazaar. They were selling
borscht (beet soup) with sour cream, stew, et cetera. and I went to
school to finish the first form. There were many Jewish children in my
class and we were friends.
I remember our trip back to Kiev, a stunning battlefield near Voronezh
with a lot of damaged equipment. The Darnitsa station near Kiev was
destroyed by German bombings. We went in the direction of the Jewish
bazaar when we arrived in Kiev. There was everything there! My mother
bought me a pie with beans and it was such a delicacy! There was never
enough food in the evacuation. And there was so much of everything at
the bazaar. They were selling borsch with sour cream (beetroot
vegetable soup), a stew, etc.

I heard about Babi Yar when we were in evacuation. (Babi Yar is the
site of the mass shootings of Kiev's Jewish population, which was
done in the open by the Germans on September 29-30, 1941, in Kiev.
During 3 years of occupation, 1941-1943, Germans killed thousands of
people at Babi Yar : communists, partisans, prisoners of war). My
mother received a letter from our former neighbors in 1944 after Kiev
was liberated. They described the horrific things that had happened.
My first visit was to Babi Yar, the place where they were shooting
people. I saw embers there. I was 9. The children growing up during
the war are older than their calendar age. I knew and understood
everything. I went to Babi Yar with a Jewish boy. I remember burnt
bones on the slopes. We found rusty keys from someone's apartment.

I knew well which of our acquaintances were alive and which perished.
We came to the ruins of our house and there on the entrance door that
was intact we saw notes from survivors with their contact information.
Our neighbors told us about my mother's friend. She stayed in Kiev,
but she didn't go to Babi Yar. We also knew who reported her to the
Germans. Her husband was Ukrainian. He went to the front. Her neighbor
kept blackmailing her threatening that she would give here away to the
Germans. At last she didn't have anything to give her but her
husband's leather coat. She tried to explain that she wanted to keep
it for her husband, but the neighbor didn't want to give up. She
reported on her and Germans took her to Babi Yar. A life for a leather
coat.

We received a 5th floor room on Reitarskaya Street. It was the top
floor and there was a big hole in the roof. We stayed with a friend of
my mother's for some time until we had the roof fixed. This friend, a
Ukrainian, came from Lubny. She was a very interesting woman. Her
husband was a Jew. He perished in 1937 when the KGB eliminated the
leading Party officials. She returned from evacuation. Her son was
with his grandmother in a village. He survived miraculously. His
grandmother's neighbors pointed fingers at him saying "This is a
Judah. He is a Jewish child." But his grandmother managed to save him.
She was my parents' friend for life.

My father continued to work at the Kiev project organization. In 1943
he entered the Communist Party. However strange it may sound, he
believed in the idea of communism. He was very naïve in this respect.
Later, when I sneered at him about it, he got very angry at me and
said if it were not for the Soviet regime I wouldn't even have shoes.
I reminded him that his relatives had higher education before the war
and they did have shoes.

We lived in a communal apartment with nine other families. 39 people,
one toilet and one sink. There were many children in the apartment and
we were friends. There were Jewish, Russian, Ukrainian and one Polish
family in the apartment. We didn't always get along. The five of us -
my grandmother, my parents, Elena and I - lived in a 14 square meter
room. We didn't have running water. I used to fetch water from
Bolshaya Zhytomirskaya Street, quite a long way. There was no heating,
so I cut wood to take it to the 5th floor. We made a stove with a
smokestack through the window. My grandmother cooked on this stove.
The rats were as big as kittens. There was no furniture except two old
and shabby beds tied together with a wire. I slept on the chairs. My
sister slept on a box. When my parents' friends began to return from
evacuation they stayed with us until they found a place to live. We
got gas and running water in 1947.

Post-war

I became a pioneer in the 3rd form in 1947. I didn't take it
seriously. I attended pioneer meetings, but I didn't care about them.
I enjoyed playing football with other boys and swimming in the Dnieper
in summer. I read a lot. I read books by Sholem Alechem in Russian at
home. (Sholem Alechem, whose real name was Shalom Nohumovich
Rabinovich, was a Jewish writer who lived in Ukraineand moved to the
USA in 1914.)

We had classic Russian and foreign books and historical books at home.
I read Tevye the Milkman and Motl Boy. I became a Komsomol member
because it was mandatory in order to enter a higher educational
institution in the future and make a career. (Komsomol was a Communist
youth organization created by the Communist Party to make sure that
the state would be in control of the ideological upbringing and
spiritual development of the youth almost until the age of 30.) The
authorities were suspicious of young people who were not Komsomol
members. I wasn't an enthusiastic Komsomol member, but after I
entered, no one could bother me.

I remember how the attitude towards Jews changed in 1948. When the
authorities started arresting the Jewish anti-fascist committee in
Moscow, we could hear all kinds of things in the streets like "Hitler
didn't kill enough of you," or "It's a pity he didn't kill all of
you." The Doctors' Plot worsened the situation. (The so-called
Doctors' Plot was a set of accusations deliberately forged by Stalin's
government and the KGB against Jewish doctors of the Kremlin hospital,
charging them with the murder of leading Bolsheviks. The case was
started in 1952 but was never finished because Stalin died the next
year.)

We had very decent teachers. I remember Vasiliy Dubovik, the teacher
of mathematics. He was a very orderly and reserved man. Later I
learned that he participated in the Ukrainian nationalist movement. I
remembered him from my first days at school. He wore high boots and
black trousers tucked in the boots and a Ukrainian embroidered shirt.
He was a typical Ukrainian. He was very kind and never segregated
children by their ethnicity. I learned from him to be precise, to
express my thoughts clearly, and to be logical. There was no anti-
Semitism at school, but there was outside. We all knew that it was
difficult for a Jew to enter an Institute.

My grandmother understood very well what was going on. She used to say
"I knew that these bandits would come to this." My father was very
concerned. Actually his ideals were falling down. My mother was also
disappointed. After the war she worked at the Ministry of Home Affairs
office. She was paid well and had a rank of an officer. In 1949 she
had to quit her job because she was a Jew. She was a highly skilled
typist. She went to work at Kiev Project where my father worked and
later was employed by the Soviet Telegraph Agency of Ukraine.

I finished school in 1953. I tried to enter Kiev Polytechnic
Institute, but it was impossible for a Jew to study there. The
situation at home also was difficult. I understood that I had to
leave. There was too little space for all of us and my sister was
growing up. I heard that they were opening a new Institute of Railroad
Transport Engineers in Gomel, Byelorussia, and I went there. When I
arrived, the entrance exams were over. I went to the hostel and began
to live there.

One day a captain from a military college came to the hostel and
suggested that I entered their college. I agreed. There was another
Jewish boy, Leonid Kogan from Chernobyl. He joined me. He lives in New
York now. We are still friends and write letters.

It was a radio engineering college. I didn't tell my parents that I
went to Gomel. I came back home to pick up my clothing. My grandmother
said "Good boy, independent." My parents didn't mind it either.

Stalin died in 1953. I didn't care. People around were crying, but I
didn't have any feeling for him.

There was no anti-Semitism at college. There were five Jews. I lived
in the barracks for three years. The barrack had hectares of floors to
be cleaned, bunk beds to be made. We got poor meals and studied
studied. My assignment was at the Far East air-defense headquarters.
From Headquarters, I was sent to Komsomolsk-on-the Amur (Far East) and
from there to the post in Nizhnetambovsk, a big village up the Amur.

I was the only Jew in the unit.. We all got along well. We built our
houses from bricks removed from the former camp facilities. The camps
had been closed by then. This was in 1956. I served as operations
orderly. My responsibility was to monitor planes in the sky, some of
which were not our planes. I served five years in the army. When I was
offered the chance to demobilize, I took it.

I returned to Kiev, to the two-room apartment that my parents had
received. It was 1958 and I felt a totally different attitude towards
Jews. I tried everywhere, but couldn't find a job, although I was an
ex-military man and had some privileges. My mother mentioned to her
colleagues in the radio agency that I couldn't find a job for half a
year and one of them helped me to get a job as a locksmith rigger
apprentice at the Tochelectropribor Plant. I met my best friends
there: Iosif Fredzon, a veteran; Yuri Alexandrov, a veteran; Vova
Yerzhakovskiy, a war orphan and a former sailor. They were on my
crew.

In five years this whole crew went to work at the Kievpribor Plant.
This plant was switching to the manufacture of space equipment. We
sent Vova to negotiate our employment - he was of Slavic origin. We
were highly skilled workers and they hired us. They didn't question
our ethnicity. I mentioned to the Human Resources manager that there
were two Jews in this crew. He told me to take it easy and said that
he would make all necessary arrangements. The director approved our
employment.

In 1959 I met my future wife at the first American economic exhibition
in USSR, in Moscow. I had come to Moscow to enter the Polytechnic
Institute. I tried to enter Kiev Polytechnic Institute, but failed. I
passed all exams in Moscow Communications Institute with the highest
grades. I was admitted as an extramural student.

I was having a good time attending art and industrial exhibitions when
I met Cleopatra Pochezyorskaya. She was a student of Leningrad
Engineering Construction Institute and was visiting Moscow. She had
been born in 1934. She wasn't a Jew. Her mother came from a noble
family. She worked at a bank. Cleopatra had another year to study at
the Institute. We got married in 1960 after she graduated from the
Institute. My parents, and especially my grandmother, didn't approve
of my marriage. They didn't like it that she wasn't a Jew. They
thought that she might be arrogant and didn't want to accept her. We
just visited them sometimes. We rented a room from an elderly Jewish
couple. In two years my parents received a new apartment and we moved
into their apartment.

Our daughter Valeria was born in 1963. She wasn't raised as a Jew. My
wife didn't want my grandmother to speak Yiddish in her presence. She
always emphasized that she came from a Russian family. I tried to
avoid any conflicts. I'm an agreeable man and never impose my views on
people.

I continued my studies and went to Moscow to take exams after each
academic term. I worked as an engineer at the Kievpribor Plant. The
plant began to manufacture space equipment for manned spaceships
Vostok, Mir, Soyuz and Progress. I made many parts of the equipment
with my own hands. I often went on business trips. I visited Baikonur
and Plisetskaya, two Soviet space centers. I was very fond of my work.
In 1960s and 1970s, the development of space studies was very popular
and we were proud of being involved in this great project.

My family life wasn't a success. My wife and I didn't get along and
divorced in 1974. I don't think that my ethnicity was the cause of
divorce. We were just different people. We didn't understand each
other and didn't take one another into consideration. I kept in touch
with my daughter and supported her. I received this one-room apartment
from the plant.

I tried to write in the 1970s, and was a success. I write stories and
novels. My friends like them. I have always been interested in Jewish
subjects. I learned Polish to read books about WWII and the Holocaust.
At that time no books about Jews were published in the Soviet Union.
There are always Jewish characters in my books. There is even a camel
that is a Jew in one of my stories. My father was the first reader of
my stories. He worked at the Voenproject organization until he died
from ischemia in 1978. He had the third heart attack. He fell in the
street and died instantly.

My mother took some additional typing work home after she retired. My
sister Elena graduated from the faculty of mathematics at Kiev
University. She married Yuri Bochkaryov, a non-Jewish artist-designer.
They had a son, Mikhail.

My sister is a talented woman. She worked at the computer center. In
1991 they moved to Israel and my mother went with them. She was very
ill and died in 1993. She is buried in Israel, our ancestors' land.

My grandmother lived happily 102 years. She died in 1990. Until her
last moment she was totally lucid and had a clear memory. She was
interested in everything and she drank a toast of cognac at her 100th
birthday. She was interested in politics and sports. She knew all
Kiev Dynamo football players and watched their games on TV, commenting
on them. She always remembered all Jewish traditions. She fasted at
Yom Kippur, and we bought matzo at Pesach for her. However, after the
war she didn't celebrate other holidays, didn't go to the synagogue
and didn't cover her head. Two days before she died she had a fever
and she fell into unconsciousness. In some time she came to her
senses, looked at me with her blue eyes that had once startled Denikin
officers, and said "Zalman, I'm coming". She closed her eyes. It was
evening. My sister stayed at her bedside. She called me at night and
said that our grandmother had gone.

My daughter Valeria graduated from Kiev Art Institute in 1989. She
married her tutor when she was a student, but soon divorced him. In
1988 her son Dmitriy was born. In 1992 my daughter went to visit her
acquaintances in the US and stayed there. Soon my ex-wife Cleopatra
went there with little Dmitriy. I don't hear from them. Unfortunately,
they both are the kind of people who only care about someone as long
as they are in need of him.

I have visited my sister in Israel twice. My friends Mark Shehman,
Alexandr Zaslavskiy, Boris Smolkin, and Wainshtein showed me Israel. I
admired the people who managed to build up their country. Their effort
is worth deep respect. I didn't notice any ethnic hostility or
anything like this. I understand that what is happening there is in
the interest of a bunch of bandits. It is hard to imagine what these
bandits do to the country. They are not human if they enjoy seeing
somebody of different faith dying regardless of whether it is a woman,
a man, an old man or a child. It is too late for me to move there. I
won't be able to learn the language, but if I have to fight there I
will go. If they need my help I will go there regardless of whether I
know the language or I don't.

Anti-Semitism is like a deep-seated disease. It's like a tuberculosis
bacillus. I think that it has always existed, but it gets activated at
the turning points of history and tragically impacts Jews and
Ukrainians. Anti-Semitism has always been a tragedy for the people who
have expressed it.

There is now no anti-Semitism on the state level, as there used to be
during the Soviet regime. I feel nothing but respect towards me. I
still go to work. I have worked almost 50 years for this country, but
my pension is not enough to make my living. That's why I have to go to
work. If I lose this job I can't imagine how I can make ends meet. The
so-called pension is very small.

I'm attached to this land very much. My ancestors have shed lots of
blood and worked so hard for this land. I have always identified
myself as a Jew and never concealed my ethnicity. But I've always
treated people with respect and they reciprocated my respect. There
are many opportunities to study Jewish history and read Jewish books
now. I read Yegupets and other Jewish newspapers and magazines. I
visit Chesed, the Jewish charity organization, and I recall all Jewish
holidays thanks to them. I don't celebrate them, but I remember.

I'm not a religious person but I believe in a rational
extraterrestrial energy. Jews do not say the word God. They clearly
understand that one can call this extraterrestrial energy anything but
"God." I believe in it. Standing by the Wailing Wall in 2002, I felt
that it is a special spot. I pressed my forehead to the wall, laid my
hands on it and thought about my friends and my family, asking for
health and prosperity to my friends and family, and I felt some kind
of relief.

Linka Isaeva

Linka Isaeva
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Stephan Djambazov
Date of interview: September 2002

My parents
Growing up
During the war
Post-war
Glossary

My parents

My ancestors belonged to that part of the Jewry, which came to Bulgaria from Spain - they were Sephardi Jews. The fact that my grandmothers, grandfathers and uncles spoke Ladino was proof of that. My grandparents were probably religious because there were hardly any non-religious people in their generation. I don't know about my grandfathers, but my grandmothers used to wear secular clothes. I remember my mother, Malka Natan [nee Navon], telling me about the Jewish community in Constanta, which differed a lot from the one in Bessarabia 1, where Jews used to wear caftans and payot and had a completely different way of living. My grandfathers were merchants. Both my grandparents and my parents were neither very poor nor very rich.

My father, Jack Natan, was born in Nova Zagora in 1889. He graduated from the University of Law. After World War I his family moved to Sofia, as the male family members had started some trade there. My mother was born in Constanta, Romania. She met my future father at the wedding of her older sister Sharlota, who married a Bulgarian Jew from Ruse. He liked the bride's younger sister. They married in 1923 in Sofia. They had a religious wedding. I was born three years later.

My mother had two sisters, Sharlota and Ernestina Navon, and two brothers, Menaho and Ticko Navon. She was the youngest one. Her sisters were housewives. Ernestina was also married to a Bulgarian. My parents kept in touch with their relatives in Bulgaria more than with those that lived in Israel or in other places. We didn't have enough money, opportunities or desire to visit them. [Editor's note: In totalitarian times continued relations with relatives in Israel would have had a negative impact on the family's situation in Bulgaria. On the other hand, an eventual trip to Israel was beyond their financial capacities.] All of them have already died: Menaho and Ticko in Romania, Sharlota in Israel, and Ernestina in Bulgaria.

My father had two older brothers. Bohor Natan, the eldest, was an extremely intelligent person. Although he didn't have a degree, he spoke German very well, and his French was also fluent. He was a very close friend of Georgi Kirkov 2. Bohor was among the first non-Bulgarians who had a mixed marriage with a Bulgarian woman. As there wasn't a civil marriage service in the country at that time, the couple went to Germany in order to contract their marriage. Bohor got married in the 1910s and died in 1936. His daughter Malvina died in 1967 without having any children, which actually ended that branch of the family. Our grandmother, Sol Natan, didn't even acknowledge her as a rightful granddaughter because her parents didn't have a religious wedlock. The second brother, Shemtov Natan, was a lawyer. He lived in Varna, later he moved to Israel and then to Australia, where he died in the 1970s. He had two sons. I have vague memories of Bohor, who died when I was 10 years old. I seldom met Shemtov, who lived in another town, but I remember that they were both handsome men.

My father was an extraordinary person. He had a great impact on me when I grew up. He dressed in secular clothes. He was very open to people, extremely witty and the heart of each company. He was very cultured and had various interests. He took me to my first opera, my first exhibition and my first lecture. Even when I was already a grown-up, we still continued to accompany each other on such occasions. I inherited his taste for literature and writing. He strongly hoped that I would take a philology degree and was rather disappointed when I took up medicine.

He was quite musical, had a nice voice and sang wonderfully. When he was young, he was even invited to join the Stephan Makedonski company 3. Yet my grandfather, Shabbat Natan, said that he didn't want his son to be a chalgadjia. [Editor's note: chalgadjia is a word of Turkish origin and means 'performer of popular songs'; it has an ironical connotation in Bulgaria.] Therefore my father chose another career.

He was a brave man - he got two medals for bravery when he served as a military officer in World War I. There are some very interesting letters and memories from his superiors telling about his military service. I remember a letter to my mother describing how once he led off his company to a safe place under constant enemy fire. Later, when the persecutions against Jews began, he showed great courage and didn't allow any despondency to overwhelm us. The atmosphere at home was always calm and nice. My father was extremely communicative and active in terms of social life. He used to collaborate with Jewish magazines as a lawyer. After 9th September 1944 4, he put a lot of efforts into the cooperative movement, as he worked in a bank that financed it, and moreover he was convinced of its future.

My mother always lived in her husband's shadow. When she came to Bulgaria, she didn't know a word of Bulgarian. She started learning the language, but my father used to speak both in Ladino and in Bulgarian with her. He didn't let her speak with me in Romanian, to make sure that I would learn Bulgarian well. Now I feel sorry that I don't know Romanian. As to my mother, she never learned Bulgarian well and regretted that she had no profession. Nevertheless, she was a good housewife and raised my children while I was working, for which I'm very grateful.

Growing up

We always lived in rented lodgings and never owned a house. During the crises at the end of the 1920s, the financial situation of the family wasn't so good. Later, when my father began working as a bank clerk, it improved. He had to pay his debts, accumulated as a result of his unsuccessful trade though, so we never succeeded in obtaining our own house. When he paid back all his debts in 1942, the anti-Jewish laws came into force, and we were compelled to leave Sofia and start from scratch.

We always lived in two rooms: one for my parents and the other one for me. We changed our flats six times - three times before 9th September 1944 and three times after. We were forced to do this because we didn't have our own place and constantly had to search for cheaper lodging. The flats weren't furnished, and we moved from one to the next with all our household belongings and furniture. (By the way, it isn't common to rent furnished flats in Bulgaria.)

My mother had servants for the heavy housework - they were girls from villages around Sofia. They used to sleep in our house, they were treated as part of the family, and they didn't go home very often. They only did the house cleaning and the washing. Cooking was entirely my mother's responsibility. I remember three or four girls. The girl I remember most clearly was called Giurgia. She was from Sarantsi. We kept very warm relations with those girls afterwards.

We had lots of books, secular books, not religious ones. My father used to read a lot, and so did my mother. There were books by Dostoyevsky 5, Chekhov 6, Balzac, from Bulgarian writers, such as Yovkov 7, and other classics. My father mostly used to read on his days off. He had left-wing convictions and preferred the socially-oriented works, which he also advised me to read. We regularly bought the newspapers Mir [Peace] and Zora [Dawn]. We didn't visit libraries; we preferred to buy books.

My parents weren't religious, we only celebrated the greatest Jewish holidays - Rosh Hashanah, Pesach and Purim. On Pesach, for example, we used to buy matzah, following the tradition. We rarely held a seder. We mostly visited the synagogue on weddings. I have never been to cheders or yeshivot. We didn't study with our father during Sabbath; we didn't even mention it. As a schoolgirl my favorite holiday was that of St. Kiril and Methodii 8 as well as Pesach and Rosh Hashanah. On that holiday we used to gather with our relatives and the time we spent together was full of joy. My mother was the only one who fasted on Yom Kippur when she was young.

Nonetheless, my parents have always felt and considered themselves an integral part of the Jewish community. My father made friends with many Bulgarians, but he considered himself a Jew and actively participated in a number of Jewish social organizations. He was a member of the boards of the Jewish Asylum in Sofia and the Bnei Brith. Being assimilated, he had a very strong feeling of belonging to Bulgaria.

As a banker in a Jewish bank, my father communicated primarily with businessmen and merchants. He had the self-conscience and high self-esteem of a Jew. Recently I found some of his poems dedicated to Pesach, which have been preserved up until now. He kept friendly relations with Jewish authors such as Armand Baruh and Bucha Behar [writers of short stories and novels in the communist period]. They asked him to write reviews of their works.

After 1944, and for quite a long time, he used to be a chairman of the Control Commission of the Jewish community. He also became a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party. [Editor's note: His Jewish identity and his communist ideas were in no contradiction. Most of the Jews, who remained in Bulgaria after 1944, were leftists devoted to the Communist Party and its ideology.] My mother wasn't a party member, although she sympathized with left-wing ideas. Our neighbors were both Bulgarians and Jews, and we kept close relations with all of them.

I don't know exactly how many Jews were in Sofia before World War II. They were quite a consolidated community, although there was a considerable difference between the poorest Jews, the rich ones and the lower middle class, to which our family belonged. Charity organizations have always existed among Jews and formed the basis for their consolidation. There was a Jewish residential district in Sofia, but there were also many Jews, who lived outside it. I cannot say which were the most typical Jewish professions, but I know which were untypical jobs for Jews: there were hardly any military people, police officers, state clerks and agricultural workers. Jews could be found in commerce, in the industry as industrial employees and in liberal professions such as engineers, doctors, jurists, bankers and merchants. Commerce was a very popular domain among Jews.

Besides the main synagogue of the Sephardi Jews there were also other prayer houses in Sofia. There was one for the Ashkenazi Jews, and another Sephardi one in Iuchbunar 9. There was a rabbi, a chazzan and a shochet. I remember my mother going there to have the chicken she bought at the market slaughtered. However, she didn't do it out of religious considerations, just because there was no one else who would do this. In those times only live birds were sold at the market. My mother used to do the shopping because my father was working. We used to buy things from the little shops around our home. She never bought large quantities or the most expensive goods, although she stuck to variety and good quality. We were very economical in terms of shopping. It was always a great event when we went to buy clothes or shoes.

I was born in Sofia in 1926. I don't have any siblings. My mother was looking after me before I went school. I used to play in the yard, and she took me to the cinema or to the market. I remember that I liked cowboy movies, and my mother used to put up with them because of me. I have always been taken good care of. I didn't attend the Jewish school unlike most of my coevals. My husband, for example, who lived in Sliven, spent his first four school years in the Jewish school. I have only studied in Bulgarian schools, therefore I don't know a single word of Hebrew. I haven't studied religion either because I was relieved from the obligation to attend the lessons as a person of a different faith. My favorite subjects were Bulgarian, Latin and Greek.

I remember my high school teacher of literature. She was a very exacting person and everyone was scared of her, except for me, as I knew and loved the subject. I liked my teacher of Latin in Sliven a lot, too. I graduated from high school there after starting it in Sofia. I didn't like my teacher of mathematics, who was also my class teacher, and got wind of the fact that I was related to left-wing organizations. She was chasing and tormenting me because of that. Not because of my Jewish origin - I don't remember a single teacher having offended me because of that. I took private lessons in French. My teacher was Belgian. She didn't know Bulgarian at all, and therefore I learned French well.

I remember my childhood vacations in Gorna Bania and Chamkoria [the former name of the Borovets resort in the Rila Mountain]. Those were great events. The family never parted and we also went on excursions together, usually to the Vitosha Mountain near Sofia. I remember us going skating on Ariana Lake in winter. We also used to go to the movies. Later, in Sliven, where we were interned after 1942, we used to gather in each other's houses so that people wouldn't see us in the street. We used to read books at secret meetings of the UYW 10.

Later, during my university years, we attended cinema and theatre performances and went for picnics. During holidays we organized excursions with our parents. With a few exceptions, I spent all my school vacations in Sofia. Only once did I go to a Red Cross camp, where we learned how to give first aid to victims. Later, as a university student I continued to go to camps with friends.

I remember traveling by car for the first time when my father's friend drove us to some family acquaintances in Borovets. It seemed both interesting and frightening to me because the road was dangerous with lots of curves. And at each curve the driver signalized with his klaxon. I must have been 10-12 years old at the time. I also remember some train trips to my aunt's in Ruse. It was quite an exciting experience - baskets with food were carried, special preparations were made. A trip to Ruse, which is 327 kilometers from Sofia lasted no less than 10-12 hours. We didn't go there very often - there was neither enough time nor money for that. Our family rarely went to restaurants - just from time to time to some modest restaurant, 'for kebapche', as people used to call it.

As a child I felt a mood of anti-Semitism expressed by some of my classmates in elementary school. Those were isolated cases, but they still did exist. They were mostly verbal offences - Jews were called chifuti 11 - and that was it. I remember our Jewish families anxiously gathering in the period between 1931-1934. [Editor's note: People in Bulgaria were well informed about Hitler's coming to power because of the close relations between Bulgaria and Germany at the time.] I remember my father saying in front of our relatives that it already looked like war. The aftermath of Hitler's coming to power, the anti-Jewish laws in Germany and so on - we used to hear about those things on the radio. I accepted them quite perfunctorily, as I was still a child. Moreover, those events seemed to be far away from us, and yet my parents' concerns existed, and I have a very distinct memory of them.

During the war

Although there were also fascist organizations in high school, my classmates never offended me like the ones in elementary school had. On the contrary, in 1942, when I was in the 7th grade, we were about to be interned in Sliven. My classmates presented me with a souvenir knife with an inscription saying 'To Linka from VII G class'. They saw me off very cordially. I even had some friends, members of fascist organizations, who had good feelings for me. At school I had quite a lot of friends among Bulgarians. It wasn't until we were interned in Sliven that a Jewish girl became my best friend. I got closer with my Jewish coevals after the anti- Semitic laws were passed in Bulgaria. I wasn't much looking for their company because until then my friends were mainly Bulgarian girls.

The serious manifestations of anti-Semitism began when the anti-Jewish laws were adopted [the so-called Law for the Protection of the Nation] 12 in Bulgaria. That happened in 1940-1941. The first real and tangible shock for us, as laws themselves are something abstract, was the introduction of the yellow stars. It was followed by the prohibition to live in the center of Sofia and the changing of our names. The aim was to restrict us through our specific biblical names. My father was called Jacob instead of Jack, my mother Malkuna instead of Malka, and my name became Delila instead of Linka. Then came the marking of the Jewish houses and finally our internment from Sofia. The most awful thing was that constant feeling of vulnerability - that there was always a chance that a Legionary 13 or Brannik 14 would insult you or do whatever he would want to you, without you being able to protect yourself.

My father was forced to quit his job in the Carmel Bank. Then it was announced that if we leave the city voluntarily, we would obtain the right to choose our new home freely. As my father had many friends in Sliven, where he had grown up, we settled there shortly before the big wave of internment, and were thus able to take things from our household with us. My father remained unemployed - he was forbidden to work in the banking system. He did some underground work for a couple of friends, although he was formally hired as a laborer so that they could pay him. Again, we had financial problems in Sliven. During vacations I also started working in a factory in order to make both ends meet. I worked on a knitting-frame for socks.

There was no physical repression against us but moral violence in terms of the offences we had to endure from legionnaires and branniks. At the same time I have wonderful memories from my contacts with Bulgarians. We stayed in Sliven until December 1944. We went through the hardest moments there in 1943, when my father received a notice that he should show up with some 50 kilos of luggage at the school. The letter was from 8th March 1943, and the date appointed for showing up was 3pm on 10th March. We all knew that it meant internment or even deportation. We also knew that the lists of women and children were in the municipality, and they were about to be announced. I was a member of the underground UYW. I discussed the possibility of not showing up with my fellow members but finding a connection with the partisans instead and joining them in the Balkan Mountains. But as we were very young and lacked experience - I was only 17 - they weren't very interested to accept us because we might have become a burden to them.

Anyway, nothing happened. In the last moment, at 11am on 10th March, the abrogation of the internment came [on 24th May 1943] 15 and we were informed that no one had to show up. I remember complete strangers who, seeing my yellow star, were warmly embracing and kissing me in the streets of Sliven. The hardest moments were the moments of parting. My father didn't go to labor camps, as he was already too old. But at that time I had a relationship with my future husband, and he was detained in the labor camps for about three years. We used to communicate through letters only. Those were very hard times.

When we came back to Sofia in 1944, we settled on the same estate but in a different apartment. People accepted us very well. They had even kept our stuff, though we had taken almost everything to Sliven with us. I began studying at the university, and my father started working in a Jewish bank. Then our family faced the question of settling in Israel, especially after my father's parents moved there. It was a rather complicated matter, as we had certain ideals of Bulgaria, and we felt that it would be betrayal to leave our homeland. I was a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party, yet I never allowed myself to reproach my friends who were leaving for Israel. I realized that their desire to have their own fatherland and live in a secure place was completely natural. At the same time I thought that it would be also safe in Bulgaria.

Post-war

I met my husband, Albert Behar, in Sliven during the war. We got married in 1948 in Sofia. He was born on 8th November 1923 in Sliven. His mother tongue is Bulgarian. His father was a bank clerk, and, after 9th September 1944, his family left for Israel. My husband has a degree from the Agricultural University. He worked as a soil expert in the Institute of Soils. We have two children: a son, Valeri, and a daughter, Lidya, who both have families of their own. My son is a doctor, and my daughter is an economist. I have three grandchildren: Lidya's Roumen and Yassen Nikolov, and Valeri's Svilen Isaev.

After finishing university I worked in the People's Army of Bulgaria as a doctor for five years. I was discharged from the Military Institute I used to work at in 1956 because of my Jewish origin. Although the common explanation was a general lay-off, the real reason was the fact that I was a Jew. Many other Jewish friends of mine who worked in the army were also discharged. That's how we realized what the actual reason was. For me it was indicative of the fact that anti-Semitism was still alive. This hurt us but we blamed everything on human errors that accompanied the practical realization of the party program. Moreover, in 1956 the April Plenum [of the Bulgarian Communist Party] was held, at which the cult of Stalin was deposed. Much later we realized that it wasn't only the people's fault, the totalitarian system itself was to blame.

We didn't feel any dictatorship after the 1950s. At that time we lived with the conscience that we, the communists, would make history. As long as a dictatorship existed and certain classes were oppressed, we justified its existence. [Editor's note: Linka is referring to the doctrine of 'the dictatorship of the proletariat'.] Materially, and in terms of the technical progress, the first years after 9th September 1944 were extremely difficult. We gradually improved our social position, starting from the end of the 1960s and during the 1970s, when we had already turned into a middle- class family. We never owned a flat, neither a villa, nor a car. Yet we could cover our needs for food, clothes, holidays, and so on, fairly well.

Our attitude towards the wars in Israel in 1967 [during the Six-Day-War] 16 and 1973 [during the Yom Kippur War] 17 was divided. On the one hand there was care and concern for our relatives there and the understanding that the people of this country had the right to live their own life. On the other hand, due to the aggressive propaganda and the ideological brainwash, it occurred to us at certain moments that those were actually unfair wars. That was one of the most crucial moments in our lives - we could neither entirely share the position of the Bulgarian government at that time, nor could we fully take Israel's side. Our greatest concern was that we wouldn't be able to contact our relatives in Israel.

I didn't visit Israel before the collapse of communism in 1989. I went there once afterwards. My husband didn't join me. Nobody forced us to terminate our relations with our closest relatives there, yet a certain self-restriction existed for sure. I rarely kept in touch with my relatives in the West, and they also avoided contact with us. Except for that one discharge in 1956, I never had the feeling that I was refused promotion because of my Jewish origin. My husband even had a leading position at the Institute of Soils. He became director.

My children were raised as Jews, but they are married to Bulgarians. They know everything about the war and what happened during the Holocaust. We celebrate Rosh Hashanah and Pesach. I celebrate Christmas with my son's family. We don't celebrate Easter. We keep the 'gastronomical' side of the Jewish traditions, and I have even handed them over to my daughter, who is also a master of Jewish specialties. Perhaps 70 % of my circle of friends are Jews, but I have always had friends among Bulgarians, too. I keep good relations with my cousins in Bulgaria, especially in Sofia. We meet at least once a week with some of them.

After 1989 we felt great relief. In the years after that many things concerning political rights and freedom, democracy as a whole and our way of living, became quite clear to us. It can't be simply be said that this change was only for the better. The feeling of spiritual liberation was later followed by economic difficulties.

As to our Jewishness, our life has definitely changed because there are more and more varied activities organized by the Jewish organizations in Sofia. We are pensioners and have a lot of spare time that needs to be filled. We found the resources for that within the Jewish community. We often visit the Jewish People's House in Sofia, where we meet our friends. A lot of people from abroad have also recalled that we are Jews. All our relatives in the West, who have never thought of keeping close relations with us, contacted us after 1989. Every summer they come here from all over the world, and it makes us remember that we are Jews.

My personal convictions about the so-called Jewish problem, and how we could possibly solve it, have also evolved. While in the 1950s and 1960s, and even at the beginning of the 1970s, I used to think that the solution lay in assimilation, today I share a completely different view. Until recently I wasn't much interested in my roots, but as time goes by I indulge deeper and deeper into history. I used to think that assimilation was the only way to solve the Jewish problem in Bulgaria. I believed that assimilation would save me and my children from a new persecution against Jews. Now I don't think so any more because I see that assimilation hasn't been very helpful to the Jews. Yet I don't consider the pure fanatic isolation of the Jewry to be our way either. I don't see why religiosity should be related to the idea of belonging to the Jewry. One should recognize himself as a Jew even without being religious. I understand that the Jewry has survived thanks to its religion, yet I don't understand why I shouldn't be considered a Jew if I don't obey each law of the Jewish religious tradition.

Even during the communist era I didn't break my relations with the Jewish community and identified myself as a Jew. We have lived a more intensive Jewish life in recent years though. Maybe that's because we are already pensioners and the community somehow effectively replaces our relatives that we miss. We have definitely received support from the Jewish community in the years financially hardest for us: 1992-1995. Now we don't receive support to such an extent any more because our pensions are quite good for Bulgarian standards. Yet, until recently these funds helped us to survive. We received a financial support of 1,400 USD from Switzerland.

There were many important events after World War II, but in my opinion the most important thing for the future of the Jewry is a strong Jewish state recognized by the whole world and the existence of a real democracy in all the countries where Jewish communities exist. The recognition of the minorities' rights is also necessary. And I'm referring to the attitude of the different countries towards Jews and vice versa. Sometimes Jews are also responsible for unsuccessful relations. Jews have to comply with the life and the traditions of a country, and to integrate in its society, without ever forgetting that they are Jews. Extreme nationalism is not only rooted among anti-Semites and Israel's enemies but also among Jews themselves.

Glossary

1 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

2 Kirkov, Georgi Yordanov (1867-1919)

Bulgarian journalist, poet. One of the founders of the Bulgarian Socialist Party, which was established in 1903.

3 Makedonski, Stephan

One of the founders of the Bulgarian operetta.

4 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union unexpectedly declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

5 Dostoevsky, Fyodor (1821-1881)

Russian novelist, journalist and short-story writer whose psychological penetration into the human soul had a profound influence on the 20th century novel. His novels anticipated many of the ideas of Nietzsche and Freud. Dostoevsky's novels contain many autobiographical elements, but ultimately they deal with moral and philosophical issues. He presented interacting characters with contrasting views or ideas about freedom of choice, socialism, atheisms, good and evil, happiness and so forth.

6 Chekhov, Anton Pavlovich (1860-1904)

Russian short-story writer and dramatist. Chekhov's hundreds of stories concern human folly, the tragedy of triviality, and the oppression of banality. His characters are drawn with compassion and humor in a clear, simple style noted for its realistic detail. His focus on internal drama was an innovation that had enormous influence on both Russian and foreign literature. His success as a dramatist was assured when the Moscow Art Theater took his works and staged great productions of his masterpieces, such as Uncle Vanya or The Three Sisters.

7 Yovkov, Yordan (1880-1937)

Writer, playwright and poet - one of the classic writers of Bulgarian literature. He was born in Zheravna and spent a long time as a teacher in Dobrudja region. He also worked as a journalist and a librarian. He participated in the Balkan Wars and World War I. From 1921 to 1927 Yovkov worked in the Bulgarian legation in Bucharest, later he was removed to the Seal Department in Sofia. Yovkov's artistic world, transforming suffering into craving for beauty and ethics, is marked with a deep humanistic pathos. His works were translated into more than 37 languages.

8 St

Kiril and Methodii: The creators of the Slavic alphabet.

9 Iuchbunar

The poorest residential district in Sofia; the word is of Turkish origin and means 'the three wells'.

10 UYW

The Union of Young Workers. A communist youth organization, which was legally established in 1928 as a sub-organization of the Bulgarian Communist Youth Union. After the coup d'etat in 1934, when the parties in Bulgaria were banned, it went underground and became the strongest wing of the BCYU. Some 70% of the partisans in Bulgaria were members of it. In 1947 it was renamed Dimitrov's Communist Youth Union, after Georgi Dimitrov, the leader of the Bulgarian Communist Party at the time.

11 Chifuti

Derogatory nickname for Jews in Bulgarian.

12 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expulsed from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In occupied Macedonia and Thrace the Bulgarians treated the Jews with exceptional cruelty. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria was halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

13 Legionaries

Members of the Union of the Bulgarian National Legions. The UBNL was a pro-fascist non-governmental organization, established in 1930. It aimed at building a corporate totalitarian state on the basis of military centralism, following the model of Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. It existed until 1944.

14 Brannik

Pro-fascist youth organization. It started functioning after the Defence of the Nation Act was passed in 1939 and the Bulgarian government forged its pro-German policy. The Branniks regularly maltreated Jews.

15 24th May 1943

Protest by a group of members of parliament, led by the chairman of the National Assembly, Dimitar Peshev, as well by a large section of Bulgarian society, against the deportation of the Jews, which culminated in a great demonstration on 24 May 1943, when thousands of people, led by members of parliament, the Eastern Orthodox Church, political parties and non-governmental organizations, stood out against the deportation of Bulgarian Jews. Although there was no official document banning deportation, Bulgarian Jews were saved, unlike ones from Aegean Thrace and Macedonia.

16 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on June 5th, 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

17 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October, 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

Amalia Laufer

Amalia Laufer
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: November 2002

Amalia Laufer lives in an old Jewish neighborhood of Chernovtsy where the ghetto was located during the war. Her house is small and shabby. There is a small room and a kitchen that also serves as a dining room. There is a bed, a table, two chairs and a wardrobe. Amalia lives alone and has a cat. She usually does not communicate with strangers, so I was introduced to her by a volunteer from Hesed, who visits her. Amalia is a short thin woman with thick black hair. She has polyarthritis and hardly ever leaves her home. There is a candle stand on the table. She lights candles on Sabbath. She keeps her mother's prayer book open on the table. Her mother had this book with her when they came to the ghetto. During our conversation Amalia switches to Yiddish. She quotes the Torah and mentions biblical stories when recalling episodes from her life.

My family history 
Growing up 
During the War 
After the War 
Glossary

My family history

My father's parents lived in Kabaki village, Kosov district, Stanislav province, Poland [today in Belarus]. I have very little information about my father's parents. My grandfather, Duvid Laufer, and my grandmother, Mariam, died before World War I. They were farmers. They were doing all right, I believe, and they were religious, like all other Jewish families in smaller towns and villages.

My father, Leizer Laufer, had three older brothers. They were born in Kabaki. I never met them. They moved to America after their parents died. My father wasn't really good at writing and didn't correspond with his brothers. I don't know anything about their life in America. My mother said they were nice people. My father was born in the winter of 1892. He told me that his mother gave birth to him on Chanukkah hoping that his life would be like a holiday. But one's dreams don't always come true.

My mother, Reizl Laufer [nee Gofer], was born in Vizhnitsa, a big Ukrainian village on the bank of the Prut River. Vizhnitsa is a village of timber floaters. Timber floated down the river and the men from Vizhnitsa were pulling it to the bank to take it to a timber cutting and drying facility. The timber was stored until it got sold to merchants. Vizhnitsa is located on the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains, and its inhabitants kept sheep. My mother's father, Haim Gofer, owned a small food store. My grandmother, Haya, helped him in the shop. My mother was born in 1894. She had four sisters. My grandparents hired a teacher from cheder for their children to teach them to read and write. I only saw my grandfather and grandmother once. My grandfather died in 1923 and my grandmother in 1930. My parents and my older brothers went to my grandfather's funeral, but when my grandmother died my mother couldn't go to her funeral because she had to stay with us.

My mother and father were introduced to one another by matchmakers. This was a customary approach to marriages back then. There were no divorces at that time because families discussed all the details in advance, and young people didn't expect any surprises. Love came later and was based on care and respect. I believe love means care for and respect of one another and one's children. My mother came from a traditional religious family. She was raised to believe in God, her family observed all traditions, and she was taught to honor and respect all Jewish laws. My parents had a Jewish wedding - my mother wouldn't have got married without a chuppah. After the wedding my mother moved to Kabaki.

Kabaki was a Ukrainian village. There weren't many Jews there and no synagogue or cheder in the village. About seven kilometers away was Kuty village whose inhabitants were Jews in their majority. There was a synagogue and a cheder in this village. In Kabaki there were only ten Jewish families. Two families had stores. One of the owners was called Simkhe-Yan Zukerman. There was also a tailor and a shoemaker. Haim Dudinskiy, a blacksmith, lived nearby. He was a tall and strong man. His three sons were as strong as their father. They also worked in their father's forge. Whenever I was passing by their house I heard them hammering away. The rest of the Jewish families were farmers. There were no conflicts between Jews, Poles and Ukrainians. There were no pogroms 1 in the village. The Jews of Kabaki only went to the synagogue in Kuty on big Jewish holidays. They also had their poultry slaughtered by a shochet in Kuty. There were kosher stores in Kuty, but for most of the time the Jews of Kabaki koshered their utensils and food themselves and prayed at home.

Growing up

My parents had seven children: three sons and four daughters. I was the youngest and my mother called me 'my little finger'. My oldest brother, Mayer, was born in 1913, Moshe-Leib in 1914, and Joseph, my youngest brother, in 1916. My sister Mariam, named after my father's mother, was born in 1917, Reisia in 1919, and Amalia in 1920. Amalia died in infancy though. I was born in 1921 and was given her name.

My mother always wore a long dark skirt, shirt and shawl. According to Jewish tradition she cut her hair after she got married. My father had a long beard and wore a yarmulka. My parents were very religious. My father prayed at home on weekdays. On big holidays he went to the synagogue in Kuty with my mother. They spoke Yiddish at home and Ukrainian and Polish with the neighbors. My father and mother were very kind.

We lived in a small wooden house, plastered and whitewashed on the outside. Most of the houses in Kabaki had thatched roofs, but our house had a tin- roof. There was one big bedroom for my parents and the girls. The sons slept in a small room without a stove. There was also a kitchen with a big stove and a stove bench. In cold winters we spent long hours on this bench. The stove was stoked with wood. Wood was expensive and my parents bought enough to cook. In fall we [children] were collecting brushwood in the forest to fill up the wooden shed in our yard. This brushwood was left from wood cutting activities that stopped in winter, so we tried to get as much brushwood as possible during the fall.

My father dug a well in the yard. There was an orchard near the house with apple, pear and plum trees. In the backyard there was a stove to cook in summer. There was also a chicken yard. My mother kept chickens, geese and ducks. There was a pond near the village where all our neighbors took ducks and geese, and they stayed there all day long. We had a cow. From early spring to late fall it was tended in the village herd. Families tended cows in turns. My older brothers, when they were old enough, also tended the village cows. In winter our cow was in a cowshed, and we had to store enough hay to feed it. My father rented a hayfield. In summer we went to mow grass once every two or three weeks. We dried it and stored it in the big attic of the shed. The hay lasted as food for the cow in winter and we had milk, butter, sour cream and cheese for both the family and to sell. My mother sold dairy products to her clients. The schoolteacher was one of my mother's clients. She said that Ukrainian farmers added water to milk and that my mother never cheated like that. People knew that my mother was an honest and decent woman.

We had two hectares of land that my father inherited from his father. We worked on this land since we were small children. My mother never begged for anything. She bought what she needed, but she never begged. She used to say that charity began at home. We took grain to the mill in the village to have it ground into flour.

We grew potatoes, corn, rye and wheat, working from dusk till dawn. We did the weeding of the field. That way we managed to do the farming ourselves. It was only during the harvest season that my parents hired employees and paid them with potatoes and wheat. My mother made rye-bread, sufficient to last for a week. When she took freshly made bread from the oven she sprayed every loaf with water, covered it with a white napkin and took it to the storeroom. It stayed fresh for a whole week.

We were a traditional religious family. My parents observed all Jewish traditions and raised us religious. On Friday my mother made challah. On Friday mornings she got up to start making dough for the challah and dumplings. She made gefilte fish, chicken broth and boiled chicken for Sabbath. She also cooked cholent, stew with potatoes, beans and carrots in a ceramic pot. She capped the pot with dough and put it in the oven to keep the food warm for Saturday. It was not allowed to light a fire in the stove on Saturday. My mother also made a big bowl of pancakes, and we ate them with milk. On Friday evenings we got together for a prayer. My father recited a blessing on the holy Saturday, the children and the food. My mother lit Saturday candles and said a prayer over them, then we sat down for a festive dinner. We didn't work on Saturday. On big Jewish holidays, such as Pesach, Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah, we went to the synagogue in Kuty. I remember my mother carrying me when I was small. On Saturday Jewish families got together in a minyan to pray.

We didn't have much pastime. We had to work about the house and in the field from morning to night, but sometimes in the evenings in winter our parents told us biblical stories and Jewish legends.

My brothers didn't go to cheder. My mother taught them to read and write. She taught us Yiddish and Hebrew. She also knew Polish and German. Her parents had hired a teacher for her when she was young. She learned a lot from her teachers and her parents, was very intelligent and a very good teacher.

In 1927 our father fell ill and died within a few days. There was no hospital in the village. My father was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Kuty because there was no Jewish cemetery in our village. My mother and father had six children and now she was all alone to raise us. Life became more difficult, but she taught us never to beg for anything. She used to say that if God took away our breadwinner He would help us. On weekdays we had boiled potatoes and mamaliga [corn flour meal], rye-bread and malai [pudding from rye and corn flour]. We also had apples, pears and plums. We never stole fruit from orchards like other children did. We had our cow and my mother sold milk and butter. She didn't keep any butter for us, because she needed the money to buy clothes and shoes.

There was a Polish elementary school in the village. It was free of charge, and children of all nationalities could study there, but if they wanted to continue their education they had to pay. We went to this school. We studied all subjects in Polish. We spoke fluent Polish and German. My mother always told us to wear clean and decent clothes to schools. She bought shirts and blouses at the store for us to wear to school. She didn't give us any food to have at school, so we didn't eat anything until evening. Later we were provided with free lunch at school. It wasn't kosher food, but we had no choice - having some food was better than having no food at all, and my mother was glad that her children weren't starving.

My mother always followed the kashrut. She even had different pieces of cloth to wash utensils for dairy and meat products. She also had different casseroles and pots for dairy and meat products and we had to be careful to use the right utensils. She was very strict about it. When we ate a slice of bread and a piece of meat we had to wait at least six hours before we could have some milk. When we had milk we could have meat about 10-15 minutes after rinsing the mouth. My mother made potato dumplings with meat. She bought 300 grams of meat from peasants at the market. Meat was rather expensive at that time, like it is at present. She sprinkled meat with salt, left it for an hour and then dipped it into water for half an hour to make it kosher. After that she boiled and ground it and divided it between the children. Everybody had enough and we never argued about food.

Before Pesach she took all her kitchenware to the attic and brought down fancy utensils and tableware. She knew all rules. She made gefilte fish, chicken and stuffed duck or goose. We did a general cleanup of the house before Pesach so that not a single breadcrumb was left in the house. The whole family sat at the table. After my father died my older brother Mayer conducted the seder. He turned 13 years old and came of age according to Jewish tradition.

My mother had a poultry yard. She sold eggs and geese. She usually kept one goose for the family for Pesach and other holidays. She also left a bucket full of eggs for holidays. She made dumplings from eggs and matzah, pancakes and sponge cakes from matzah meal at Pesach. We also had cream and milk on holidays.

Gershl Raizman, a farmer in the village, had a separate room with a stove to bake matzah, and all Jewish families helped each other to make it for Pesach. We needed a lot of matzah for our big family considering that we weren't allowed to eat any bread during the holiday. My mother cooked a lot of food for Pesach. She used to say that she wanted her children to have enough food and not to beg for anything on a holiday.

We fasted on Yom Kippur and before Rosh Hashanah from the age of 5. We didn't go to the synagogue because it was so far away from our house, but we prayed at home. Nobody worked on this day. Before Yom Kippur we went to the cemetery where my father was buried, and my brothers recited the Kaddish.

There was an entertainment center in the village where young people got together in the evenings, but my mother didn't allow us to go where the goyim [non-Jews] went. She told us to study, do our homework and clean the house. She kept us busy to keep us away from the center.

My three brothers moved to Buenos Aires in 1932. My mother accepted their decision. She wanted her children to be happy and was hoping that they would have a better life in a different country. They borrowed some money from a farmer in our village, later they sent the amount to my mother and she gave it back to the farmer. They learned to drive a car and became drivers. They married Jewish girls and had children. We corresponded until 1940, but the contact stopped due to the war.

When my sisters grew up matchmakers began to come to our house. Once the father of a son came to my mother and asked for her consent to his son marrying Mariam. He was a Polish man from Rivno. He promised her to build a big house for the young couple in Kabaki. My mother refused and said that while she was alive her daughters would never marry anyone but Jewish men. She told him that she didn't want her daughters to hear things like, 'You damn zhydovka [kike], don't go to the synagogue, go to the Catholic church', from their husbands. So, the man left.

Later a Jewish man from Zhabiye village in Kolomyya, not far from where we lived, proposed to Mariam. He had a house and kept sheep. He was two years older than Mariam. My mother and sister liked him. Mariam and her fiancé had a Jewish wedding with a chuppah in Kabaki. There weren't many guests at the wedding, just close relatives and friends. The rabbi said a prayer, the bride and bridegroom sipped wine from a wine glass, broke the glass and signed the ketubbah. There were tables laid in the yard of the synagogue for men and women. They danced and sang. When the party was over Mariam moved to her husband in Zhabiye village. Zhabiye was a Ukrainian village. There were farmers and cattle breeders in it. There were several Jewish families. It was only a small village so there was no synagogue, only a small prayer house.

I finished my 4th year at elementary school in 1933. There was no work in the village for me. I could have become a housemaid for a richer family, but my mother didn't want me to. She thought that there was enough work to do at home. Our schoolteacher liked me. She told my mother that I needed to continue my education in town, but my mother hated the thought. She believed that for a girl it was most important to get into a successful marriage and be a good housewife. She thought that I had sufficient education to live my life in our village. She couldn't imagine a different life for a girl. She said that she would teach me everything I needed to know about life. Reisia also stayed at home. We worked in the garden and about the house and there was more than enough to do.

During the War

Germany attacked Poland in 1939, but the war was still far away from us. Three families of Jewish refugees came to the village. They went to live with richer Jewish families that had bigger houses. These refugees told people what Hitler was doing to Jews. We were horrified, but we were hoping that Hitler wouldn't reach us. In 1940 the Soviet army came to Poland and the country was divided. A bigger part of the Carpathians, Belarus and Zakarpatiye became a part of the USSR. The Soviet power came to Kabaki and took land away from the richer families. We weren't rich and thus weren't arrested for this reason, but the authorities expropriated half of the plot of land we had. We had one hectare left. Our place became part of Ukraine, and we were ordered to speak Ukrainian. Many local farmers resisted the Soviet power. Young people escaped to the woods and joined partisan units, but the Soviets pursued them and killed them like wild animals.

At the beginning of June 1941 my three brothers came to visit us. Their families stayed in Buenos Aires, because it was too expensive to take them on the trip. They brought us gifts: dresses, sweaters and cardigans. They brought a big flowered shawl for my mother and thin stockings and high- healed shoes for us. We had never seen anything like it before. My brothers had changed a lot since the time they left Kabaki. They were wearing suits and ties. They brought pictures of their wives and children. They had Jewish wives, but my brothers became very estranged from religion. They observed very few traditions and only went to the synagogue on holidays. They liked their new life and were planning to take us to Buenos Aires when they could.

On 22nd June 1941 the Great Patriotic War 2 began. My brothers went to visit Mariam and her husband in Zhabiye before the Germans approached Kabaki. Mariam and her husband invited them to celebrate Sabbath with them. We were expecting them back on Sunday afternoon. We woke up early to start making dinner when we heard shooting. Our Ukrainian neighbor, who respected my mother a lot, stormed into our house to tell her that the Germans were in the village and killing Jews. We hid in her hayloft and stayed there until the next morning. In the morning her husband came and told us that the Germans were killing families who gave shelter to Jews. They had already killed a villager whose housemaid was a Jewish girl and burnt his house. The man apologized for not being able to hide us any longer. He was afraid for his family and the baby in the cradle. He also told us that the Germans had burnt down the synagogue in Kuty. When the Jews in Kuty got to know that the Germans were in the village they went to the synagogue to pray to God to rescue them. The Germans locked the door from the outside, poured gasoline onto it and set it on fire. All people inside perished.

We went home. The door to our house was open. We went in and saw my three brothers in blood on the floor. They had all been killed. My mother couldn't contact their families. We didn't even bury them. On the next day the Germans ordered the Jews to come to the square for registration. My mother and Reisia decided to stay and hide in the attic of the shed. They tried to convince me to stay at home, but I just couldn't disobey the order. All Jews came to the square. The Germans were taking them away and shooting them in groups. When there were only a few Jews left I said in Yiddish, 'Kill me so that I don't have to see how you kill all my loved ones'. Their commanding officer replied in German and I understood what he said, 'I can't'. He put his hands on my shoulders, turned me around and pushed me slightly in the direction of the street. I went home. 50 or 60 people were killed that day, and I was the only survivor of the tragedy.

People told us that the Germans killed my sister Mariam and her 11-month- old son in Zhabiye. A German soldier grabbed the baby and hit his head on a tree and shot my sister. She was 23. Her husband returned to the village a few days later and was shot, too. The Germans shot all the Jews in Zhabiye.

We had to leave Kabaki. We packed some clothes and a little food and left the village at night. On the road local young men stopped us, took away our luggage and threatened that they would call the Germans if we didn't give it to them. We had no food left. Early in the morning we came to a neighboring village, and a villager invited us into his house. His wife gave us some meat and mamaliga. We didn't eat the meat, because she said it was pork. The villager took us to a chapel and told us to stay there until dark. His wife gave my mother a small pillow. When it got dark he told us to go to the wood and promised to bring us some food. We didn't really believe him, but he did bring us food. He said that he knew who we were. He knew that we were Jews from a neighboring village, that we had survived miraculously and that we were no tramps but had our house and livestock. He wanted to help us. He told us to move at night to be on the safe side. My mother thanked him for his help and said that God would bless him for his courage.

I don't know how many nights we walked. In the daytime we were hiding in the woods fearing that the Germans or the Romanians might find us. Later I found out that we walked over 100 kilometers. We reached the Jewish neighborhood in Chernovtsy. We came to the old Jewish hospital and saw candles burning inside one of the houses. It was Saturday. We knocked on the door and asked the hosts to let us in. There was a ghetto in Chernovtsy, but outsiders weren't allowed to go there. The newcomers were sent back to where they came from to be shot there. The Jewish woman that opened the door said that she was afraid to let us in because they were ordered to let nobody in on the penalty of death. She had small children and was afraid for them, but then she took pity and let us in for a short while.

Our hostess was from Tarnov, Poland. She didn't have any food for us. She was very poor. But at least she had a house to live while we had left behind everything that we had owned. My sister went to the Jewish community, but they told her that they had nothing to give to us. The rabbi gave her a little money out of his own pocket. We were starved, but alive.

We had been staying in the ghetto for about two months when our hostess told us that the Germans were going to raid the ghetto and check everybody's documents. She asked us to leave her house. Her husband worked at the laundry in the ghetto. He took us to the laundry. He hid my sister and mother in the laundry, and I was waiting outside when policemen approached me and asked my name. He gave me a sign to remain silent and told them that I was a deaf and dumb girl from the village and came to ask for a piece of bread. He said he knew me and that I wasn't a Jew. They left.

Then a Jew from the synagogue said that he knew an empty house. He said we could settle there, but the community couldn't help us with food. We cleaned a room and it became our lodging. My mother didn't work in Chernovtsy. She was very sickly after what she had to go through. My sister and I went to work. I became a housemaid for a local Jewish woman. I washed the floors, cleaned her apartment, fetched water and did her laundry. There was an old people's home nearby, and I washed floors there, too. I was given a meal there, but I didn't eat it. I took the food to my mother. My mother asked me whether I had had something to eat, and I assured her that I did, when in truth I felt nauseous from hunger.

My sister also worked in the old people's home. There were no other jobs. Jews had to wear the star of David on the sleeve and chest. I looked like a Ukrainian girl and nobody took me for a Jew, so I didn't wear the star. When my mistress saw that I didn't have a star of David on my sleeve she asked me how I went outside without it. And I replied that God helped me. I said that I believed in God and that the place for the star of David was in the synagogue, not on a sleeve. My mistress gave me her old clothes, because I didn't have any. Her husband had a good job and provided well for his family. My mistress treated me to a meal every now and then and made sure that I ate it in her presence. But I returned each day to the ghetto to my mother and my sister. My mother was spending her days sitting in the room waiting for my sister and me to bring her some food. She was very weak and couldn't work. My sister was earning very little money, and I was their only hope and support. Life was very hard.

At some point, Jews were sent to Transnistria 3. By the beginning of the war there were 90,000 Jews in Chernovtsy. Before the Soviets came to power in 1940 there were several synagogues, yeshivot, cheders, Jewish theaters and clubs and the population of the town knew Yiddish. The Germans and the Romanians brought 60,000 Jews to the old Jewish neighborhood in Chernovtsy which had about 5,000 Jewish inhabitants before the war. It was stuffed and overcrowded with people. There were two or more families in the smallest rooms in this neighborhood, houses and entrances to houses were stuffed with people. People even lived in the streets. 90,000 Jews were taken to Transnistria. Only 10,000 survived. 16,000 Jews remained in Chernovtsy.

Marian Popovich, the mayor of the town, wrote a letter to the Romanian king in Bucharest explaining to him that there weren't enough people left in Chernovtsy to do all the work required to support the infrastructure of the town. He saved many Jews from extermination and deportation to Transnistria. Israel awarded him the title of the 'Righteous Among the Nation' posthumously. In 1943 the deportation of Jews stopped. The mayor issued certificates to the 16,000 Jews, who were left in Chernovtsy, stating that they weren't subject to deportation to Transnistria. Gendarmes let them alone during raids and richer people paid bribes for their freedom. We were sort of lucky to get to this ghetto. In other ghettos there were mass shootings of the inmates, whereas we managed to survive.

We didn't observe any Jewish traditions or celebrate holidays during the war - life was too hard, and the only thing we concentrated on was to save our lives. My mother used to pray quietly for her deceased sons in the corner.

After the War

In 1944 my employer left for America and offered me to go with her. She told me that she knew what the Soviet regime was like. She lived under the Soviet power and was afraid of arrests and deportation to Siberia 4. She said that Stalin was no better than Hitler. I told her that I couldn't leave my mother, that if I went there would be nobody left to give her food. Now I sometimes think - why did God pay me back with problems and bad luck for my kindness? I was a caring and decent daughter.

The Soviet army came to Bukovina in 1944. I went to work in the neuropathologist office as a cleaning woman for two years. We were very poor. My sister came to my work place once and said that she wouldn't agree to work there. She probably thought it was humiliating to be a cleaning woman. Besides, it was very hard work for a miserable salary. I replied that one has to take a job when it's available to be able to buy at least a piece of bread. Later I fell ill with pneumonia and got to hospital. When somebody brought me a piece of mamaliga and a glass of milk my nurse stole this food from me. People were hungry, even in the hospital. The doctors didn't believe I would survive, but I said that I would if such was God's will. One Jew from the synagogue brought me oranges and said to me that I was a righteous woman and God would help me. I survived. I went to the synagogue to thank that man.

My sister Reisia moved to Palestine in 1946. My mother was very sickly and I couldn't leave her. Besides, I would have been afraid to go to a place I knew nothing about. We had no information about Palestine or what it was like there. Reisia became an accountant there. She got married and had a son. She corresponded with us for a couple of years, but then she stopped writing. She had her own life and wasn't really interested in ours. Besides, I worked and didn't have much time left for writing letters. Reisia died in Israel in 1982.

I worked at the down and feather factory in Chernovtsy for 35 years. Our director, Fridman, was an old Jewish man. He lives in Germany ow. I was a laborer and stuffed pillows with down and feathers. I was the only Jewish woman at the factory. It was very hard work. Male employees teased me and laughed at me calling me 'this greedy zhydovka [kike] who doesn't drink or smoke and wants to earn all the money'. I got so tired of this word 'zhydovka' that now I try to stay away from the goyim [non-Jews]. I stuffed 1,000 pillows per day when the standard number was only 300. I started work at 6 a.m. and stayed at work after-hours. I tried to earn as much as I could. I had to provide for my mother, who needed care and medication. I had a bite for lunch and got back to work when all other employees were taking their lunch break. I was awarded a medal 'For remarkable performance' and my portrait was on the Board of Honor. I also received other awards and the management was satisfied with my work. I never went on sick leave.

In 1947 there was a famine. I could only afford to buy some food for my mother whereas I was starving. My mother and I celebrated Jewish holidays. On Yom Kippur we went to the synagogue to pray. We mentioned all our dear ones in our prayers. On Rosh Hashanah we always put an apple with sugar on the table. We didn't follow the kashrut because there were no kosher stores where we lived. I had to work on Saturdays. My mother told me that it wasn't a sin. However hungry we were, we never ate bread on Pesach. My mother received a little bit of matzah at the synagogue. Even when we only had a piece of matzah on Pesach, it was enough for us to feel the spirit of Pesach. I never celebrated Soviet holidays. We have our Jewish holidays to celebrate. I didn't have any friends. I didn't have time for friends because I had to work.

I met Simhe Gruber, my future husband, at the factory. He was the son of a poor Jewish shoemaker from Telkhov, in the Carpathians. He was born in 1920 and finished a Russian lower secondary school. He worked as a mechanic at a plant. We got married in 1953. We just had a civil ceremony. We didn't have money for a wedding party. Shortly after I got married my mother died. She was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Chernovtsy. I followed my mother's will to have a traditional Jewish funeral.

We lived in the same house in the old Jewish neighborhood where we had settled down in the ghetto during the war. This is where I still live now. Our son, Leonid, was born in 1955. He was named after my father, Leizer, the initial letters of their names are the same. We spoke Yiddish at home and Russian everywhere else, so Leonid knew both languages. When my son was about one year old, I found out that my husband was seeing an accountant from our factory. I divorced him. When he saw me at the factory he pretended we didn't know each other. He didn't want to see our son. I have no information about him. I don't even know whether he's still alive.

After the divorce I took on my maiden name again, but my son kept his father's surname, Gruber. There was nobody to help me raise my son, and there were no kindergartens in our neighborhood. I tied him to the leg of the table to be on the safe side and went to work. When I returned home from work he clutched to me and begged me to stay at home. But I had to go to work to provide for him. I worked all day long, and he stayed at home alone.

I tried to raise my son religious. I taught him Hebrew and spoke Yiddish with him. I told him about the religion and traditions of our people. We didn't celebrate holidays. I had to go to work on holidays if they fell on weekdays, but I told my son about them. We always had a piece of matzah on holidays [Pesach], but we also ate bread.

Leonid finished a Russian secondary school and entered a trade school. He had Jewish, Russian and Ukrainian friends. He was a pioneer and a member of the Komsomol 5 league like any other Soviet child. He went in for sports. In summer he went swimming with his friends, they played football and went to discotheques. He became a welder and got a job at a construction site. He was highly valued at his work. He married a nice Jewish girl from Chernovtsy. They have two children: Semyon and Anna. In 1990 he moved to America with his family promising to take me there as soon as they had settled down. More than ten years have passed since then. My son has a good job in America, but he doesn't need me. I'm alone.

Such is my destiny. My son has his own life. He doesn't write to me, and I don't know how he is doing. I don't ask anything of him. I don't want him to support me, I only want him to tell me about his life, his family and his children, but he doesn't. My grandchildren don't write to me either. His friends told me that I have a great-granddaughter in America. I wish for Leonid to be in good health and happy with his children and grandchildren.

I'm living my life trying to make the best of it. My mother and father lived their lives like that. I have a miserable pension and don't receive any allowances for my stay in the ghetto. The authorities told me that my stay there was unofficial. I need money to pay for the house and utilities. I need to think about tomorrow. There's nobody else to take care of me. However, I don't understand Jews that move to Germany. The Germans killed my family. Let God punish them. I believe that the Germans would kill innocent Jews again if there was a war.

I'm a religious Jewish woman. I celebrate Sabbath. On Friday evenings I light candles. I know all the prayers by heart. I live according to God's rule. I don't do any work on Saturdays. God said that the seventh day is a day of rest. I try to do all work on weekdays. On Friday afternoon my time comes to stand before God because I have to give this time to him. I know all the commandments and most of the Torah by heart. I get challah in Hesed. I fast on Yom Kippur and before Rosh Hashanah. On the 2nd day of these holidays I sit at the table after the evening star appears in the sky. I can't go to the synagogue - I can't walk. I get meals delivered from Hesed and am grateful to them. They also bring me medication. Thank God I have enough to eat.

Glossary

1 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

2 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War.

3 Transnistria

Area between the rivers Dnestr and Bug, and the Black Sea. It was ruled by the Romanians and during World War II it was used as a huge ghetto to which Jews from Bukovina and Moldavia were deported.

4 Forced deportation to Siberia

Stalin introduced the deportation of Middle Asian people, like the Crimean Tatars and the Chechens, to Siberia. Without warning, people were thrown out of their houses and into vehicles at night. The majority of them died on the way of starvation, cold and illnesses.

5 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

Faina Sandler

Faina Sandler
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: June 2002

According to the family legend our ancestors settled down in Kopyl during the Napoleonic War of 1812. My great-grandmother was a canteen keeper in Napoleon's army and came to Minsk with the army provision transport. Military life turned out to be hard for her. She quit the army and married a local merchant, a Jew. They moved to Kopyl. They opened a small store there and got their own house. They also had children. Since then our family lived in Kopyl.

Kopyl was a small town far away from the railroad. I remember that when my mother, Golda Sandler [nee Abramovich], wanted to visit my father's sister Elena in Minsk the only way of transport was a horse- driven cart. Jews constituted almost half of the population of this town; there were several thousand of them. There was a synagogue in the main square and a cheder right next to it. There was an Orthodox Christian church there as well. The closeness bothered neither the Jewish nor the Belarus population. There were several synagogues in Kopyl, but I can't remember how many exactly. The one in the central square was the biggest - it was a choir synagogue. There was also a city market in this same square. Kopyl was located within quite some distance from other settlements and people sold their products in exchange for other services.

My grandfather on my father's side, Avrom-Ber Sandler, was born in 1871. He was a carpenter. My grandmother was a housewife, which was a usual thing in Jewish families. I don't remember her name; she was just 'Granny' for me. I don't know what kind of family she came from. I only know that she came from Kopyl, too. There were many children in the family. They had two sons and a daughter besides my father. The oldest was Elena, born in 1894, then came Grigory in 1895, and my father, Semyon followed in 1897. Peisah, the last one, was born in 1899. The family wasn't wealthy. My grandmother could hardly get sufficient food and clothing for the family. Except for my grandfather, who was busy in his shop from morning till night, everybody else was helping my grandmother to grow vegetables in her vegetable garden. We mainly grew potatoes, and they saved the family from starving. My grandmother also had a few chickens and a goat.

They lived in a small, miserable house. It had a thatched roof and the goat often jumped onto the roof to eat some of it. They lived a very modest life. My grandmother and grandfather didn't go to the synagogue very often. My father said they prayed at home. They celebrated Jewish holidays in the family, and that's probably all they did. They didn't follow the kashrut. Their children studied in cheder and finished lower secondary school in town. They spoke Yiddish.

My father's brothers Grigory and Peisah moved to Minsk in the early 1930s. Both of them were apprentices to a carpenter at a plant. They married Jewish women. Grigory had two sons, and Peisah had a son and a daughter. Both brothers were on the front. Peisah's family was killed by the fascists in Kopyl on the first day of the war. He got married again after the war and had a son with his second wife. Both brothers were on the front After the war the two they brothers returned to Minsk and stayed there till the end of their lives. Grigory died in the late 1970s and Peisah died in 1984.

My father's sister Elena married a Russian man. She took her husband's last name, Ivleva. He was a high official in the NKVD 1. They lived in Minsk. Elena used to visit us with her husband. They came by car, which was rare at that time. They had a son and a daughter. Elena was a housewife. In 1937 Elena's husband was arrested and shot [during the so-called Great Terror] 2. Fortunately nothing happened to Elena and her children. She attended an accounting course and worked as an accountant at a plant. After Stalin's death in the 1950s Elena's husband was rehabilitated 3. During the war Elena was in the ghetto in Minsk. She managed to escape from there and got into the partisan unit where she stayed until the end of the war. After the war she lived in Minsk with her children. She died there in 1978.

The rules in my father's family weren't as strict as in other Jewish families. All the children were atheists. That's all I can remember. I was very young back then and my father didn't like to talk about his childhood.

I knew my mother's family much better. We lived in the same house with my mother's parents before the evacuation. My grandfather on my mother's side, Avrom-Yankev Abramovich, was born in Kopyl in 1869. He was a religious man, which wasn't surprising because he was a rabbi in Kopyl. He was a respectable man. People often addressed him to ask his advice. Visitors were very often waiting for him at the gate early in the morning.

My grandfather died when I was 4, but I know much about him from what my mother told me. In addition, I still have some memories of my own. My brother was often surprised to hear me talking about events from our childhood. He said that I was too young to remember such things.

My grandfather always wore a long black jacket and a black hat no matter what the weather was like. He had a nicely trimmed beard. My grandmother, grandfather and their children didn't look like Jews. They were tall, fair-haired and had gray eyes. My father and my brother Mihail were also gray-eyed blondes. I'm the only one in the family with black hair and dark eyes. I suffered much in my childhood because I thought I didn't belong to them.

My grandfather was the grandnephew of Mendele Moykher Sforim 4, a well-known Jewish writer. That was his pseudonym. His real name was Shalom Jacob Abramovits. Mendele was born in Kopyl in 1835. He was the brother of my grandfather's father. His family was poor. Mendele met somebody who helped him to learn languages, history, philosophy and literature. He moved to Berdichev and then to Odessa. He lived in Odessa from the 1880s until his death in 1917. My parents told me that all documents, photos and portraits - everything related to his biography - were kept in my grandfather's house. I also know that a Museum of Jewish Culture was opened in Minsk before the war. They addressed my grandfather with the request to give all these things to the museum, but he refused. During the war the family perished, and the house was destroyed along with all the relics.

I have dim memories of my grandfather but very clear memories of my grandmother, Genia Abramovich. She looked after me and was very nice and kind. My grandmother was only one year younger than my grandfather, but she looked much younger. She was born in Kopyl in 1870. She often told me about her childhood. Unfortunately, I can hardly remember those stories. I only remember one story about her mother, who was a well-known healer. She cured people with herbs. My grandmother told me that her mother was very upset that her daughters didn't want to follow into her footsteps. My great-grandmother died taking her secrets into the grave with her. I was very sorry that she didn't live until I was born. I would have listened to her every word. I don't know my grandmother's maiden name or anything about her meeting with my grandfather and their wedding. Only, knowing my grandfather, I'm sure that they had a traditional Jewish wedding. They spoke Yiddish in the family.

My grandparents lived in a big spacious house with five rooms and a big kitchen. There was a big yard and a flower garden, as well as a shed, where they kept a cow, and a vegetable garden. They were quite wealthy, I believe. My grandmother did all the housework herself.

They had many children. I only know the names of the two, who left for America in the 1920s: one of them was called Zelda and her family name was Diamant. Zelda's husband was a farmer. Their daughter, Mildred, was born in America. They were successful. The other one who left for America was called Meyer. He was an engineer. He got married. We received a letter from Zelda after the war. She told us about her life and her daughter and asked us if we needed any help. She also sent pictures of her and her brother Meyer. To keep in touch with relatives abroad was very dangerous at the time. My brother was working at the military plant at that time, had a special sensitive work permit and such facts could have ruined his career. My Mama wrote one single letter to Zelda asking her to stop writing us. Much later, in the 1990s, I was trying to find my cousin, Mildred, but I failed.

Another one of my mother's brothers lived in Belostok, Poland. Mama said that he perished in Auschwitz during the occupation of Poland.

One of my mother's brother and two sisters lived in Kopyl. I can't remember their names. They had children and we used to play together. They visited us with their families. On Pesach the whole family got together. They didn't evacuate during the war and perished in the ghetto. The only date imprinted on my memory and related to my mother's family is their date of death: 1941.

My grandparents strictly observed Jewish traditions. On Friday my grandmother lit the candles and cooked dinner for Saturday. She baked deliciously smelling challah. My grandfather went to the synagogue every day; my grandmother went on Saturdays. They strictly followed the kashrut. They celebrated Jewish holidays. I remember preparations for Pesach. The house was always clean, but before Pesach it had to be all shiny. They took fancy dishes from the attic and washed them. I remember those dishes. I especially remember the bright turquoise salt- cellar. I was mesmerized by it. I remember big bags of matzah that were brought from the bakery at the synagogue. I also remember the big table covered with white cloth and family gatherings on Pesach. My grandmother and my mother spent a lot of time in the kitchen before Pesach to have all the required food on the table on Pesach. I can't remember all the dishes. We, kids, couldn't wait until they were over with chicken broth, stuffed fish, stuffed chicken neck, etc. to take to my grandmother's strudels with jam, nuts and raisins that melted in the mouth. We preferred these to all other Pesach dishes.

My grandfather was reading the prayer, but I don't remember it well. We, children, did not have to be present at this time. After my grandfather died there was no more praying in our house. I remember the very delicious hamantashen with poppy seeds that my grandmother and mother baked at Purim. Chanukkah was memorable for the Chanukkah gelt that we were given. My brother took away the bigger part of my money, but I loved to go to the store and buy two lollypops and some sunflower seeds with my own money - just like an adult. I loved shopping, and the shopping assistant didn't fail to play along with me. He asked me how I liked what I had bought the previous year and invited me to come again. On Yiom -Kippur all members of our family, except for my brother, my father and me, were fasting. According to the Jewish tradition children could avoid fasting, and my Papa didn't find it necessary to fast. As I've mentioned already, they weren't nearly as strict about observing traditions in my father's family, as they were in my mother's. Mama suffered a lot because she couldn't observe all Jewish laws and traditions. She never ate pork or sausage - it was the result of her upbringing. My father didn't care about such things. It was of no significance to him.

I was surprised that my father's and my mother's families were so close because they were so different. They had different standards of life, and the level of education and their attitude toward religion and traditions were also so different. Theirs wasn't just a relationship of two families whose children got married. It was true friendship. Many years later I found out the reason for it. Both my grandmothers had their children almost at the same time. They lived near one another. Grandmother Genia didn't have breast milk, and my father's mother was breastfeeding both babies. This means that my mother and father were in a way foster brother and sister. My mother's parents believed that my other grandmother saved their daughter's life. Their gratitude grew into a friendship that lasted a lifetime.

Since Kopyl was located far from the main roads it was safe from pogroms. The local people didn't take part in pogroms, and the gangs from other settlements didn't reach the town. The Revolution of 1917 5 had no impact on the town either. However, my father was on the front during the Civil War 6. My parents got married after he returned. I don't know whether they had a wedding party. They got married in 1925, and my brother Mihail was born in 1928. The newly weds lived with my mother's parents. Mama was a housewife and looked after my brother. My father took a course in accounting and got a job as an accountant at the peat-bog.

I was born in 1934. I got my name after some of my mother's relative who died when she was young. The name Faina is written in my birth certificate, but I was affectionately called Fania at home. My grandfather and grandmother spoke Yiddish. My mother and father spoke both Yiddish and Russian, and I knew both languages because they spoke to me in either one depending on their mood. My brother also spoke fluent Belarus. I found out that I was a Jew in the kindergarten. Although Mama didn't work I still went to the kindergarten. They believed at that time that a child should get used to getting along with other children. I remember that we sang patriotic songs in a choir and learned poems about Lenin and Stalin. Once a commission came and someone of the commission asked about me, and I remember that our teacher told him that I was a Jew. I came home and asked my mother what that meant. She explained it to me. For a long time my favorite stories were the stories from the Bible she was telling me.

There was no acute anti-Semitism before the war. Nationality wasn't even an issue, my parents told me. I don't remember my friends from kindergarten, and therefore I don't know if they were Jews.

My brother went to the 1st grade of a Russian school in 1935. He was a very smart boy and had no problems with his studies. There were Jewish, Russian and Belarus children in class, and the children communicated in three languages. They understood each other well, and there were no nationality issues between them.

1937 was a very hard year for our family. I've already mentioned that Elena's husband was arrested. But that wasn't all. In the same year Grandfather Avrom-Yankev died. He had prostate adenoma resulting in uremia. He died after suffering a lot in July 1937. We buried him in the Jewish part of the cemetery. We didn't observe any Jewish rituals. Nobody observed any traditions in those years - they weren't popular any more and not appreciated by the authorities. Only his closest friends were at the funeral.

My father told me that there was a time in 1937 when he was very afraid that he would be arrested. I don't know why he was afraid, but there was no way of asking 'why' at that time. It was a small town and some acquaintance from the NKVD mentioned to my father that it would be better for him to hide away for some time. Many of my father's friends were arrested, sentenced or disappeared in prison camps. My father was away from home for about a year. The repression affected even distant locations, although there was no industry apart from the peat shop.

I can't say anything about Hitler coming to power, but Mama told me after the war that it seemed to them an internal affair of Germany, like something that would never have anything to do with them. My parents were concerned when Germany attacked Poland because my mother's brother lived in Poland. After Western Belarus joined the USSR in 1938 my mother established contacts with her brother and his family. [Editor's note: Soviet troops moved into Western Belarus in September 1939, soon after the outbreak of WWII. Arrests started and masses of people were deported to Soviet labor camps.] They all hoped that it would be the beginning of a peaceful life. After the USSR entered into the Non-Aggression Agreement with Germany [the so-called Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact] 7 people stopped worrying.

I remember the beginning of the war. It wasn't the Sunday22nd June 1941 for Kopyl. The war for us began earlier, in the night of 21st June. Everybody was asleep, and it was dark when all of a sudden the silence was broken by cannon-balls and flashes and a horrible roar. The buildings were on fire at once. My father's younger brother, Peisah, ran into our house. He had come from Minsk with his family to visit his relatives. A bomb hit his parents' house killing everyone inside. Peisah was alive because he was sleeping in the garden because of the heat. He told us to get ready to leave. There was a cart in the yard. My parents were trying to convince Granny Genia to leave with us. Mama was crying and begging her to get ready. But my grandmother refused flatly. She was saying that it wouldn't be for long and that there was nothing to fear. She remembered the Germans from World War I and believed there was nothing to fear about them. Regretfully, many people who survived World War I were thinking that way. Nobody expected it would turn into such a calamity. My grandmother perished in Kopyl like all other Jews. They were shot and buried in a pit during the first days of the occupation.

We ran away. We were moving at nighttime and hiding in the woods. There were five of us: Mama, Papa, Peisah, my brother and I. We happened to be close to German capture twice. I remember we stopped to eat and rest, and I went to pick some flowers. I remember that all of a sudden a German soldier with an automatic gun rose from the grass in front of me. I screamed and don't remember what happened then. I also remember another night when we came to the road leading to the railway station. German motorcycles and cars were there. We were cut off but we managed to get through. We reached Blykhov railway station and got on a flatcar of a train - there was no other opportunity to leave. When we had just boarded the train the bombing began. All adults ran away leaving me behind in their panic, and I was sitting there alone throughout the raid.

I remember I was crying throughout our trip because I was hungry, but we didn't have any food with us. A military train was passing by and a soldier gave me some bread. There were many people on that flatcar. Nobody knew where we were going to. We stopped in Kirsanov, Tambov region. My father went to the recruitment office and left for the front. The front was moving closer, and we had to leave. We evacuated to Kazakhstan and then to Kyrgyzstan. In Kazakhstan we stayed in a village in the desert. Water was more precious than gold there. People shared their water and bread with us. In winter we arrived in Frunze, Kyrgyzstan. We met our acquaintances there, and they helped us to find a place to live. It was a clay shed for cattle. It had small windows right beneath the ceiling, and the roof was supported by tree trunks. There were many trunks, and Mama jokingly said that we were living in the Column Hall of the House of Unions. We slept on plank beds and stayed in this hut until the end of the war.

My father found us via the evacuation search agency in Buguruslan. He had been wounded in the battles near Stalingrad and sent to Kopeysk in the Ural. He developed gangrene in the hospital where he was staying and his leg had to be amputated. It's a miracle that my father survived. Later he had another surgery. Then he somehow managed to be transferred to the hospital in Frunze. There weren't enough nurses in the hospital. Mama went to the hospital to look after Papa. He was released in 1943 with his leg amputated up to his hip joint, and he walked with crutches for the rest of his life.

My brother and I went to school. I went to the 1st grade in Kazakhstan and then stopped my studies. So, in Frunze I went to the 1st grade again. I could read ever since I had turned 3, so I didn't have any problem. We didn't have any textbooks. We had notebooks made from newspapers and were writing between the lines. There were mainly evacuated children in the class as well as our teacher, Margarita Nikolaevna.

The local people treated us nicely and supported us. There were Koreans, Chechens and Tatars in our neighborhood. Many of them had been deported there. People were living in some kind of holes, but they got along well and had no conflicts.

Mama got a sewing machine at the market. I still have it. Mama could sew and saved us from starving to death that way. I don't know what she exchanged that sewing machine for. We didn't have anything. I remember the dress Mama had. Nurses in hospital where my father was were throwing away used bandages. Mama picked them up, washed and colored them with onion peel and made a dress out of them.

During the evacuation Mama and I fell ill with jaundice. The hospital was overcrowded, so we were taking the treatment at home. When I grew older I heard about the 'method' we used back then and was horrified: we had to swallow a few lice. There was no lack of that 'medication' back then. However strange it may sound, swallowing lice helped. Mama had liver problems for the rest of her life, though.

I remember people coming into our hut to beg for some food. They were so swollen up from hunger that they looked like balloons. Once a man wanted to change salt for some food - and there were lice in this salt. Many people starved to death or died of diseases.

When my father returned he received his invalidity pension. We managed somehow, but it was impossible to buy anything for money. Mama saved us with her sewing. Sometimes she made flat bread from black sticky flour. Since that time I hate melons by the way. I can't even stand their smell. Melon was the only thing there in sufficient quantity, and our basic food was dried apricots and melons. Now theses things are delicacies.

My brother and I grew out of our clothes. Mama was altering them and we managed to have clothing that way.

The climate in Frunze is continental, and winters are cold. We had a Burzhuika stove in the middle of the room. It served for cooking and heating. We, kids, were constantly looking for chips of wood for this stove. We weren't under the risk of violent death, and we weren't living behind barbed wire, but to call it life - oh, Lord, no. We were constantly facing starvation or diseases. There were also cases of violent death. My mother's friend was in evacuation in Frunze with her little daughters. One was a year old and the other one about 3. Well, their mother went to the market to get some food in exchange for a few clothes and was murdered on her way for these rags. A family from Moscow adopted her two girls. Another Jewish family we made good friends with and went to Chernovtsy with after the war, adopted a Jewish boy. I also remember another story: the mother of two boys died. A Russian family adopted the older one, Izia, who was the same age as I. At that time nobody cared about nationality; those kids were orphans that needed a family. The younger brother was a very sickly boy. My mother's friend, Polina, was looking after him. He began to call her Mama, and she couldn't part with him when he got better. He never knew that she wasn't his real mother.

We listened to the radio for news about the war. Sometimes we had newspapers. Newspapers were valuable to us, because we made notebooks from them by tearing them to individual pages and putting those together.

My brother finished school in Frunze in 1944 when he was 16. He passed his exams for the 10th grade. He wanted to learn a profession and go to work. At 16 he entered the Institute of Electric Engineering in Leningrad and finished his 1st year while we were in Frunze.

I remember the dawn of 9th May 1945. Our neighbor banged on our door shouting, 'The war is over! The war is over!' People were rejoicing, crying and kissing each other. I don't know who was the 1st to know, but we heard about it at dawn. That whole day people hugged each other and danced.

We knew what had happened to our relatives because Belarus was already liberated. We knew that none of them was alive. Mama firmly said firmly, 'I shall not return to the ashes of our home. I just can't'. We were thinking of where to go. Our neighbor lived in Chernovtsy before the war. He told us a lot about Bukovina. He said that his friends had told him that the town wasn't destroyed. He convinced us to go there. We arrived on 3rd September 1945.

The institute where my brother studied was to return to Leningrad. We were considering of letting him go there, but it was difficult. There was no money or clothes. We decided that he should be with us. In Chernovtsy he entered the chemical department of the university. Mama made him a jacket from Papa's uniform coat, and he wore that one until he finished university.

It was easy to find a place to live in Chernovtsy. There were many empty apartments. The town had been liberated in 1944, and many families were leaving for Romania. We moved into a large three-bedroom apartment along with another family. We thought it would be easier to maintain and heat the apartment. People weren't eager to have separate apartments then. The town was intact, except for three buildings. There had been Romanian units in this town, and they were careful to leave the town in good condition because they were hoping that once it would be given back to them. So, we didn't have a problem with getting a decent apartment. The problem was clothing, food and heating.

My father got a job as the chief accountant of the Social Provisions Department. Mama made him a jacket, and he wore it to work. Mama also made me a jacket from a blanket. Our first years after the war were difficult, but we were happy that the war was over. Mama fell ill with bronchitis which resulted in pneumonia, which again developed into bronchial asthma. My father was an invalid. His salary and little pension was all our income. Mama helped to provide for the family with her sewing. But we were glad we survived. We enjoyed having boiled potatoes, cucumbers, plums and apples.

I went to the 4th grade of the Russian school for girls in 1945. There were two schools for boys and two for girls. There were 30 girls in my class. We didn't have enough textbooks and used some Ukrainian textbooks. It was difficult at first because I didn't know Ukrainian. But I picked it up soon and managed.

There were many Jewish children at school. There was also a Jewish school, but it was too far away from our home. During the campaign against 'cosmopolitans' 8 it was closed, and the girls from this school came to our class. My Russian classmate told me recently that she learned all Jewish traditions from another classmate from that Jewish school. There was no anti-Semitism at school or elsewhere. Chernovtsy had always been a very tolerant town. Yiddish was heard in the streets. Peasants or janitors could speak Yiddish, German and Romanian.

In the 4th grade I became a pioneer. It was a routinely procedure at school. We celebrated all Soviet holidays at school: 1st May and 7th November [October Revolution Day] 9. Nothing changed in my life. In the morning teachers and children went to the parade. At home we didn't celebrate Soviet holidays. In the evening there was a concert at school for the children and their parents. Firstly, we couldn't afford to celebrate and, secondly, my mother didn't acknowledge those holidays. My brother and I didn't mind having a celebration, but we understood that we couldn't ask Mama about it. MyY parents didn't go to the synagogue in Chernovtsy. My father didn't care about it, and my mother couldn't stay in a crowd of people because she had asthmatic fits. Mama only celebrated Pesach until her last days. She never had enough money and saved for a whole year to have us enjoy the food at Easter. We bought some matzah at the synagogue. We only ate matzah on the first and last day of the holidays and managed without bread on the rest of the days. Besides Pesach we also celebrated New Year's and birthdays.

We lived near the Jewish theater. The leading actors of this theater lived in our house and the neighboring buildings. My friend and I went to their performances. By the way, this was the Jewish theater from Kiev that moved to Chernovtsy because the building of the theater in Kiev had been destroyed by bombing. They moved temporarily, as they said, until the building in Kiev was restored. In the end they stayed in Chernovtsy for good. In 1948, during the campaign against 'cosmopolitans', the theater was closed. I went to see almost all their performances, although I could hardly afford it. Besides going to the theater I read a lot. Our whole family read a lot. We had a huge collection of books that had been left by the previous owners of the apartment. There were books in Yiddish, Russian and French. Reading has always been my hobby.

I became a Komsomol 10 member in the 10th grade. I have never been involved in politics or social activities. I didn't like meetings or social activities and avoided them as much as I could. In the 10th grade my teacher told me that I wouldn't receive a medal or be able to enter university if I didn't become a Komsomol member. I gave in and submitted my application to the Komsomol.

I remember how happy my parents were when they heard about the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Even my father, who usually kept his emotions to himself, began to smile when he talked about it. It was a moral support for them to know that their 'drifting' people had finally found their motherland. I was too small to understand things back then.

I remember 1948, the campaign against 'cosmopolitans', very well. We had a book about Jews, published in Romania. I remember Papa saying that we had to burn it. I was hysterical about having to burn such a book, but he said I didn't understand things and insisted on our doing this. It was dangerous to have such books at home - it was a reason for being accused of chauvinism. My family and my friends' families didn't suffer, but it was a hard time. One couldn't even talk to his acquaintance because nobody knew the consequences. The Jewish school and theater were closed.

My brother graduated in 1949 and got a job assignment in Tashkent. Thanks to him I managed to finish school. My parents wanted me to go to technical school after the 7th grade, get a profession and go to work. They were very short of money. But my brother insisted that I continued my studies if I wanted. His salary was 800 rubles per month, and he sent us 500 rubles. Perhaps, this was one of the reasons why my brother stayed single. I finished ten years at school and studied at university with my brother's support.

I faced anti-Semitism at school for the first time. It didn't come from my classmates, but from their parents. The parents of two girls in our class worked at the NKVD. They were spoiled girls and didn't study well. The mother of one of them came to school and screamed that Jewish girls had the highest grades in the Russian language when her daughter only had a '2' or '3'. She was asking whether it was possible that Jewish girls knew Russian better than a Russian girl. Then I understood what anti-Semitism meant. I had excellent marks in all subjects, and nobody doubted that I was going to receive a gold medal. I passed all 12 final exams with the highest grades, but got a '4' in composition. When I demanded that they showed this composition to me they said that I made no mistakes, but got a lower grade for my handwriting. It was ridiculous. I finished school in 1952 and received a silver medal.

I couldn't go to study in another town. My parents were ill, and I had to be with them. Anti-Semitism on the state level was at its height in Chernovtsy. It was very hard for a Jew to enter a higher educational institution. My silver medal gave me the right to enter university without exams. I decided to study at the Chemistry Department. There were 25 applicants and only five were to be accepted. One of the university assistants was present at our final exams at school, and he helped me to get through. Also, my father went to the rector. He was a veteran and a war invalid. He didn't want to ask for me, but it was the only way out. I was admitted and I was the only Jew in my class.

The Doctors' Plot 11 began when I was a 1st year student. This was a disturbing period, very much like 1937. We were stunned. Everyone realized that it was all schemed. The majority of the population had a nice attitude towards Jews. It was mainly anti-Semitism on the state level. A few years later I had a discussion with a Ukrainian friend of mine. He studied at the Medical Institute. I asked him why Ukrainian people were loyal towards Jews, and he said that they have always been friendly with each other. However, the Russian people, who established the Soviet power in Bukovina and 'liberated' it, weren't appreciated so much.

In 1953 Stalin died. I must have been very naïve. There was something disastrous in his death. Although it was no secret that Stalin was a tyrant we had a weird feeling about how we were going to live without him. My father knew the truth about Stalin and told my brother and me about it. My father witnessed the arrests of 1937 [during the Great Terror] and understood the reason for it. But I couldn't understand what was to happen to us and how life was to continue without Stalin.

I graduated from university in 1957. I had excellent grades in all subjects except for Marxism-Leninism; they gave me a '4' at the exam. There was an assistant professor at the exam - she came from old nobility - and when she saw what grade they were giving me she blushed of indignation. The students I was helping right there at the exams got a '5'. I received a diploma but couldn't find a job.

Whatever vacancies I applied for the response was always that they had already employed someone else. I couldn't find a job for eight months until my brother's friend helped me to get one at the laboratory of a shop. I was paid 45 rubles per month. This seemed a fortune to me. I was happy to have this job, although it wasn't good enough considering I had a university degree. I worked there for 41 years. I faced anti- Semitism at work more than once. They appointed a young inexperienced girl for the position of the chief of the laboratory, although I was the only candidate for this position at that time. In the long run I got the position of an engineer and senior engineer, although I was the first female inventor in Ukraine. I could have been further promoted if I had become a party member, but I didn't want to be one.

I worked in a Jewish team. Our chief and about 90% of the employees were Jews, so my colleagues never expressed any anti-Semitic feelings towards me.

When I began to work in this laboratory I believed it wouldn't be for long. I imagined a different career. I was told by someone that the head of department at Chernovtsy University said once that he would have loved to enlist me for the post-graduate course, but he was afraid they wouldn't have let him do this. Now, after all these years, I think I was very lucky. I worked in a great team with a great erudite boss. I learned a lot from him. I've never liked chemistry though. I do my job appropriately and thoroughly. Speaking about my dream: I would like to work with animals. I love animals, and I know how to approach them. A couple of doves come to my windowsill. I have been friends with them for five years. They eat from my hand. I love cats and dogs, whatever animal it doesn't matter.

In the 1970s Jews began to emigrate to Israel. I remember buying something from a peasant woman at the time, and she asked me why I didn't leave. I said I felt okay where I was. And she said to me, 'Have you read the Bible? You are young and you just don't know that the time has come when God gets all his people together at one location'. Another time I was waiting for a bus. Two Ukrainian women were talking behind me. They were saying with regret that there would be no good doctor or teacher left after all Jews emigrated. People in Chernovtsy say that the town was different before the Jews left.

I never wanted to emigrate to Israel for different reasons. I'm all alone. I have some relatives abroad, but I wouldn't be able to find them. And here I have at least my friends, ex-colleagues and other people that I can socialize with. What would I find in a foreign land? Besides, the climate in Israel is unacceptable for me because I have heart problems. I have thought about it, and I understood that I was going to take my problems with me and have new ones there on top of it. When I was just beginning to think about it my brother was still alive. He worked at the Military Enterprise for many years. In his last years he was head of the shop at the Microelectronics Plant in Sevastopol and had access to sensitive information. Even if he had left his work he would have only been allowed to leave the country after 15-20 years. We were very close. I couldn't imagine leaving without him. My brother died in 1980 when he was still young. My mother died in 1962 and my father in 1978. It's impossible to live alone. I need somebody close. I'm not married, but that's the way things are. I was looking after my parents and lived in the same apartment with them for many years. I couldn't even imagine inviting a man to my home. But perhaps, I just didn't meet my Mr. Right. I would like to visit Israel, this wonderful country. But with my pension I can only dream about it.

Since Ukraine gained its independence the attitude towards Jews has changed dramatically. At first they started talking calmly about Jews on TV, radio and in newspapers. Previously they had even avoided to say the word 'Jew'. Jewish culture is in the process of being restored. Things have undoubtedly improved. Many Jewish newspapers and magazines are published. I don't know how sincere our government is but it tries to be tolerant towards Jews and shows an interest in them.

I read Jewish newspapers and learned about the spiritual heritage of the Jewish people at university. We celebrate Sabbath in the community. I have many friends there. I'm trying to light Sabbath candles at home. I celebrate Jewish holidays at home. What's going on around convinced me finally that there is God. He supports his people. He is there, I know he is.

Glossary

1 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

2 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

3 Rehabilitation

In the Soviet Union, many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

4 Mendele Moykher Sforim (1835-1917)

Hebrew and Yiddish writer. He was born in Belarus and studied at various yeshivot in Lithuania. Mendele wrote literary and social criticism, works of popular science in Hebrew, and Hebrew and Yiddish fiction. In his writings on social and literary problems Mendele showed lively interest in the education and public life of Jews in Russia. He was preoccupied by the question of the role of Hebrew literature in molding the Jewish community. This explains why he tried to teach the sciences to the mass of Jews and to aid the people in obtaining secular education in the spirit of the Haskalah (Hebrew enlightenment). He was instrumental in the founding of modern literary Yiddish and the new realism in Hebrew style, and left his mark on the two literatures thematically as well as stylistically.

5 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during WWI, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

6 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

7 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet- German agreement of friendship and non-aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

8 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The antisemitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

9 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

10 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

11 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

Hana Gasic

Hana Gasic
Bosnia

My family background
My parents
Growing up in wartime
Post-war
Our religious life
My husband Miroslav

My family background

I am the daughter of Menahem and Flora Montiljo. I was born in Sarajevo on July 27, 1940. I have one brother, Rafael, who was born during the war on March 22, 1943.

My father's parents, Mose and Hana Montiljo Hahasid ("the pious") had 11 children. This family was known as Montiljo Hahasid to distinguish them from the many other Montiljos that lived in Sarajevo, and to recognize them as a particularly religious family. My grandfather was born in the 1870s, worked as a textile merchant in Sarajevo, and died in 1941 before the outbreak of war. His wife, my Nona (Ladino for grandmother) Hana, lived a much longer life. During the war she hid with her son, Jozef, in Sarajevo. After the war she decided to live the rest of her days in Israel. She imagined that this would not be a long time, but she managed to live another twenty-three years, until 1970, when she died at the age of 96. Having left, she never returned to Yugoslavia. She went to Israel with two of her three surviving children, her sons, Jozef and Leon, my uncles.

My father was the only one of the brothers to remain behind in Yugoslavia. He had heard stories about life in Israel and he did not believe that he would be able to make a living there. A tailor, he thought he would have to work in a textile factory and be unable to work on creating pieces from beginning to end. So he decided to remain in Sarajevo. He visited my Nona and his brothers in 1957. I do not recollect his journey, or his return, nor do I recall him questioning his decision to remain behind as a result of it. Both of his brothers struggled in Israel, and because of that, my father probably did not regret his decision.

My mother, Flora Montiljo (nee Kohen), was born in Sarajevo on December 31, 1913. Her parents were Klara and Rafael Kohen. She had four sisters and a brother. My Nona Klara died when my mother was just thirteen, and after that, my mother's brother took over as the central figure in the family. My grandfather had a butcher shop in Sarajevo, and when he died my mother's brother took it over. I am not sure if it was strictly kosher, but it is unlikely that they sold pork and other non-kosher meat. Whether the meat was slaughtered by a shochet (ritual slaughter) and kashered (made kosher) as is proscribed, I cannot say. At that time, Sarajevo was heavily influenced by its Muslim population, and therefore it was difficult to find pork in the town.

My mother went to a school for women and learned how to embroider quite nicely. She liked doing this but her responsibilities to the family business kept her busy and she was unable to commit much time to it. Among other things, she was responsible for delivering meat. In two of the pictures in my album, my father is pictured playing Samuel the Porter, a character from a short story of the same name by Isak Samokovljia, a Jewish writer from Sarajevo. It is the story of a man who delivers fish to the Jewish families in Sarajevo. It is ironic that in some sense my mother played the same role in real life. Like to the fictional Samuel, my mother used to tell stories about the different families she delivered to. Many of their names were Jewish, but I do not know if their clientele was exclusively Jewish. She would tell me about which families tipped, which were too cheap or too poor to give a tip, which would give her cakes and sweets to take with her, and other things about the families.

When my grandfather died, my mother's brother became the head of the household. That is why my mother and her sisters were so disturbed when he was taken away at the beginning of the war, never to be heard from again. He liked to play cards with his friends and he did this frequently. One evening he had just returned home from playing cards at his friend's, when the friend whose house he had played at came to the door. He informed my uncle that he had been instructed to turn him in, but he assured my mother and her sisters that he would come back. Despite his assurances, my mother never heard from her brother again.

Before the war, her brother had married a Slovenian woman named Kristina, and had two daughters, Makica and Evica. They were all saved by Kristina's mother, a non-Jewish Slovenian woman, and lived in Sarajevo after the war.

Two of my mother's sisters were killed during the war. My mother never found a definitive record of where and when, but she was convinced that they had been killed at Djakovo or Nova Gradiska, two concentration camps (editor's note: run the Croatian Ustashe). Her other two sisters survived because they had married non-Jews before the war. He sister Ela married a Catholic man named Zvonko Gjebic. She converted and changed her name to Jela. Despite her name change, my mother and the rest of us always called her sister Aunt Ela. They lived in Uzice, Serbia, where Zvonko worked in the Foma ammunition factory. They had two children, Anton and Zorica, who live in Kragujevac, Serbia. My mother's other sister, Rivka, married a Jew before the war, and had a daughter, Rahela. But her husband died, and she got married again before the war, this time to a Muslim man named Karahasanovic. They had two children, Zlata and Ahmed. Mr. Karahasanovic died while cleaning his rifle during the war, and Ahmed, born in 1943, never saw his father.

My parents

Both of my parents came from traditional Sarajevo families, and like many of those families they were from modest financial backgrounds. When my mother's siblings married non-Jews, it was not as devastating as it might have been had they had more money. When you are poor, you take what you can get, and many non-Jews did not look for dowries.

My parents met in the Jewish community, either in La Benevolencija or Matatija, two social clubs. They socialized and courted for five or six years before they married. When they did marry, in 1939, they had both civil and Jewish ceremonies. My father worked as a tailor in a private clothing shop owned by Gavro Perkusic. After their marriage they bought a small home on Gornja Mandjija Street on the periphery of the city in an entirely Muslim neighborhood. It was a two-story house. Our family lived upstairs in an apartment with an entranceway, a kitchen, and one room where we all slept. My mother's sister, Rivka, lived downstairs with her children. After her husbands died she had difficulty supporting herself, and my parents let her live in our house and never asked her to pay rent.

Growing up in wartime 

During the war, my father's boss, Gavro Perkusic, protected both my father and us. When he heard that a raid was planned-usually to gather up Jews and Serbs-he would hide my father in his tailor shop until it passed. Several times my mother and my brother and I were rounded up and taken to detention centers and he was able to get us released. Except for those occasions, my mother, brother and I spent the war at home. Throughout the war my mother kept a rucksack packed with all of our important belongings and necessary things. Whenever we were rounded up, this was the one thing we took with us. During the war my mother was forced to sell her wedding gown for four kilos of flour and a chunk of soap.

The location of our street and the fact that it was primarily a poor Muslim neighborhood also protected us. We lived on a steep narrow street, which must have looked daunting to the policemen that were sent to round up the Jews in the area. Many times they would holler up the block asking if there were any Jews there, and the neighbors would reply that they had all been taken away. I am sure my mother's personality and role in the community also played a role in protecting us. My mother was one of the few literate women in the neighborhood. Like most Jewish women at the time in Sarajevo, my mother had a basic education and therefore could read and write. Most of the Muslim women in the area had not had an education and could not read and write. When these women needed such skills, they always came to my mother for help. Generally, she got along well with all of our neighbors and they with her. This is another factor that kept us from being captured during the war.

Post-war

When I was about 12 years old my parents renovated our apartment and made a small room for Rafo and me. Despite the fact that we were relatively poor, my parents' apartment had an English water closet with indoor plumbing downstairs, and a laundry room, another room with running water, things that most of our neighbors did not have. Later, shortly before I married, my parents added a bathroom to our apartment upstairs. From the laundry room one could reach the small garden in the back where my father liked to spend his free time.

In addition to Serbo-Croatian, my parents both spoke Ladino, as did my brother and I. As the years went on, the amount of Ladino lessened, but it was still prevalent in our conversations. My mother was always combining Serbo-Croatian words with Ladino. For instance, she used to say noc de Purim-noc being "evening" in Serbo-Croatian, de being "of" in Ladino, and Purim, of course, being the Jewish holiday.

We were the only Jewish family on our street. In school there were usually only one or two Jews in each grade. Buka Kamhi, another Jewish girl, was in my class throughout secondary school and we became best friends and remain best friends today even though she lives in England. Her father, Haim Kamhi, was a very educated and intelligent man, a Jew par excellance. He was one of the few people I knew after the war who maintained full commitment to Judaism, sincerely observing all the holidays and Shabbat. There were many who hid that they were observing Jewish traditions, and many who observed nothing, but Mr. Kamhi practiced openly and whole- heartedly. He was also the president of the Sarajevo Jewish community for many years.

After the war, in 1949, my father began work as a tailor in the National Theater, and worked there continuously until his retirement. In addition to this full-time job, he also had private clients and made all of our clothing. My father worked hard and always put money away for our summer holidays. Most of the people in our neighborhood did not go away, but every summer my father made sure that the four of us went to the seaside. There he taught my brother and me how to swim while my mother observed from the beach-she was not a swimmer.

My father was an outgoing man. He loved to sing, especially Ladino songs, and drink and eat with his friends. My mother was more reserved, a bit less social, and cautioned my father about his excesses. She rarely talked about her experiences during the war. All of my knowledge about it was extracted from her slowly over the years and from other relatives and friends. After the war my mother avoided wearing clothing with the color yellow. And for most of my life, I also did not wear it, even though it would truly suit a person of my complexion, with very light skin and dark hair. At one point I gradually added yellow to my wardrobe, but my mother never felt comfortable seeing me in it.

After the war both of my parents were very much involved in our local community and Jewish community life. My father even received several accommodations and awards for his efforts. His involvement was on the level of social action and community building; he did not venture into politics. During the war he and his boss both worked for the opposition movement, and had contact with an illegal print shop that was located on our street. After the war he lobbied for that house to be deemed a monument. The plaque that was eventually erected included a light bulb. My father was its self- appointed caretaker: whenever the light bulb burned out, he would see to it that the city replaced it.

In the Jewish community my father was on the religious committee and one of the few people who were regularly involved in religious events after the war. He attended the weekly Friday night service, whenever the weather permitted. Since we lived on a steep small street on the outskirts of town, if the weather was bad it was impossible for him to make it to the synagogue. My father was one of the 20 or so men who attended the Pesach seder every year. Although he was always present, he never led these services or religious events.

My mother was also an active member of both the Jewish community and our local community. After the war she did neighborhood improvement work, and continued helping those women who could not read or write and encouraging them to learn. In the Jewish community she would help prepare the food for the Seder and other community events, especially the lokumikus (light cookies made from eggs and flour) and enhaminados (extensively cooked hard boiled eggs).

Our religious life

After the war my family maintained some of its religious practices, perhaps more than the average Jew in Sarajevo at the time. My parents had a mezzuzah on the entrance to our apartment but inside there were no decorative Jewish ornaments. My brother was born during the war, and immediately afterwards, my father arranged with Rabbi Menahem Romano, the last rabbi in Sarajevo, for him to have a brit milah. My brother experienced complications from this brit milah, among them a stutter from the stress. The stutter was quite severe during puberty, but with therapy and time it subsided a bit. I only remember Rabbi Menahem Romano as an elderly man whom we children respected; I have no vivid memories of him.

My mother observed the Shabbat in those things that she did not do. Saturday was a normal work day in most ways, but my mother made sure not to travel, nor to undertake any unnecessary work in the house such as laundry, cleaning, and so on. My parents liked to go on walks on Saturdays, and even for coffee at the Hotel Europa in the center of Sarajevo. And when we had new clothing, we always had to save it to wear for the first time on a Saturday.

We all went to El Kal-the word we used for synagogue-on the High Holidays and on Pesach. As a child I remember not wanting to miss the shofar (ram's horn) blowing. These services always seemed to interest me, probably because they were a novelty that occurred only a few times a year. When we went, we children sat upstairs in the balcony with the women. Before Yom Kippur, my mother would take me with her to the old Jewish cemetery with buckets and rags to clean off my grandparents' graves. My mother also made sure to settle her disputes before Yom Kippur. Relatives and friends who my mother had argued with during the year were once again welcome in our home and in our conversations. During these holidays, we would usually eat lamb with chestnuts, depending on the chestnuts' availability and when they fell. My mother and father always fasted on Yom Kippur, but they never made my brother and me fast. When my father would come home from El Kal after Yom Kippur, the first thing we would eat were lokumikus and white coffee, a coffee consisting of more milk than coffee.

In general, the holidays always meant a better quality food and a special atmosphere. On Pesach my father would attend the Seder in the community. Twenty or so men who were involved in religious life participated, but few others would attend. We children and other spectators did not participate in this activity.

The Jewish community in Sarajevo erected a big succah every year. It was built in a nook in the community that appeared as though it had been specially designed for this purpose. The community always made sure that it was decorated with fruit and that it was covered with branches according to the tradition. I do not remember that anybody had one at home.

Shavuot was the holiday that we celebrated the least. My parents celebrated those holidays that were most closely tied to children, and maybe because of that we did not celebrate it. Or maybe because it is in May, at the end of the holiday season. Hanukah, Purim, and Tu B'shvat, or, as we called it, Hamishoshi (in Ladino it was also called Frutas), all met this child- oriented criterion and were joyously celebrated in our home. On Hanukah my mother would set up the hanukiah with oil and wicks. We children would light the candles and we would be given the honors based on whether we had been good students and children. My father would sing afterwards, but I do not know exactly what he sang. Each year we would get a new spinning top, both from the community and from my parents.

Hanukah gained popularity as a holiday, both in the Jewish community and in the wider Sarajevo community, in 1958 after the Sarajevo Theatre performed a production of "The Diary of Anne Frank." I believe that there was a scene concerning Hanukah in that production which sparked interest.

Purim was also eagerly celebrated in our family. For this holiday we would have a big family meal with extended family members, though after my uncles left for Israel the family was considerably smaller. My mother would prepare special pastelikus (little meat pies) which, unlike normal pasteles (meat pies), were prepared in small individual portions, as well as borekitus (pie made from filo dough with various fillings) and roskitus (cake with walnuts). Each year my father would make special little cloth bags for my brother and me, which we would wear around our necks and the adults would fill with money. Sometimes, we would even be able to collect money from relatives a few days after Purim.

Hamishosi was a holiday through which one could see my parents' exuberance for the Jewish festivities. Despite our rather modest financial situation, my parents always made sure to buy all the different kinds of fruits available in Sarajevo, no matter how exotic or expensive. The cornucopia included the normal apples and pears, grapes, but also oranges, which were quite rare at the time, dried carob, and fistikas, peanuts in shells, which my mother roasted at home.

After the war, children of my generation did not have bar or bat mitzvahs. The youth groups organized some sort of activities or presentations for Yom Haatzmaut (Israeli Independence Day), but I cannot recall the exact nature of those celebrations. Without fail, every year my parents attended the memorial services in Djakovo and Nova Gradiska. Although Jews came from all over the former Yugoslavia, the Sarajevo Jewish community was the true organizer of these memorial services. The women in the Sarajevo community prepared hundreds of lokumikus and enhaminados and brought slivovica (plum brandy) for everyone afterwards.

My husband Miroslav

My parents took us to the seaside each year and they sent us to the Jewish summer camps as well. When we were older they sent us on excursions. It was on one such excursion that I met my future husband, Miroslav Gasic. The excursion, run by the Ferijalni Savez travel organization, was to a youth campground near Dubrovnik. The next year Miroslav and I met again at a campground near Makarska. After that we lost touch until my brother started university in Belgrade. Since he and Miroslav both studied at the same faculty, I put them in touch and instructed my brother to do what he could to help push things along in our relationship. Rafo proved a good intermediary, and we were married in Sarajevo and honeymooned in Dubrovnik, this time in a hotel, not a campground.

My mother never got over my moving to Belgrade. After time she learned not to show her displeasure as much, but she never accepted the idea. Our neighbors in Sarajevo used to say that she would cry for long periods after my visits.

Miroslav graduated from the university and worked until his retirement at the Vinca Nuclear Institute near Belgrade. I worked as a secretary in the Federation of Jewish Communities of Yugoslavia in Belgrade for some time and then took a position as a lawyer at the Ministry of Education, where I still work. We have a son, Dejan, born on January 1, 1973, and a daughter, Tamara, born on September 23, 1974.

My father Menahem (Miki) Montiljo "Hasid" died on April 25, 1981 in the hospital in Sarajevo. His funeral was conducted by Rabbi Cadik Danon, who came from Belgrade to perform it. After the funeral my mother had us buy a grave next to my father's, as she knew that she would not be able to live long without her beloved Miki. My mother covered the mirrors in our apartment after my father's death and a month afterwards, she arranged a limud (learning session) for my father in the Jewish community. My mother, Flora Montiljo, died in October, 1981, and was buried next to my father.

Some things have a way of coming full circle. My father's family, the Montiljos, were known as Montiljo Hahasid, a term of respect bestowed on those Sephardic families who were especially religious. My parents clung to remnants of this during their lives, and now my children have rekindled this tradition. My daughter, Tamara, has chosen to live in Israel, and my son, Dejan, is an observant Jew living in Belgrade. Today, Dejan bears his grandfather's name, Menahem, and continues in the tradition of the Montiljo "Hasids."  

Louiza Vecsler

Louiza Vecsler
Brasov
Romania
Interviewer: Andreea Laptes
Date of interview: February 2003

Louiza Vecsler is a 94-year-old woman, who lives with her daughter, Nadia, in a two-bedroom apartment. She is a tiny woman, with thin hair. She has problems with her legs now: she cannot stand for long. She usually lies down on a couch, with a magnifying glass at hand, which she uses to take a closer look at photos, documents and newspapers. Although the apartment is small, it shows that the family was well-situated: the furniture is rather antique and expensive. On the door one can still read her husband's name, Solomon Vecsler. There is a tiny light bulb lit on the wall: it's the 13th anniversary of her husband's death.

My family history
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary

My family history

My paternal grandfather, Cassian Blumenfeld, lived in Botosani at the time I knew him, along with my paternal grandmother, Brucha Blumenfeld. I don't remember her maiden name. I don't know whether they were born there or not, or whether they had lived somewhere else before. They both spoke Yiddish, but they knew Romanian as well. My grandparents didn't dress traditionally: my grandfather didn't wear a kaftan, and my grandmother didn't wear a wig. They wore ordinary clothes, like everybody else. They were open-minded people and very kind. They were both religious: I think my grandfather went to the synagogue every day, because there was one close to them, but my grandmother didn't. They followed the kashrut, observed Sabbath and all the high holidays.

They lived in a house with two or three rooms, and a kitchen. They didn't have a garden, but they had electricity. Their house had no running water, and they heated it with wood. They were rather well-off. They had nice furniture and they could afford a woman to come and clean and broom the house, although my grandmother was a housewife. I don't know what my grandfather used to do for a living when he was young. I don't remember him ever going to work, and I never heard my mother or my father talk about his job. They got along well with their neighbors, both Jewish and Christian. I remember the Bibescus, who lived across the street. They had children. I don't know if my grandparents had close friends; if they did, I never met them.

My father had one younger brother, Adolf Blumenfeld, who lived in Botosani as well. He worked as a bailiff on an estate. He was married and had two children, Teodor and Rasela Blumenfeld. My father also had two younger sisters: Clara and Rasela, but I don't know when they were born. Both of them lived in Botosani and were housewives. Clara Blumenfeld married Itic Blumenfeld. Itic wasn't a relative, the same family name was just a coincidence. I don't know what Itic did for a living.

My maternal grandfather, Iancu Iosif Rosenblum, was born in 1862, but I don't know where. When I knew him, he lived in Botosani with my grandmother, Enta Rosenblum. I don't know her maiden name. My grandfather worked as a clerk in a mill, which burnt down one day. My grandmother was a housewife. They lived in a rented house with five rooms, had a small garden, and bred poultry. The owner, Mrs. Mimia, lived in the same house with them. She was Romanian, and a very kind person. I remember she had a sister, Cherez, who lived somewhere else. Sometimes, when I visited my grandparents, I accompanied Mrs. Mimia when she went to visit her sister: we picked hyacinths from her [Cherez's] garden. She was a good friend of my grandparents. They shared the courtyard with an Italian, who also owned the orchard. I don't remember his name, but I remember he had a daughter, Clara, and a boy, Luigi. Luigi was about my age, and we played together in the garden; we used to pick fruit in the orchard. There was another Jewish family that lived in the courtyard; the father was a coach driver, but I don't remember his name. When Mrs. Mimia died, someone else bought the house and my grandparents moved to the mill's courtyard, which had burnt down, into a house with three rooms and a kitchen. They moved from there as well because their daughter, Eva - my mother's younger sister - bought a house and brought them all to live with her. Fani, her other sister, also lived in the same house.

My grandparents were kind. My grandmother was extremely gentle; I used to be around her a lot. A woman came every morning and brought her sour milk, and my grandmother immediately made corn mush and we ate it with sour milk. She had a housekeeper, but she also did her chores around the house, and after that she called me to lunch. Whenever I slept over, I slept in the same bed as her, and she used to teach me prayers in Hebrew.

They didn't go to the synagogue every day and they didn't dress traditionally, but they were both religious people. They observed all the high holidays and Sabbath, and they followed the kashrut: all the food was cooked a day before, on Friday, and Luigi came to light the fire on Saturdays if it was too cold. Neither my maternal grandparents nor my paternal grandparents were politically involved.

My mother had one brother, Herman, and four sisters, all younger than her: Adela, Fani, Eva and Amalia. Herman lived in Bacau and then in Israel. He married Beti Grad when he was still in Bacau and had three children: Raul, Coca and Edit. Raul lives in Israel and has two children with Miriam: Hermi and Levi. Coca married Nicki Muck. I don't know the name of Edit's husband, but they have children.

Adela married Isidor Cohn and died in Suceava. She had a daughter, Magda Cohn, who married a man named Blumenfeld; now she lives in Israel and has three children: Misa and Felicia Blumenfeld, who live in Israel, and Bruno Blumenfeld, who lives in the US. Fani married Morit Herscovici and left for Israel, where she died in 1953. Eva married a lawyer, Carol Saler, who died in 1959. Eva worked as a secretary for a factory, and she was in charge of the relations with the bank and other administrative matters. She died in Botosani in 1963. Amalia was born in 1899 and married Rubin Sigler; they lived in Bacau and then in Botosani, where he died in 1965 and she in 1968.

My father, Moses Blumenfeld, was born in Botosani in 1878. He spoke Yiddish and Romanian. He worked as a bookkeeper for a mill - but not the one where my grandfather had worked. We had a good financial situation back then. After the anti-Jewish laws in Romania 1 had been passed, he worked as a salesman and then as a high school secretary. My father was a kind man, who tried to spend as much time at home as he could. I don't remember him ever slapping me, and, as a matter of fact, he rarely intervened in the fights we, the kids, had.

He married my mother, Pesa Rosenblum, in 1903. She was born in Botosani as well, in 1884. My mother knew Yiddish and Romanian. I'm not sure what kind of education she had, but she could read. I don't know if it was a shadkhan who brought them together, but I know that my parents had been neighbors before they got married. They married in the synagogue. My mother was a housewife, and she was pretty busy running the house, doing the shopping and taking care of my younger siblings. Although she had help in the house, there was still a lot to do. She was rather strict; she had to be because we, kids, often had squabbles. She intervened and sometimes took us by the ear and gave us a good talking-to.

Growing up

I had one elder sister, Ernestina, born in 1904, and two elder brothers: David, born in 1905, and Jenica, born in 1906. I was born in 1909, and after me followed: Sandu in 1911, Tobias in 1912, Sidonia in 1913, and Henrieta in 1918. The elder siblings usually looked after the younger ones, although I had a Christian nanny from Botosani when I was little, and at one point, one of my younger siblings, I don't remember who, had one as well. My mother and my maternal grandparents were around us a lot and watched over us, so we never went to kindergarten.

We lived in a house with four rooms, a kitchen in the basement and a hall that stretched throughout the house; the house also had a long wooden porch. We had nice furniture in the house. My parents slept in one room, and we, the children, in the other three. I remember I first shared a room with Reta [Henrieta], then with Tina [Ernestina]. We could afford a cook and a cleaning woman, who also slept in the house: the kitchen in the basement was big, and two beds fit there nicely. They weren't Jewish, but we all got along well.

There was also a summer-kitchen, a somewhat narrower room, with two beds and a table, where one could sleep in the summers, when it was warm outside. That's where we ate on rainy summer days; otherwise we ate outside. I remember there was some renovation at some point, and a new room was added and turned into a kind of drawing room: there was no bed, just hall furniture.

We had electricity because we lived across the street from the power station, but no running water. There was no sewerage, and every time the power station needed more water, it would close down the water in the whole street. We had a water tap in the garden, but we depended on the power station. We only raised poultry: my father had built a two-storied chicken- coop with a small ladder in the courtyard. We, the children, occasionally played with the hens, fed them grain, but the woman who helped around the house took care of them.

We had a garden and grew a lot of vegetables there, but in springtime my mother usually also went to the market to buy vegetables, when it was too early for the ones in our garden. Sometimes I accompanied her to the market. We had a few apple trees in the courtyard, and the apples were regularly stolen. I remember, one summer I only found a single green apple, which had remained there just because it was hidden under some leaves. My mother always bought apples from the market because she could never count on the ones in the garden. One time they stole an entire onion bed. When we wanted to pick the onions, it was too late: there wasn't a single onion left in the morning.

My mother also planted cucumbers for pickles. And one season, after a strong rain, there were so many cucumbers, that we filled two huge baskets. My mother didn't know what to do, she didn't have jars for all of them. There was a Jewish merchant living next door, Mr. Iossl, and my mother went to him and asked him, 'Do you want to buy cucumbers? I have fresh cucumbers'. 'Yes, bring them', he said. This merchant also lived across the street from the power station and close to the railway station, and all the workers came to him and bought merchandise on credit, and they paid for it when they got their salaries. Mr. Iossl had a big, five kilo empty khalva box, and everyone who bought something on credit wrote his name down on a piece of paper, what he bought and how much he would pay for it, and put the paper in that box. Mr. Iossl knew how to make his business work. And so, all our cucumbers were gone in an hour. I remember he had a lot of cereals, too.

Our family bought things from him as well, because his house was exactly next to ours. If we needed a liter of oil or a kilo of sugar, we would go to Mr. Iossl. We, the kids, loved to eat salad in summer, and it sometimes happened that the oil bottle was empty; then we would go to Mr. Iossl and ask him for some oil: he measured the oil, put down a note, and my mother paid for it when she got home. I used to knit and also did some chores around the house. One time I started starching everything that could be starched, including my father's handkerchiefs. I starched them, ironed them, and when my father came home, he said, 'What is this?!' They were stiff. I didn't know where my mother kept the starch in the house, so I had taken the one from Mr. Iossl.

We had a sour cherry tree in the garden and David, the eldest brother, climbed on a ladder onto the roof, and picked sour cherries. The rest of us, the small ones, couldn't go up, and we always asked him, 'David, give us some sour cherries!' And he did.

We also had a Christian gardener, Colibaba, who took care of the garden and planted flowers. He used to say, 'These flowers will last until the first snow!' We had mauve and white flowers - I don't know what they were - and also a bed of tulips. My father had put a table and two benches in the garden, so that we could eat outside if the weather was nice.

We had a bookcase in the house with all sorts of books; religious books and novels alike. My parents also read newspapers. We, kids, didn't go to the library because we had books at home, but our parents, who read novels themselves, never advised us what to read.

My elder brother, David, was a good mathematician, and he was also very fond of books. He used to read a lot of novels from the collection Biblioteca Pentru Toti - it was the first edition. [Editor's note: Biblioteca Pentru Toti - Everybody's Library was a Romanian publishing house, which published mainly classics.] He bought books and he was very careful about their condition. If he lent a book to you, God forbid you should return it torn or dog-eared! And because that happened, he worked out something. Each one of us had some money, so when he gave us a book, he said, 'See how much it costs? 1 lei. Give me 1 lei'. 'What for?', I used to ask. 'If you return the book to me as it is now, you will have the money back, if not, I will keep it.' He had so many books, my mother had to give him both wardrobe drawers to store his books because there was no more room for them. Then, when I and my brother Tobi were older, there was a magazine, Lectura, which was out once or twice a month. [Lectura - Passage was a literary magazine, which published literary works by different authors.] We bought it both, until my mother or father - I don't remember who exactly - caught us reading the same issue of the same magazine, and they got upset: 'Why are you reading the same magazine?' I knew Tobi bought the same magazine, and he also knew I did; but we wanted to be able to read from it whenever we wanted; we didn't want to share it. My parents threatened they would cut off our allowance.

My father was open to us, kids, I don't remember him ever slapping me. Once I had a fight with David, my father slapped him, and David ran out of the house crying. My younger sister, Sidonia, asked me, 'Why are you crying?', and I said, 'David hit me, and I fell on the piano and hurt myself!' Then Sidonia started crying because David was crying and because she thought he would get cataract in his eyes, like old Costache. He was a neighbor who had cataract. So, there was a whole row because of a slap David gave me and my father gave him back. My mother was kind, but sometimes she had to be harsh: she had eight kids to raise.

My parents observed all the high holidays, they followed the kashrut, but they didn't dress traditionally and they didn't go to the synagogue every day. On Friday evenings the cook baked challah, my mother lit the candles and my father said the blessings. I learnt from my parents to observe all high holidays and Sabbath. But I didn't often go to the synagogue, only on the high holidays. On Purim we always went for dinner to my maternal grandparents, and when Aunt Eva bought a house and brought the grandparents there, we went to hers.

My mother - who spent a lot of time in the kitchen - always heard us coming home because the kitchen was in the basement and one could hear every footstep from there. She had put a white carpet in the house, so she called out to us, that we leave our muddy shoes at the entrance where there was a mat. And on Purim - I especially liked Purim when masked people came over - we always had a lot of people coming over. Then, my mother used to put rugs and papers all over the white carpet, so that it wouldn't get dirty. The cook baked hamantashen, and sweets, shelakhmones, were handed out. Sandu was the one who usually dressed up: he took a coat and wore it inside out. He did the same on New Year's Eve: my father had a fur-lined coat made for him, white lamb fur it was, and he used to wear it inside out, cover his face with something and go awassailing.

On Sukkot everybody from my mother's and my father's family came over to us. We cooked a lot, and I still remember we had honey cake. We had a sukkah, but I don't remember if it was in our garden or in my maternal grandparents'. Somebody, I don't know who, came and built it, and we, kids, played in it. On the last day of Sukkot [on Simchat Torah] there was some sort of party with nuts, wine, syrup and apples in the synagogue; people took out the Torah, sang and danced, and had little pennons. We, kids, didn't go to the same synagogue where our father went to: my father went to the synagogue my mother's parents went to, and we, kids, went to the one closer to our home - it was the one my father's parents went to. But I did go with my father to the synagogue a few times, to the one he usually went to.

My family fasted on Yom Kippur. I remember Ernestina, my elder sister: when she fasted, we were still very young and she took care that we ate: there was food specially left for us, the small ones. I started fasting when I was 13-14 years old, too.

On Pesach all cutlery was taken out and cleaned, and the matzah wasn't brought into the house until all the cleaning had been done. If Pesach was on a Friday, matzah was brought in on Friday morning. We spent the seder night at home, and my father led it. Usually it was Ernestina who hid the afikoman, because she sat right next to my mother, and my father had to find it. If he didn't, he had to pay a reward. One of the younger boys asked the mah nishtanah.

On Chanukkah we went to the synagogue, and we lit the chanukkiyah at home. Every year, on Chanukkah, my father went to the bank and withdrew some money, which was the 'Chanukkah gelt' for us, the children. He always gave us new banknotes, not dirty or torn ones. I remember I was in high school, and a friend of mine, Ostfeld, had forgotten her rubbers somewhere and she couldn't find them anymore. She wanted to buy a new pair, but she didn't want her parents or her elder sister, who was a harsh person, to know about it: 'Ieti [the elder sister] will scold me and I'll never see money from my parents again!' And she asked me to lend her some money to buy a new pair of rubbers. And I said, 'No, I can't! I only have Chanukkah gelt and it is all new notes!' But I gave her the money in the end, she bought a new pair of rubbers and she gave me the money back some time after that.

In our parents' house, on Christmas, we, the children, used to gather in the summer kitchen: there was a stove, and we took a small fir-tree or just a branch, and trimmed it with colored paper and tinfoil. One night we played until the tree caught fire from the stove, and we put it out and ran into the house. On Easter, the neighbors came and brought us red Easter eggs, but my mother and grandmother also made eggs, boiled in onion leaves.

Our family got along well with the neighbors; they were both Romanians and Jews. There was a sergeant, Cojocaru, who rented a house and had two children, Jean and Tita, who were always out at play with us. Then there was a Christian barber, who also had a daughter, but she was rather spoiled and her mother didn't let her come out and play with the rest of the kids. Up the street lived the Ionescus. My mother was close to Mrs. Ionescu; they were good friends. They had a house and a garden, but a tiny kitchen, so on Easter and Christmas Mrs. Ionescu came to us and baked the sponge cakes in our kitchen. They had two children, Alexandru and Corina, who always played with us, either hide-and-seek, or with the ball.

The town I grew up in, Botosani, was a modern, cultural town, with paved roads and beautiful buildings. I still remember the Eminescu theater, which was later bombed. The town's population was about 30,000, and there was a big Jewish community: about 15,000 Jews. It was a well-organized community, with a lot of synagogues. I remember two of them: one was near our house, one near my grandparents' house. We had cheders, mikves, shochetim and all functionaries. I remember Rabbi Bernstein: one of his children was run over by a German truck. The driver came to him and apologized, saying it had just been an accident.

In the town there was no separate Jewish neighborhood or ghetto; Jews lived everywhere. In our street there were Jews and Christians and we got along very well; all the kids were playing together. I remember one Jew, who was a watchmaker, but a lot of them were merchants: many of the shops in the town center were Jewish. There was electricity and running water in Botosani, only on the outskirts there might have been some problems with that.

I went to a state elementary school, but then the war broke out and the school building was requisitioned. So the teacher, Vasiliu, who was a priest, held the classes in his house, and I went there. He had three daughters, who were also teachers. There were two Jewish schools in town, but I didn't go there, I don't know why. I got along well with everybody in elementary school, but I don't remember any classmates; it was a long time ago.

My elder sister Ernestina played the piano; I took some piano lessons as well, but I gave it up soon; I wasn't patient enough to sit in front of the piano and practice.

In high school I liked languages a lot. I had a very good French teacher, who didn't allow us to answer in Romanian, we had to speak French. When she entered the classroom, we had to stand up and say, 'Bonjour, madame!' When she called us to the blackboard, we had to answer, 'Je viens!'[I'm coming]. When she told us to write, we had to say: 'J'écris' [I write]. My mother sometimes helped me with my French homework. I never studied Hebrew and never had religious classes with a rabbi in school. Also, in high school, I had a physics teacher who mostly slept during classes, so one time I thought of cribbing when we had a term paper. I went to the back of the classroom, and randomly opened a textbook. But the teacher woke up, and when she saw that I had changed my place, came to me, found the textbook - which was opened at a totally different page than the one the paper was about - and took it. But when she corrected the papers she realized I hadn't cheated. So I got the mark I deserved; but she never gave marks higher than 6 or 7.

Personally, I never had problems in school because of being Jewish, and I got along well with all my teachers. I had Jewish and Christian colleagues alike, but I got along with everybody. However, I was first confronted indirectly with anti-Semitism in high school. There was a problem with a landowner's daughter, Ciolak was her name. She called somebody, not me, 'jidauca'. [Editor's note: jidauca in Romanian means 'Jewish woman' but it has a derogatory meaning.] I remember the headmistress, Mrs. Adam, reproved the girl, and when her father came to school, he reproved her as well.

I had a good Jewish friend, Ostfeld, whom I mentioned before. We went to the same school, and we took long walks, or we just sat in the garden if the weather was nice. We also went to the cinema or to the theater. We were a large group of friends in high school, boys and girls, and we knew the man who sold tickets to the cinema, and he always gave us the first row on the balcony. I didn't go to Jewish theaters because I couldn't understand the language.

When my brother David was in high school in Botosani, he only came home during Easter and summer holidays. When he was in the last year in high school, the school-leaving examination was introduced for the first time, and he had to go take it in Iasi. All boys from the high school went to Iasi, and everybody was worried. One day, when we, kids, were out in the street playing at the tree - there was a tree in front of the house - we saw Doctor Tauber, whose son was David's colleague, coming in a coach. We called out, 'Doctor Tauber is coming!'. He stopped in front of our house. He had a telegram saying: 'All boys from Botosani entered the oral examination.' So David had also passed. He had to go to university, but fights had already broken out in universities - the Cuzists 2 attacked Jewish students - and it was too dangerous in Iasi or in Bucharest. So he went to study in France with a larger group of boys.

Jenica was three years older than me, but I had outrun him in school. He had to repeat the 3rd grade and I caught up with him, I think. On one Saturday evening, we, children, were playing in the street. On the sidewalk there were lime trees in bloom, and Jenica climbed into a lime tree to pick lime flowers. And one kid said, 'Look, there is a really nice branch, but it's out of reach!', and Jenica said, 'I can reach it!'. But he fell on the sidewalk. By that time, our parents were getting ready to leave for the engagement of an aunt of Stefan Cazimir, when they heard screams. The children ran into the house shouting, 'Jenica fell down and hit his head!' Of course, my parents didn't go anywhere that evening.

The next day they took Jenica to the hospital: he didn't die immediately. My elder sister, Ernestina, watched over him in the hospital, and he was calling for me: 'I want the flapper who outran me in school!' He called me that because I had long hair, and I wore it in two plaits, and when we played horses, he used to pull my hair. Soon after the incident, one day, when I was at home, on my knees while Ernestina was combing my hair, my [maternal] grandfather came in, said nothing, but his eyes were red and tears ran down his cheeks. We understood: Jenica had died.

My other brothers and sisters each had their own interests, but I was closer to David, Tobias and Jenica, probably because of the age.

We lived across the street from the power station, and not far from us, there was a regiment. Whenever there was a military parade, on Heroes' Day, 10th May 3 or Epiphany, the regiment marched in front of our house. In school the teachers always took us to see the parade on 10th May. I remember one of those parades in particular: I fainted because of the heat and I woke up in a garden with my mother's sister, Amalia, by my side. She was in high school by then, she was ten years older than me; I was in elementary school. I remember, I asked her what had happened because I didn't remember a thing. She told me I had fainted.

My parents used to go on holiday on their own. When I was little, my father suffered from asthma, however he took care of himself: every year he went with my mother to a spa in Czechoslovakia, Karlsbad 4, I think. They always went during the summer, but I don't know if they went alone or not. We, the children, stayed at home and looked after each other, even if we had our little quarrels. Our grandparents also stopped by when our parents were away, so we weren't alone. But I never had a vacation with my parents.

I remember the flight of the Poles, who passed through Botosani as well. I don't remember being afraid back then. This happened around 1938, after I had finished my first year at the University of Medicine and Pharmaceutics in Iasi, and I had to have a period of practical training in a chemist's shop in Botosani. When I came home for the summer holidays, whomever I asked, they didn't have any openings; they said they would hire me if the people they already had left, but they couldn't promise anything. There was a Jewish pharmacist, Lerner, at the Military Hospital. My father knew him and the hospital's director, Colonel Apostoleanu. One day my father was walking down the street and he met this pharmacist. He told him that he had a daughter who had to have a period of practical training somewhere. The pharmacist told him, 'Send her to us, talk to Apostoleanu!'. So I talked with the colonel and he agreed, and I started working in the hospital. I learnt from him the first basic notions about pharmaceutics, notions I still remember today and I have always put to practice.

During the War

I was directly confronted with anti-Semitism when I finished university, I think I was in my last year, during the last period of practical training in 1941. We had a neighbor, a Jewish widow, who sold her house to a Romanian sergeant. This sergeant, who lived near us, was some kind of surgeon's assistant, and he sometimes came to the hospital to pick up some drugs. He used to say to me, 'Good morning, Miss! How are you? I saw your mother this morning and I told her I'm on my way to the hospital.' This lasted until just before the beginning of World War II. One day, I was on my way home - at that time I was already wearing the yellow star 5 - and a soldier stopped me in the street. A couple was also coming down the street, and they stopped to show their IDs as well. The man who had stopped me told them, 'Go ahead!', and they said, 'Ah, you're only checking the ones with the yellow star?' And he said, 'Yes, only them'. I was in my early twenties and wearing the star was compulsory. After he checked my ID, he let me go. It had rained heavily, there was mud everywhere. Then, when I was almost home and wanted to step on a dry rock, I heard a voice behind me: 'Step aside, you Jew [in Romanian: 'jidauca'], I will not step in mud with my new shoes because of you!' It was the sergeant who was our neighbor and who a month or two ago had said to me, 'Good morning, Miss!' After that I was forbidden to work.

Before World War II, I had worked as a pharmacist. The owners of the shop where I worked were Jews, and they lived upstairs. Their name was Rosenberg, and I got along very well with them. In 1942 all the merchandise in the shop was handed over to a Christian pharmacist, Mrs. Constantinescu. She wanted to keep me because she was from the countryside and she didn't know anybody in Botosani, except for her sister, who lived there. And it was something else, when the customers saw somebody familiar at the counter. People in Botosani knew me, and whoever came into the shop said: 'Thank God you are still here, you know what to give us'. There was a peasant from Cotusca [a small village near Botosani], whose wife was sick, and he always bought a 100 gram bottle of valerian tincture. He used to say, 'I wouldn't buy it from somewhere else, even if they gave me a kilo for free! This one is clean, carefully prepared and it cures!'

On one winter day, when it was already dark and there was a blizzard outside, the ex-owners upstairs asked me to sleep over because I lived far from the chemist's shop. I accepted, I had also joined them for dinner on several occasions. And in the morning, when I came down, a man from Social Insurance came into the shop, saw me and said, 'What is a Jew doing in a Romanian drug shop? You just got your shop, Mrs. Constantinescu; if you keep her, we will revoke your license!' I went upstairs, took my coat and left. [This happened around 1942.]

Then I worked for another Romanian pharmacist, Miss Popovici, for ten days. She had an anti-Semitic sister, who lived in Botosani, and who always told her, 'All you do is listen to Radio Free Europe 6, Radio London and fear that the Russians will get to Botosani! Don't worry, they won't get here!' [Editor's note: actually Radio Free Europe only began broadcasting in 1949.] And this sister always called me a Jew, but Miss Popovici didn't listen to her. After ten days, she received an official letter from the Pharmacists' Council stating that she had to let me go or they would revoke her license. And Miss Popovici went to them and told them, 'How come Gheorghiu can keep Jews, and I can't?' But she had to let me go.

There was another Romanian man, Gheorghiu, who was an accursed legionary 7 pharmacist. However, he also kept a Jew in his shop, but in the back, where no one could see him. His daughter was also a pharmacist, but she had just finished her studies and she didn't know a lot about running a chemist's shop. And he talked to Miss Popovici, although by that time I had already left her shop because he wanted me to go work in his daughter's shop. I didn't want to go, and I said so. Miss Popovici had paid me 1,000 lei per day, in ten days I made 10,000 lei and that was a lot. When I had worked for the Jewish pharmacist, I got 3,000 lei per month. Miss Popovici paid a lot because there was nobody to help her. So I told Gheorghiu that if he wanted me to work for his daughter, he should pay me 1,000 lei per day, like Miss Popovici. Of course he didn't want to; that was a lot of money. But he knew my father, and he came over to talk to him. My father told him, 'Mr. Gheorghiu, she is a grown-up woman, she does what she wants. If she won't do it, I cannot force her to!' And I didn't work for him. I preferred to knit a jacket - whoever needed something like that came to us - and get paid for that. I would have rather got 1,500 lei for a waistcoat, which took a long time to make, than work for Mr. Gheorghiu.

During the war a German officer stayed in our house. He lived in our living room; he wasn't very talkative, but he was polite. Over at Aunt Clara's, my father's sister, there was another German, and my father used to go over there because my aunt didn't know German very well. And my father told him that the Germans are getting on well, and he said, 'Yes, yes, the Germans are getting on well, but remember Russia is large and deep!'

After the first anti-Jewish laws were passed, my father couldn't work as a bookkeeper any more. He worked as a salesman. He had representations from different factories and he sold their products to wholesale dealers. This happened shortly after the war began; meanwhile Jews were also forbidden to travel by train and he had to give up his job and work in a high school. He was a secretary; that was where he retired from. All this time, my mother continued being a housewife. We lived on whatever work I could do at home.

David, my brother, also helped us. He was a technical manager at the textile plant in Prejmer and was living there. [Prejmer is a place in Brasov county which had a well-known textile factory.] There were only two managers: him and an administrative manager, so they needed him there. Once on New Year's Eve I went to Prejmer, it was soon after the rise of the Goga- Cuza government 8. The train was late, and it was dark when I arrived at the station in Prejmer. I knew that someone had to wait for me there. When I got off, I called out, 'Is there anyone here from the plant?' And a man answered, 'Yes, Miss, the engineer is waiting for you!' And then I heard another voice: 'No, you will take us to the village!' The voice belonged to a legionary who was at the train station with many others. They were some people from a village, but not workers. And the driver said, 'No, I'm just taking this young lady to the plant!' And they took revenge for that. They came to the plant and asked for light bulbs, and later I heard that they had a fight. My brother was also beaten by these legionaries.

Sandu was in Bessarabia 9, in the Romanian army, near Nistru, somewhere around Edineti, and he lived in somebody's house. That man had a little kid, who slept on the oven. Whenever the kid saw Sandu eating, he cried out, 'Give me! Give me! Give me!' And Sandu used to give him food. When Sandu came home, he always took more food, and said, 'I have to feed give- me-give-me-give-me!' After they let him go [from the army], he came to Botosani, where he had to work for the public service: change plates with street names and so on. After that he worked in the city hall, but they fired him from there as well by saying, 'What is a Jew doing in the city hall?' I don't remember what kind of work he did after that.

Before 1945, when the Russians came, Miss Popovici asked me to work for her again and I accepted. Then, the wife of a Jewish doctor - who had been deported to Transnistria 10 - came and asked for some drugs, and I gave her what she needed. And Miss Popovici's sister asked me who that was, and I told her. She said, 'I've never heard of her, I wouldn't have given her anything, accursed Jew!' And after that everything was packed because they were leaving for Bucharest the very next day. She showed off as a Jew- baiter, even though the merchandise she sold was a profit for them. Next day somebody was supposed to come and take all the merchandise to Bucharest, but the Russians came to Botosani, and everything was left behind. Soon after Miss Popovici moved to Bucharest. She came back some time later; she had a farm near Botosani where she retired because she was ill. After that, I worked for the pharmacist Mrs. Constantinescu, whom I had worked for before the war, with an officer: whatever I gained, I had to give him half. He was a relative of Mrs. Constantinescu's, who had taken refuge, and I was selling her merchandise, so I had to give him money.

After the War

I met my husband, Solomon Vecsler, after I had finished my studies. He worked as a pharmacist as well. He worked for an expropriated chemist's shop, but nobody said anything to its owners [at the time of the anti- Jewish-laws]. We met by chance: one of his colleagues set up a deposit with pharmaceutical supplies, and we met there. We married in 1945. I think it mattered to me that my husband was a Jew; I don't think I would have married a Romanian.

My husband's mother, Enta Vecsler, was a housewife. His father, Raphael Vecsler, worked in a bank, I think, but I never met him; he had died long before. My husband was a gentle man, and very obliging. He helped everybody in the chemist's shop. I remember there was a young pharmacist from Cluj [Napoca], who had been assigned to Botosani. My husband looked after her a lot, taught her how to prepare different things. Back then drugs were prepared in the chemist's shop, they weren't ready-made as they are now. And she had to take an exam in Bucharest I think, and her subject was on something she had worked on together with my husband. And she sent us a postcard to thank us: 'I was lucky to be in your shop, I passed the exam!'

After World War II, our house was nationalized [see Nationalization in Romania] 11, but we weren't forced to leave it. But we moved out because we were too close to the railway station, to the power station, to the military units; the neighborhood was too noisy and crowded, and we wanted to be closer to the rest of the family. The house where we formerly lived was inhabited by several people until my sister, Henrieta, who worked at the People's Council, managed to take the house out from the nationalization list; I don't know how she managed to do so. We registered the house in Sidonia's name, my other sister, because the rest of us had better jobs, compared to her: she worked half a shift as a secretary and half a shift as a librarian. We all thought it was fair to do so.

Sidonia, who lived in the same house we had rented, with the rest of us, rented out the house, but the rent was very small and the tenants always came to her to ask for money for restorations, and they cost a lot. Two rooms at the back of the house were rented to an elementary school: one was the library where Sidonia worked and the other was the pioneers' room. And when she saw how much the restorations cost, she said to the school principal: 'Keep the whole house and leave me alone, these restorations are confusing me!' She donated the house to the school and that was it. My elder sister, Tina, worked as a clerk in a men's underwear factory, whose owners were from Vienna. When everything was nationalized, she lost her job.

I had my first child, Raphael, in 1946. In the same year I started working in the same chemist's shop with my husband. A year before, the pharmacist I had worked for before World War II, Rosenberg, moved to Bucharest and we rented his shop. We lived upstairs, and had the shop downstairs. My husband woke up earlier and went into the shop, and I would look after Raphael a bit and then join him. We had our own chemist's shop until 1949, when all chemist's shops were nationalized. But there were too many pharmacists in Botosani and I had a husband who was a pharmacist, just like me, and a small child at home. They only hired one spouse. That was my husband, and I couldn't find a job anywhere. I only got a job in 1953 when someone came to me and told me, that there was an opening in Botosani, at Sanepid, in the chemistry department. [The Sanepid institution was established in 1950 and its main objective was the prophylaxis of infectious diseases, then extending to other fields of prophylactic interests, especially concerning the hygiene of public institutions or locations.] So I applied for it at the county, because back then Botosani belonged to Suceava county, and after a few months I was accepted and started working at Sanepid as a food chemist.

My daughter Nadia was born in 1949. We raised our children in the Jewish tradition: we observed Sabbath, said blessings on Friday evenings, observed Purim and Chanukkah and all the other high holidays. Of course, on Sabbath we, that is me and my husband, had to work, but we celebrated it at home. We followed the kashrut as much as we could, with separate pots for dairy and meat products. We only went to the synagogue on high holidays. There was no rabbi in Brasov when we moved here. The service was led by some of the elderly Jews, who had no functions in the community. We could go to the synagogue during communism, we had no problem, but if there was some kind of special event, like a high holiday, or an anniversary, when other important non-Jewish people were invited as well, like the mayor, we had to thank comrade Nicolae Ceausescu 12 for allowing us to have that gathering. [Editor's note: it is very unlikely that an important non-Jewish person would have gone to the synagogue during the communist era, especially because generally they were party members and religious practice was not well received. Also, Ceausescu was not mentioned by name, but there is a prayer after reading the Torah each Sabbath about the country and its rulers.]

I've never been a party member, and I've never been involved in politics, in any way. But it was compulsory to take part in social activities, like marches on 23rd August 13 or 1st May.

I never had problems at work because of being Jewish; I got along well with my colleagues. I remember the lab's director, the first of them, Mardare. He lived in a rented apartment, his neighbors were Jewish and they got along very well. That's how he met my son, who was playing with his neighbors' kid. And Mardare used to say openly: 'On [Jewish] holidays I don't want to see you in the lab!' The doctor who followed him, Naciu, was the same: I had time off on high holidays. But I had to work on Saturdays, of course, like everybody else. I worked at Sanepid until I retired. But I went on working after that as well, I got a full salary and half a pension. I needed the money because by then both my children where studying at university in Bucharest and it was hard to get by.

My father died in Botosani in 1954. My mother continued living in the same rented house until 1960, when she also died. They were both buried in the Jewish cemetery and the Kaddish was recited, of course, but I don't remember who did so; probably somebody from the community in Botosani.

When Nadia was about two years old, in 1951, we started proceedings to leave for Israel, me, my husband, my mother-in-law and our children. But only my mother-in-law got the permission to leave for Israel. She didn't leave, she was too old to take care of herself alone, with no family. That was the policy: many families were separated, parents left without their children or the other way around. I remember about one family, I don't know the name anymore: the parents left with one daughter, and the other had to stay here because she was over 18 when they filed for aliyah and she didn't get the approval. She had to stay here for many years, I don't know exactly how many.

And because we had filed for aliyah, and the proceedings lasted for many years, Nadia didn't win any prizes in elementary school, although her grades were very good. I remember I told her she wouldn't get a prize because of our situation on the way to the festivity because I knew that if I had told her at home she wouldn't have wanted to go anymore. And she didn't get any prizes until we gave up on emigration and withdrew the file when she was in the 8th grade and had to take the capacity examination.

We gave up because my husband received a note from Centrofarm, which was in Suceava by then, which said that if he didn't give up on emigration, he would be transferred to work in a village. [Centrofarm was a state pharmaceutical company, which operated all over the country.] They had probably been asked to do so. So we gave it up, and Nadia entered the high school examination on her first try. Our boy, Raphael, didn't make it on the first try just because our file was still valid. [He was older, so he took the exam earlier than Nadia.] After we gave it up, they both won prizes in high school.

I was glad to hear about the birth of Israel, but I was upset because of the wars since I had acquaintances who had already left. They weren't close friends, but a lot of pharmacists from Botosani left for Israel. Ieti, the sister of my friend Ostfeld, was married, had a son, and they both left for Israel. Ostfeld died young because of typhoid fever. She was almost cured when she had another fit and died.

My sister Ernestina emigrated to Australia in 1964; she married a Jew call Rufenstein who left from Botosani as well. I think he was an accountant and she was a translator, we kept in touch, wrote letters to each other, but I don't know many details about their lives there. Sandu left for Israel, Jerusalem, in 1984. His son, Sergiu, had already emigrated to the US, but he came home for a while. Sandu's wife, Fiameta, was ill, she had to have dyalisis, and Sergiu convinced them that dyalisis was easier done in Israel. So they left, and she died during a dyalisis in Jerusalem in 1985. Sandu had been an accountant at a spinning mill here, in Bucharest, but I don't think he had a permanent job in Israel. Now and then maybe, but he was already retired. I was sad when he left, he was the only one of us siblings whom I had left. But we kept in touch through letters, and I never had problems with that, or suspected that someone opened our letters. But there was only family talk in them, nothing interesting for someone else. Sandu died in Canada, after he went to the US for Sergiu's marriage. After the marriage, they went on a trip, and Sandu died in Toronto.

My children always knew what they wanted to do, I couldn't influence them. When Raphael finished the 5th or 6th grade, he had to choose between mathematics and humanities, and he chose the latter. Then, he studied journalism in Bucharest. Nadia was just as determined, and went to study mathematics in Bucharest. They had no problems at university because of being Jewish, as far as I know. In 1975 my husband and I moved to Brasov because of the children. In 1974 Raphael married Felicia Reinisch, who is also Jewish, in the synagogue in Bucharest, in the presence of Rabbi Moses. They moved to Brasov. They have two daughters: Manuela and Karina. Raphael works as a journalist at several newspapers in Brasov. Tradition is still very important to them. Manuela also married a Jew, Andrei Czizler, in 2002. They had a religious ceremony in the synagogue here, in Brasov. Nadia didn't want to be separated from her brother Raphael, so she came to Brasov as well. We lived with Nadia here, in an apartment with two rooms and a kitchen. Nadia didn't marry and she still lives with me. She works as a programmer.

My husband died in 1990 and was buried in a Jewish cemetery. There was a rabbi and a chazzan at the funeral, and someone from the community, not from the family, recited the Kaddish. None of my siblings are alive now; the only family I have are my children, my nieces and Magda Blumenfeld - the daughter of my mother's sister Adela - who sometimes calls or writes.

Things became better after the collapse of communism in 1989 [see Romanian Revolution of 1989] 14. I remember I was in the kitchen, and I heard something on the radio but I didn't understand. And then Nadia phoned, and said, 'Turn on the TV!' There were people who came into the headquarters of the national television station, announcing that the communist era was over, and broadcasting scenes showing fights in Timisoara. After that we had better heat, the electricity wasn't stopped from time to time [as it used to be during the communist era due to reasons of economy], I was no longer afraid to go out into the street, I didn't have to stand in queues for food. Beforehand, people got angry and sometimes started to talk against the regime, and you never knew who was listening. You could be arrested with them, taken as a witness, or accused for not intervening.

Things have changed in the community as well; I feel there are more activities. But I no longer go to the synagogue because I have problems with my legs. When I could, I did go, not every Saturday, but on the high holidays, like Purim and Chanukkah. Now I observe them at home with my daughter, who still goes to the synagogue on the high holidays. We lit the candles every Friday evening and say the blessings, but we don't follow the kashrut anymore, it's too difficult, and we don't do anything special on Sabbath. But we still cook hamantashen and send out shelakhmones. The community helps me with medication.

Glossary

1 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941- 1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18- 40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the 'Romanisation campaign'. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

2 Cuzist

Member of the Romanian fascist organization named after Alexandru C. Cuza, one of the most fervent fascist leaders in Romania, who was known for his ruthless chauvinism and anti-Semitism. Cuza founded the National Christian Defense League, the LANC (Liga Apararii National Crestine), in 1923. The paramilitary troops of the league, called lancierii, wore blue uniforms. The organization published a newspaper entitled Apararea Nationala. In 1935 the LANC merged with the National Agrarian Party, and turned into the National Christian Party, which had a pronounced anti-Semitic program.

3 Heroes' Day, 10th of May

national holiday, commemorating Romania's independence against the Ottoman Empire in 1877; at the same time, 10th May was King Michael's birthday and was celebrated as such until his forced abdication.

4 Karlsbad (Czech name

Karlovy Vary): The most famous Bohemian spa, named after Bohemian King Charles (Karel) IV, who allegedly found the springs during a hunting expedition in 1358. It was one of the most popular resorts among the royalty and aristocracy in Europe for centuries.

5 Yellow star in Romania

On 8th July 1941, Hitler decided that all Jews from the age of 6 from the Eastern territories had to wear the Star of David, made of yellow cloth and sewed onto the left side of their clothes. The Romanian Ministry of Internal Affairs introduced this 'law' on 10th September 1941. Strangely enough, Marshal Antonescu made a decision on that very day ordering Jews not to wear the yellow star. Because of these contradicting orders, this 'law' was only implemented in a few counties in Bukovina and Bessarabia, and Jews there were forced to wear the yellow star.

6 Radio Free Europe

Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block. The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central Europen communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

7 Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

8 Goga-Cuza government

Anti-Jewish and chauvinist government established in 1937, led by Octavian Goga, poet and Romanian nationalist, and Alexandru C. Cuza, professor of the University of Iasi, and well known for its radical anti-Semitic view. Goga and Cuza were the leaders of the National Christian Party, an extremist right-wing organization founded in 1935. After the elections of 1937 the Romanian king, Carol II, appointed the National Christian Party to form a minority government. The Goga-Cuza government had radically limited the rights of the Jewish population during their short rule; they barred Jews from the civil service and army and forbade them to buy property and practice certain professions. In February 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system.

9 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

10 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews. Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities. Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation. The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

11 Nationalization in Romania

The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

12 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989)

Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries. The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police. The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable. In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

13 23 August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich. The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies.

14 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Pavel Sendrei

Pavel Sendrei
Subotica
Serbia
Interviewer: Klara Azulaj

Growing up
During the war
Post-war

Growing up

My name is Pavel Sendrei. I was born on August 18, 1922 in Zilina
(Czechoslovakia). My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, was born on August 28,
1888 in Krivosud Bodovska, Slovakia. He was killed on March 15, 1945 in the
concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei (maiden
name - Holzmann) was born on October 31, 1893 in Stari Bistira, and she
died on December 2, 1981 in Subotica.

I grew up in a middle class Neolog Jewish family. We did not go to
synagogue everyday, but we observed the big holidays. We lived in a rented
apartment. Hungarian was my mother tongue, because my father had finished
his studies at the university in Budapest and my mother went to a Hungarian
school during the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. I had a governess
who taught me German. I only began to learn Slovakian when I started the
first grade of primary school. After elementary school I enrolled in a
secondary school. I didn't have any problems with Slovakian. I graduated on
May 25, 1939.

As a young boy I was a member of the Makabi where we practiced
gymnastics and athletics and which was part of the Zionist society Makabi
Hazair. The members of this organization went on picnics, and camping trips
where we were taught dances, songs, Hebrew language and history. In 1937 I
participated in the Makabiada in Zilina and every year I went to the Makabi
Hazair camp. After 1940 this was interrupted because of the German
occupation of Slovakia.

Zilina had about 25,000 residents of which about 6,000 were Jews. One
of the deputy mayors was a Jew. During the war Zilina was a big camp. It
was a gathering camp where people were put into wagons and transported to
other camps.

My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, spent all day in his drugstore. He was
a big fan of football. He was a member of the ESKA ZILINA football club and
one of its big donors. This football club was once one of the leaders in
Slovakia. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei, was a classical housewife. She made
really tasty meals, but her cuisine was not kosher.

I do not remember either my maternal or paternal grandfathers, as they
died when I was quite small. I met my grandmothers, but I do not remember
them too clearly because they had both died around 1930.

My family gathered around my grandmother's sister Hermina Glazel. She
was a housewife, very communicative and always willing to make the best
reception for her guests. She was in fact the head of our family. She had
two married daughters in Zilina. Hermina had a big house with a huge garden
in which there were all kinds of fruits. All of our relatives would gather
here during the summers. We loved gathering in her garden in the summer
time. In the shade of the trees we used to drink cold drinks and talk about
everything. Those were moments of real relaxation.

I socialized exclusively with Jewish children. In my class in school
there were about 40 children, 11 of which were Jews. I was happy that there
were no arguments in my class between the Jewish pupils and the others. We
spent seven years together and were good friends all that time. My best
friend, Kornil Verthajn, and I sat on the same bench. We went together to
the Makabi Hazair. Kornil was deported together with his parents and
returned, but his parents did not survive the Holocaust. After the war I
helped him make aliyah from Czechoslovakia through Yugoslavia.

During the war

I remember that in school every week we had lessons with Rabbi Dr.
Fridman. He taught Hebrew language and the history of the Jewish people.
After graduation I worked in the drugstore until its "aryanization." Then I
got fired, and like many Jewish children, I attended an agricultural course
in the Jewish community. The course took place on rented agricultural
property. We cultivated the land ourselves, and sold everything that grew,
and that is how we survived. This lasted about a year. On that farm, we
worked for a living, but it wasn't in preparation for aliyah to Israel,
only for survival.

During that time my father, Aleksandar Sendrei, as a former member of
the social democratic party was imprisoned. My father wasn't an active
member of that party. He had a very good friend, who was a secretary in the
social democratic party and he persuaded my father not to register for the
party. So, my father was more like a passive member. From prison he was
taken to a concentration camp where he remained until the Slovakian
uprising in 1944, when he was liberated. After that he joined the
partisans, but quickly in one of the actions he fell into the hands of the
Germans and was deported to Bergen Belsen where he died on March 15, 1945
of typhus.

I was taken into forced labor until September 20, 1944. Then I saw
Jews being taken to the train station for deportation, and I decided to go
into hiding. My mother refused to go with me because she wanted to live in
her apartment and wait for father to come home. However, in October 1944
she was taken to Auschwitz and from there she was taken to a factory where
they made parts for airplanes in Sakis-bat-kudove, and from where she was
liberated on May 8, 1945. (Editor's note: Sakis-bat-kudove was in Germany,
5 kilometers from the border with the Czech Republic; the nearest town to
it was Nachod.)

Post-war

Immediately after liberation, I was employed at the repatriation
office in Bratislava. The Jewish community in Bratislava had started its
work, and I was informed that the repatriation office needed employees.
Thanks to the fact that I speak several languages, Hungarian, German,
Slovakian and Czech, I was engaged in April 1945. The office belonged to
the Czech Office of Internal Affairs. I met my wife, Judita Bruck, and her
family while I was working in Bratislava. They went from the Strashov camp
to a work camp in Austria, where they were held until the war ended. They
went to Bratislava on foot and in a wagon and they ended up in the
repatriation office where I worked.

I liked Judita immediately, and because she was hungry most of the
time, whenever I could I took her to restaurants, sometimes three times a
day. Wishing to do something in return, Judita's father Matija invited me
to visit the family in Subotica (Yugoslavia). When I could, I accepted his
invitation and visited them in 1946. The love between Judita and me was
mutual, and we agreed to get married. We married in May l947 and went to
Czechoslovakia. On April 24, l949 Sonja, our daughter, was born.

After the war I worked for a short period in a drugstore, but when it
was nationalized I got work as a photoreporter in Czech TANJUG. I worked
there until the "Slansky trial." In Czechoslovakia antisemitism was
reestablished, and because of that I and another seventy Jews were expelled
from our jobs. In 1950 I was a member of the three-member presidency of the
Jewish community of Zilina. In 1956 the Jewish community received an
invitation to a reception with the Israeli ambassador in Prague. I went
with my wife Judita. We were the only members of the entire Jewish
community in Czechoslovakia who accepted the invitation, the rest were too
scared of the communists to go.

At the reception I met the secretary of the embassy who made aliyah
from Czechoslovakia in 1938 and whom I knew from our days back in Makabi.
He told us that the JOINT was helping as much as it could old Jews who had
survived the Holocaust, but that it was not something that was going
through the Jewish community rather through individuals who were willing to
help. Judita and I accepted this work and we worked until the end of March
1959 when we were arrested by the Czech government for allegedly "spying."
Later, we were accused of undermining the Republic of Czechoslovakia
because the JOINT were sending the money anonymously to survivors of the
Holocaust. Judita was imprisoned from March 29, 1957 to November 29, 1957
and I was incarcerated from March 29, 1957 until March 29, 1959.

After fulfilling my sentence, I could not find work and life was very
hard. Finally, we packed our things took our daughter, Sonja, and in
October 1962 we moved to Subotica, Yugoslavia where we live today.

In Subotica I was employed in the "Slavica" cosmetic factory where I
worked for a year. After that I was employed at the "Sever" electro-motor
factory as an export representative. I worked there for ten years. From
1974-1984 I worked as the head of international transport in "Dinamo
trans." I retired in 1984 with 43 years and 12 days of work experience. All
during this time I was very active in the Jewish community. From 1992-1993
I was secretary of the community. And now, my wife, Judita, and I enjoy
going to the community to celebrate the holidays and to participate in
cultural events.

Renée Molho

Renée Molho
Thessaloniki, Griechenland

Renée Molho ist 83 Jahre alt. Trotz kleiner Gehprobleme ist sie eine schöne und elegante Dame. Sie wohnt allein in einer großen Wohnung, die sie früherer mit ihrer Familie teilte. Sie hat einen großen Balkon und ist sehr stolz auf ihre Blumen. Blumen sind überall, fast in jedem Bilderrahmen. Sie erklärte mir, es ist eine Art Anerkennung für den Mann, der ihr das Leben rettete. Sie war während des Interviews sehr emphatisch und klopfte auf dem Tisch. Sie bemühte sich, Griechisch zu reden, aber sie spricht auch Ladino und verwendet nach Belieben englische und französische Wörter. Sie erzählt mit Leidenschaft – sie flüstert vor Angst und wird angespannt vor Wut. Vor nur zwei Jahren hörte sie im Alter von 81 auf, in der Buchhandlung zu arbeiten, die sie zusammen mit ihrem Mann verwaltete. Sie arbeitete seit der Befreiung dort. Sie war für die französischen Bücher zuständig, weshalb der Laden in ganz Griechenland bekannt wurde.

Familienhintergrund

Ich bin Renée Molho; mein Mädchenname ist Saltiel Abravanel. Ich wurde am 9. August 1918 in Thessaloniki geboren. Während der deutschen Besatzung wohnte ich in Israel. Ich spreche Griechisch, Französisch, Englisch und Spanisch [Ladino] und ich verstehe Italienisch.

Ich habe zwei Schwestern: Matilde Dzivre wohnt in Athen und Eda Saporta wohnt in Paris. Matilde wurde 1917 und Eda 1921 geboren. Sie sprechen dieselben Sprachen wie ich.
Alle Familienmitglieder waren spanische Staatsbürger. Wir stammen ursprünglich aus Spanien, aber wo genau weiß ich nicht.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Mazaltov Saltiel (nee Saporta) und mein Großvater hieß Samuel Saltiel. Großmutter Saporta wohnte allein in einer Wohnung in einem zweistöckigen Wohnhaus. Im ersten Stock wohnte mein Onkel Sinto und im Erdgeschoss wohnte meine Großmutter. Sinto war der älteste von Omas Söhnen.

Die Geschwister meines Vaters, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, waren: Sinto, dann mein Vater Joseph, dann Onkel Avram, Onkel Mentesh, Ongel Sabetai und dann Tante Sol, die mit [Vidal] Amarilio verheiratet war, Tante Julia, Tante Berta und Tante Bellika.

Onkel Sinto war mit Bella Malah verheiratet. Ihre Kinder waren Samuel, Mathilde, Linda, Rosa, Renée und Alice.

Onkel Avram war mit Regina verheiratet – Tante Regina, wer weiß wie sie mit Nachname hieß. Sie hatten zwei Kinder, Leilia und Mathilde.
Onkel Mentesh hatte mit Rachelle Pinhas zwei Söhne, Samiko und Moris.

Onkel Sabetai war mit Rene, Tante Rene, verheiratet, und hatte Samiko und Julia. Sie waren alle spanische Staatsbürger.

Mein Großvater mütterlicherseits wurde früher Nadir genannt, aber eigentlich hieß er Shabetai. Sie nannten ihn Nadir, weil er ein sehr beharrlicher und intelligenter Mann war. Er stand früher immer um vier Uhr morgens auf, um französisch zu lernen. Immer wenn die Türken eine Rede halten mussten, musste er sie vorbereiten. Er war ein guter Mann und sie haben ihn so gerne gehabt, dass sie ihn Nadir genannt, was auf Hebräisch und Türkisch ‚selten’ heißt. Sie haben ihn immer gemocht und geschätzt. Ich weiß nicht was er beruflich machte, da er schon tot war, als meine Mutter, Stella Abravanel, heiratete. Ich wusste nur von ihm.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Rikoula Abravanel, geboren Tsinio. Sie wohnte mit ihren Kindern, die Geschwister meiner Mutter. Sie waren David, Pepo, Leon und Mario - alle hießen Abravanel – sowie Rachelle, die mit Avram Haim, der Waschtuchverkäufer, verheiratet war. Sie hatten zusammen fünf Kinder: Lina, Elio, Renée, Nadir und Silvia.
Onkel Pepo heiratete Mitsa Rosengrad. Sie wohnten hier in Thessaloniki und hatten eine Tochter, Rena Abravanel, jetzt Greenup, die heute in Amerika lebt.

Onkel David war ein ehrlicher und wichtiger Mann. Der war Geschäftsführer bei einer großen Tabakfirma, „The Commercial“. Er war nie verheiratet, also war seine ganze Liebe an seine Schwestern, meine Mutter und Tante Rachelle und ihre Kinder gerichtet. Er besuchte uns oft und interessierte sich für uns; er wollte unsere Schulnoten sehen und wissen, wer von uns gut in der Schule war, wer nicht, und warum.

Als der Laden meines Vaters im Brand zerstört wurde, war es Onkel David, der neben ihn stand und ihn unterstützt hat. Er hat ihm sogar das Geld für einen Neustart gegeben. Gleichzeitig hat er für meiner Mutter ein Bankkonto eröffnet, so dass sie sich keine Sorgen mehr machen musste. Natürlich habe ich deswegen ein Faible für ihn. Er war immer für uns da.
Onkel Leon war mit Nini Nahmias verheiratet und hatte zwei Töchter, Riki – Rikoula – und Victoria. Sie waren 5 Jahre alt als der Krieg ausbrach. Er arbeitet auch bei „The Commercial,“ der Tabakfirma, unter der Führung seines älteren Bruders David.

Onkel Mario heiratete Ida. Ihr Vater war Arzt und er hatte in den Pariser Krankenhäuser studiert. Als sie heirateten, gingen sie nach Paris, um mit ihren Eltern zu leben. Doch sie schafften es nicht und kamen nach Thessaloniki zurück. Als die zurückkamen, kamen Idas Eltern nach. Der Vater, der unser Familienarzt war, erklärte uns alles. Ich weiß nicht was Onkel Mario in Frankreich machte. Hier war er Tabakexperte. Sie hatten einen Jungen, Edward, und zwei Mädchen, Renée und Lily Abravanel.

Während der Besatzung versteckten sie sich in Athen und wurden nicht deportiert. Edward war schon tot, weil er während der Eleutherias-Platz-Versammlung Meningitis bekam und daran starb.
Nach der Befreiung flüchteten sie versteckt auf einem Schiff nach Israel. Doch der Onkel Mario hatte kein Glück: er starb auf dem Schiff und wurde über Bord geschmissen. Seine Töchter heirateten in Israel und lebten im Afikim Kibbutz.

Mein Vater, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, wurde [am 5. Juni 1881] hier in Thessaloniki geboren. Er hat Spanisch und Deutsch und selbstverständlich auch Griechisch gesprochen. Er war schön, groß, dunkelhaarig und gutaussehend. Er war nicht sehr lustig; er war ernst, bestimmt ernster als er hätte sein sollen, da er drei Töchter hatte, was ihn störte. Er trug immer Anzug mit Krawatte, Hut, natürlich, und Handschuhe. Er kümmerte sich sehr ums Aussehen und war immer sehr gut angezogen. Ein sehr eleganter Mann.

Mein Vater war nicht besonders mutig und auch wenn er politische Überzeugungen hatte, hätte er sie nie öffentlich preisgegeben. So war er nicht. Doch er war sehr weise. Stellen Sie sich vor, zwei Menschen hätten sich gestritten. Er hätte sich eingemischt und den Kompromiss gefunden, weil er ein sehr gerechter, korrekter und weiser Mann war. Alle hatten Vertrauen in seine Ernsthaftigkeit und Logik. Ein Vermittler war er, kann man sagen. Er hätte gefragt: Inwiefern unterscheiden sie sich voneinander? Warum nicht dies oder jenes machen? Er hätte versucht, ihnen den Sinn zu zeigen und eine akzeptable Lösung zu finden, egal was für ein Problem.

Zuhause wurde nicht diskutiert – nicht über Nachrichten, Aktualitäten, Politik, Gerüchte, was auch immer. Er war nicht für lange Gespräche. Er kommunizierte nicht viel. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob ich ihn einmal beim Lautlachen gesehen hätte. Er war immer ein bisschen kühl, auch mit Freunden! Er war nicht leicht zu erreichen, doch war ich das Hauptobjekt seiner Liebe.
Er schüttelte niemandem die Hand, nur mit mir hatte er es gemacht. Wenn er musste und es nicht vermeiden konnte, kam er schnell nach Hause, um sich die Hände zu waschen und sie mit Alkohol zu reinigen. Er hatte große Angst vor Mikroben und Verseuchungen aller Art; schließlich starb er an Krebs.

Er war sehr streng. Er wollte gerecht sein und deswegen war er in sich selbst eingeschlossen. Er zeigte selten Zuneigung – an kaum jemanden, ob an seine Frau, weiß ich nicht. Er war introvertiert.
Er war nicht bei der Armee. Damals war die Armee türkisch. Erst 1912 wurde Thessaloniki griechisch. Während der türkischen Zeit musste man nur einen bestimmten Geldbeitrag bezahlen, um den Wehrdienst sicher zu entkommen.

Beruflich verkaufte mein Vater Holz für die Bauarbeit. Er importierte Holz aus Rumänien. Ich erinnere mich noch daran, wie er nach einer Berufsreise wiederkam – er trug hohe Stiefel und einen Mantel mit Pelz drin. Einen Hut aus Pelz hatte er auch. Als er zurückkam, schien er mir – ich war damals noch sehr klein – so groß wie die Tür zu sein. Dieses Bild von ihm trage ich noch; Mein Vater als groß, stark und schön.

Meine Mutter dagegen war einem ganz anderen Charakter. Tante Rachelle, ihre Schwester, war groß und dick, meine Mutter dagegen klein, dünn und sehr intelligent mit einer fröhlichen Ausstrahlung. Sie war immer elegant, immer sehr gut angezogen. Sie war sehr vorsichtig, wurde nie dreckig und trug immer die neuste Kleidermode. Meine Großmutter Abravanel war einmal sehr schockiert, weil sie ein sehr kurzes Kleid trug. Kurz heißt: knapp über den Knie! So war die Mode, also trug sie es.

Sie war sehr klein. Sie hatte eine Schuhgröße von 34. Damals waren Schuhe immer maßgefertigt. Man kaufte keine Schuhe im Laden, stattdessen ging man zum Handwerker. Oft passten die Schuhe nicht so ganz – zu eng oder kurz – und man hatte Hornhaut überall auf den Füßen. Sie war eine glückliche Person und sang viel. Immer war sie am Lachen oder Witze erzählen. Sie las auch gerne.
Weder Kosmetik noch Lippenstift trug sie, doch sie benutzte Gesichtspuder. Ich habe noch eine kleine Kiste davon, gut versteckt, nur um meine Mutter noch riechen zu können.
Ich weiß, dass die Ehe meiner Eltern durch einen Heiratsvermittler arrangiert wurde. Die Heiratsvermittler kannte die Familien und suchte die passenden Töchter oder Söhne im Heiratsalter aus. Kontakt lief natürlich über die Eltern, nicht die Kinder. Man hat damals mit 18, 19, 20 geheiratet. Wenn eine Frau mit 29 unverheiratet blieb, war sie schon eine alte Jungfer.

Damals war es den Neuverheirateten üblich, die ersten Jahre bei der Familie der Frau zu wohnen. Doch meine Eltern machten das nicht, weil meine Mutter keinen Vater mehr hatte und Oma wohnte mit ihren noch unverheirateten Söhnen. Damals war es selten, aus Liebe zu heiraten. Ich kenne keine solchen Ehen. Damals hing es davon ab, was für eine Person dein Gatte oder Gattin war.
Zu dieser Zeit gab es wenige Mischehen. Sehr, sehr wenig. Bei uns sind die Schwestern von Tante Mitsa, Ida Margariti und Silvia, in gemischten Ehen großgeworden und ihre Kinder sind alle Christen. Ich weiß nicht, was die Familie dazu sagte, da ich damals noch sehr klein war.

Familienleben

Als ich klein war, wohnten wir in einem Haus mit großen Garten. Im Garten war das Haus, wo mein Onkel Sinto mit seiner Familie im ersten Stock wohnte und meine Großeltern mit Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai, die noch nicht verheiratet waren, im Erdgeschoss wohnten. Unseres Haus war klein und stand am anderen Ende des Gartens. Da war ein Wohnzimmer beim Eingang, zwei Schlafzimmer und eine Küche. Im Wohnzimmer und in der Küche wurde mit Holz geheizt; die Schlafzimmer waren kalt. Ein Schlafzimmer war für die Eltern, das andere für die drei Mädels. Matilde hatte ihr eigenes Bett, während Edi und ich zusammen im selben Bett schlafen mussten.

Eda war viel jünger als ich und eine Person voller Freude. Sie war nicht so pessimistisch wie ich. Ich war immer viel zurückhaltender. Eda war immer bester Laune – wie Mutter. Sie hat gerne und viel getanzt – sie tanzte auch diesen russischen Tanz im Sitzen, den Kalinka.

Im Haus hatten wir fließendes Wasser, doch im Hof stand noch eine Handpumpe, die wir fürs Pflanzengießen benutzten. Damals hatten wir auch eine Badewanne – damals nicht üblich. Strom hatten wir auch. Im Garten wuchsen nichts Essbares – kein Gemüse, nur Blumen und grüne Pflanzen. Wir Kinder spielten immer im Garten: fünf Kinder von Onkel Sinto und wir drei. Doch ich saß immer am Zaun und schaute was sie alle machen, weil sie sehr wild waren. Tiere hatten wir keine.
Als wir im Garten spielten, saß mein Opa immer vorm Haus um uns zu beobachten. Da gab es einen kleinen Granatapfelbaum mit zwei Blumen. Er hat gewartet und gewartet, bis die Früchte zeigen. Eines Tages merkte er, wie eine der Blumen anfing zu verblassen. Nachdem Eda eines Tages die Blume abschnitt, merkte sie, was sie getan hatte, und klebte sie mit einer Stechnadel wieder an den Baum. Opa sah alles und war von der Geste bewegt, deswegen wurde sie nicht von ihm bestraft.

Opa hatte eine Hernie und einen riesigen Bauch, deshalb konnte er nicht mehr gehen. Also saß er immer vorm Haus. Er trug immer Andari, weil er wegen seines großen Bauches sonst nichts tragen konnte. Kippa trug er nicht, trotzdem war er religiös. Jeden Freitag versammelte sich ein Minjan bei ihm zuhause, um dort, statt in einer Synagoge, die traditionelle Lektüre zu machen. Ich weiß nicht in welche Synagoge sie sonst gingen.

Mein Vater war nicht dabei. Er bekam nicht von der Arbeit frei. Zuerst wurde am Schabbat nicht gearbeitet, aber später, in 1934, machte die griechische Regierung ein neues Gesetz bekannt, das Sonntag zum offiziellen Feiertag erklärte. Also mussten sie arbeiten, auch wenn sie nicht wollten.

Meine Großmutter war so angezogen wie wir heute. Sie trug nichts von den traditionellen Klamotten der jüdischen Frauen. Ich kenne solche Klamotten nur aus Fotos.
Es waren viele Juden in unserer Gegend. Doch war die Familie so groß, dass wir keine Freundschaften außerhalb dessen suchten. Eigentlich waren alle Juden. Der Lebensmittelhändler, der Gemüsehändler. Sie gingen alle durch die Gegend, um ihre Waren anzukündigen.

Immer als der Gemüsehändler bei meiner Großmutter vorbeikam – bei Großmutter gab es zwei Fenster an der Straße – stand Großvater am Fenster und fragte, „wie viel kostet eine Tomate heute? Ah, zu teuer, kauf ich nicht, verkaufen Sie sie mir für einen billigeren Preis?“ – „Was kann ich für Sie tun, Herr Samuel, wieviel möchten Sie bezahlen?“
Dann sagte mein Großvater den Preis und meine Großmutter, am anderen Fenster, winkte den Mann zu und sagte, „Sagen Sie ja, ja.“ „Ach, was mache ich mit Ihnen, Herrn Samuel? Ich gebe sie Ihnen, aber nur weil Sie es sind.“ Dann nahm Großvater die Waren und Großmutter bezahlte die Differenz vom anderen Fenster, nur um Großvater eine Freude zu machen und ihm die Genugtuung zu geben, er hätte was erreicht.

Durch die Straßen gingen wir nie. Ich glaube die waren alle noch unbefestigt, mit Erde aber keinem Asphalt bedeckt. Ein Auto hatten wir nicht, aber damals gab es schon welche. Pferde hatten wir auch nicht. Wir sind immer mit dem Bus oder Tram gefahren. Eher Tram als Bus.
Wir waren noch sehr jung, als wir das Haus verließen. Wir verließen es als wir zur Schule mussten. Immer als die Schule umzog, zogen wir auch um. Zuerst Konstandinidi, dann Gravias, dann... wir verfolgten die Mission Laique Française.

Im neuen Haus waren wir immer noch nicht ganz allein – das Haus war in einer Straße, in einer Umgebung, voller Juden.

Unser Glaubensleben

Meine Eltern waren gläubig aber keine Fanatiker. Mein Vater ging während den hohen Feiertagen vom Neujahr [Rosch ha-Schana], Pessach, Jom Kippur usw. in die Synagoge. Damals gingen keine Mädchen in die Synagoge, nur Männer. Wir blieben mit Mutter zuhause.

Kaschrut [die jüdischen Speisegesetze] nahmen wir insofern wahr, dass der Metzger Jude und das Fleisch dementsprechend koscher war. Jeden Freitag kam der Metzger zu uns nach Hause und nahm unsere Bestellungen entgegen.

Jeden Freitag las mein Vater Kiddusch [Segenspruch]. Er schnitt uns auch Stücke gebackener Eier [huevos encaminados] und, nach dem Kiddusch küssten wir ihm die Hand und er segnete uns. Das war jeden Freitag. Das Brot kauften wir beim jüdischen Bäcker.

Für Rosch ha-Schana machten wir alles was man dafür machen sollte. Wir aßen das von der Religion vorgeschriebene Essen. Wir machten alles und ich kann mich noch an ein paar Sachen erinnern, die mein Vater immer auf Hebräisch sagte. Die bleiben noch mit mir, obwohl ich kein Hebräisch kann. Mein Vater sprach kein Hebräisch, doch lesen konnte er es. Die Feierlichkeiten für Rosch ha-Schana sind genau wie heute.

Jom Kippur nahmen wir auch wahr. Immer als mein Vater an dem ersten Jom-Kippur-Abend nach Hause kam, mussten wir schon bereit, gewaschen und ruhig sein. Fasten machten wir auch mit. Am Ende des Fastens aßen wir zuerst Süßigkeiten, um uns ein süßes neues Jahr zu wünschen. Danach tranken wir Limonade und aßen dazu Kekse, die wir beim jüdischen Konditorei, Almosnino, kauften. Dann Suppe mit Pasta und am Ende Hühnchen mit Tomatensauce. Limonade trinken wir am Jom Kippur, weil sie anscheinend gut auf leeren Magen ist. So war es in jedem Haushalt. Das war Standardmenü – man findet alles im Buch „Les Fētes Juives“ [Die jüdischen Feiertage]. Niemand hat mir das Kochen beigebracht. Man lernt alles nur beim Zugucken.

An Pessach erinnere ich mich nicht mehr. Wir aßen das Traditionelle. Am ersten Abend Pessachs waren die Brüder meiner Mutter, Onkel David und Onkel Pepo, bei Tante Rachelle und am zweiten Abend waren sie bei uns. Wir feierten dann alle zusammen und lasen Haggada, wie am ersten Abend. Den Seder lasen wir auf Spanisch, da wir unter uns immer auf Spanisch sprachen.
Am Pessach aßen wir Mazze, weil wir kein Brot essen. Mazze ist Brot, das nicht treibt. Jetzt kaufen mir Mazzen von der Gemeinde. Als ich noch ein Kind war, gab es Bäckereien in Thessaloniki, die Mazze machten. Nicht wie heute. Damals war die Juden so zahlreich, dass die Mazze hier hergestellt wurden. Die wurden von den Bäckereien an die Häuser geliefert und die Stücke waren so groß – ungefähr 40x40 cm – dass wir einen speziellen Schrank dafür hatten. Und acht Tage lang – während der ganzen Pessach-Zeit – gab es kein Brot zuhause.

Während Pessach wurde auch Eier gebacken [huevos enchaminados]. Es war damals Tradition in Thessaloniki, Verwandten vor der Pessach-Feier zu besuchen. Die Taschen der Besucher waren schon so voll mit Eiern, dass sie am Ende des Abends mindestens 15 hatten. Wir besuchten die anderen Häuser nicht. Mädels dürften nicht, nur Männer.
Dafür bereiteten wir das Haus mit schönen Sachen vor. Meine Mutter trug ihren Schmuck und die Besucher kamen in ihren Abendkleidern. Das Haus glänzte. Alle hatten Eile, weil sie noch jemanden und noch jemanden und noch jemanden besuchen mussten. Aber zumindest kamen sie und wir sahen uns und verloren nie den Kontakt.

Über die hohen jüdischen Feiertage gibt es viele Bücher. Das, was ich habe, erklärt die Unterschiede zwischen dem Essen der Sephardim und dem der Aschkenasim. Die Aschkenasim essen Gefiltefisch, wir nicht. Stattdessen essen wir „Sasan“ – Fisch mit Sauce.

Während des Laubhüttenfestes [Sukkot] hatten wir natürlich eine Laubhütte. Onkel Sinto, der Bruder meines Vaters, hatte einen großen Balkon, fast wie ein Raum. Dort baute er die Laubhütte und wir gingen alle hin. Da saßen wir, aßen wir, es wurde geredet und war ganz schön.

Mein Vater war bei jeder Feier in der Synagoge. Wir warteten darauf, bis er mit Süßigkeiten wieder nachhause kam und zum guten Glück alle Lichter im Haus anmachte. Er brachte immer ‚baissées’, eine komplett weiße Süßigkeit, die er beim jüdischen Bäcker Almonsnino kaufte, mit. Dann gingen wir alle zu Oma um sie zu küssen und ihren Segen zu bekommen.

Beim Hanukkah-Feier zündeten wir die Channukia an und das war’s. Wir sangen noch und das war’s.

Bat-Mitzwa für Mädchen hatten wir nicht. Aber Bar-Mitzwa für Jungen gab es: unsere Cousins feierten ihre in der Synagoge. Wir waren alle dabei, auch die Mädchen. Wir waren in unterschiedlichen Synagogen, doch es gab eine hier in der Gegend, genau dort, wo wir den Bus nehmen. Bet Schaoul hieß sie. Da, wo wir jetzt hingehen, die Monastiriotin, war bei Vardari und weit weg von uns. Damals gingen wir nicht dahin.

Bis auf die Bet Schaoul, kann ich mich an keine anderen Synagogen erinnern, da die Mädchen nicht sehr oft dahingingen. Für Hochzeiten oder andere Arten Feier gingen wir hin. Es war nicht so wie heute.

Frauen waren auch nicht bei Beerdigungen. Im Friedhof auch nicht.

Meine Jugend

Wir waren ziemlich wohlhabend. Wir hatten ein Dienstmädchen. Wir hatten Dienstmädchen, die bei uns im Haus wohnten. Alle Jüdinnen. Später, kurz vor dem Krieg, war bei uns eine Christin aus Ai Vat. Sonst hatten wir nicht so wirklich Fremde bei uns. Eine namens Sternia mochte mich sehr. Sie verließ uns schon lang vor dem Krieg und ging nach Israel, wo sie heiratete. Während der Besatzung, als ich in Israel war, kam sie mich mit ihren Kindern besuchen.

Mein Vater, wie ich erzählte, war sehr streng und erlaubte uns nicht, das Haus zu verlassen. Ab und zu im Sommer, wenn wir ins Kino wollten – und wir konnten ihn nicht wirklich anlügen – sagten wir ihm: „Wir gehen mit Herrn Saporta ins Kino.“ Herr Saporta war Raf, der Bruder meiner Freundin Tida. Er war jünger als wir! Wir gingen ins Apollon, ein Freiluftkino. Aber nur die Mädchen gingen zusammen ins Kino. Es gab keine Jungen in unserer Gruppe. Wenn mein Vater wüsste, dass Herr Saporta Raf war, hätte er uns nie erlaubt, dahin zu gehen.

Meine Mutter hatte Probleme mit ihren Beinen und ging deswegen im Sommer nach Laganda, ein Dorf nordwestlich von Thessaloniki, wo es eine Thermalquelle gab. Sie fuhr mit der Pferdekutsche dahin und blieb bis sie komplett erholt war. Manchmal ließ sie uns alleine, manchmal brachte sie eine von uns mit. Generell blieb ich zuhause, da mein Vater ein Faible für mich hatte. Alles war ruhig und ich stritt mich mit niemandem. Meine Schwester Matilde und Eda stritten sich immer. Sie waren sowieso leichter aufzureizen, während ich dagegen sehr ruhig war. Doch manchmal streitet man sich trotzdem.
Bis auf die Aufenthalte meiner Mutter bei der Thermalquelle fuhren wir nicht in Urlaub. Unser Haus stand am Meer, deswegen hatten wir nie das Bedürfnis, irgendwo anders hinzufahren.

Ich ginge in die französische Schule – die Lycée Française – hier in Thessaloniki. Ich absolvierte die Mission Laïque Française und ging dann in die amerikanische Schule, Anatolia College. Ich war nie an einer jüdischen oder griechischen Schule. Meine Schwester war an einer griechischen Mädchenschule – die Cschina – deswegen kann sie besser griechisch als ich.

Dann gab es ein Gesetz, das sagte, wir durften so mit der Bildung nicht weitermachen. Alle nicht-griechischen Staatsbürger durften nur zu griechischen Grundschulen gehen. Da wir spanische Staatbürger waren, mussten wir die Schulen wechseln. Matilde war kurz davor, die französische Schule zu absolvieren.
Das hätte auch für mich gelten müssten, doch, weil ich im Verhältnis zu meinem Alter mit meinem Studium schon so weit war, wollte mein Vater sich nicht einmischen, und ich durfte wie geplant weiterstudieren. Ich war in allen Fächern eine gute Schülerin. Ich konnte sie alle sehr gut, doch hatte ich sie weder gemocht noch gehasst.

Eda war dagegen noch sehr jung und immer noch an der Grundschule, also wurde sie sofort an die griechische Schule geschickt. Sie war, wie an der französischen Schule, in der 5. Klasse, doch konnte sie kein Griechisch. Mein Vater fragte bei der Lehrerin, Fräulein Evgenia, und sie bekam von ihr Nachhilfe in Griechisch. Bis Mitte des Schuljahres war sie die Klassenbeste.

Von anderen Religionen wussten wir immer schon. Von ihnen wussten wir, wir sahen sie, hörten sie, sogar im Viertel. An der Mission Laïque Française waren nicht nur Juden.

Wir hatten mit Christen keine engen Verhältnisse. Natürlich gab es christliche Schüler bei mir und ab und zu trafen wir uns außerhalb der Schule, aber keine engen Freundschaften. Nichtdestotrotz hatten wir keine äußeren Merkmale, die uns vom Rest der griechischen Bevölkerung unterscheiden könnten – weder an Klamottenstil noch an Verhalten. Sie konnten uns nicht unterscheiden.

Nach der Schule waren wir auf eine fünftägige Exkursion mit der Anatolia College. Wir waren ungefähr 12-14 Mädchen, drei von uns waren jüdisch. Wir fuhren nach Olympia [bedeutender archäologischer Ort] und dort sah ich wunderschöne Sachen, die ich sonst nicht hätte sehen können, da mein Vater so streng war.

Bücher, die nicht für die Schule gelesen werden mussten, lasen wir nicht. Mein Vater las Bücher über Religion, doch er war kein Fanatiker. Er wollte nur gut informiert sein. Abends saßen wir immer zusammen – jeder bei seiner eigenen Beschäftigung, sei es lernen, sei es lesen oder nähen.

Zuhause hatten wir kein Grammofon. Meine Großmutter Abravanel hatte eins und wir besuchten sie fast jeden Samstag. Dort hörten wir Musik – klassische Musik und was damals sonst en vogue war. Dort waren auch Zeitschriften, weil mein Onkel David nur ernstzunehmende Zeitschriften abonnierte. Bei Oma war immer gutes Essen, Musik, Zeitschriften und Wärme. Wir besuchten Großmutter sehr gern.

Damals waren die Träume ganz einfach – die Träume eines jungen Mädchens. Es war normal, dass man heiratet und eine eigene Familie gründet. Doch ich konnte nicht verstehen, wie wir heiraten werden, weil dafür eine Mitgift nötig war. Ich weiß nicht, ob mein Vater sich drei leisten konnte. Auch weiß ich nicht, ob ich hätte heiraten dürften. Es gab eine Reihenfolge – Matilde zuerst, da sie die älteste war, danach ich und Eda. Deswegen stand Matilde im Fokus. Sie musste immer gut angezogen sein und gut gepflegt aussehen. Das Heiraten hatte damals nichts mit persönlicher Präferenz zu tun – das gibt’s nur ohne Mitgift. Ich kenne niemanden, der vor dem Krieg ohne Mitgift heiratete.

Da wir keine Brüder hatten, hatten wir wenig Kontakt zu Jungen. Erst später, am Anfang des Krieges, als wir im selben Haus mit Tante Rachelle und ihren Söhnen, Nadir und Elio, wohnten, hatten wir das erste Kontakt zu Jungen, ihren Freunden.

Ich wollte unbedingt arbeiten und besuchte nach der Schule einen Kurs zur Stenographie. Dann bewarb ich mich bei einer Ölfirma. Die Aussichten waren gut und ich hätte die Stelle bekommen, wäre der Krieg nicht gekommen.

Mein Vater wollte nicht, dass ich arbeite, doch machte er nichts dagegen, weil wir das Geld brauchten. Sein Laden ist runtergebrannt. Nicht nur sein Laden, sondern auch die ganze Gegend. Das war in der Santaroza-Straße – wo sich all die Holzgeschäfte befanden. Es war mein Eindruck, dass alle dort Juden waren. Das Holz wurde von Juden verkauft. Dort arbeitete auch Onkel Sinto, Onkel Daniel und Onkel Avram. Eigentlich kenne ich keinen Beruf, der nicht von Juden ausgeübt wurde. Sie haben alles gemacht. Nachdem der Aufruhr hier stattfand und sie die Häuser im Campbell-Viertel niederbrannten, gingen diejenigen, die dort am Hafen lebten und arbeiteten, nach Israel. Dort arbeiteten sie am Hafen Haifas mit und sind für seine Entwicklung mitverantwortlich.
Um das Campbell-Viertel zu erreichen, musste mein Vater mit zwei Bussen fahren. Sein Laden war sehr weit weg von zuhause. An dem Tag ging er wie immer sehr früh und meine Mutter stand am Balkon und sah zu, wie er wegfuhr bis er endlich verschwand. Irgendwie spürte ich schon, dass etwas war. Alle hatten damals Angst und der Beweis dafür ist, dass sie endlich weggingen. Zuhause redeten wir nie darüber.

Während des Krieges

Als der Krieg mit Italien deklariert wurde, zogen wir zu meiner Tante Mitsa in der Gravias-Straße. Ich weiß nicht mehr, warum wir dorthin zogen – mein Onkel Pepo und Tante Mitsa waren aus irgendwelchen Grund in Athen. Bei ihnen zuhause waren Okel Leon und die Schwestern von Tanta Mitsa, Silvia, mit ihrem Mann, Herr Margaritis, meine Tante Rachelle mit ihrer Familie, und wir.
Unser Beitrag an den Krieg war das Stricken. Mir machten Socken und Handschuhe für die Soldaten. Wir strickten Tag und Nacht, doch weiß ich nicht an wen die schließlich verteilt wurden. Ich, meine Schwestern, meine Freunde – wir saßen alle rum und strickten für die Soldaten in Albanien. Dort froren sie und als sie zurückkamen, hatten sie gefrorenen Finger und Ziehe. Ich kannte einen namens Saqui, der mit gefrorenen Beinen zurückkamen. Ich weiß nicht ob die amputiert wurden, aber das war damals Thema. Nach dem Krieg ging er nach Israel und kam nie wieder her.
Wir strickten und sangen das patriotische Lied von Vembo : „Blöder Mussolini, keiner bleibt, du und dein lächerliches Land haben Angst vor uns und unseren Khaki-Farben [griechischer Militäruniform].“ Wir glaubten an diese Lieder, sie beeindruckten uns. Vembo war toll und wir sangen mit Leib und Seele.

Nachdem Italien von den Griechen besiegt wurde, kamen die Deutschen, ihre Alliierte, um das Problem zu lösen. Um das Gesicht zu retten! Daran kann ich mich noch dunkel erinnern. Doch weiß ich noch, dass wir bei Tante Mitsa wohnten, als die Deutschen in Salonica eintrafen. Sie nahmen das Haus weg. Alle hatten Angst. Wir mussten ausziehen und schnell ein neues suchen. Als sie das Haus wegnahmen, hatte ich große Angst. Dazu beschlagnahmen sie mein Vaters Geschäft. Dafür bekam er einen Beleg – doch weiß ich nicht mehr, wo er zu finden ist. Wir enthielten niemals eine Entschädigung dafür. Sie beschlagnahmen alle wichtigen jüdischen Läden. Sie waren bei Alvo und entleerten alles. Er verkaufte Badewannen, Fliesen, Sanitärartikel und Drahte. Tagelang wurde alles von deutschen LKWs entleert.

Wir zogen nachher hierhin, in dieses Viertel, direkt gegenüber von da, wo wir jetzt sind. Damals hieß die Straße Mizrahi und nicht Fleming wie heute. Wir mieteten ein großes Haus – gegenüber von Solono, den ich zu der Zeit nicht kannte. Selbstverständlich gab es Essensrationen. Beim Bäcker bekamen wir ein Stück saftiges „Bobota“ [Brot aus Mais; während des 2. Weltkriegs war es das einzige erhältliche und daher Teil der Essensration]. Jedem ein Stück, nicht ein Leib. Die uns verteilten Portionen entsprachen der Anzahl der Familienmitglieder.
Später, als wir im Ghetto mit Tante Rachelle und ihrer Familie waren, machten wir unser eigenes Brot. Ich weiß nicht, wo das Mehl herkam. Die Jungen, Elio und Nadir, kümmerten sich darum.
Wir wussten vom Radio was passiert. Wir hatten ein tolles Radio und konnten alles hören, auch die Vembo-Lieder.

Mit den Deutschen hatten wir keinen Kontakt. Irgendwie, weil wir spanische Staatsbürger waren, fühlten wir uns geschützt. Spanien war schließlich Alliierte von Deutschland. Das erste Mal, das ich einen Deutsche sah, sah ich nichts Böses. Sowas sehe ich nicht beim ersten Blick. Sie sahen alle normal aus. Wie normale Menschen von keiner besonderen Bedeutung. Sie hatten nichts an, was einem zwingen könnte, den Kopf wegzudrehen. Sie waren nicht besonders furchterregend.

Von den KZs wussten wir nichts, weil sie das sehr gut versteckten. Unser Rabbi, der aus Deutschland kam, vielleicht wusste er etwas. Vielleicht wusste er von den Geschehnissen und entschied sich dagegen, darüber zu sprechen. Rabbi Koretz hieß er. Wir dachten, wir gehen nur arbeiten und, dass wir wiederkommen. Die Menschen wurden so getäuscht. Als sie deportiert wurden, gaben sie den Deutschen ihr letztes Geld und nahmen dafür polnisches Zloty oder einen Rückzahlungsbeleg entgegen. Was wussten wir? Von den Konzentrationslagern hatten wir keine Ahnung. Keine Ahnung! Es gab Leute, die aus dem Ausland herkamen, außerhalb von Griechenland, und sie sagten Einiges, doch wir konnten es uns nicht vorstellen. Es war noch alles unfassbar. Wir dachten, sie erzählen Märchen.
Eine Meinung konnten wir uns nicht bilden, weil wir nicht genug wussten, um zu verstehen. Wenn die Mächtigen dich täuschen wollen, machen sie es sowieso. Sie haben die Mittel dazu. Wir wussten nichts und glaubten den Menschen nicht, die zu uns kamen und erzählten. Es war einfach unfassbar. Was sie uns erzählten war schwer zu verstehen, es war nicht echt, es hätte nicht echt gewesen sein könnten. Sie logen nicht, doch wir dachten, sie würden stark übertreiben.

Eine Schulfreundin von mir, Bella, heiratete in Jugoslawien und, als die Deutschen in Jugoslawien einmarschierten, kam sie zurück nach Salonica, zu ihrer Mutter. Sie kam mit ihrer Familie – mit ihren kleinen Tochter Ettika, die sehr schöne rote, sehr rote, Haare hatte – und sie hatten nichts zu essen. Ihr Mann fing an, kleine Sachen wie Knöpfe, Nadeln, Halstücher usw., zu verkaufen. Er ging von Tür zu Tür, um Geld zu verdienen und Brot zu kaufen. Sie hatten kein Brot, aber Bella rauchte weiter. In Israel fing ich auch an zu rauchen und plötzlich dachte ich an Bella und wie sie kein Brot hatte, aber noch rauchen musste. Ich fragte mir, bin ich verrückt? Ich hörte sofort auf.

Bella erzählte uns, dass als die Deutschen kamen sie alles wegnahmen. Sie erzählten uns von Gräueltaten, aber sie erschienen uns damals noch als reine Vorstellungen. Dann kam der Befehl, dass man den Stern zu tragen hatte. Danach trugen alle den Stern. Ich weiß nicht was passiert wäre, wenn man den Stern nicht getragen hätte. Ich trug keinen. Ich war Spanierin.
Dann erteilten die Deutschen den Befehl, dass die Juden in die Ghettos ziehen mussten. In Thessaloniki gab es noch niemals ein Ghetto. Wir zogen wieder um, diesmal mit der Schwester meiner Mutter, meiner Tanta Rashel, und ihren Kindern. Wir gingen ins Ghetto, mit unseresgleichen, doch weiß ich nicht mehr, ob wir als spanische Staatsbürger überhaupt mussten. Wir fühlten uns deswegen mehr geschützt. Als sie anfingen, die anderen zu sammeln, wagten sie nicht, die Spanier anzufassen.

Nina Benroubi war wohl auch nicht im Ghetto. Sie hieß mit Nachname Revah – der spanische Konsul war mit einer Revah aus derselben Familie verheiratet. Der Konsul hieß Ezrati und war auch Jude. Ich habe noch Briefe mit seinem Namen drauf. Manchmal frage ich mich, wie wir das alles schafften – Briefe schreiben, den Konsul und Botschafter besuchen usw.
Am Anfang hatten wir nicht so viel Angst. Nur danach fing es an – als Menschen plötzlich anfingen, zu verschwinden, als wir ins Ghetto mussten, als wir uns nicht mehr frei bewegen durften. Wie kann man keine Angst haben, wenn mein nicht weiß, was am nächsten Tag oder mit einem passieren wird?

Im Ghetto war mein Vater schon krank und meine Mutter schon gestorben. Meine Mutter hatte eine kleine Operation gehabt – ein Polyp musste entfernt werden. Da es während der Besatzung war, brachte sie mein Vater für die OP zu einer Privatklinik. Er war sehr vorsichtig und wollte nicht, dass ihr was passiert, also wusch er sich immer die Hände mit Alkohol, bevor er ins Zimmer ging. Jeder musste sich vorher die Hände mit Alkohol desinfizieren.

Die Operation war ein Erfolg, trotzdem starb die Patientin. Die OP fand während der deutschen Besatzung statt, also kümmerte sich niemand um sie. Niemand kam, um sie zu pflegen oder nach ihr zu schauen, ihr zu helfen oder überhaupt irgendwas zu tun. Sie zog sich also eine Lungenentzündung zu und starb.
Es gab eine Beerdigung, aber ich war nicht dabei. An dem Tag gab es einen schrecklichen Schneesturm. Es schneite ganz viel und war bitterkalt. Die Männer nahmen sie weg und ich konnte sie gar nicht sehen. Sie nahmen sie weg – schnell, weil sie es vor Sonnenuntergang zum Friedhof und zurück schaffen mussten. Sie begruben sie dort. Die Männer der Familie kümmerten sich um solche Sachen. Wir Frauen durften nichts – wir waren nicht bei Beerdigungen oder im Friedhof. Erst heute ist es üblich, dass Frauen bei Beerdigungen sind. Nach der Beerdigung gab es die kria - wir machten alles nach Tradition, weil wir noch eine gewisse Freiheit hatten.

Als die Deutschen uns den Friedhof wegnahmen, musste meine meine Mutter umgebettet werden, indem sie ihre Überreste aus dem Grab rausholten und sie in den neuen Friedhof brachten. Alle waren sehr wütend und hatten Angst. Aber was konnten wir machen? Wir hatten keine Macht, nichts, keinen Weg, um uns zu verteidigen. Wir hatten wirklich Angst, als sie dann anfingen, Menschen zu verschleppen und sie verschwinden zu lassen, sowie die Bewegungsfreiheit zu begrenzen.
Ich musste eh bleiben. Meines Vaters wegen – er war krank. Er hatte Krebs. Es gab eine Periode, wo er jeden Abend Fieber hatte. Als der Krebs schließlich diagnostiziert wurde, war es schon zu spät.
Während dieser Zeit mieteten wir zusammen mit Tante Rachelle ein Haus in der Broufa-Straße. Das war im Ghetto. Ich weiß nicht, wie die Grenzen des Ghettos bestimmt wurden. Wir Mädchen verlassen niemals das Haus. Das Essen kauften wir immer vom Laden im Ghetto.

Die anderen Juden mussten den gelben Stern tragen, aber ich nicht. Ich war spanische Staatsbürgerin und als solche wurde nicht verfolgt. Keiner in meiner Familie trug den Stern, obwohl wir innerhalb des Ghettos wohnten. Ich war ans Haus – an meinen Vater – gebunden. Ich hatte sowieso kein großes Bedürfnis, rauszugehen.
Also mussten Freunde uns besuchen kommen. Eine Gruppe kam jeden Abend rum. Es wurde viel diskutiert, gesungen, gespielt – wir hatten Spaß. Ab und zu spielten wir auch Karten. Wir spielten auch mit dem Nachbar von unten, Isaac hieß er. Während sein Siegeswille sehr stark war, war es uns egal. Einer von uns schaute über seinen Rücken und gab uns ein Zeichen, woraufhin Herr Isaac verlor. Ich glaub wir hänselten ihn nur deshalb, weil uns die Beschäftigung als Ablehnung von all den grausaumen Sachen, die wir derzeit leiden mussten, diente.
Zuhause hörten wir Musik und es kann sein, dass wir dazu auch tanzten. Wir hatten eine Nachbarin mit deutschen Wurzeln und ständig sie beschwerte sich und schrie uns wegen der Musik an. Sie wollte immer, dass wir leise bleiben.

Damals hatten wir Angst, weil man jederzeit weggetragen werden könnte. Ich kenne niemanden, dem das passiert ist. Aber es gab Gerüchte darüber, wen sie erwischt und aus dem Ghetto wegtransportiert hatten. Niemand wusste, was ihnen letztendlich passierte. Einige Tage nach dem Tod meiner Mutter kam die Idee, eine nichtvollzogene Ehe zwischen unserem Vater und Tante Rachelle, der Schwester meiner Mutter, zu schließen, so dass sie die spanische Staatsbürgerschaft bekommt und dadurch geschützt wird. Die Hochzeit fand nicht in der Synagoge statt. Ich weiß nicht mehr wo, wahrscheinlich zuhause. Ich habe noch die Urkunde vom spanischen Konsulat. Niemand wäre wegen einer solchen Ehe in die Synagoge gegangen. Mein Vater war schon sehr krank und lag im Bett. Er tat all das, was ihm gesagt wurde. Also wurde Tante Rachelle Spanierin, aber ihre Kinder nicht. Eine zweite Ehe war damals sehr selten. Die Menschen schieden sich nicht. Sie akzeptierten alles Mögliche, um sich nicht zu scheiden. Nicht wie heute. Damals, wenn eine Ehefrau starb, die eine Schwester hatte, wurde versucht, die Schwester mit dem Ehemann zu verheiraten. Das waren Maßnahmen damit die Familie eng bleibt und niemand allein sein muss.

Das war alles während der Zeit des Freundeskreises, als wir jeden Abend zuhause blieben und die Gruppe zu uns kamen. Nadir und seine Freunde, Solon, Totos und die anderen, waren jeden Abend da. Sie bemühten sich, uns zum Lachen zu bringen. Nadir war von Natur aus ein lustiger Kerl. Sie spielten auch Theaterstücke für uns und wollte uns die Laune heben. So freundeten Solon und ich uns an und später wurde aus unserer Freundschaft Liebe.

Dann sahen wir, wie die Menschen Thessaloniki verließen: Die Menschen, die gesammelt wurden, gingen mit einem kleinen Koffer oder Tasche. Sie gingen los, ohne zu wissen wohin. Als sie zum Bahnhof kamen – wie wir später erfuhren – wurde ihnen gesagt, sie müssen dort ihr Geld lassen, da es am Ankunftsort nicht gültig sein würde. So klauten sie ihnen das Geld. Das erfuhren wir nur aus Erzählungen anderer, da wir zuhause waren und nichts erster Hand erfuhren. Wir wohnten in einem leeren jüdischen Bezirk. Als sie die anderen Juden sammelten, blieben wir in diesem Haus.
Die Italiener waren, im Gegensatz zu den Deutschen, uns gegenüber viel menschlicher. Zu dieser Zeit halfen sie uns. Sie erstellten uns die Scheindokumente, um nach Athen fahren zu dürfen, das zu dem Zeitpunkt unter italienischer Besatzung war. Tante Rachelle entscheid sich dazu mit Elio und dem Rest ihrer Kinder nach Israel zu gehen. Das tat sie in zwei Schritten. Zuerst gingen drei der Kinder – Nadir, Silvia und Rene. Später ging der Rest der Familie – sie und Elio.

Alle unserer Verwandten waren spanische Staatsbürger. Es war den Deutschen also nicht erlaubt, spanische Staatsbürger ins Konzentrationslager zu schicken. Sie wurden trotzdem gesammelt und ins Konzentrationslager geschickt. Später waren sie in einem Lager in Spanien, später in einem in Nordafrika – in Casablanca, Marokko. Dann in Israel. Alle, bis auf meinen Vater, meine Schwestern und ich, weil wir bei dem deutschen Kommandanten um eine Ausnahme baten, da Vater unter Krebs litt. Irgendwie ließen sie uns in Ruhe.

Ein Italiener namens Neri half uns, weil er, als sie für uns kamen, meine kleine Schwester Eda mit Vater in einen Zug nach Athen setzte. Ein paar Tage danach kamen Matilde und ich.
Wir entschieden uns dafür nach Athen zu gehen, als klar wurde, dass wir uns nicht mehr ordentlich um Vater kümmern konnten. Neri arbeitete bei dem italienischen Konsulat und bereitete uns die passenden Dokumente vor. Das machte meine Schwester Matilde mit ihm aus. Laut diesen Dokumenten waren wir italienische Staatsbürger. Die mussten wir sofort an dem Kommandanten des Zuges überreichen.

So fuhren Eda und Vater nach Athen. Nachdem sie wegfuhren, verließen wir die Wohnung und waren dann bei einem Mädchen. Sie hieß Angela und war Nagelpflegerin. Sie bot uns ein Schlafzimmer an und wir waren dort Tag und Nacht mit geschlossenen Fensterläden. Sie war Christin und ihr Vater, der im selben Haus wohnte, wussten nichts von uns. Sie brachte uns Essen und wartete darauf, bis wir auch nach Athen fahren konnten. Wir waren länger als eine Woche da.

Endlich durften Matilde und ich fahren. Wir mussten an einem gewissen Tag und Uhrzeit am Bahnhof erscheinen. Die Italiener waren für den Zug zuständig. Papiere hatten wir nicht mehr, da wir sie dem Kommandanten des Zugs gaben. Der Zug hätte wohl in Plati anhalten sollten, doch hielten die Deutschen den viel früher an, um den zu kontrollieren. Sie hatten wohl Ahnung, dass etwas im Zug passiert. Wir wussten nichts – nicht mal unsere Namen oder Geburtsdaten auf den Scheindokumenten.

Als die Deutschen in den Zug kamen, schliefen wir. Anscheinend kümmerte sich der Kommandant um die Deutschen, gab ihnen die Dokumente. Dann stiegen sie aus. Der Zug fuhr mit einem Waggon voller Juden weiter. Unter uns war auch Rosa, die jetzt in Athen lebt. Ihre ganze Familie war in diesem Waggon. Es waren im Zug junge italienische Soldaten. Einer mochte mich und wollte mich danach in Athen treffen, doch wegen Angst gab es keinen Platz zum Flirten.

Wir kamen in Athen an und gingen in ein Haus in Magoufana, heute Lefki – ein Vorort von Athen. Ein Mönch von dem Heiligen Berg Athos bot uns das Haus an. In der Gegend waren viele kleine Bauernhöfe; der Mönch kam wöchentlich und, während er betete, machte er alle Türe auf, so dass alle in der Gegend ihn hören könnten.
In diesem Haus in Magoufana waren wir nicht allein. Dort war auch Toto und zwei seiner Schwestern. Eine von ihnen wurde später deportiert und kam nie wieder. Die andere heiratete einen Christen namens Mikes, dessen Kinder noch in Thessaloniki wohnen. Toto hatte noch eine Schwester, die eine leichte geistige Krankheit hatte. Sie war nicht mit uns in Athen. Sie wurde auch deportiert und kam nie wieder.

Wir blieben eine Weile in Magoufana. Wir hatten kein Geld. Später bezahlte Paul Noah meinen Beitrag an den Partisanen. Das Haus in Magoufana musste auch wohl bezahlt werden. Aber ich weiß nicht mehr von wem. Normalerweise gingen wir zu Fuß von Magoufana nach Kifissia, eine Strecke von 13km, um Medikamente für meinen Vater zu kaufen. Wir gingen im Dunkeln, mit bellenden Hunden um uns herum und ohne Papiere. Aber bei der Apotheke bekamen wir was wir brauchten.
Der einzige Kontakt außerhalb des Hauses war mit Elios, meinem Cousin, der mit seiner Mutter, Tante Rachelle, in einem Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers wohnte. Als sie nach Israel gingen, verloren wir eine Weile den Kontakt.

In Magoufana war es ziemlich einsam, deswegen fuhren wir, nachdem Elios und Tante Rachelle gegangen waren, nach Athen in ihr Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers, was jetzt leer war. Zuerst wurde Vater dahingebracht und wir liefen die ganze Nacht von Magoufana nach Athen. Gott sei Dank passierte uns nichts!
Dann waren wir in Athen mit Vater. Vater saß immer in einem Sessel und wurde zwischen diesem Sessel und seinem Container im Zimmer transportiert, was als Klo benutzt wurde. Wir drei Schwestern mussten die Toilette im Haus teilen, die einer anderen Familie gehörte.

Eines Abends kam eine Gruppe Verräter mit den Deutschen – ein Quisling-Jude und drei Deutsche – um Elios festzunehmen, der früher dort wohnte. Nicht ihn, sondern uns – spanische Staatsbürger – fanden sie dort. Zu der Zeit wurden alle Spanier schon abgeschoben. Als unsere Situation mit Vater und seiner Krankheit ihnen klar wurde, entschieden sie sich dafür, nur zwei Töchter zu nehmen und eine da zu lassen, so dass sie sich um ihn kümmern könnte.

Da ich mehr Geduld mit ihm hatte, musste ich mit ihm bleiben, während meine Schwestern weggenommen wurden. Sie meinten, sie wollten nur die Papiere kontrollieren. Während solchen Momenten kann man weder denken noch fühlen. Man wird mit dem Schicksal konfrontiert – alles wurde schon entscheiden und man kann nichts mehr machen. Ich hatte den Eindruck, meine Schwestern kommen wieder. Stattdessen, nach einem kurzen Besuch bei der Gestapo, waren sie in den Militärbarracken in Haidari – ein Gefängnis für alle Typen – interniert. Das erfuhr ich erst nach dem Krieg.
Als wir noch alle zusammen waren, kam oft eine Dame – Frau Lembessi – die Ehefrau eines Luftwaffenoffiziers, um uns zu helfen. Sie kümmerte sich auch um Vater und täglich meldete sie seinen Zustand dem Arzt. Am Tag seines Todes war Frau Lembessi 8 Uhr morgens bei uns, weil der Arzt ihr mitteilte, er hielt es wohl nicht länger aus. Er starb genau 13 Tage nachdem meine Schwestern weggeschleppt wurden. Es passierte früh am Morgen, während ich ihm sein Essen im Bett gab. Er wollte den Mund nicht aufmachen. Er drehte seinen Kopf zur Seite und starb.

Frau Lembessi war da. Sie sagte, ich sollte mir keine Sorge machen. Sie informierte den Arzt und kam kurz darauf wieder, um sich um alles zu kümmern. Sie reinigte und bekleidete den Körper. Dann rief sie die spanische Botschaft an. Irgendwann später kamen ein paar Männer im Auftrag der Botschaft. Sie befahlen uns, den Körper zu entkleiden, reinigen und in ein Betttuch zu wickeln. Frau Lembessi versuchte mich nochmal zu beruhigen und ging allein, um das zu machen was sie von uns wollten. Dann warteten wir und sie nahmen den Körper. Sie teilten uns nicht mit, wo sie mit ihm hinfuhren.
Frau Lembessi übernahm schon wieder die Kontrolle und nahm mich mit zu ihr – fast gewaltsam, da ich nicht denken konnte – und sagte mir, dass ich nie wieder in die Wohnung wo mein Vater starb gehen sollte. Am selben Abend kamen die Deutschen für mich – doch ich war schon geflüchtet.

Die Tochter von Frau Lembessi schlief am Boden und ich bekam das Bett. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wir lange ich da war. Sie kümmerte sich sehr gut um mich. Ihr Mann wollte auch, dass ich jenen Mittag einen Wein mit ihm trinke, da ich sehr schwach war. Frau Lembessi ist jetzt eine von den Gerechten unter den Völkern.

Danach ging es darum, wie man das Land verlassen könnte. Toto kümmerte sich darum. Als ich noch bei Frau Lembessi war, war ihr klar, dass Toto mit mir sein wollte, in mich verliebt war. Sie riet mir, ihn nicht zu heiraten, denn für sie schien es als sei er nicht so wertvoll wie ich. Eine solche Liebe fand sie unanständig. Frau Lembessi wusste nichts von Totos Schwester und ihrer geistigen Krankheit.
Toto erhielt Anweisung und wir gingen Karfreitag, nach Ostern, am Abend zu einem Ort, wo von den Widerstandskämpfern ein LKW, organisiert worden war, um uns abholen und nach Evoia bringen. Toto machte alles mit den Partisanen ab.

An diesem Ort kamen alle diejenigen an, die Griechenland verlassen wollten: Unter ihnen war Paul Noah, seine Frau Rita und ihre Tochter Lela Nahmias, die Ehefrau von Moise Nahmias, und noch viele mehr, deren Namen ich schon vergaß. Wir waren alle verstreut; unser Treffpunkt war an einem Kaffeeladen, wo der LKW uns hätte abholen sollten. Ich saß mit Toto in diesem Kaffeeladen und wir warteten und warteten und warteten, doch niemand kam. Irgendwann wurde es klar, dass niemand kommt. Wir waren sehr, sehr enttäuscht und mussten zurückgehen.

Später erfuhren wir, sie hätten es nicht geschafft, alle abzuholen. Die Hälfte ließen sie stehen. Dann erhielten wir die Mitteilung, dass der LKW uns am kommenden Freitag am selben Ort abholen wird. Nochmals gingen wir zum selben Ort, wir trafen dieselben Menschen und endlich stiegen wir in den LKW ein.

Mit dem LKW fuhren wir von Athen bis aufs Land gegenüber von Evoia. Wir fuhren im Dunklen los und es war Nacht als wir ankamen. Alles war sehr dunkel und um nach Evoia zu kommen, mussten wir über das Meer. Die Deutschen hatten einen großen Scheinwerfer und patrouillierten das Meer. Wir stiegen in kleine Boote und mussten sehr still halten und sehr leise paddeln. Endlich kamen wir in Evoia an. Wir kamen im Frühsommer an und es war noch recht dunkel. Mir mussten einen großen Berg besteigen um dort anzukommen, wo die Partisanen waren. Während ich eine gefühlte Ewigkeit laufen musste, bekam ich Blasen an den Füßen, weil ich Sandalen anhatte.

Oben kamen wir in einen großen Raum. Der Boden wurde mit Mosaik oder sogar Marmor gelegt. Es gab stinkende Decken und dort mussten wir schlafen. Es war voll mit Menschen. Alle waren Juden. Juden, die wir kannten und Juden, die wir nicht kannten. Wir versuchten zu schlafen und um 4 Uhr morgens fingen sie an zu schreien, dass das Boot, das uns mit rüber in die Türkei bringt, da ist. Andere mussten schon drei Wochen dort warten und das Boot kam am Abend unserer Ankunft!

Da wir oben auf dem Berg waren, bekamen wir Maultiere, die uns runtertrugen. Natürlich nicht für alle – manche waren zu Fuß mit den Anderen auf den Maultieren. Wir wussten nichts von Maultieren. Die Frauen, die nach „Cowboy“-Art auf dem Maultier saßen, bluteten vor Reibung als wir unten ankamen. Zum Glück saß ich seitlich – im Damensitz mit beiden Füßen zusammen. Ich litt weniger.
Als wir ans Meer kamen, waren zu unserer Überraschung noch mehr Menschen anwesend, bestimmt aus anderen Heimen, und Kinder und alte Menschen – alle Juden. Die Partisanen trugen lange Bärte und ich hatte viel Angst. Sie sammelten uns und wollten uns etwas „beibringen.“ Sie erzählten uns, dass sie einen beim Lügen erwischten und ihm gleich einen Messer durch das Hals zog. Sie sagten uns, „Falls Sie sich überlegen, zu lügen, überlegen Sie lieber zweimal.“

Selbstverständlich waren die Partisanen bewaffnet; und dazu hatten sie noch große lange Bärte und Schießkugeln um den ganzen Gürtel und die Brust herum. Am selben Abend standen wir um 3 oder 4 Uhr morgen auf. Sie riefen uns, weil das Fischerboot kam. Wir waren kaum auf dem Berg. Wir schliefen nur in einer kleinen Decke auf dem Boden. Wir hatten keine Zeit uns Sorgen darüber zu machen, was oder wo wir essen, wie oder wo wir uns waschen oder organisieren können. Wir gingen sofort los. Wir blieben nicht, wie die andere, drei Wochen lang dort.

Sie wollten Geld von uns. Sie sagten, alles, was wir haben, sollten wir dort lassen, weil das Geld von nun an für uns keinen Wert mehr hat. Das stimmte nicht, aber die Menschen ließen ihr Geld dort. Ich hatte nichts, was ich dort lassen konnte. Mein Beitrag wurde von Paul Noah bezahlt. Er gab mir auch ein bisschen Geld, weil ich nichts hatte. Ich überhaupt hatte kein Geld, kaum etwas anzuziehen und keine Verwandten bei mir. Ich hatte nichts, gar nichts.

Ich weiß nicht, wie Paul es schaffte – wie er die Partisanen bezahlte. Aber ich weiß, dass er bezahlte und für Toto auch bezahlte. Ich weiß nicht, wie viel das kostete. Toto war derjenige, der sich darum kümmerte. Ich weiß nur, dass ich in Pauls Schuld stehe.

Mit mir im Fischerboot waren Toto und Mois Nahmias. Rita, Paul Noah und ihre Tochter waren nicht bei uns. Sie fuhren früher und alles geschah sehr, sehr schnell. Als wir in der Türkei ankamen, wurden wir schon erwartet.

Schon vor uns hatten meine Cousins und Cousinen – Nadir, Silvia, Rene – sich dazu entschieden, eine eigene Gruppe zusammen mit zwei der Kinder von Noah zu bilden. Sie gingen ebenso mit den Partisanen mit, kamen aber nie an. Wir wussten nicht, ob sie verraten wurden, ob das Boot unterging, wann oder wie sie starben, wer sie erwischte und so weiter, und so fort. Bis heute weiß niemand, was tatsächlich passierte.

Auf dem Boot waren wir im Laderaum eng zusammengepackt. Wir waren ungefähr 30. Als das Boot losfuhr, fing die Menschen an, wegen des stürmischen Wetters am Meer, sich zu übergeben. Wir hatten Eimer und wenn sie voll waren wurden sie ins Meer geleert und wieder zu uns gestellt. Ich hielte es nicht mehr aus. Ich konnte nicht atmen. Ich war nicht seekrank und ging aufs Schiffsdeck, wo ich in einer Ecke saß. Der Kapitän – ein Mann von ungefähr 23 Jahren – damals war ich 20 – fand mich und sagte, dass er seine eigene kleine Kabine hatte, wo ich mich erholen durfte. Dafür musste ich mich gar nicht bemühen. Deshalb reiste ich mit einem bisschen Abstand von den anderen Passagieren. Ich hatte meinen eigenen Raum. Toto war auch nicht mehr im Laderaum und der junge Kapitän erreichte erfolgreich die Küste der Türkei.

Früh am Morgen kamen wir in einem Ort namens Tsesme an. Der Kapitän nahm jeden von uns und trug uns nacheinander zum trockenen Boden, indem er durch die See lief. Als er den letzten von uns darüber trug, erklärte er uns, dass wir 10 Minuten in einer bestimmten Richtung zu einem Ort laufen mussten, wo sie uns abholen werden. Die Sonne war noch nicht auf, als er und sein Boot schon wieder losgefahren waren.

Später kamen griechische Menschen in Namen des griechischen Staates und kauften uns Frühstück in einem Café. Sie waren vom griechischen Konsulat und dort, um uns zu unterstützen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob wir überhaupt Türken kennenlernten. Nach dem Frühstück brachten sie uns zum Zug. Ich erinnere mich noch sehr deutlich an den Zug. Sie brachten uns in eine Art Lager, wo Soldaten, Griechen und andere waren. Natürlich waren auch viele Juden dort.

Wir nahmen uns vor, Paul und Rita zu suchen, die auf einem anderen Boot waren. Wir fragten nach ihnen, aber sie erzählten uns, dass sie noch nicht angekommen waren, obwohl sie Griechenland eine Woche früher verlassen hatten als wir. Wir machten uns schon viele Sorgen. Doch eine Woche später waren sie da. Anscheinend hatte deren Kapitän eine Freundin auf einer Insel und fuhr mit dem Boot und Passagieren dahin. Um mit seiner Freundin zu sein, blieb er eine Woche oder zehn Tage auf der Insel, während die Passagiere mit mangelnden Wasser und Essen im Laderaum versteckt blieben. Unser Kapitän war dagegen viel effizienter und sogar tapfer.

Ich glaub der Lager hieß Halep. Beim Ankunft mussten wir duschen und wurden desinfiziert. Die hatten Angst davor, dass wir Flöhe oder sonst was hätten. Vielleicht hatten sie sogar Recht. Dort warteten viele andere Juden darauf, mit der Bahn nach Israel geschickt zu werden.

Kurz nach der Ankunft war da eine rumänische Familie, die mit dem Auto nach Israel fahren wollte und ich wurde gefragt, ob ich mitfahren will. Obwohl ich die Familie nicht kannte, entschied ich mich dazu. Ich dachte: die anderen fahren wohl mit Güterzügen – ich nehme das Risiko an. Also fuhr ich mit ihnen und war in kurzer Zeit in Haifa und dann Tel Aviv. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange wir fuhren. Ich weiß nur noch, dass wir früh morgens losfuhren und dass sie untereinander auf rumänisch sprachen und ich nichts verstand. Als wir in Haifa ankamen, übernahm Sochnut [Jewish Agency for Israel – israelische Einwanderungsorganisation] und brachte uns nach Tel Aviv. Wir waren dort acht Tage mit Sochnut. Ein Neffe meiner Großmutter Saporta wohnte in Tel Aviv. Er hatte dort eine Bücherei. Er hieß Albert Alcheh. Endlich, nach acht Tage Warten, war ich dann bei Lina, einer Cousine.

Nach einer Woche bei Lina kam Samuel Molho mit einem Antrag. Er war irgendwie mit mir verwandt, da eine Schwester meines Vaters mit einem Molho verheiratet war. Er schlug vor, dass ich ihm bei einziehe, da er auf dem obersten Stockwerk ein Zimmer gebaut hatte, wo Paul, Rita, Totos, Mimi Nahmias, und Pauls Mutter und Vater waren. Er meinte, „da dein ganzer Freundeskreis bei mir wohnt, solltest du auch kommen, um Lina nicht zu belasten“. Und so entschloss ich umzuziehen und bei Samuel Molho zu wohnen.

Dort schlief ich im selben Zimmer mit Frau Noah und ihrem Mann und Mimi. Mein Bett lag unter einem anderen und wurde zum Schlafen rausgezogen. Vier Menschen in einem kleinen Zimmer war nicht einfach. Die arme Frau Noah konnte nachts nicht schlafen und weinte wegen ihren zwei verlorenen Kinder, die mit Nadir, Rene und Slyvia verschwanden. Den Verlust konnte sie nicht akzeptieren.
In Tel Aviv gab es einen Thessaloniki-Club, „Le Club des Salonciens,“ und nahmen auf, wen immer sie konnten. Frau Angel, ein Mitglied des Clubs, sagte, dass sie gerne bei ihr zuhause ein Mädchen aus Thessaloniki, die ungefähr so alt wie ihre Tochter wäre, unterbringen würde. Obwohl ich nie bei diesem Club gewesen war, kamen sie mit dem Antrag zu mir. Sie meinte zu mir, dass es dort viel bequemer und ruhiger und was weiß ich noch wäre. Ich dachte, drei wären schon zu viel für dieses Zimmer. Weil ich die Chance hatte, in diesem neuen Ort zu leben – obwohl es weg von Freunden und mit fremden Menschen war – entscheid ich mich dafür und ging dahin. Bei Frau Angel hatte ich mein eigenes Zimmer. Da gab es eine Couch, die zu einem Bett wird. Die Tochter von Frau Angel hieß Nora. Sie war sehr sympathisch und wir verstanden uns schon gut.

In Tel Aviv wollte ich so schnell wie möglich einen Job finden. Ich habe alle möglichen Bewerbungen rausgeschickt. Ich schrieb, dass ich Französisch, Englisch, Spanisch und Griechisch konnte. Ich bewarb mich bei der Post, beim Militärlager, bei der Bank, zu der alle Juden Thessalonikis gingen, die Tida Saportas Cousin gehörte, sowie bei der Zypries-Bank. Der Militär-Lager bot mir eine Stelle an, also fing ich an, beim britischen Militär zu arbeiten. Ich musste 5 Uhr morgens aufstehen, um in einen Militär-LKW zu steigen, der mich ins Lager brachte. Es war weit weg von der Stadt und ich wusste nicht mal in welcher Richtung. Dort tippte ich den ganzen Tag auf einer Maschine. Ich schrieb das, was ich bekam. Ich weiß nicht mehr, worum es in den Briefen ging. Damals trug ich im Gegensatz zu allen anderen im Lager noch Zivilkleidung. Ich weiß auch nicht mehr, wann wir wieder zurück von der Arbeit kamen. Ich weiß nur, dass es extrem erschöpfend war.

Nicht lange nachdem ich beim Militär anfing, erhielt ich eine Zustimmung von der Post und später auch von der Bank. Deshalb kündigte ich den Job beim Militär – und auch weil es so erschöpfend war. Ich hatte die Gelegenheit, dass alles zu ändern. Die Post erklärte im Brief, dass sie mich für die Zensur wollte. Ich hätte die Briefe von anderen lesen und mich melden müssen, falls ich etwas Unangemessenes finde. Ich wusste, dass sowas nicht für mich wäre, und sobald ich das Angebot von der Bank erhielte, ging ich dahin. Die war die Zypries-Bank.

Bei der Bank war ich Sekretärin der Bankgeschäftsführer. Da waren zwei – ein britischer Geschäftsführer und ein zyprischer. Ich hatte einen eigenen kleinen Büroraum neben den Geschäftsführern. Der Rest der Mitarbeiter war in einem Großraumbüro. Der englische Geschäftsführer schrieb die Briefe, ich tippte sie und brachte sie ihm zu unterschrieben. Das und die passenden Akten ablegen gehörten zu meinen Hauptaufgaben. Der zyprische Geschäftsführer beriet mir darin, was ich machen sollte und wie ich mit dem britischen Typ umzugehen habe.

Ich hatte keine festen Arbeitszeiten, da ich immer dann ging, wenn ich mit meinen täglichen Aufgaben fertig war und alles in Ordnung hatte. Das war manchmal um drei oder drei Uhr dreißig, oder vier, je nachdem wie viel ich zu tun hatte. Nach der Arbeit ging ich nicht sofort zu Frau Angel zum Mittagessen, stattdessen ging ich in ein sephardisches Restaurant in der Nähe. In diesem Restaurant konnte ich alleine essen. Er kochte auch wie bei uns. Der Besitzer machte auch gefüllte Tomaten, weil er aus Thessaloniki war, und die Menge und Qualität war immer zufriedenstellend. Dort traf ich mich mit vielen anderen wie wir.

Da ich kein Geld hatte und Paul den Partisanen für mich bezahlte, suchte ich einen zweiten Job. Nach dem Essen im Restaurant ging ich zum Import-Export-Händler, an dessen Name ich mich nicht mehr erinnern kann. Da nahm ich seinen ganzen Schriftverkehr auf. Er erzählte mir was er wollte, dann musste ich es umformulieren und die Briefe ordentlich schreiben. Ich musste mich um alles kümmern.
Normalerweise war ich um 20 Uhr fertig, war aber bis dahin so müde, dass ich keine Kraft mehr für etwas hatte. Deswegen lernte ich niemals Hebräisch. Ich lernte mal eine Woche als ich ankam, aber hörte sofort auf, nachdem ich zur Arbeit ging.

Eines Tages kam der Geschäftsführer zu mir und fragte über meine zweite Beschäftigung. Er fragte, ob es mir schon bewusst war, dass ich für eine zweite Beschäftigung nicht genehmigt war, da ich mit Bankbewilligungen involviert bin. Ich hatte Zugang zu allen Akten und hätte Informationen rausgeben könnten. Ich sagte dem Geschäftsführer, dass, obwohl ich keine Familie hatte, mein Gehalt nicht ausreichend war. Deshalb musste ich eine zweite Stelle suchen. Daraufhin sagte er mir, dass er offiziell nichts über meiner zweiten Beschäftigung wusste. Er war mit der Qualität meiner Arbeit so zufrieden, dass er dafür bereit war, in der Hinsicht die andere Wange hinzuhalten. Später, als ich mit meinem zukünftigen Ehemann verlobt war, weinte er, weil ich gehen musste.

Mit den zwei Jobs waren meine Tage verplant und ich hatte keine Zeit für mehr. Während dieser Zeit ging ich nirgendwohin. Ich ginge nicht in die Synagoge, nicht einmal, und während den Hohen Feiertagen war ich bei Frau Angel. Diese Familie, in der der Mann ein entfernter Verwandter meiner Mutter war, war nicht sehr religiös. Sie spielten immer Karten und ich blieb bei ihnen.
Es gab zu meiner Zeit in Thessaloniki keine „traditionelle“ Juden. Erst in Israel sah ich Juden mit langen Bärten, runden Hüten und schwarzen Gewändern mit vielen Fettflecken. Solche Juden hatten wir auch nicht auf Fotos gesehen. In Thessaloniki war es uns nicht bewusst, dass wir anders vom Rest sein könnten.

Mein Eindruck von den Menschen in Israel war, dass sie aggressiv sind. Wir waren daran gewohnt, dass Menschen sich mehr Aufmerksamkeit geben. Sie kümmerte sich auch nicht um ihr Aussehen. Sie trugen Kurzhosen, die bis zum Knie ging, was wir in Thessaloniki noch nie sahen. Auch die Offiziere trugen solche Kurzhosen. Man gewöhnt sich irgendwann daran und ich muss gestehen, dass sie schon sehr praktisch für das Klima sind. Aber zuerst schien sie mir sehr schäbig zu sein. Manche aus Thessaloniki trugen am Ende solche lumpigen Klamotten, ich nie. Ich hatte ein Kleid und dies war immer sauber und gebügelt. Ich war nie schlecht angezogen. Ich war allerdings nur im Sommer da und ging, bevor der Winter kam.

Mit Israelis hatten wir keinen Kontakt – weder mit Männern noch mit Frauen. Alle unserer Kontakte dort waren mit Menschen aus Thessaloniki, vor allem als ich bei der Bank arbeitete und ein Büro für mich allein hatte – ohne Kontakt zu den anderen Mitarbeitern im Großraum.

Meine Freunde fehlten mir auf jeden Fall, doch waren alle damit beschäftigt, mit Fabrikarbeit o.ä. sich übers Wasser zu halten. Meine Verhältnisse waren zum Vorteil, aber nur dank meinen Kenntnisse der englischen und französischen Sprachen und von Tippen.

Bei der Befreiung war ich noch in Israel. Später erfuhr ich über meine Schwestern. Da ich nicht in Griechenland war, weiß ich nicht wie die Befreiung hier war. Ich erinnere mich noch an freudiges Schreien: „der Krieg ist vorbei! Der Krieg ist vorbei!“ Ich erinnere mich an sonst keine Feier. Wenn man den ganzen Tag arbeitet, weiß man nicht immer was passiert.

Nach dem Krieg

Die erste Änderung war, dass sofort wieder Kontakt mit Thessaloniki entstand. Ich erfuhr, dass Onkel David und Tante Mitsa noch am Leben waren. Briefe waren die einzige Form von Kommunikation. Sie wussten, ich war in Israel und schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh.

Zuerst stellte ich Kontakt mit denjenigen her, die in Griechenland blieben – nämlich meinen Onkeln Pepo und David. Der Rest der Familie wurde von den Konzentrationslagern nach Spanien, nach Casablanca und danach nach in ein Lager in Israel gebracht. Als sie ankamen, ging ich sie dort besuchen.

In Israel mieteten Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai eine kleine Wohnung. Doch gab es kein Platz für ihre Mutter, meine Großmutter, die dann im Altersheim war. Während des Krieges war Großmutter zusammen mit den ganzen spanischen Staatsbürgern und Rosa, die Schwester von Alice und Linda, kümmerte sich um sie. Das Leben im Altersheim war nicht schön für Oma. Sie war fast taub und machte Geräusche mit den Metalltöpfen beim Toilettengang in der Nacht und die andere „Gäste“ beschwerten sich. Sie konnte nicht genug hören, um vorsichtiger zu sein. Einmal kamen sie zu ihr und fragten, ob sie sich die Haare schneiden lassen mag. Weil sie ihnen weder hörte noch verstand, schnitten sie ihr die langen Haaren ab, die sie ihr ganzes erwachsenes Leben in einem Chignon trug. Als Großmutter ihr Frisur zum ersten Mal sah, fing sie an zu weinen. Sie starb sehr, sehr traurig.

Das einzige, worüber ich nachdachte, war zu meinen Menschen zurückzukehren. Ich sehnte nach der Wärme meiner Familie. Ich wusste, dass Onkel David und Pepo noch lebten. Onkel David heiratete nicht und wohnte mit seinem Bruder Pepo und seiner Frau, Tante Mitsa. Die drei hatten vor sich auf einer kleinen Insel zu verstecken und dort mit ihrer jungen Tochter Rena zu leben. Leider wurden sie auf Lesvos von den Deutschen erwischt und inhaftiert. Doch Tante Mitsa, die aus Wien kam, konnte Deutsch und deswegen kamen sie und ihre Tochter nicht ins Gefängnis. Später auf der Insel verdiente Tante Mitsa ihren Lebensunterhalt damit, Kaffeesatz zu lesen. Ihre Kunden bezahlten sie mit einem Hühnchen oder einigen Kartoffeln, etwas, womit sie überleben konnte.

So war es bis zur Befreiung, als alle nach Athen und später nach Thessaloniki zurückgingen. Da ich während der Zeit noch in Israel war, weiß ich nicht so viel, doch weiß ich, dass sie danach nie wieder mit Kaffeesatz zu tun hatte.

Sie schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh. Sie konnten mich erreichen. Auch die spanische Botschaft in Athen konnte mich erreichen; meine Reisepapiere schickten sie an Ida Arouesti, eine Freundin meiner Schwester Matilde. (Vor dem Krieg hatte Ida eine Cousine, die Selbstmord beging, in dem sie vom Balkon sprang. Um sie zu ehren, ließ sich ihr Vater eine Synagoge bauen, die heute Monastirioton heißt und die größte Synagoge Thessalonikis ist.) So lernte ich, dass meine Schwestern noch leben – wir fingen einen Briefwechsel an. Ich arbeitete zu dieser Zeit noch. Trotz meiner Lust zurückzugehen, wusste ich, dass es meinen Schwestern an Ressourcen mangelte und sie dementsprechend so lebten. Sie waren beide in Athen bei Ida Arouesti und hatte zwischen sich nur einen Mantel. Sie hatten gar kein Geld. Später bekam Eda eine Stelle bei der griechisch-britischen Handelskammer, während Matilde noch arbeitslos war.

Einige meiner Verwandten die nach Spanien gegangen waren, waren schon wieder in Thessaloniki. Onkel Sinto, der Vater von Rene, schrieb mir einen bewegenden Brief, in dem er fragte, ob ich nicht mitkomme und sagte, dass er auf mich aufpassen würde, „Als wärst du meine eigne Tochter.“ Doch seine Frau, Tante Sol, die Schwester meines Vaters, war dagegen. In einem Brief von ihr, schrieb Tante Sol, dass sie vier Söhne hat – Davi, Sumuel, Joseph und Marcel – und sich deswegen nicht um uns kümmern kann. Onkel Pepo und Onkel David meinten, wir durften zu jeder Zeit bei ihnen einziehen.
Zu dieser Zeit zog Solon Molho von der Insel Skopelos, wo er während des Krieges versteckt war, wieder hierher und ging zu Onkel David, um ihn zu erklären, dass er mich liebt und heiraten möchte. Onkel David schrieb mir in Israel und ich sagte seinen Antrag zu. Warum nicht?

Ich kannte Solon aus der Zeit der Besatzung. Wie ich schon erzählte, waren in der Zeit Solon, Totos, Bob und andere Freunde jeden Abend bei uns. Ich hatte deswegen noch Erinnerungen an Solon. Ich stimmte also zu ich bereitete mich vor, nach Thessaloniki zurückzukehren.

Solons Eltern kannte ich sogar vor dem Krieg. Sie hießen Mair und Sterina Molho. Mair war Buchhändler und Sterina war Hausfrau. Ihre Kinder, außer Solon, waren Victoria und Yvonne. Beide Schwestern heirateten und hatten schon Kinder vor dem Krieg. Yvonne, die älteste, war mit Henry Michel verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Daviko. Victoria war mit Youda Leon verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Niko, und eine Tochter, Nina.

Im Gegensatz zu meiner Familie, waren die Molhos nicht spanischer Herkunft. Die Molho Familie wohnte in einem Haus uns gegenüber. Also kannten sie uns auch. Sterina war auch dafür, dass wir heiraten. Sie war sehr entspannt und gutartig, doch dazu noch eine Realistin. Solon Molho war als Kind sehr gemocht. Er hatte eigentlich einen älteren Bruder, den er nie kennenlernte, da er eines Tages unter dem Bett mit Streichhölzer spielte, sich dabei in Brand steckte und starb. Ich glaub er wurde zwischen den beiden älteren Schwestern geboren.

Als junger Mann war Solon ziemlich sportlich. Er war draußen viel unterwegs – Berge steigen, angeln usw. Er war auch Pfadfinder. Deswegen waren unsere Kinder später Pfadfinder. In seiner Nachbarschaft war der Laden von Thomas, eine Fahrradwerkstatt, wo man Fahrräder ausleihen oder reparieren lassen konnte. Solon war immer dort. Jahre später kam in einer Bäckerei eine ältere Dame auf mich zu und fragte nach Solon. Sie war die Schwester von Thomas und erzählte davon, wie, nachdem Solon ein Fahrrad nahm und los radelte, Sternia immer hinterherkam um Thomas darum zu bitten, auf Solon aufzupassen.

Solons Vater, Mair Molho, war ein ziemlich strenger Mann. Nachdem seine Tochter Victoria verheiratet war, nahm er den 16-jährigen Solon mit in die Buchhandlung, um ihn auszubilden. Der war der einzige Buchladen Thessalonikis mit internationalen Angebot, d.h. englischen, französischen und deutschen Büchern.

Das einzige was ich zu der Zeit seines Heiratsantrags wusste, war, dass er aus einer anständigen Familie kam, die eine berühmte Buchhandlung hatte, und dass er ein enger Freund von Nadir, meinem Cousin, und noch ein Mitglied unserer Gruppe war. Dazu wusste ich, dass er Jude war, von guter Humor zu sein schien und das war’s. Obwohl wir zunächst nichts hatten, kämpften wir zusammen und hatten gemeinsam ein schönes Leben.

Als ich Solon kennenlernte, war er schon mit einem Mädchen namens Dolly Modiano verlobt, aber anscheinend war seine Mutter damit nicht einverstanden. Dolly war später mit jemanden anders verlobt – mit Mardoche. Er hatte viel Geld und sie ging mit ihm weg, so hatte sie das Konzentrationslager vermieden.

Solon war bei der griechischen Armee. Er leistete seinen Militärdienst mit Nadir; deswegen wurden sie Freunde. Er war immer noch bei der Armee als die Deutschen kamen. Ich glaub er war in Sidirokastro [Sidirokastro war eine Festung an der bulgarisch-griechischen Grenze. Sie wurde am 6. April 1941 von den Deutschen angegriffen und drei Tage später eingenommen] Davon ging er zu Fuß zurück nach Thessaloniki.

Solon war damals für die Militärkasse verantwortlich und seine Aufgabe bestand darin, die Inhalte zu vorzuzeigen. Er ging mit anderen Soldaten zu einem Hafen wo sie ein Boot nahmen, das von Flugzeuge verfolgt wurde, dann liefen sie, um nach Thessaloniki zu kommen. Diese Kasse machte ihn sehr nervös, da sie nicht ihm, sondern der Armee gehörte. Er schaffte es, die Kasse an jemanden anderen zu übergeben und kam als Zivilbürger und nicht mehr als Soldat in Thessaloniki an.

Währenddessen waren die Deutschen schon in die Stadt angekommen. Als sie da waren, beschlagnahmen sie sofort den Buchladen. Sie schmissen alle raus – die Besitzer sowie das Personal – ohne die Erlaubnis zu geben, ihre Sachen, gar ihre Jacken, mitzunehmen. Mair Molho schickten sie ins Exil. Ich weiß nicht wo sein Exil war. Vielleicht auf der Insel Ios. Kurz danach wurde er zurückgebracht und gezwungen, sein ganzes Geschäft an einen Kollaborateur der Deutschen, ein Buchhändler namens Vosniadis, für insgesamt drei Pfund zu verkaufen. So „wechselte“ die Geschäftsführung.
Solon blieb in Thessaloniki bis die Deutschen anfingen, Maßnahmen gegen Juden durchzuführen. Direkt nach der Versammlung am Eleutherias-Platz in Thessaloniki, fuhr er in einem Ruderboot weg. Er ruderte nach Evoia und war am Ende in Athen, was unter italienischen Besatzung war. Unter diesen Maßnahmen waren alle Juden im Ghetto und später in den Lagern interniert. Unsere Beziehung war plötzlich zu Ende.

In der Zwischenzeit – als er von der Armee wieder da war und bevor er nach Athen ging – war er jeden Abend bei uns. Zu der Zeit waren wir mit Tante Rachelle, die zwei Jungs und ein Mädel hatte. Mit uns zusammengezählt waren es fünf Mädchen. Die Jungen freuten sich, bei uns zu sein. Da unsere Mutter vor kurzem gestorben war, kamen sie immer zu uns. So lernte ich Solon erst kennen. Er verhielt sich sehr gut!

Nachdem Solon wieder da war, dachte er wohl unbewusst, dass ich schon seine Frau wäre. Wahrscheinlich wegen seiner Mutter, die ihm immer sagte: „Dieses Mädel ist für dich.“ Als er von der Insel zurückkehrte, ging er zu meinem Onkel David, um zu sagen, dass er mich heiraten wollte. Und Onkel David schrieb mir, wie ich schon erzählte. Ich wollte ihn heiraten, weil ich ihn und seine Familie schon kannte und nicht woanders suchen wollte.

Während dieser ganzen Zeit wusste ich ganz klar, dass Toto in mich verliebt war. Also wie hätte ich Solon zusagen könnten? Nachdem ich zusagte, bereitete ich mich vor, zurückzukehren. Es ist auch bemerkenswert, dass mich zu diesem Zeitpunkt ein Cousin von mir in Israel, Leon, auch heiraten wollte - geschweige denn Toto! Aber Solon war meine Wahl.

Wir fanden das ganze Leben in Israel damals etwas eintönig. Der ganzen Zeit gingen wir nicht einmal tanzen! Auf den Straßen sangen wir die griechischen Lieder, die wir kannten. Wir sangen mit viel Nostalgie für Griechenland und in dieser Stimmung sagte ich mir, „Ich werde zurückgehen.“ Ich ließ mich deswegen von niemanden beraten, weil ich schon wusste, was ich wollte. Ich schickte also die Zusage an Onkel David.

Ich freute mich nach der Befreiung sehr darüber, dass Briefe nach und nach ankamen; diese habe ich noch. Briefe von und zu meinen Schwestern, Briefe von Onkel Pepo und, natürlich, die Briefe von Solon. Ich war glücklich. Ich stand davor, meine eigene Familie zu haben und nicht mehr in einem fremden Land oder fremden Haus leben zu müssen. Ich freute mich wahnsinnig auf meine Rückkehr.
Danach besorgte ich die entsprechenden Papiere und fuhr mit Charles Joseph und seiner ersten Frau, Nini, der Tochter eines Cousins meines Vaters. Alle Mitglieder der Familie Saltiel. (Auch seine zweite Frau, Rosa, war Saltiel.) Wir kamen zuerst in Piraeus an und fuhr von dort aus nach Thessaloniki.

Als wir in Thessaloniki ankamen, kam Victoria zu mir, da Solon krank war. Er wurde kurz vor meiner Ankunft wegen einer Hernie operiert. Die hatte er vom zu viel Schreien beim Yachtturn bekommen. Also erholte er sich im Bett.

Die ganze Familie Molho wurde nach Deutschland deportiert: Solons Vater und Mutter, seine Schwester Yvonne und ihr Mann und Kind. Das gilt auch für den Rest der Familie. Victoria und ihre Familie waren die einzigen, die noch da waren.

So wurden sie gerettet: Eines Tages waren sie in der Apotheke und da war zufällig Dr. Kallinikides, der über die furchtbaren Sachen, die den Juden derzeit passieren, erzählte. Dazu sagte er, dass er dazu bereit war, eine jüdische Familie zu retten. Sie hörten diese Ansage und obwohl sie ihn nicht kannten, gingen sie auf ihn zu. Frau Kallinikides ging dann zu ihnen zuhause um die Kinder zu holen und brachte sie mit zu ihr nachhause. Später hatte er Kontakt mit denjenigen, die direkt vor den Augen der Deutschen Juden illegal nach Athen schleppten. So rette Dr. Kallinikides ganz unauffällig die ersten Kinder; später stellte er jemanden dafür an, die Erwachsene abzuholen und organisierte alles für die sichere Fahrt nach Athen. Sie hatten viel Glück und Frau Kallinikides wurde für immer Freundin der Familie.

Solon war schon in Athen. Als sie sich wiederfanden und um zu überleben, stellten sie Seifen her – Solon half Youda, der eine Seifenmanufaktur in Thessaloniki hatte. Sie gingen von Haus zu Haus, um das tägliche Brot zu verdienen. Später wurde Athen von den Deutschen besetzt und sie mussten sich woanders verstecken.

Sie gingen also nach Glossa Skopelous. Giorgos Mitzilotis, der Bürgermeister des Dorfes, war einer der Zulieferer für Onkel Youdas Manufaktur. Sie lieferten ihm Olivenöl – ein Rohmaterial für seine Seife. Die ganze Familie Leon, die Großeltern, Maurice, Jackos, Youda und seine Familie und der Bruder Victorias, Solon, eine Gruppe 14 Personen, wurden von ihm nach Glossa gebracht. Dort blieben sie der ganzen Besatzung bis zur Befreiung Thessalonikis.

Girorgos nahm ein großes Risiko auf sich. Nicht nur für sich selbst und seine Familie, sondern auch die ganze Gemeinde. Menschen aus dem Dorf halfen ihm – sie gingen mit Girorgos Bäume abfallen, Holz sammeln, sie passten auf die Tiere auf usw.

Die Deutschen kamen erst noch nicht in Glossa Skopelous. Aber nachdem sie da waren, musste die Familie von Ort zu Ort ziehen, um nicht von den Deutschen entdeckt zu werden. Das war ganz viel Aufregung! Zu der Zeit ging Solon immer wieder zur Werft um mitzuhelfen. Er war noch jung und voller Kraft und Vitalität. Er arbeitete auch mit einem gefälschten Ausweis mit dem lokalen Eisenschmied.
Die Familie hörte auch heimlich Radio, also wusste sie von den ganzen Geschehnissen. Als der Krieg vorbei war, kehrten sie nach Thessaloniki zurück. Giorgos Mitziliotis und sein Bruder Stephanis wurden als Gerechtete unter den Nationen geehrt.

Nachdem sie wieder in Thessaloniki angekommen waren, ging er zum Buchladen und ein paar Tage später hatte er ihn wieder. Die erste Etage war vom britischen Geheimdienst übernommen und als ein „Vorlesungs- und Übungssalon“ benutzt worden. Natürlich wurden alle Bücher von Vosniades genommen. Später brachten sie all die Bücher, die nicht von Vosniades verkauft wurden, wieder in den Laden. Diese erste Etage war jeden Tag voller Menschen, weil die Briten oben eine große Karte hatten und markierten auf dieser die Bewegungen der Armeen, wie die Deutschen den Rückzug antreten usw. Die Briten blieben im Laden bis jeder Ort befreit wurde. Später eröffnete sie ein British Council, wo sie u.a. eine Bibliothek hatten, wo sie Englischunterricht anboten. Genau wie heute.
Als die Buchhandlung wieder aufgemacht wurde, kamen sowohl griechische Bücher als auch Bücher aus dem Ausland. Ich habe den Eindruck, dass wir die älteste Buchhandlung Thessalonikis, wenn nicht ganz Griechenlands, sind – älter als Elefteroudaquis [Anm. eine der ältesten Buchhandlungen Griechenlands, in Athen beheimatet. 2016 geschlossen.].

Solon wohnte bei seiner Schwester Viktoria und ihrem Mann Youda in der Karolou-Deal-Straße während ich bei Tante Mitsa wohnte. Bei unserem ersten Treffen waren wir sehr emotional. Er war bewegt, ich auch, also weinten wir und küssten wir uns. Wir dachten nicht, wir fühlten und agierten nur. Es ist oft so, dass Tränen erstmal kommen und danach folgt das Lachen.
Ich kehrte in ein befreites Thessaloniki zurück. Das war 1944 oder 1945. Ich hatte gar keine Probleme. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wo ich meine Schwestern zum ersten Mal wieder traf. Ob es in Thessaloniki oder Athen war. Eda war noch beim griechisch-britischen Handelskammer und Matilde war bei Tante Mitsa. Matilde heiratete David Dzivre. Das war durch eine Heiratsvermittlung. Sie hatten zusammen zwei Kinder, Nico und Yofi (Joseph). Nico ist schon tot.

Eda war zuerst mit Albertico Abravanel verlobt. Da sie sich doch nicht sehr gut verstanden, trennten sie sich. Raf war heimlich in sie verliebt. Rafael Saporta war Tidas Bruder und einer unserer besten Freunde. Ihre ganze Familie wurde mit den spanischen Juden deportiert. Nach dem Krieg wohnte er erst in Paris. Als Tida ihn besuchte, vermittelte sie die Verlobung. Ich schaffte es nicht zur Hochzeit. Sie hatte eine Tochter namens Sylvie.

Meine Schwestern wurden nicht viel über mein Leben in Israel informiert, genauso wie ich nicht viel über ihr Leben im Haridari-Gefängnis berichtet bekam. Ich weiß nur, dass die Deutschen ab und zu Gefangene vom Appellplatz aussortierten und zum Erschießungskommando schickten. Da meine Schwestern spanische Staatsbürgerinnen waren, waren sie vom Erschießungskommando geschützt. Der spanische Botschafter, Herr DeRomero, sorgte für ihr Überleben. Jede Woche schickte er ihnen ein Paket voller Essen.

Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange nach der Wiedervereinigung Solon und ich heirateten. Frau Margaritis, die Schwester meiner Tante Mitsa, gab mir mein Brautkleid. Sie war Musikerin und trug dieses auf Konzerten.

Die Hochzeit fand am 17. März 1946 in der Monastirioton-Synagoge statt. Tante Mitsa und Onkel Pepo kümmerten sich um die Vorbereitungen und alles war in Ordnung. Wir waren ganz glücklich. Nach der Hochzeit gingen wir zu Tante Mitsa.

Das Haus, in dem wir noch heute wohnen, war das von Solons Eltern. Solon wurde hier geboren und kam wieder hierher, nachdem er bei Victoria wohnte. In diesem Haus fand er andere Menschen drin wohnen. Sie waren Flüchtlinge und natürlich wollten sie nicht ausziehen. So war es mit allen jüdischen Häusern, die im Krieg „leer“ standen. Menschen zogen ein und wollten nach dem Krieg nicht wieder gehen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie Solon das Haus zurückkriegte. Thomas, der vom Fahrradladen, unterstützte ihn dabei. Als wir heirateten, stand für uns das Haus schon bereit. Solon kümmerte sich gut ums Haus. Er baute meinetwegen auch ein Kaminfeuer. Er wollte mich glücklich machen.

Unsere Flitterwochen waren eine Bootsfahrt nach Athen. Wir waren in Kifissia, ein Vorort Athens, und verbrachten ein paar Tage dort im Hotel. Dann fuhren wir zurück nach Thessaloniki, wonach wir anfingen zu arbeiten... und arbeiten und arbeiten und nur noch arbeiten.

Also waren wir verheiratet. Er war Buchhändler und ich versuchte, Vorhänge aus Mücken-geschützem Stoff zu machen, die ich auch in einer fröhlichen Farbe färbte. Ich hängte sie an die Fenster auf der Straßenseite. Nur so konnten wir unsere Privatsphäre sichern. Unsere Sachen wurden von dem Mann geklaut, der auf sie aufzupassen hatte. Wir hatten eine schwierige Zeit.
Ich war unglücklich, weil ich einem Haus wohnte, wo ich keinen Ausblick vom Meer hatte. Zuerst dachte ich, es wäre eine Art Gefängnis, da ich immer in Häuser neben und mit Ausblick des Meeres wohnte.

Solon und ich entschieden als Nächstes, Kinder zu bekommen. Also wurde ich schwanger. Ich war dann sehr, sehr glücklich. Ein Kind in der Familie! Es waren Jahre seitdem wir Kinder überhaupt sahen. Mein erstes Kind war ein Junge! Ein sehr glücklicher Moment. Das war mein erstes Kind, meine erste Freude. Als wir die Brit Mila organisierten, sah er so schön aus und viele Leute waren dabei. Der Athener Mohel war da. Ich genieß die ganze Stimmung – die Süßigkeiten, die Menschen, die Musik, die Tchalgin – sehr. (In Thessaloniki in der Zeit vor dem Krieg und kurz danach, hießen die jüdischen Musiker, die bei Hochzeiten, Verlobungen und andere Feiern waren, Tchalgin.)

Als der zweiter Junge geboren wurde, war ich enttäuscht, da ich eine Tochter wollte. Und schon wieder die Brit Mila, die Feierlichkeiten usw. Aber ich wollte ein Mädchen. Ich betete zu Gott und es klappte! Das dritte Kind war ein Mädchen.

Nie hatte ich eine Fehlgeburt, doch als ich zum vierten Mal schwanger wurde, wollte ich die Schwangerschaft abbrechen, weil alles in der Zeit sonst so schwierig war.

Als die Kinder noch zur Schule gingen, hatten wir zwei Damen – beide namens Olga – bei uns zuhause. Sie kümmerten sich ums Haus und die Kinder. Die ältere – „Olga Mama“ – war vor dem Krieg jahrelang das Dienstmädchen meiner Schwiegermutter. Sie war ein paar Jahre älter als Solon und er war die einzige Familie, an die sie sich erinnern konnte. „Olga Mama“ arbeitete nach dem Krieg erst bei Victoria und danach bei uns, nachdem wir Kinder bekamen. Sie sprach auch Spanisch wie der Rest der Familie. Spanisch war die Sprache, die wir mit meinem Mann sprachen. Mit den Kindern sprachen wir auf Griechisch und manchmal auf Spanisch, so dass ihre Ohren sich daran gewöhnen.

Wir gingen nicht sehr oft in die Synagoge. Manchmal ging ich freitags, um eine Kerze anzuzünden und zu beten. Die Hohen Feiertage feierten wir zuhause. Doch weiß ich nicht, ob ich meine Kinder das Judentum beibrachte. Ich glaube an Gott, bin aber keine Fanatikerin hänge nicht an den Regeln fest. Ich weiß nicht, wie meine Kinder sich zu Religion verhalten.

Mein Mann arbeitete Tag und Nacht. Um das Geschäft wiederaufzumachen, musste Solon Kredit von der Bank leihen. Er fragte nach 150.000 Drachmen und erhielt doppelt so viel. Mit dem Geld konnte Solon die Bücher zum ersten Semester bestellen. Ich fing irgendwann auch an im Buchladen zu arbeiten. Ich arbeitete sehr intensiv. Zuerst kümmerte ich mich um aktuelle Probleme – zum Beispiel die Bestellung der angefragten internationalen Zeitschriften für diversen Fakultäten an der Aristoteles-Universität. Wir konkurrierten mit einem anderen Buchhändler und wir ließen die Bücher per Flugzeug liefern, um die ersten zu sein. Auch Einzelhändler kamen ständig in den Laden – auch um Mitternacht, um die Bücher früh morgens in ihrem Laden zu haben. Ich hatte das Gefühl, dass wir nie aufhörten zu arbeiten.

Im Laden hatte wir alle Zeitschriften und wir lasen sie auch. Ich las die griechischen Zeitungen nicht sehr viel, da es mir einfacher war, die englische oder französische Zeitungen zu lesen.
Wie gesagt, wir fingen mit keinem Kapital an. Als die Buchhandlung von den Deutschen zugemacht wurde, gab es noch offene Rechnungen mit Zulieferern im Ausland. Als wir nach dem Krieg wieder aufmachten, um Geschäftsbeziehungen mit unseren Hauptzulieferern wiederanzufangen, mussten wir diese alten Beiträge noch bezahlen, obwohl es ganz klar war, dass wir für die Umstände nicht verantwortlich waren. Doch versprachen wir, alles vor dem Krieg trotzdem zu bezahlen. Und alles bezahlten wir, auch wenn wir dafür nicht schuldig waren.

Die Jahre gingen langsam vorbei und in 1988 erreichten wir das 100. Jubiläum der Buchhandlung, da sie 1888 offiziell gegründet wurde. Also wollten wir feiern. Wir veranstalteten einen sehr schönen Empfang und der französische Staat verlieh Solon die Auszeichnung „Chevalier des Lettres et des Art.“ Es ist gar nicht so einfach, so eine Auszeichnung von der französischen Nation zu bekommen. Viellicht nach 100 Jahren Geschäftsbeziehungen mit französischen Verlagen.

Für die 100. Jubiläumsfeier druckten wir ein kleines Gedenkheftchen mit der Geschichte der Buchhandlung. Dazu war der Empfang. Wir hatten auch ein Gästebuch, in dem Professuren der Aristoteles-Universität, Kunden und Freunde ihre Gedanken und Eindrücke von uns schrieben.

Ich weiß nicht, in welche Richtung mein Leben hätte führen könnten, hätte es kein Krieg gegeben. Vielleicht wäre ich mit einer anderen Person verheiratet – doch ich glaub es hätte keinen so wirklichen Unterschied gemacht, solange ich ihn liebte. Ehen aus Liebe waren sowieso selten.

Die äußere Seite der Stadt sah unverändert aus, doch ohne die Präsenz der Menschen, die wir kannten. In all den Gegenden, wo die Juden früher wohnten, gibt es heute keine Juden. Ihre Häuser werden von Christen bewohnt. Ganze Straßen – wie die Misrahi oder Fleming, wo wir jetzt leben – waren nur von Juden bewohnt. Wir sind jetzt die einzige jüdische Familie in der Straße, während es damals nur eine christliche Familie gab. Nicht nur in dieser Straße, sondern auch in anderen Gegenden wie „151“ oder „Vadaris“ – doch kannte ich mich dort nie sehr gut aus. Wir fühlten uns sehr isoliert und versuchten den Kontakt mit allen noch lebendigen Verwandten zu behalten.

Die Christen waren uns sehr, sehr neutral gegenüber. Wenn wir uns auf der Straße begegneten, sagten sie uns mit ihrem Blick: „ah, sie haben überlebt“ – ein bisschen überrascht, aber eine Reaktion die weder den Anschein von Freundschaft noch Feindschaft zeigte.

Irgendwie wussten Victoria und Solon, dass ihre Eltern nie zurückkommen werden. Sie wusste es nur aufgrund der Aussagen von denjenigen, die zurückkamen – die Überlebende der Konzentrationslager. Ich hatte nie die Gelegenheit, mit solchen Menschen zu sprechen. Darum redeten wir nicht. Auch nicht mit engen Freunden. Niemand wollte das Thema ansprechen. Selbst die Menschen, die zurückkamen, wollten nicht über ihre Erfahrungen reden. Sie wollten sich nicht daran erinnern. Dazu wurden sie auch mit dem Nichtglaube von anderen konfrontiert. Es war erst später, nach fünfzig, sechzig Jahre, dass sie darüber reden konnten.

Da ihre Erfahrungen mit extremen Fällen zu tun hatten, Fälle die wegen ihrer Bösartigkeit über die Grenzen des menschlichen Verstands springen, wollten die Menschen nicht zuhören und sie konnten nicht glauben, dass solche Sachen tatsächlich passierten. Nur als die Überlebende am Ende des Lebens waren und dieses näher rückende Ende spüren konnten, schrieben und erzählten sie über ihre Erfahrungen, so dass die Menschen wissen können.

Mit Solon redeten wir auch nie darüber. Da wir nichts hörten, nahmen sie es stillschweigend hin, dass die Eltern nicht zurückkommen. Weder seine Eltern noch Yvonne, die andere Schwester. Das erfuhren sie nie offiziell. Natürlich gab es keine Todesurkunde.

Mit meinen Kindern diskutierte ich nie solche Themen, da sie nie genug Geduld dafür hatten, sich hinzusetzen und zuzuhören. Wäre ich nicht gefragt worden, hätte ich nie davon erzählt, wie ich aufwuchs, was ich erlebte und wie mein Leben sonst so war.

Normalerweise gehe in den Friedhof in Thessaloniki, wo eine Mehrheit meiner Verwandten begraben sind. Ich fange mit dem Grab meiner Mutter an, die mit meinem Großvater begraben ist. Dann besuche die Gräber von Onkel David, der zuerst starb, dann Onkel Pepo Abravanel und danach Tante Mitsa Abaravanel. Dazu auch die von Onkel Sinto und Tante Bella Saltiel, dem Bruder meines Vaters und seiner Frau. Das nächste Grab ist das von meinem Mann, Solon Molho. Dann geh ich zu Jeannette Bensousan, die Mutter von Rena Molho, meine Schwiegertochter, die mit meinem Sohn Mair verheiratet ist. Danach ist Renée Avram an der Reihe, die zweite Frau von Joseph Avram, ein Freund, der in seiner ersten Ehe mit meiner besten Freundin, Tida Saporta, verheiratet war. Dann zu Mme. Gentille Saporta, die Mutter von Tilda, dessen Grab neben dem meiner Mutter liegt.

Zunächst besuche ich das Grab von Maurice Haim. Er war ein Angestellte im Buchladen und wurde von den „Rebellen“ umgebracht als er im Bürgerkrieg zur Armee eingezogen wurde.
Dann gehe ich zum Denkmal zu den Opfern der Konzentrationslager und sage ein Gebet.

Mein Vater wurde in Athen beerdigt. Lange wusste ich nicht wo, da ich nach seinem Tod schnell gehen musste. Als ich aus Israel wiederkam, lernte ich, dass er im jüdischen Teil des 1. Athener Friedhofs – ein christlicher Friedhof mit einem kleinen jüdischen Teil – begraben wurde. Natürlich besuchte ich ihn dort.

Immer am Todestag meines Vaters und meiner Muter rezitieren wir Kaddisch. Ich weise erst auf sie hin, dann habe ich eine Liste von allen Namen der Männer und Frauen, die meines Erachtens nach erinnert werden sollten. Vor ein paar Jahren ging ich für solche Jahrestage in die Synagoge. Jetzt ruf ich den Rabbi und rezitiere zuhause.

Mein Sohn Yofi übernahm die Buchhandlung und mein Sohn Mair machte einen Schreibwarenladen auf. Meine Tochter arbeitet ab und zu im Buchladen und ab und zu im Schreibwarenladen – nicht Festes.

Yofi heiratete Yolanda Papathanasopoulou, eine Christin die zum Judentum konvertierte. Sie studierte Judentum und als wir in Jugoslawien für die Hochzeit waren, gab ihr der Rabbi eine Menge Prüfungen über Glaubensfragen, konvertierte sie und dann wurden sie verheiratet. Obwohl sie keine gebürtige Jüdin ist, zieht sie die Kinder ganz ordentlich groß. Ihr Sohn hatte eine schöne Bar-Mitzwa und ihre Tochter Renee, die nach mir genannt wurde, hatte ihre Bat-Mitzwa. Sie verfolgen die jüdischen Traditionen, doch wer weiß wie es in der Zukunft wird.

Ich habe sechs Enkelkinder. Ich habe drei Kinder und jeder hat zwei Kinder – ein Junge und ein Mädchen. Mein ältester Sohn Mair heiratet Rena Bensousan und ihre Kinder heißen Solon und Milena. Mein zweiter Sohn heiratet Yolanda Papathanosopoulou und ihre Kinder heißen Sami und Renee. Meine Tochter Nina heiratete Maurice Carasso und ihre Kinder sind Naomi und Dov. Sie ist jetzt geschieden. Sie sind alle Juden, aber keine Fanatiker diesbezüglich.

Ich habe heute viele Wünsche, doch hängen die von den Wünschen anderen, mir zu helfen, ab. Als mein Mann noch lebte, kamen sie an Feiertagen immer zu uns. Wir saßen immer rum, aßen, spielten Karten, sangen, lachten – alles war in bester Ordnung.

Heute sieht es anders aus. Meine Tochter Nina versucht es, uns bei ihr zusammenzubringen. Aber es ist nicht dieselbe Stimmung. So ist es, wenn das Familienoberhaupt fehlt. Dank Nina kommen wir immerhin zusammen.

Ich bin Gott dafür dankbar, mir einen guten Mann, der mich liebte und mir half, gegeben zu haben. Ich habe drei Kinder, deren Gesundheit und Wohlbefinden ich mir im tiefsten Herzen wünsche. Ich bete zu Gott, mich auf nette Weise zu nehmen. Das ist mein Gebet.

Meyer Tulchinskiy

Meyer Tulchinskiy
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Oksana Kuntsevskaya
Date of interview: July 2002

I was born in Kiev on 4 February 1924My mother, Tsypa Tulchinskaya [nee Luchanskaya], was born in Tarashcha. Tarashcha was a small distant town. Jews constituted half of its population; the rest were Ukrainians. People lived in peace and friendship and helped each other. They were mostly craftsmen and farmers. There was a synagogue and a Christian church in Tarashcha. Most of the Jewish population perished during the war. The survivors didn't want to return to the ashes of their old homes and scattered all around the world.

My mother's mother was named Mariam Luchanskaya, and her father's name was Isaak Luchanskiy. I don't know how and when my grandfather and grandmother got married. I don't remember my grandfather either. I believe he died in 1935. My mother's parents had their own small business. They bought cattle skin from farmers, made boots out of it and sold them.

My mother said that my grandmother Mariam gave birth to 18 children. Only 9 of them survived. From what my mother told me I know that few of her brothers emigrated to the US during the Civil war of 1917 - 1920 and the period of outburst of pogroms1I have some information about six children. Her oldest son Gitsia (born in 1889) was shell-shocked during WWI and had mental problems. He lived all his life with my grandmother. The next was my mother Tsypa Tulchinskaya (1892), Rosa (1893), Fania (1895), Riva (1900) and Liza (1904). My grandmother was very religious like all other inhabitants of the town. She celebrated all Jewish holidays and followed the kashrut. She went to the synagogue regularly and never left home without putting on her shawl. They weren't a rich family. I remember their small lopsided house, rooted in the soil. There were at least 8 children in a common family in Tarashcha, no matter if Jewish or Ukrainian. People tried to find ways to provide for their families and worked hard to make their living. It's hard to imagine how people lived at that time. They didn't have TV, libraries or movies. The only entertainment was a fair twice a year. The fair was a big thing with fun shows and clowns. The level of culture was very low; people didn't read any books, and the majority of them couldn't even write their own name. They gossiped and made fun of each other. I remember my mother mimicking her neighbors. That way they entertained themselves. It was ... provincial life. You know where a Jew starts? He starts with a funny joke with a double meaning.

There were many young people in Tarashcha in the 1920s and 1930s. Many of them were Komsomol 1 members. They believed that the communist revolution would improve the situation of the Jews, give them more freedom and the possibility to study and live outside the Pale of Settlement 2. I remember a sad incident: A Komsomol activist, a Jew, publicly rejected his father, who was a shochet, because his father slaughtered chickens and was religious. This wasn't quite in line with the revolutionary ideas and communist principles of the son. The Jewish youth spoke Yiddish to one another, but Ukrainian was the language of communication in town. There was one Ukrainian secondary school in Tarashcha, and all Jews finished this school and undoubtedly knew Ukrainian.

My mother said that my grandmother gave birth to 18 children. Only nine of them survived. From what my mother told me I know that a few of her brothers emigrated to the US during the Civil War 3 and the period of pogroms 4. I have some information about six children. My grandmother's oldest son, Gitsia, was born in 1889. He was shell-shocked during World War I and had mental problems. He lived with my grandmother all his life. The next child was my mother, born in 1892, then came Rosa, born in 1893, Fania, born in 1895, Riva, born in 1900, and Liza, born in 1904. My grandparents couldn't afford to give education to all their children. However, all of my mother's sisters and brothers I knew got primary education. In the 1920s the children moved to various towns looking for a job or a place to study. My grandmother stayed in Tarashcha. Her children supported her by sending money and parcels. She didn't receive any pension. She was a housewife and never went to work. My grandmother and her older son, Gitsia, perished in Tarashcha in 1941. Her children were too late to make arrangements for their evacuation. My grandmother and grandfather couldn't afford to give education to all of their children. However, all of my mother's sisters and brothers that I know got primary education. In 1920s the children moved to various towns looking for a job or a place to study. My grandmother stayed in Tarascha. Her children supported her sending her money and parcels. She didn't receive any pension. She was a housewife and she never went to work. My grandmother and her older son Gitsia perished in Tarascha in 1941. Her children were too late to make arrangements for their evacuation.

Rosa was the only one to finish grammar school. After the October Revolution [the Revolution of 1917] 5 she became a party member and an active supporter of revolutionary ideas. She participated in the underground movement in Odessa. Her name, Rosa Luchinskaya, was mentioned in some memoirs of revolutionary figures. I believe she moved to Kiev in 1918. Later her younger sister, Riva, moved to her from Tarashcha. In Kiev Rosa met and married Lavrentiy Kartvelishvili, a Georgian and a Soviet party and government official. He worked in Kiev for many years. During his studies at the Commercial Institute from 1910-1916 he was involved in underground party activities. In 1917 he became a member of the Kiev Committee of the Bolshevik Party, and in 1918, one of the leaders of the underground Bolshevik organization, a member of the all-Ukrainian Provisional Committee. From 1921-1924 he was First Secretary of the Kiev Province Committee of the Ukrainian Bolshevik Party.

It goes without saying that any religious traditions were out of the question for this communist family. Rosa and her husband lived in Kiev for some time. In the 1930s they moved to Moscow. Rosa had a job at the Council of Ministries, but I don't know what kind of position she had there. Her husband was also in the management. In 1937 he was arrested and sentenced [during the so-called Great Terror] 6. It turned out later that he was executed in 1938. Some time before Rosa entered the industrial academy for the training of higher party officials. This saved her life. If it hadn't been for the Academy she would have been arrested, too. She became a party official. During the war she was in Moscow. After the war she continued to have positions as a party official. She died in 1970.

Rosa's son Yury was born in 1920. He finished a Russian secondary school in Moscow and entered the Industrial Institute in Moscow. He lives in Tbilisi now. He graduated as a Doctor of Technical Sciences and became a professor. He was a lecturer at the Polytechnic Institute in Tbilisi. Now he's retired. He married Dodoli, a Georgian woman. She had a difficult life. In the 1930s her father was Deputy Minister of Education in Georgia. He was arrested in 1938. He was suspected of being involved in anti-revolutionary activities. Her mother had died some time before, so Dodoli lost her parents when she was 14 years old. After her father was arrested policemen took her out of the apartment, locked the door and said, 'And you, girl, go away!' Dodoli had to seek shelter at her distant relatives'. They were very concerned about having to give shelter to the daughter of an 'enemy of the people'. Dodoli had a strong will, which helped her to fight all hardships. She finished a secondary school in Tbilisi and entered the Vocal Department at the Conservatory in Tbilisi. Later she became a teacher at this Conservatory. She fiercely hated the Soviet regime. When her father was rehabilitated 8 posthumously in the 1950s, she made every effort to have all their property, which had been confiscated in 1938, returned.

My mother's sister Fania moved to Tbilisi from Tarashcha 5-6 years after the October Revolution and stayed there. I don't know what brought her to Tbilisi. She married a Polish man named Kalnitskiy. He was an irrigation engineer. Fania was arrested in 1937 and sentenced to five years of imprisonment for her contacts with an 'enemy of the people', Rosa's husband, who often visited his relatives in Tbilisi. Besides she was accused of not returning books by forbidden Soviet writers to the library. She had the right to write to her relatives and informed them what she was charged of. Fania was in a camp in Perm region until 1939. Rosa, who was studying at the Industrial Academy went to the authorities and said, 'Why did you arrest her? In that case you should arrest me for my contacts with an 'enemy of the people', too'. However strange it may sound, they released and rehabilitated Fania and even suggested that she entered the Communist Party, but Fania refused. Some time later she was appointed director of a Russian school in Tbilisi. After I returned to Tbilisi from the front, Fania and I visited her former students in Tbilisi, and I witnessed the respect they treated her with. She died in 1966. She had two children. Her son, Alexei, became a Candidate of Technical Sciences. He settled down in Moscow when he was an adult. Her daughter, Medeya, married a Georgian man and divorced him later. She lives in Tbilisi now.

My mother's sister Riva finished an elementary school in Tarashcha and helped her parents with their leather business. Rosa was a big influence on Riva and her other sisters. Riva got involved in revolutionary activities. Although she didn't like to study she finished a Russian secondary school in Kiev after she moved there. She remained undereducated though. She was a typical Komsomol activist of the 1920s: indefatigable, energetic and uneducated. My mother used to say about her that she had a strong personality. Riva tried to study at the textile institute but gave it up. She wasn't an industrious student. She changed jobs every year. Before evacuation she worked at the Franko Theater in Kiev. Riva was an assistant trade union leader. A well-known actor called Shumskiy was the trade union unit leader. This was the period of 'red directors'. Riva fit into this role well: she was a party member and was responsible and energetic.

Riva lived in a small room near the Franko Theater and was very poor. She lived in Kiev for over 20 years. I remember that she didn't have any clothes to have her picture for the passport taken, so she borrowed a blouse from the dressing room in the theater. Riva was a straightforward and honest woman. She lived with a Ukrainian man; they didn't register their marriage. They didn't have any children. During the war she was in evacuation in Tbilisi. She kept changing jobs there, too. During the war she worked as a tutor at a labor penitentiary institution near Tbilisi. After the war she was a receptionist in the governmental room of the railway station in Tbilisi. This was a privileged position: only deputies and high officials were allowed into this room. Riva visited Kiev several times. During one of her visits I went to the theater with her, and I was struck by the praises Riva got from the leading actors. They admired her trade union leadership activities. Riva was a very pure and transparent person. She died in Tbilisi in 1974.

My mother's sister Liza didn't have any education or profession. She followed her sisters to Kiev, got married and became a housewife. Her husband was a carpenter. He had a Jewish education. He finished cheder and could read the Torah. His name was Meyer Rabinovich. Thank God the disasters of 1937 didn't affect them. Liza and her husband often visited my parents, and I entertained my cousins. Liza had three daughters. Meyer liked to discuss political and general issues with my father. They were the only religious family among our relatives, they observed traditions and celebrated holidays. I believe, they celebrated Pesach and Yom Kippur. They had quiet celebrations, and I heard about it incidentally, so I don't have any details.

When the war began their family evacuated separately from ours. Liza's husband was working at an enterprise that evacuated their employees and families. They crossed Siberia by train. At one station they had a discussion with the director of an enterprise. When he heard that Meyer was a carpenter he offered him a job. They stayed there. Meyer made boxes for ammunition, and Zina, his older daughter, worked at the same military plant. She received 600 grams of white bread. She was 14 years old at the time. Their youngest daughter died on the way to evacuation. After the war Liza and her family returned to Kiev. They didn't have any problems with getting an apartment. Meyer got his job back, the same as he had before the war, and received an apartment. Aunt Liza never went to work. She died in 1978. Liza's daughters Zina and Sima live in Kiev. They are married and have children and grandchildren.

My mother was the oldest of the girls in the family. (Photo 1). I don't know what kind of education she had. She could write in Hebrew and Yiddish, which was rare for a woman. She liked reading and read classic literature in Yiddish and Russian. She could also write well in Russian. She had many friends and corresponded with them all her life. She was helping her parents with the shoemaking business before she got married. My mother told me little about the years of her youth. I don't know when and how she met my father. I only know that my parents had their wedding in Tarashcha during the Civil War. They were hiding from gangs 8 in Tarashcha and I don't think they had a real wedding party. The situation wasn't good for celebrations. There were Denikin 9, Polish and Petliura 10 units in town. The power in town changed from one to the other, but they all persecuted Jews, of course.

My father, Lev Tulchinskiy, was born in Zhivotov, near Tarashcha, in 1891. I don't know anything about his family. My parents told me very little about themselves. I only picked up bits and pieces of conversations. It was my understanding that my father didn't have pleasant memories about his childhood. I remember one little anecdote that my father told me. He recalled how his parents were hiding freshly made bread from the children. There were many children in the family, and they ate too much freshly baked bread whenever they could get it.

My father studied in cheder and later entered the yeshivah in Vilnius to study to become a rabbi. He was probably religious when he was young. He probably observed Jewish traditions, which was common in all Jewish families back then. He never finished his studies because he got disappointed with religion. It was the time of chaos. My father took to another extreme: he participated in the Revolution of 1917 and the Civil War. I believe he was wounded in 1919 and had to stay in hospital. This created some distance between him and his relatives. His family ended up in Winnipeg, Canada, in their effort to escape from pogroms. They settled down there and had a good life. During the famine in Ukraine 11 my father's relatives sent him parcels. They changed their last name from Tulchinskiy to Tulman to make it sound more English. We haven't been in touch with them for quite a long while.

After he was wounded my father still led an active life, but he didn't become a member of the Bolshevik Party. He wasn't really happy about the regime in his country, even though he had been fighting for it. He got disappointed with the idea of communism. My father called people in power 'these smooth-talkers'.

My father and mother moved to Kiev from Tarashcha in the 1920s. They rented an apartment in the center of the city. I was born there in 1924. (Photo 2). My father worked as an accounting clerk at the Kievfuel Trust. This trust supplied coal, wood, kerosene, gasoline and lubricants to enterprises in Kiev. My father was very fond of self-education. He showed an interest in political economy and politics. He wasn't interested in fiction. He liked to read newspapers and sent me to buy Pravda and Izvestiya [communist newspapers.] He enjoyed discussing political issues with his daughters-in- law, Rosa and Riva. Meyer joined them sometimes. Political education was mandatory at that time, and all employees had to take exams at their offices. I remember Riva, my father and somebody else getting prepared for these exams.

Basically my parents were in favor of the Soviet power. If you ask me whether there was anything positive about the Soviet power my answer would be, 'Yes'. This refers to education first of all. When I went to school we had several textbooks in mathematics written by different authors. After some period of probation the education authorities decided to switch to the pre-revolutionary textbook written by Professor Kisilyov from Voronezh. The Soviet authorities favored him and awarded him the order of the Red Flag. I remember his words: 'The country where almost all people study needs good textbooks!' He didn't exaggerate. Even the poorest could get free education. Young people studied in all kinds of educational institutions including military, engineering, accounting, law and philosophy colleges.

My parents spoke Yiddish with each-other. Sometimes they communicated in Russian, when they also wanted me to get involved in the conversation, or if someone else was in the house and didn't speak Yiddish. I'm surprised that my parents didn't even try to teach me Yiddish. Regretfully, my parents didn't celebrate any Jewish or religious holidays or observe any traditions. I rarely visited my mother's mother in Tarashcha. My relatives spoke Ukrainian to me, and I don't remember celebration of any religious holidays. My relatives got together on Soviet holidays at our place. I was the only child in the family. My mother had babies several times, but they all died.

I studied at a Russian secondary school in Kiev. It was located near the Ukrainian Drama Theater and school children participated in the performances. We often went to the theater. I remember the terrible famine of 1933 well, although the situation in Kiev wasn't as tense as elsewhere. I remember long lines of people waiting to get bread. There were supervisors to watch the order. After the government moved to Kiev from Kharkov in 1934 life improved a lot. Kiev, as the capital of Ukraine, had better supplies of food products.

We lived in the main street of Kiev, Kreschatik. We had a huge room and seven other families were our neighbors in the same apartment. My parents separated my part of the room with a screen, which they bought from the sales. It was a heavy mahogany screen, upholstered in a beautiful manner. My parents and I had iron beds. We had a sofa with a high back, a carved cupboard, a floor mirror and a table in this room. We also had a radio.

My mother was a very difficult woman, a family despot. She always interfered with my life. But I'm grateful that she taught me how to read. She died with a book in her hands. She preferred fiction. My mother didn't work because she was constantly ill. Besides, there weren't enough jobs for everybody at that time. She was a very good cook. Her stuffed fish and jellied meat were delicious.

I remember 1937 when a large number of people were arrested [during the Great Terror]. I was studying at the governmental school [school for the children of high officials] located in the vicinity of Lipki, an elite neighborhood of Kiev. There were children of high Soviet officials and military in my class. The children's parents were arrested as 'enemies of the people' and often physically maltreated, executed or sent to camps with extremely hard living conditions,0 and the children were sent to children's homes or shelters. They were arresting higher officials and common people. There were two Polish girls in my class whose parents were clerks. They were arrested, and the girls were sent to a children's home. I never saw them again.

My father was an accounting clerk, and this campaign didn't affect him. His nationality was of no significance at that stage. Aunt Fania, who lived in Tbilisi, had her nationality written as Russian when she obtained her passport. She mentioned that she wasn't Russian, but she was told that all citizens were Russian. Many people liked the fact that all were equal and that there were no first or second-class people any more. However, this didn't last long. In 1939 the Department of Judaism at the Institute of Linguistics in Kiev was closed. It moved to Birobidzhan 12. The authorities closed Jewish schools pretending they were responding to the request of the children's parents.

I heard about the war at 12 o'clock on 22nd June 1941. We had a radio. At that time that was even more prestigious than having a car nowadays. We had the reputation of being rich because we had a radio. We turned the radio on and opened the door so our neighbors could hear the announcement about the war.

After a week the military office sent us to excavate trenches near Goloseyevskiy forest in the vicinity of Kiev. We spent a week there. After we returned to Kiev we were sent to Donets. We were too young to be recruited to the army, but we were to come of age, and it was the right step of the government to send us to a remote area as a reserve for the Red Army. My parents evacuated. My mother's sister Riva helped them. She worked at a bank and they were the first to evacuate. Riva was allowed to take my parents into evacuation. They came to Donets to pick me up. The Germans were approaching Donets and the military office didn't keep young people any longer.

It took us a long while to get to Middle Asia. We stayed at a collective farm 13 in Uzbekistan. We worked in the cotton fields and lived in a kibitka [clay hut] with a very small window offering a view of the kishlak [an Uzbek village]. We spent about half a year in Uzbekistan. People were dying like flies. They were dying from eating mulberries and fruit after starvation and drinking water from the river. They died from dysentery and bloody flux. A lot of children were dying. There was even a separate cemetery for children.

Riva, who was living in Tbilisi, came to our rescue again. There was a labor camp for children somewhere in the Caucasus and a factory in it, and Riva was employed as a tutor there. She managed to send us the necessary forms to come and work at this camp for youngsters. We traveled to the Caucasus from Middle Asia across the Caspian Sea. My father had a weak heart after working in the cotton fields. He died on the way at Ursakievskoye station in Middle Asia. He was buried quietly there. We reached Tbilisi, and I entered the Communications College where I studied for several months. I lived in the hostel, and my mother rented a room. In 1942 the Germans came close to Zakavkazye and total mobilization was announced in Tbilisi. 300,000 recruits went to the front, and I was among them. Every third one of them perished.

My mother got a job as a medical nurse at the navy hospital in Tbilisi. The Georgians treated my mother very well. As soon as I went to the front she was registered at the military office as a member of the family of a front line soldier, and she moved to an apartment where she lived until the end of the war. This hospital gave treatment to wounded military of the southern front. I was at the 3rd Ukrainian front. My mother was always looking for me among the wounded soldiers who were being brought to the hospital. I wrote to her but now I think I could have written more letters to her.

I was a private at the infantry, at the Zakavkazie, North Caucasian front, from where we moved to the South Ukrainian front. I was wounded by a stray bullet on a battlefield in Hungary in April 1945. I remember this incident as if it happened yesterday. I was sent to a field hospital and then to Odessa. Later I moved to Sochi where all recreation centers were turned into hospitals. After Sochi I was sent to Yenakiyevo in Central Russia to complete my course of treatment. (Photo 3).

My mother found out that I was in Yenakiyevo and wanted to come and visit me, but she wasn't allowed to leave her work. Then she got a chance by accident. Two majors, who had lost their legs, needed an escort to return to Russia. My hospital was near where they lived in Russia. It was a difficult mission with lots of arrangements to be made on the way, and nobody wanted to take it. The director of the hospital suggested that my mother went. She agreed, but her condition was to have a statement reading, 'Visiting Yenakiyevo to meet her wounded son', written in her route document. The director of the hospital didn't agree with it but she insisted that he did what she was asking for. She escorted both majors home - they were miserable people. She came to Yenakiyevo, and I was released from hospital.

We went to Tbilisi, but I didn't feel at home there. We decided to go to Kiev. We weren't awaited by anyone. Our place had been destroyed, and we didn't have a place to live. It was a good thing that I kept my passport during my mobilization to the army. It was a hectic moment at the military office. There were many recruits, and they all submitted their passports to have them replaced with military identity cards. The clerk sitting at his table had heaps of passports scattered on the floor around him. He probably thought that these soldiers wouldn't need their passports later on. I put my passport into my pocket when he wasn't looking and thus managed to keep it. It wasn't a good idea to have one's passport during the war. If the Germans had ever captured me and seen that I was a Jew they would have shot me immediately. I was hoping to be able to throw it away if necessary. After we arrived in Kiev I went to the social support office to be registered there. The chairman asked me whether I could prove that I had lived in Kiev, and I showed him my passport. He saw my address and gave me a 200-ruble allowance to rent a room.

After the war I had an aversion to everything that I had seen or lived through during the war. I'm reluctant to answer questions related to the war. I had finished 9 years at school before the war. After the war I told my mother that I wanted to get higher secondary education. I need to give credit to my mother because she supported this idea of mine in spite of all misery we were living in. My mother respected educated people. She said that an uneducated person could hurt other people's feelings, however unintentionally, and she avoided such people. I started to study at an evening secondary school in 1945 and finished it with a silver medal in 1946.

I submitted my documents to the Kiev Polytechnic Institute. There were many applicants for the Radio-Engineering Faculty, but I was admitted because I was a medal winner and a war invalid. I lived in the hostel, and my mother rented rooms. Later I received a small room in Podol 14. After graduating I worked at the Communications Department of the Hydro-Meteorological Center. Later I had several jobs. I didn't have any acquaintances and couldn't get a really good job. I didn't mind because I liked my work. Another reason for my not being able to get a better job was that this was all during the period of the campaign against cosmopolitans 15.

As for the Doctors' Plot 16 I would like to say that there has always been anti-Semitism in USSR. I remember that parents at that time didn't allow their schoolchildren to accept medication from a school doctor if they found out that the doctor was a Jew. I think, the basis of anti- Semitism is people's ignorance and stupidity. Stalin's death in 1953 put an end to this period. Erenburg 17 has an interesting description of this period. The Evening Kiev newspaper published anti-Semitic articles and notes. There were always Jewish names mentioned if something indecent happened. One might have imagined that all existing jerks at that time were Jews.

I worked as head of the communications office at the Zhuliany airport in Kiev at the time. We had meetings where people were pointing at the 'enemies', accusing them of embezzlement, espionage in favor of other countries, negligence, carelessness and dishonest attitudes. We were bound to get involved in the persecution of innocent people, as well as in their dismissal from work. Of course, I sympathized with them and understood that they were innocent, but there was nothing I could do. It wasn't wise to fight against the Soviet regime. The situation was very bad, of course. However, I didn't face any anti-Semitism myself. People always treated me with respect. I was head of the medical equipment design office for a few years before I retired in 1989.

My mother worked as a janitor and later, after the war, as a telegram deliverer. She received tips from the people who received good news about their loved ones from the front. Mistakes were made, and families were notified of their relatives' death when in reality they were captives or wounded in hospitals and just weren't able to let their families know that they were alive. Therefore, after the war, many people got news from their loved ones. Once my mother delivered a telegram to an old couple. They had received notification before that their son had perished at the front. The one that my mother brought them was from their son saying that he was fine and heading for Kiev.

My mother had a poor heart and she often felt very ill. Perhaps, it was for this reason that she liked to be visited by doctors. She was very concerned about me not getting married. She didn't care about the nationality of my future wife. One of my mother's sisters married a Georgian, another one married a Polish man. My mother married a Jew and so did her sister, Liza. Riva's lover was a Ukrainian man. So, if we hadn't been continuously reminded that we were Jews, we would have probably forgotten about it once and forever. My mother died in 1963.

I met my future wife, Alexandra Aizman, a Jew, in 1967. She came from a Jewish family with many children. Her father, Naum Aizman, was born in the town of Gusyatin, on the western border of Ukraine, in 1899, I think. Her father had an elementary education. He probably studied at cheder. Before the war my wife's father was chairman of a shop in Gusyatin. My wife's mother, Sarah, was born in 1915. She finished a Ukrainian elementary school. She didn't have any profession. She married Naum Aizman in 1935 and became a housewife. They had 3 children. My wife's parents didn't celebrate any Jewish holidays or observe any traditions. After the beginning of the war their family evacuated to Middle Asia. My in-laws' children died from dysentery and pneumonia. The food and water were very poor and the conditions of living very hard in the place where they lived. Many children died of infections and lack of food.

After the war my father-in-law went to Shargorod, located close to his hometown. There's a synagogue, a church and a cathedral in Shargorod. This town had Jewish, Polish and Ukrainian inhabitants and people lived in peace with each other. They spoke Yiddish and Ukrainian in Shargorod. During the war there was a big ghetto there. The majority of Jews were exterminated, and the ones that survived left for other places after the war. There are hardly any Jews left in Shargorod today.

They had three children born after the war: Dmitriy, in 1945, my wife Alexandra in 1946, and Dora in 1947. My father-in-law became a soda water and lemonade expert in Shargorod after the war. He created his own recipes and made syrups. The local authorities allowed him to open a store in Shargorod. Although it was a state-owned store he had his own customers and could provide well for his family. His products were in big demand and he earned well.

My wife's older brother, Dmitriy Aizman, finished the Road Transport College and was a driving teacher at a technical school in Shargorod. Dmitriy married a local girl named Anna. They had a big wedding party, but I don't remember whether theytraditional Jewish wedding. He was a member of the Communist Party. They had two children. They led a quiet life, didn't have any hobbies, didn't celebrate any Jewish holidays or observe traditions. In the 1980s they went through hard times when the Soviet regime was collapsing. Dmitriy found a profitable business. He took a course and learned how to make smoked fish. He opened a smoking shed and became a fish supplier. He died when he was 54. His older son, Alexandr, his wife and her parents emigrated to Germany in 1996. Anna also moved there after Dmitriy died. Anna's younger son, Igor, became very religious. He grew a beard.... Nothing of this kind had ever happened in our family before. In 1999 he was in a camp in Israel. He received a student's visa to the USA and went there to study to become a rabbi. I don't know whether he finished his studies or not, but he stayed in the USA. His religiosity came to him somehow even though his mother Anna had never been serious about religious issues.

My wife's younger sister, Dora, was born deaf and dumb. She studied at the boarding school for deaf and dumb children and became a tailor. She worked at a tailor's in Shargorod. Dora married a deaf and dumb man from a neighboring town in 1970. Her husband was a good carpenter, cabinetmaker and welder. He worked at a construction company for some time. They didn't observe any traditions or celebrate holidays in Dora's family. I think the reason was that none of our families ever had any celebrations. Dora's eyesight got so bad that she became almost blind. In the 1990s perestroika began, and her husband lost his job. Dora couldn't earn anything, they had five children and were literally starving. Their family moved to Israel in 1996. They still live there now, but we aren't in touch with them.

My wife was born in 1946. She was 22 years younger than me. She finished a Ukrainian secondary school and a pharmaceutics school in Shargorod and came to Kiev to enter Medical College. She rented an apartment from my Aunt Liza. My cousin, Zina, decided to introduce us to each other. We had a civil wedding ceremony in 1966. Her father came to Kiev at least once a month. Her mother didn't come because she was rather sickly. She didn't even attend the wedding. We often went to Shargorod. My father-in-law died in 1968 and my mother-in-law in 1979. My wife's parents were sociable and had many friends in Shargorod. (Photo 4). They spoke Yiddish in my wife's family. However, Alexandra and all the other members of her family spoke Russian or Ukrainian to me.

After our wedding we lived in the communal apartment 18 in Podol. Some time later we purchased an apartment in Obolon. My wife was a nurse in a hospital in Kiev. She was a highly qualified medical nurse. She did her job very well, and sometimes she even corrected doctors if they were wrong. She had many acquaintances she consulted on medical issues. My wife was so highly valued at work that she was offered to be admitted to the Medical Institute without exams. Alexandra was planning to study at the Institute, but she died from cancer in 1988. We lived a short but happy life together. I feel so sorry that she spent so much time doing additional work to earn a little more money: she gave people injections, looked after sick people, and so on. Alexandra was a very easy-going person, and we had great family and friend gatherings on Soviet holidays. She shared my fondness of classical music, and we often went to the Philharmonic and theaters. We didn't celebrate any Jewish religious holidays - it simply wasn't a tradition in our family.

Our daughter, Tsessana, was born in 1969. (Photo 5). She finished a Ukrainian secondary school in Kiev and entered the Pharmacological Institute in Leningrad in 1986. She studied there for two years. She married Oleg Impriss, a Jewish man, in 1988. He worked as a locksmith at a plant in Kiev. They emigrated to Germany in 1989. My granddaughter, Alexandra, was born there. My daughter tells me to join them, but I don't want to go. I don't even like the thought of Germany or the language. It probably has to do with my associations from the war times. Besides, all these long process of getting the required documents is a problem for me. I haven't even visited them, although I love my daughter and granddaughter, and I'm very attached to my son-in-law.

It's difficult for me to say what I think about emigration in general. It all depends on how adjustable an individual is. Some cats and dogs could return home covering the distance of over 1,000 kilometers. Scientists call it the 'sense for home'. If animals have this feeling for home, some people must also have it. I think it's alright to go to work at some place and return home afterwards. When it comes to looking for personal happiness it's a different matter. Basically, Israel is supposed to be our historical Motherland. But the situation isn't simple there. I like to listen to the Israeli radio station, read newspapers and books about this country. I would like to visit Israel, but again, it's a problem to stand in lines to obtain documents. Besides, it's expensive for a pensioner to go on this trip. Also, I'm concerned about the latest events in this area: all this shooting and terrorism.

I live alone. I read a lot and meet up with my friends, relatives and neighbors. I feel okay. It's a pity I can't see my daughter and granddaughter more often. I know that there are many Jewish organizations in Kiev. I don't go there. I'm not interested, and I don't need to go there.

Glossary

1 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

2 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

3 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

4 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

5 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during WWI, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

6 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

7 Rehabilitation

In the Soviet Union, many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

8 Gangs

During the Russian Civil War there were all kinds of gangs in the Ukraine. Their members came from all the classes of former Russia, but most of them were peasants. Their leaders used political slogans to dress their criminal acts. These gangs were anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

9 Denikin, Anton Ivanovich (1872-1947)

White Army general. During the Russian Civil War he fought against the Red Army in the South of Ukraine.

10 Petliura, Simon (1879-1926)

Ukrainian politician, member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Working Party, one of the leaders of Centralnaya Rada (Central Council), the national government of Ukraine (1917-1918). Military units under his command killed Jews during the Civil War in Ukraine. In the Soviet-Polish war he was on the side of Poland; in 1920 he emigrated. He was killed in Paris by the Jewish nationalist Schwarzbard in revenge for the pogroms against Jews in Ukraine.

11 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

12 Birobidzhan

Formed in 1928 to give Soviet Jews a home territory and to increase settlement along the vulnerable borders of the Soviet Far East, the area was raised to the status of an autonomous region in 1934. Influenced by an effective propaganda campaign, and starvation in the east, 41,000 Soviet Jews relocated to the area between the late 1920s and early 1930s. But, by 1938 28,000 of them had fled the regions harsh conditions, There were Jewish schools and synagogues up until the 1940s, when there was a resurgence of religious repression after World War II. The Soviet government wanted the forced deportation of all Jews to Birobidjan to be completed by the middle of the 1950s. But in 1953 Stalin died and the deportation was cancelled. Despite some remaining Yiddish influences - including a Yiddish newspaper - Jewish cultural activity in the region has declined enormously since Stalin's anti-cosmopolitanism campaigns and since the liberalization of Jewish emigration in the 1970s. Jews now make up less than 2% of the region's population.

13 Collective farm (in Russian kolkhoz)

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

14 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

15 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

16 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

17 Erenburg, Ilya Grigorievich (1891-1967)

Famous Russian Jewish novelist, poet and journalist who spent his early years in France. His first important novel, The Extraordinary Adventures of Julio Jurento (1922) is a satire on modern European civilization. His other novels include The Thaw (1955), a forthright piece about Stalin's régime which gave its name to the period of relaxation of censorship after Stalin's death.

18 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of shared apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

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Henrich Kurizkes

Henrich Kurizkes
Tallinn
Estonia
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: June 2005

I took this interview with Henrich Kurizkes at his home. The Kurizkes family live in a nice nine storey apartment building in a new district of Tallinn. They have a two-room apartment. There are lots of books and pot plants in his apartment. Henrich and his wife Miriam live in this apartment. Their daughter and her family live in Vilnius and their son lives in Israel. Henrich is a man of average height, with a military bearing. He has a short haircut, dark and gray hair and bright dark eyes. Henrich is a great communicator. He and his wife Miriam, a charming miniature lady with short gray hair and amazing bright brown eyes, are very close and seem to understand each other without words. They are very hospitable and friendly and I had a feeling of having known them for a long time. They gave me a pot maple tree and looking at it brings back the memory of these wonderfully nice people.

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary

Family background

My father's family lived in Narva [200 kilometers east of Tallinn], a town in Estonia. Narva is on the border with Russia and the majority of its residents spoke Russian. In my father's family they spoke Yiddish and Russian.

My paternal grandfather's common name 1 was Yefim Kurizkes. Of course, he had a Jewish name as well. I think it was Haim. My grandmother's name was Miriam, but I don't know her maiden name. They were both born in Estonia, but I don't know where exactly. I know very little about my grandfather, while I knew my grandmother quite well.

I don't have any information about what my grandfather did for living. As for my grandmother, she had her own business selling paper that she purchased somewhere in Russia. My grandmother made tours of offices and shops offering her commodity and receiving orders. Her assistant delivered paper on a cart. Of course, one couldn't become rich from this business, but my grandmother provided quite well for the family.

My father's parents had three children. The oldest girl's name was Raya, my father Lazar, born in 1894, came next, and the youngest was his sister Rosa.

My father's parents were not Orthodox Jews, but they observed all Jewish traditions in the family. In those times it was impossible to imagine a Jewish family that didn't celebrate the Sabbath or Jewish holidays and didn't raise their children as Jews. My grandfather and grandmother went to the synagogue on the Sabbath and Jewish holidays.

I don't know what kind of education my father's sisters received. My father moved to Vilnius, where some distant relatives lived, after finishing a Russian general education school. He entered the Faculty of Pharmacology of Vilnius University. There was a Jewish quota 2 in Russian higher educational institutions at the time. It constituted 5 percent of the total number of students. My father was lucky to get into this 5 percent quota. During his studies he lived with his relatives. I don't know anything about the time when my father was a student.

Upon graduation my father returned to Narva, where he couldn't find a job. My father moved to Tallinn, but there was no job in his specialty there either. There were no vacancies in bigger pharmacies, and my father couldn't afford to start his own pharmacy. He lost any hope of finding a job in his specialty and went to work as a shipment forwarder for a few factories. He delivered their products to many stores in Estonia on a car.

My father's sisters got married. Raya's husband's surname was Mogilkin. Rosa's husband came from the wealthy Jewish family of the Klompuses. Of course, Raya and Rosa had Jewish husbands; it couldn't have been otherwise at the time. They both had traditional Jewish weddings. Both sisters' husbands came from Tartu and they moved there to live with their husbands. My father's older sister Raya had a daughter named Genia and a son named Boris. Rosa had a son called Anatoliy.

During World War II Raya and her family were evacuated. After the war they returned to Tartu. Raya died in the 1970s and her daughter died in the late 1990s. They were buried in the Jewish cemetery in Tartu. Raya's son, Boris is still alive. He's a doctor, and lives in Tver [Russia, 400 kilometers from Moscow]; his surname is Mogilevskiy. I'll tell the story of my father's sister Rosa later.

After my father moved to Tallinn and his sisters got married, my grandfather and grandmother moved to live with my father in Tallinn. My grandfather died in Tallinn in 1920. He was buried following the Jewish tradition in the Jewish cemetery in Tallinn. After my grandfather died my grandmother lived in Tartu, in her daughter Raya's home. My grandmother died in the late 1930s. She was also buried following the Jewish tradition in the Jewish cemetery in Tartu.

My mother's family lived in Tallinn. My maternal grandfather's name was Yankl Schulkleper and my grandmother's name was Hana. I don't know where and when my grandfather or grandmother were born, but their children were born in Tallinn. The oldest in the family was my mother's older brother Marcus Schulkleper. He was called Max in the family. The second son was Abram and then came Iosif and David. Then my mother's sister Polina was born. My mother Revekka, born in 1896, was the last child in the family.

My maternal grandfather and his family rented the upper floor in a private two storey building owned by the Shumann Jewish family. I knew this family well. Doctor Moishe Shumann was our family doctor. His two single sisters lived with him.

My mother's family was religious like all Jewish families. They observed Jewish traditions, celebrated the Sabbath and Jewish holidays. Of course, all of my mother's brothers had had a bar mitzvah. On holidays my grandmother, grandfather and their children went to the synagogue. They spoke Yiddish and all the members of the family were fluent in German and Russian.

I don't know where my grandfather worked. He died long before I was born. Unfortunately, I don't remember my grandmother. She died in 1926, when I was one and a half. They were both buried in the Jewish cemetery in Tallinn.

My mother's brothers and sister had a secular education. My mother graduated from a Russian high school in Tallinn. I don't know why my mother's parents chose this Russian high school. It was an eleven-year course. It provided a good and solid knowledge of the subjects the children studied. My mama spoke fluent German and could read in French.

My mother's oldest brother Marcus married Tauba, a Jewish girl. They had two daughters: Debora, born in 1909, and Mirah, born in 1915. Marcus was engaged in commerce and his wife was a housewife. Marcus' brother Iosif also worked with him. Iosif was married; his wife's name was Genia. Their daughter Sterna was born in the late 1910s.

Abram owned a fabric store. Somehow Abram went bankrupt in the late 1920s. It must have been a hard blow for him and he died in the early 1930s. Abram's wife's name was Ester; his daughter's name was Sara. During World War II, Ester and Sara were evacuated, then they came to Tallinn. Ester died in Tallinn in the 1960s.

I didn't know my mother's younger brother David. He died before I was born. My mother's sister Polina married Vigura, a Polish man, and they moved to Katowice in Poland.

My parents got married after my father moved to Tallinn. They got acquainted at a party and got married in 1922. They had a traditional Jewish wedding. All local Jews had traditional weddings. Wealthy or poor, there was a chuppah and a ketubbah issued by a local synagogue. Religion was an integral part of the life of Jewish families at the time.

There was a large Jewish community in Tallinn. There were many wealthy Jews, big businessmen and store owners. They contributed significant amounts of money to charity. There were Jewish craftsmen: tinsmiths, barbers and tailors. There were many Jewish lawyers, doctors and teachers. When Estonia gained independence 3, and the first Estonian Republic 4 was established, the higher educational institutions canceled the Jewish quota and Jews got greater access to higher education.

The Jewish community was very proud of the Tallinn synagogue 5. Built at the end of the 19th century, it was very beautiful.

There was no Jewish neighborhood or Jewish street in Tallinn. Jewish houses were scattered all across the town. There were wealthier houses in the central part of the city where land was more expensive, and the poorer settled down in the suburbs.

Jews faced no anti-Semitism in Estonia. In 1926 the Jewish Cultural Autonomy 6, giving more extensive rights to Jews, was established. There were various Jewish organizations in Tallinn, including the Women's Zionist Organization, WIZO 7, children's and young people's organizations, such as Betar 8 and Hashomer Hatzoir 9, the Maccabi sport club 10 and others. Jews enjoyed many freedoms.

Growing up

After getting married, my parents rented an apartment in the house owned by Sweetgauer, a Jewish man. My father worked and my mother was a housewife. I was born in 1924, and I was the only child in the family. Shortly after I was born my parents moved to Raua Street, near where their parents lived. We lived there until the town authorities decided to build a fire station on that site. The house was to be removed, and my parents rented an apartment nearby. We lived in this apartment until the very start of the Great Patriotic War 11.

We spoke Yiddish and Russian at home. My parents mostly spoke Russian to me, but it took me no time to pick up some Yiddish. Children are good at languages.

The Tallinn Jewish gymnasium 12 was located not far from our home and my father wanted me to study in this school. However, I fell very ill when I was six. I had an inflammation of the ear which led to complications with a blood infection. There were no antibiotics at the time, but the doctors managed to cure me. Having spent a while in the hospital, I couldn't attend the Jewish kindergarten where children studied the basics of Hebrew.

The director of the school refused to admit me to the Hebrew class without my knowing Hebrew. He suggested that I went to the Yiddish class. I knew Yiddish well, but my father was against it. Maybe the Yiddish class, in my father's opinion, was associated with Yiddishists 13, and he quite disapproved of them. So I went to the private Russian school.

When I was in 2nd grade, my mother went to work as an accountant in an office. After I studied for four years in the Russian school, Estonian authorities issued an order directing all non-Estonian children to study either in their own language, or in an Estonian school. So I had to quit my Russian school and my parents sent me to a private English college. It was expensive, but they wanted to give me a good education.

This was actually an Estonian school with advanced study of the English language. We also studied German. Boys and girls studied together. Some of my former classmates also came to this college. They were children of wealthy parents. Some of the girls, also my former classmates, went to a private Estonian school for girls. I kept seeing my friends even after we went to different schools.

We wore uniforms at school: grey suits and light colored shirts. They were made by individual orders. There were no poor children in our college. There were also many Jewish children in college. We never faced any anti- Semitic demonstrations from our Estonian schoolmates. Jewish children were well respected at school. Our tutor always told Jewish children about the forthcoming Jewish holiday and we were allowed to stay away from school on this day.

All of my school friends were Jewish. Of course, some of my friends were Estonian. We used to play football with Estonian boys, our neighbors. However, we never visited them at home. My real close friends were Jewish. I don't know how it happened to be this way. All I can say is that my parents never put any pressure on me in this respect. This was my choice. This was the way it happened to be.

My parents were moderately religious. Of course, all Jewish traditions were well observed in our household. Mama followed kashrut. She only bought meat from a Jewish butcher. She also bought hens at the market to take them to the shochet. The shochet worked near the synagogue. Mama took care of the housework even when she went to work.

My father didn't follow the requirement to do no work on the Sabbath. Saturday was another working day for him. However, we followed all the rules on Jewish holidays. Mama kept special dishes for Pesach. They were only used once a year, on Pesach. Also, when these special dishes were not enough, our everyday utensils were koshered in a rather complicated way, so that they could be used on Pesach as well. I remember that they had to be soaked in water for at least a week. [Editor's note: only certain dishes and utensils can be koshered, and this is done in different ways, depending on the material. However, there is no tradition of soaking dishes for a week in order to kosher them]

There was a sweet shop in our street. It was owned by Genovker. There was a cookie shop, which was thoroughly cleaned before Pesach to be used for making matzah. My father's acquaintance Yitzhak supervised the process of matzah making. I remember him showing me how a thoroughly rolled piece of dough was put in an electric stove, and the baked matzah came out the other end. Then this matzah was sold at the synagogue and my parents always bought a lot to have sufficient matzah for the holiday. There was no bread at home at this period, and we only ate matzah.

There was a tradition to have two seder evenings on Pesach: one on the first and another one on the second day of the holiday. We always visited my mother's older brother Marcus on these seder nights. He had a big apartment. My mother's brothers all got together with their wives and children. We sat at a big table and Marcus conducted the seder according to all the rules.

My parents fasted on Yom Kippur. The children could have food, but adults strictly followed the rules. [Editor's note: children under the age of 12 for girls and 13 for boys are not required to fast.] My father was a heavy smoker, but on Yom Kippur he didn't even approach his cigarettes for a whole day and night.

My parents had their seats at the synagogue. My father bought nice seats for himself and mama. My father didn't know Hebrew. He had a thick prayer book in Yiddish and German. On Yom Kippur, my friends and I went to the synagogue with our fathers. I was standing beside my father on the ground floor while mama and the other women were on the upper tier.

Later we, the kids, left the synagogue and headed to somebody's home. The households were wealthy and there were cooks in the families, and we were always greeted by a cook: 'Hey, kids, come on over! You must be starving!' and they treated us to all kinds of delicious food. We also celebrated Rosh Hashanah, Chanukkah and Purim following all Jewish traditions.

As for the holidays organized by the Jewish community in Tallinn, I only remember Simchat Torah. The community arranged a celebration at the synagogue. The children wore carnival costumes and had little torches. We danced and sang and ran. There were also some treats and it was a lot of fun. There were also concerts and performances at the Jewish school on Jewish holidays. Of course, we attended them. All Jewish children knew each other. Tallinn wasn't that big: there were 120,000 residents in the town before the war and about 5,000 were Jews.

I was a member of the Jewish organization for young people, Hashomer Hatzair: 'The Young Watchman.' We had meetings every week. We were told about the history of the Jewish people, and we also had quizzes, tests and various games. We always had a good time there. Besides, from 1937, every Saturday night, all Jewish children who didn't go to the Jewish school, visited Doctor Aba Gomer 14, the Rabbi of Tallinn, and he taught us Jewish history and traditions. Aba Gomer was a Doctor of Philosophy, a very intelligent and interesting man. I enjoyed those Saturday nights with Doctor Gomer much. He spoke to us for an hour and then the rebbetzin, his wife, treated us to tea and cakes.

I was to turn 13 in 1937. Don Shatz, my father's good friend and a very religious man, who went to the synagogue twice a day, started preparing me for my bar mitzvah. I had classes with him at his home every day. I learned a piece from the Torah, but I had to chant it when I had no voice or ear for singing. So I was allowed to recite it. I would say, I had a bar mitzvah and a concert that day. Misha Alexandrovich, a wonderful singer and cantor, conducted the service at the synagogue. He had studied singing in Austria and the cantor of Riga paid for his studies. In the evening we had a celebration for my bar mitzvah. Our apartment was small so we got together at my uncle Iosif's home. He lived in a big apartment near the central park in Tallinn.

When Hitler came to power in Germany in 1933 15, the local Germans that were numerous in Estonia increased their activities. Almost all Germans in Estonia were wealthy people. There were schools for German people. They didn't mix with other nationalities. When Estonian Jews heard about the persecution of Jewish people in Germany and that Jewish residents were chased away from their homes and sent to concentration camps, they were deeply concerned. This started the movement of passive protest. Jews stopped buying German food products or clothes and didn't go to German movies. In 1939, when Soviet military bases were established in Estonia 16, Hitler appealed to all Germans to move to their Motherland and many Estonian Germans left the country.

In 1939 German forces invaded Poland 17. We obtained information about the military operations from the Finnish, German and English radio programs. There were the 'lightning' bulletins displayed in shop windows with information about the military progression. This short-term war brought grief into our family. Germans killed my mother's older sister Polina Vigura, amongst other Jews in Katovice. I know no details of this tragedy.

Soon the Soviet army liberated Poland. After he failed to invade Poland, Hitler decided to share it with Stalin. According to the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact 18, the Baltic territory was under the influence of the USSR. We had no information about this pact at the time. We only heard about it after World War II. Upon execution of this pact, Estonia remained independent for about half a year, though the Soviet army invaded Estonia in 1939; but the explanation was that due to aggravation of the military situation in the world, the Soviet forces were to be based in Estonia to secure its border. The Soviet forces constituted 25,000 military, while the Estonian army amounted to 15,000 soldiers and officers.

I remember well the events of 1940, before Estonia was annexed to the USSR 19. The Soviet army openly entered Estonia. They expected no resistance. In towns, the Soviet military installed stages where Soviet ensembles performed dancing and singing. However, they were not allowed to communicate with the locals. The communists, who were working underground in Estonia, organized a rally of workers in Tallinn. This was a time of economic crisis and unemployment in Estonia. Unemployment is always bad for people. One could go to any extreme fearing losing one's job. I remember how my parents feared to receive a notice of dismissal from work each time they went to receive their wages.

My friends and I went to watch the rally. The workers were carrying the slogan 'We want bread and work!' They went to the government headquarters demanding resignation of the government with the President of Estonia at its head. On both sides their rows were demonstratively guarded by Soviet armored cars and tanks. When they came to the government building, carrying posters and chanting slogans, it was announced that the government had resigned. The new government was appointed and shortly afterward the State Duma was dismissed and elections to the Supreme Soviet 20 were conducted. The Estonian army was dismissed. All political parties were forbidden, except for the communist party, which became legal.

Then the new government announced the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic and appealed to the Soviet government with the request to annex Estonia to the USSR. On 6th August 1940 Estonia was annexed to the USSR. The majority of residents had a negative attitude to this fact, but there was too much fear to openly protest.

The Soviet power established in Estonia dropped an iron curtain 21 around Estonia. It actually existed in the USSR from the moment of its appearance. Boats and planes to Finland were canceled. It was not allowed to communicate with relatives living in other countries 22. However natural it might have been for Soviet residents, we found it strange. Struggle against religion 23 began. Religious classes at schools were canceled and we were not allowed to celebrate religious holidays.

Nationalization of banks and commercial and industrial enterprises began. There were commissars 24 appointed to each enterprise. The commissars, who were from the Soviet military, went to stores and factories, took keys and documents from their owners and dismissed them. There was no reimbursement offered to owners. They were just informed that from then on his or her property belonged to people, and that they needed no assistance in accounting the commodities. Some workers and other employees were allowed to keep their jobs. The result was that some Estonian residents were for and others were against the Soviet power.

My parents had a rather loyal attitude toward the Soviet power. They had no property and had not lost anything. They kept their jobs and were no longer afraid of losing their jobs. They received the same salary for their work while all prices dropped significantly after Soviet power was established. So we could afford a lot more and there were many new food products supplied to stores; for example, concentrated milk in tins, tinned crab meat and Georgian wine. So our life improved with Soviet power. However, my parents were skeptical about the very idea of communism. They thought it was nothing more than utopia, and that the idea would never be implemented.

My college was closed in 1940. I had finished nine grades by then. All schoolchildren went to the secondary school located in the building of the gymnasium. My other Jewish friend and I didn't want to go to this school. We went to the former private Russian school, which was also turned into a state-run school. We could speak and read Russian, but we knew no grammar and couldn't write in Russian. My friend's father taught us during the summer and we happened to be well-prepared for school. In June 1941 we finished 10th grade. We were to study one more year.

During the War

14th June 1941 is a memorial date for all Estonian residents. At night the Soviet authorities deported Estonians 25. The lists for deportation were ready before night. They included the wealthier Estonian, Jewish and Russian residents. Soviet authorities had access to all banking documents and had no problems finding the wealthier residents. Estonian communists also took part in generating the lists and I suspect many people were included in the lists for personal dislikes or jealousy. There were also some suspected of a disloyal attitude to the Soviet power, political activists of the pre-Soviet epoch, wealthy farmers and also those whose residence seemed attractive to the newcomers on these lists.

A truck with NKVD 26 soldiers drove to a house, people were given limited time to get packed and that was it. Trains waited at the railway station. Men were separated from their families. They were sent to the Gulag 27, and members of their families were moved to Siberia. In total about ten thousand people were deported on 14th June. This was quite a significant number, particularly considering that the total population in Estonia accounted to one million people.

My mother's younger sister Rosa, whose marital surname was Klompus, was also on those lists. The Klompus family was probably one of the wealthiest families in Tartu. My aunt's husband's father owned a whole neighborhood of apartment buildings and also had some other property. In his will he assigned his property to Wolf, my aunt's husband. He said that his other sons would either drink or gamble it away. So, in the end only Wolf, Rosa and their son Anatoliy were deported.

Wolf was in a camp, and Rosa and her son ended up in a remote village in the Tomsk region. The nearest railway station was a day's sailing along the river. Wolf was rehabilitated in the 1950s 28. He returned to Estonia and settled down in Piarnu. He was an economist and got a job and received an apartment. When Anatoliy finished school in exile, my parents wanted him to come and stay with us, but he entered a college in Tomsk and stayed there. He and Rosa moved to Piarnu after he finished his studies. Rosa developed a heart disease after all her sufferings, and died a few years later. Her heart failed her. Anatoliy was also a sickly person. The exile and lack of food when he was a child affected him.

After Rosa died her husband lived with Anatoliy. Anatoliy got married and had a daughter. We visited them occasionally. After Anatoliy became a pensioner he moved to Tallinn. His daughter and her family moved to Boston, USA, in the 1980s. In the 1990s, when Estonia was already independent, the Klompus family's property in Tartu was returned to them. Anatoliy went to visit his daughter and the following day he died suddenly from heart failure. The Boston Jewish community buried him according to Jewish traditions.

I went to work as a pioneer leader 29 in a pioneer camp during the summer. The camp was located about 15 kilometers from Tallinn. I was to start on 15th June. We had just settled down, when on Sunday night of 22nd June 1941 we heard the roar of the artillery cannonade. It never occurred to us that it was a war. We thought it was another military training exercise. Then at noon, on 22nd June, we heard the Molotov 30 speech on the radio, and he said that Hitler's armies had attacked the USSR.

We returned to Tallinn where evacuation began and my parents decided to evacuate. Thank God, they didn't delay. Many Estonian and Jewish people didn't fear Germans as much as they did the Soviet power after the tragic deportation experience. This day played another tragic part in the life of Estonian Jews. Even before the German occupation, Estonians began to destroy the Jewish people. Estonia was one of the first European countries to report to Hitler that its territory was free, judenfrei, 31 from Jews. Hatred toward the Soviet power was so strong that it out-weighed all historical dislike of Germans by Estonians. The Germans were seen as liberators and rescuers, and Estonians were ready to fulfill all of their orders.

There were hardly any Jewish survivors in Estonia after the war. Even those who had been deported to Siberia had more of a chance of survival than those who refused to leave their homes. People thought that they would wear yellow stars, if the Germans wanted them to, and speak German and go along with the Germans. They all perished, but it wasn't until after the war that we heard about the Klooga concentration camp 32, mass shootings of Jews and other horrors.

Meanwhile my mother and father packed some belongings and we headed to the railway station. My father worked in the military supply store [department responsible for food and commodity supplies to military units and organizations of the town], and was to take care of transportation of its stock. My parents decided to go on separately rather than wait for one another.

Evacuation was organized from the very start of the war. There were freight trains at the freight station in Tallinn that moved on when they were full. We evacuated on 3rd July 1941. After our train crossed the bridge over the Narva River, the bridge was destroyed. We were told that all Estonians were to be evacuated to Ulianovsk where the government of Estonia had been evacuated 33. We traveled for about three weeks. We had some food and clothes with us. We were lucky since some business organizations were traveling on our train and we could buy everything we needed from them: cookies, butter, tinned meat and fish. So we had sufficient food on the train.

We reached Yelanskaya station between Sverdlovsk and Cheliabinsk. The station was ready to receive people. Horse-drawn wagons from nearby kolkhozes 34 were waiting at the station. We were taken to the local school to be distributed to kolkhozes. We were sent to a kolkhoz 30 kilometers from the district town of Dolmatovo in Kirov region, about 1000 kilometers north-west of Moscow.

Mama and I went to work in the kolkhoz. It was August and I was to go to school in September and we returned to Dolmatovo. Mama went to work as an accountant in the kolkhoz supplying cabbage, carrots and potatoes to the pipe factory in Kamenets-Uralskiy. During the war this factory manufactured cannon guns. We rented a room in a wooden hut. There were two rooms with a Russian stove 35 between them in this hut. There was no door, the rooms were separated by a curtain of some kind.

My father found us there. He had been evacuated to Stalingrad with his store stocks. There he met some acquaintances from Tallinn who corresponded with their relatives, and my father found us through them. My father stayed with us and went to work as an electrician at the power plant in Dolmatovo. He also worked as an electrician at the military school located in an old monastery building.

Our first winter was very hard for us. We had no warm clothes with us. We had been told that the war wasn't going to last longer than one or two months, and that we didn't need many clothes. I had a pair of light boots that I wore through that severe winter in the Ural. We also didn't have sufficient food. It was good that we were given lunches at school and had bread cards from the card system 36, though bread was not provided each day. In spring our landlords gave us a plot of land and we planted potatoes to have them through the winter.

I was in the 10th grade at school. Most of my classmates were evacuated from Moscow, mainly they were children of politicians and about half of them were Jews. I did well at school. I even did better than those children from Moscow, which was amazing. In June 1942 I finished 10th grade and received the school certificate.

In the summer I worked in haymaking in the kolkhoz, and in September 1942 I was recruited to the army. My father was recruited a year later, but he was sent to the front before me. He was a driver for the medical battalion of the Estonian Corps 37. I was sent to a reserve regiment where we were trained in military operations. The regiment was deployed near Kamyshov in the Ural.

We started making earth huts, cutting wood and carrying it to the construction site. We had wagons, but no horses and we pulled those wagons loaded with logs. We had to pull it uphill and one day some big boss visited the regiment and, seeing us, said that people were not horses and were not supposed to drag wagons. As a result, we had to carry the logs on our shoulders instead.

We had eight hours' training each day. We were trained in shooting, disassembling and stripping weapons, crawl and running. We did our best knowing that perhaps our life was at stake at the front and everything depended on our skills. In fall 1943 we were sent from there to the infantry at the front.

The Estonian Corps was a blessing for us Estonians, since before it was established Stalin was sending all Estonian recruits to the labor army 38, where they starved, froze and worked to death, and their only hope to survive was this Estonian Corps. I think that many of us were lucky to survive serving in the Estonian Corps. We understood each other without words, had a similar mentality and spoke one language.

Our front line life started near Leningrad in siege 39. These were our first battles. When the siege was broken, we went into the city and from there we were to march on. I remember when we were in the city. We saw exhausted and starved women wearing cotton or wool coats, with their heads and faces wrapped in kerchiefs, repairing streetcar tracks, removing brick debris formed by destroyed houses. They were models of courage for us. It was fearful to see piles of dead bodies. It's scary to think about how many people had died during the siege of Leningrad. The suburbs of the city were in ruins. Then we headed to Estonia. We were on our way to liberate our fatherland from the fascists.

In February 1944 the crossing of the Narva began. There were violent battles for the Narva. There were Estonian SS military personnel in the Narva and they had nowhere to retreat. The German commanders convinced them that they were sending assistance soon and they were to hold defense until new forces joined them. And they staged a holdout of this plan. Another desperate thing about these battles was that Estonians fought Estonians, the Estonian Corps of the Soviet army against the Estonian SS division. There were cases when members of one family were on opposite sides. The river was frozen, but the ice was scarlet with blood.

In summer 1944 we managed to destroy the enemy fortifications on the bank of the river. Our battalion took part in these battles, but I would like to emphasize that the main blow was struck by the penal battalion fighting beside us. They were sent into initial attacks, and, frankly speaking, they were just cannon fodder. If it had not been for them our casualties would have been many more. There were few survivors in those penal battalions. They had to fight in penal battalions until 'first blood,' until their first wound, and after the hospital they were assigned to common military units.

One can speak a lot about hardships at the front. We continuously moved from one location to another fighting on a beachhead for one or two weeks before moving to new positions. To begin with, we dug trenches. It's impossible to count how many we had dug. Of all tools we only had entrenching shovels. We started with digging a hole to hide the body before deepening it to the size fitting the height of the body. Then we dug a passage to the nearest neighbor and then it became easier to work. Then, when this trench was completed we were ordered to move to another location and then started all over again.

We slept in the open air for the most part. It was fine in summer, when one could fall asleep on the grass, but winter was worse. We slept in twos on one ground sheet and one top coat and used another ground sheet and top coat to sleep under them. We used our back packs as a pillow and gripped our machine guns so that nobody could take them away. When we woke up three hours later, we were covered with a heavy layer of snow.

There was artillery preparation before each battle. By the end of the war we had sufficient artillery units. At the very start of my experience at the front we had 45mm anti-tank cannon guns called 'Farewell, Motherland!' It took three men to roll it onto an open space. They shot tanks point blank. However, the tanks didn't wait to be shot at. Very often these three soldiers were killed immediately. Later we got antitank rifles and rocket missiles. Also there were more planes attacking the enemy's positions, followed by artillery preparation and then the infantry attacked shouting 'Hurrah! For the Motherland!'

I remember our first battles. We were to rise to attack and it was scary to get on and march ahead, but we knew that we had to march ahead and had to stop thinking that we might be killed at any moment. Later, with more experience, this fear lessened, but never disappeared. It's impossible to get used to such things. But then we would think about our field kitchen delivering food after a battle, which was quite a comforting thought to enjoy. Of course, there were delays with food supplies, particularly in spring and fall, when roads were impassable. At such times field kitchens had problems catching up with armed forces.

There were many more battles after the Narva. We were marching across the territory of Estonia, from the south of Estonia via Tallinn heading to the islands. The Germans must have envisaged that the end was approaching and were hurriedly running away from Estonia.

I remember the battle for Saaremaa Island, which was a strategic point, and our regiment was to capture it. I was in Battalion 3. Battalion 1 was the first one to be sent to the island. It consisted of the marines of the Baltic Fleet on marine boats. These boats were the first to attack. They were to land on the beachhead and later we were to join them there. This landing ended tragically. The boats delivered them to the shallow water and they thought it was the sandbank, but it was followed by deep water and they all drowned.

It happened this way. The night battle on Saaremaa was frightful. We reached our positions. It was pitch dark and we bumped into the Germans heading to their boats. Our attack was quite unexpected for them. This was my first face to face fighting. Of course, we had fought before, but we never knew who killed whom or how many people each of us killed. The main goal was to move ahead and destroy the enemy. Nobody cared whether the enemy was killed by a cannon shell or one's bullet. There were no emotions. It was like a shooting range, while there we were close to the enemy and besides, we had to fight in this inky darkness.

We didn't know Germans before we grabbed them. They had longer hair, whereas we had very short haircuts. We grabbed someone by his head and if we felt the longer hair we knew it must be a German soldier. We fought with whatever was at hand: bayonets, knives, rifle and machine gun butt stocks. I didn't have a feeling that I was killing human beings. There was some animal feeling of self-protection: you were fighting for yourself and for your life. There were no other emotions.

In early 1945 I was sent on a course for junior command staff. After finishing this training I was awarded the rank of junior lieutenant. When we were sent to Kurland I had a platoon under my command. The final combat actions in Kurland were the most violent. Our command was in a hurry to wrest the ground from the enemy and finish the war, while German forces were holding the lines and fighting desperately, supporting some of their units to give them a chance to evacuate.

We were moving ahead very slowly: fighting, shooting, wresting the ground from the enemy, advancing 50-100 meters and stopping again. The location was unfavorable and there was no shelter: grassy clearing, then a spot of wood and then an open clearing again. Even the wounded had to wait for rescue until night and they had to stay there bleeding, if they happened to have been wounded on an open grass clearing.

My close school friend was fighting in the neighboring regiment. During an attack he was wounded in his leg and had to stay in a swamp all day long. There was no way to pull him out. At night he was taken out and sent to the medical battalion and later he was sent to hospital. He was developing gangrene, and the hospital could offer no cure. He had his leg amputated beneath his knee to stop the gangrene.

We fought in Kurland, when we had some period of inactivity. Actually through April 1945 we were only engaged in training. We made earth huts and were having a rest. We knew the war was coming to an end. In early May, Estonian General Lieutenant Lembit Piarn, Corps Commander, visited us. He came from the family of Caucasian Estonians. These families moved to Georgia in the 19th century looking for a better life. We lined up and Piarn told us that in a few days we would receive a signal to begin combat action and we were to prepare ourselves to advance 7 kilometers within one and a half hours and wrest the ground from the enemy.

We started preparations and training in aimed shooting on the run and running. Then, on 8th May 1945 in the late afternoon, we were ordered to start the combat action. We started moving to our positions. The tanks were moving along the road and the infantry was following them. It was still light, when all of a sudden the tank column stopped and I saw a Willis car approaching us from the German front line. It stopped and a general came out. He approached the tanks and pronounced loudly: 'That's it, comrades! The war is over!' Later I heard that this was General Panyushkin. He had already visited the Germans and they had signaled their surrender.

It's hard to describe what it was like! We had night tracer bullets: a bullet flies and there is light behind it to see its direction. Everybody started shooting in the air and the sky was flashing. The tank corps commander asked the general's permission to remove the blackout from the tanks. The tanks had their lights closed with screens, but there was a small peephole left for the tank soldiers to manage their tanks since there were no night viewers available at that time. The general granted his permission and it became as light in the forest as during the day.

We were ordered to stay overnight in the forest. The field kitchen arrived shortly afterwards, so we ate and for the first time in a long time we were given 100 milliliters of vodka for dinner. We rested the following day, and there were Germans marching past us into captivity. They had no weapons and we were watching them. Then we were ordered to check that there were no Germans left in this 7 kilometer area that we were supposed to fight through the day before. What we saw was hair raising. Pine trees had been cut to knee height; their trunks with the branches were placed on the tree stumps. It was impossible to crawl underneath. There were German trenches with machine guns on them behind these pine trees. Even machine gun sites were covered with sand, such was the German accuracy. They had even had shooting practice on fixed ranges in advance, and our intelligence units failed to identify them. If we had had to fight, there would have been no survivors.

Throughout the duration of my fighting at the front I was wounded just once. It was a minor injury in my leg, the bone was not injured. I was sent to hospital and then returned to my unit.

We were not spoiled by awards in our Estonian Corps. I don't know why, but we didn't receive awards as often as they did in other units. I had two awards: Medal for Military Merits 40 and an Order for the Great Patriotic War 41 2nd Grade. Later, after the war, I received awards dedicated to the Victory and Soviet army anniversaries.

There were commissars, political officers, in the Estonia Corps and in other units in the Soviet army. They conducted political training and engaged themselves in all proceedings. Of course, there were also SMERSH 42 officers, both Estonian and Russian ones. They were involved in hiring informers among us. We even knew some of these informers. A few of our soldiers were transferred to SMERSH and they were even awarded officers' ranks. I was lucky in this respect: they never tried to involve me.

SMERSH representatives were continuously mixing with the staff of the Estonian Corps, but they usually disappeared before combat actions. They preferred to watch the actions from a distance. We also had a rear unit in the Corps. They moved behind us and God forbid if a combatant decided to turn back: they were allowed to shoot and kill. Fortunately, there were no such cases in our regiment, though I came to the front at the turning point of the war. We never retreated. We advanced or stayed where we were, but we didn't retreat.

I joined the Party during the war. These were mass events, and officers were required to be party members. Our political officer convinced me to join. He was a very intelligent man. I wasn't eager to join the party, but nor did I mind.

I corresponded with my family throughout the war. It's amazing that the field post office worked without failure. A letter was folded into a triangle, the headquarters stamped it 'Red army free' and letters reached their addresses. Actually, letters took a long time to be delivered, particularly, when the unit relocated. We had no return address, just a military unit number.

The combatants of the Estonian Corps were patriots. We did all we could, even unto death, to liberate Estonia from invaders. Jews of the Estonian Corps also struggled to stop fascists from exterminating Jews. We didn't have any information about the violent extermination of Jews in Estonia, but we knew about the persecution of Jews in Germany and we knew that Hitler wanted to exterminate Jews in Europe. We knew that it was our duty to stop this at whatever price.

After the War 

After the war I was waiting for demobilization. I didn't contemplate my future being with the army. I wanted to enter the Law Faculty at the University and become a lawyer. Our Corps relocated to Estonia and we were deployed in the military quarters in Kloog. However, there were no lodgings for our battalion so we started building houses. We made the frame structure from pine and fur tree trunks, and constructed the walls from wooden lath. Later we relocated to Algvida, in the opposite direction from Tallinn, in the direction of Leningrad. We were staying in the woods, 7 kilometers from the station. We had to make earth huts to stay in.

Demobilization started for older people. I was an officer. I was told I was still young and had to serve in the army. I served in the Estonian Corps until 1949, when reorganization of the army began and the staff was to be reduced. This was also the start of the anti-Semitic campaign in the USSR: the process against cosmopolitans 43, and the murder of Mikhoels 44. After that reprisals in Estonia began. To tell the truth, when this happened there was more mention of the agricultural population. In the villages, the process of dispossession of wealthy farmers, the Kulaks 45 began. Of course, there were wealthier and poorer farmers in Estonia. Agriculture was well developed there; Estonia prospered from the export of butter, eggs and bacon. Denmark purchased butter and bacon was sold to England. Farming is hard work and all members of a farmer's family joined in this hard work. The Soviet power expropriated land from these people and granted it to the poor; rich country families were banished to Siberia.

I already knew that I was not going to become a staff officer so I got involved in the army finance division. I had no special education and had to learn this specialty on my own. The state anti-Semitism fed by the struggle against cosmopolitans was strengthening in the USSR and of course, it had its impact on me. In 1950, when the Estonian Corps still existed, they made the place too hot for me. They never tried to hide the fact that the reason for this was that I was a Jew. I requested demobilization, but they sent me to the Human Resources department of the Leningrad regiment, and from there to Tikhvin, in the St. Petersburg region [200 kilometers from St. Petersburg] where I was employed as a financier in the military enlistment office.

My parents returned to Tallinn from evacuation. They received a room to live in. My relatives also returned to their homes. My mother's brother Marcus and his daughters returned to Tallinn. His wife Taube died in evacuation in 1944. Marcus died in Tallinn in 1950. His daughter Debora has been living in Belgium since the 1920s. Then she moved to Israel. She died at the age of 93 in 2002 in Jerusalem. His second daughter Mirah lives in Jerusalem. She has turned 89. My mother's second brother Iosif died in evacuation. His daughter Sterna lived in Tallinn and died there in 2002. She was buried near her grandfather's grave in the Jewish cemetery of Tallinn.

I got married in 1950. I met my wife Miriam Patova when I was on service near Tallinn. We met at a Russian folk brass orchestra concert in the concert hall of Tallinn. A mutual friend introduced me to Miriam. Miriam was studying at school when I started seeing her. After finishing school Miriam went to Leningrad where she entered the Therapeutic Faculty of the Medical College. We corresponded and saw each other when she came home during vacations.

We got married during her winter vacation in 1950. Miriam's mother was severely ill at the time, and we had no wedding party. We registered our marriage and had a simple dinner with our parents in the evening. Only a year later, when Miriam came to Tallinn on winter vacation and I also had a short-term vacation we arranged a wedding party and invited our relatives. I visited Miriam in Leningrad. It was no problem for me to travel from Tikhvin on weekends.

Miriam was born in Tallinn in 1929. Her family lived in Rakvere [a town in northern Estonia, 20 kilometers south of the Gulf of Finland], but her mother came to Tallinn to give birth to her children. Miriam's father, Beniamin Patov, was born in Ukraine. He happened to come to the Baltic during World War I and then settled down there. Her mother Sheina, whose maiden name was Khazan, came from Riga. Miriam's father was a hat maker, and her mother assisted him in his work.

They had three children. Miriam's older sister Rachil, whose Jewish name was Rokhel-Leya, was born in 1920. The second child was a son, Beines, born in 1923. Miriam was the youngest of the three. The family was religious; they observed all Jewish traditions, celebrated the Sabbath and Jewish holidays. Miriam's brother had his bar mitzvah, when he turned 13, there was a big celebration of the event.

Miriam studied in an Estonian school where she studied German from the 1st grade. She was 12 when her sister moved to Tallinn and her brother followed shortly after. Miriam and her parents stayed in Rakvere. They were evacuated at the beginning of the war and returned to Tallinn after the war. Miriam's parents wanted her to continue her education, which was quite impossible in the small town of Rakvere.

Miriam's older sister Rachil lived in Tallinn, and her brother Beines perished at the very start of the war. He was a driver in Tallinn, and his boss ordered him to drive his car to Leningrad. Miriam's family was on the way to evacuation, when they met Beines in Kingisepp. He was on his way back to Tallinn. They were telling him to go with them, but he refused saying that he had an order to return to Tallinn. German forces were already entering the town when he arrived. Some Estonians captured him and killed him in the jail. Miriam's family obtained the archive documents of his death after the war.

Our daughter Tatiana was born in Leningrad on 9th January 1951. Miriam was a 4th-year student then. The day before the birth Miriam attended her lectures in college. Before our daughter turned one month old, Miriam brought her to Tallinn, stayed at home for a short time and returned to Leningrad. Miriam's mother took care of our daughter till Miriam graduated from college. My wife and I visited our daughter in Tallinn whenever we got a chance.

In 1953 I was relocated to Boxitogorsk, 25 kilometers north of Tikhvin. I relocated to work in a new military enlistment office. I received a nice one-bedroom apartment in a new house. Miriam also got a job in Boxitogorsk where she went to work as a children's doctor in the town hospital. We also took our two and a half year old daughter to live with us.

On 5th March 1953 Stalin died. His name was an icon and Stalin was God for those born in the USSR who grew up with his name. I spent my youth in a different environment and was critical about Stalin's personality. We associated Stalin's name with everything happening in the USSR: cosmopolitan processes, the Doctors' Plot 46 and ever strengthening anti- Semitism. Of course, there was no information available, but we were not blind and we had an inner feeling that these were initiated by Stalin since he couldn't be unawares of whatever was happening.

My wife and I were horrified when Nikita Khrushchev 47 spoke at the 20th Party Congress 48 with the report on the cult of Stalin and his crimes. Only parts of his speech were published, even then there was a ban on information, but what we could read was sufficient for us to feel horrified, though we knew and sensed a lot. We knew it, because so many people were returning from the Gulag telling us what it was like. Of course, it was a shock.

Later we learned that if Stalin had not died, Jews would have been deported to Siberia or farther away. I wouldn't say that this shattered my trust in the Party. By then my membership in the Party became a pure formality for me. It was a requirement for making a career and nothing more.

We didn't stay long in Boxitogorsk. When reorganization of the army started I was invited to the HR department of the Leningrad military regiment where I was offered another position. They told me at once that there were no vacancies in Leningrad. I said I would not focus on Leningrad and they showed me the list of vacancies where I saw a position of Financial Manager in a hospital in Tallinn. I asked them to send me there. They said it was difficult to receive an apartment in Tallinn, but it didn't scare me and I was appointed to this position.

My parents lived in a one-room apartment, and Miriam's parents had three rooms in a shared apartment 49. Shared apartments were the invention of the Soviet regime. Before this we couldn't even imagine that people could share an apartment, being strangers to one another. We moved in with my wife's parents.

In 1956 our son Alexander was born. We didn't give our children Jewish names due to the Soviet environment. However, we never failed to observe Jewish traditions. Of course, there was a ban on them in those years, but we couldn't care less. Besides, it wasn't so hard in Estonia. For example, there were official supplies of matzah to Estonia from Riga or Leningrad. In the late 1980s, the Jewish community of Estonia 50 addressed the authorized representative on religion and the Estonian government provided flour for matzah for Pesach from its stocks. Perhaps this is why we have this attitude to the country and believe it to be our motherland.

Even through the most difficult postwar years and until 1990, we always had the Passover seder at home. Our friends visited us and we celebrated our holiday. The children were involved in the celebrations and knew what each holiday was about. They learned Jewish traditions and the history of the Jewish people. It was very natural for them. My son and daughter had many Jewish classmates. My wife and I never felt shy because we were Jews and felt no different from the others and our children knew and understood this.

The original Estonian residents had a different attitude toward Jews than the newcomers. Usually those who had moved to Estonia after it was annexed to the USSR had anti-Semitic attitudes while Estonians thought that since they were persecuted and humiliated in the USSR like the Jews, they believed they were in a similar situation to the Jewish people. They believed us to be equal: Estonians were unhappy and so were Jews, so it was a good idea to support each other. We had many Jewish friends, but we also had Estonian and Russian friends. We didn't care about nationality, we believed human values were more important.

We also celebrated Soviet holidays: 1st May, 7th November [October Revolution Day] 51 and Victory Day 52. Of course, Victory Day was special for our family. We survived this horrible war and were happy about it. Other Soviet holidays were our days off and we took the opportunity to spend time with our children, have a fancy meal and socialize with friends. My wife and I worked and rarely had time with our children.

My wife and I appreciated the help and support of our mothers. My wife's mother raised our little daughter. When the children went to school my mother was taking care of them. She met them from school, made nice lunches and helped them with their homework. She always talked and discussed their problems with them. We were sure that our children were in good hands. My mother loved reading even when she grew old. We subscribed to a number of literary magazines and my mother was the first to read them. We spoke Russian with our children at home, but they also spoke fluent Estonian. They learned Estonian playing with Estonian kids in the yard.

My father died of cancer in Tallinn in 1963. He was buried according to Jewish tradition in the Jewish cemetery in Tallinn. My mother died in 1972 and we buried her near my father's grave. There are so many graves of our relatives in this cemetery. The Jewish cemetery survived even the occupation of Tallinn. Nothing was destroyed. It existed during the Soviet regime and it's still there. Now there is another problem. There is hardly any space left and soon there will be no space for new graves.

The army continued reducing their headcount. My position in the hospital was made redundant and I was offered the position of Pension Manager in the military enlistment office. I accepted the offer and worked in the military office for 26 years. I was promoted to Financial Pensions Manager. I had to improve my education. There was a Military Faculty in Moscow Financial Institute. I was on good terms with the Finance Department of the Ministry of Defense. These people knew me well and appreciated my performance. They gave me recommendations to the Institute, and in this case my nationality was no problem. I was an external student and traveled to Moscow to take exams.

I applied for resignation when I turned 60; it was difficult for me to work at this age. Even generals resign at 60. However, they didn't accept my resignation. They had to find a replacement, who knew Russian and Estonian to communicate with the institutions and ministries. Finally I started looking for a replacement myself and found an Estonian financial specialist working somewhere in Ukraine. I sent his information to the Ministry of Defense and they relocated him to Tallinn, whereupon I resigned. I started my service in the army in 1942 and resigned in 1985, having 43 years of service. One and a half years at the front accounted for three years. I receive the Russian military pension, which is more than the ordinary old age pension.

Our life in Estonia was different to everywhere else in the USSR. Of course, there were lines to buy any goods, even the essentials. But in general, the situation was different. The Baltic Republics produced good quality food products. There were tours of all Soviet stars and theaters. They liked traveling to the Baltic Republics. Our services and standard of living were higher than elsewhere. Scientists, writers and poets had vacations in Piarnu and Tartu. We also had guests from Moscow and other towns. They were visiting 'Europe': Tallinn was Europe for them.

Tatiana entered the Faculty of Russian Philology at Tartu University after finishing school. Her lecturer was Lotman 53, and she also visited him at home. Even during the Soviet regime, Tartu was the only university in the USSR where Jews were not subject to any national discrimination. During her studies Tatiana married Rimantas Duda, a Lithuanian. Her marital surname is Dudiene. In 1976 her first son, Matas, was born and Tatiana became an external student. She finished her studies and in 1978 her second son, Simas, was born.

The majority of philology students became teachers, but Tatiana was not attracted to this. She went to work at the library in the polytechnic college. My daughter and her family live in Vilnius. She now has three grandchildren, our great-grandchildren, and soon there will be a fourth. My daughter and her family celebrate all Jewish holidays: Pesach, Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur. She follows all rules like we did in our household. Her sons and their wives respect Jewish traditions. They also celebrate Catholic traditions, for my daughter's husband.

Our grandchildren have Master's degrees. They graduated from the Academy of Arts in Vilnius, and the older grandson is working for his Doctor's degree. He is very modest and hardworking. He has a daughter, Ione, born in 2000, and a son, Povilas, who is one and a half years old. Simas has a daughter called Leya, who is three and a half years old. My daughter's family visits us every year and we visit them.

Alexander graduated from Tallinn Teachers' Training Institute. His specialty is 'Physics and vocational training.'. Upon graduation he was sent to work at a general education school. When a new, big vocational school opened in Tallinn, he was offered the position of teacher of physics and vocational training. He was a tutor in the electrical mechanics group. Alexander loves children and his job. He communicates with his students' parents. When his graduates received diplomas and school certificates they gave flowers to Alexander and thanked him for his effort. There were so many flowers that he had to take a taxi to bring them home. His students and their parents thanked him for his guidance.

My son married Margarita Rubinstein, a Jewish girl, born in Tallinn. Of course, my wife and I would have accepted any choice our son made, but the fact that he married a Jewish girl was very important to us. Margarita graduated from the Plumbers' Faculty of the polytechnic college with honors and worked at a design institute. She is very talented and draws well. Their first child, Rosa, was born in Tallinn in 1983.

In 1990 our daughter-in-law's family decided to move to Israel. It was her parents, her sister and her husband, and Margarita's uncle and his family. Alexander and Margarita also decided to move there. They needed our consent for their departure to be certified by the notary. We had no doubts about it and had all the necessary documents issued. Though we still worked and might have had problems resulting from their departure, we would never have done anything to jeopardize their happiness. Our son and his wife and daughter Rosa started taking Hebrew classes. Rosa did very well and in no time she was already helping them with the language. Our son's family settled in Ashdod. Our second granddaughter Esther was born in Israel in 1993.

Our granddaughters are very nice girls. Rosa is very talented and intelligent: she finished two years of the high school course in one year; she served in the army; she is a university student and also has a job. Esther studies in high school. My son's family is doing very well and I hope they will be all right in the future.

My family and I were very enthusiastic about the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948 54. I think it's a great joy for all Jews scattered all over the world that our state recovered after many thousands of years. When mass departures to Israel started in the 1970s, we supported those who decided to move there as much as we could and were happy to hear that they adapted to life in the newly gained country. A number of our relatives and acquaintances were among them. My cousin Mirah and her family left.

My wife and I didn't consider emigration. I was a professional military officer and after resignation I was not allowed to depart for ten years. Later my wife and I started thinking that we might never see our daughter and grandchildren again if we moved. We couldn't even imagine that we would be able to visit Israel or invite our relatives to visit us. So we stayed here. Our son and his family visit us and call us every week.

Miriam and I have also visited Israel. We took our first trip in 1994. Then we had another trip. I also attended the World Jewish Congress in Jerusalem. Israel made a wonderful impression on me. I felt at home there. Of course, there are problems, but this is common in all countries. What is most important is that this little prosperous country should live in peace.

I was rather positive about perestroika 55, initiated in the USSR by Mikhail Gorbachev 56 at the beginning. I was hoping that the USSR would become a really free and democratic country, and it looked so at first, but later I realized that these speeches were nothing but the camouflage for lack of action.

During the putsch 57 I followed everything that was going on. An airborne division arrived in Tallinn from Pskov in tanks and Soviet forces filled the town. Only the efforts of our government prevented bloodshed. It was a long trip from Pskov, and the troopers only had rationed food with them. Officers of the division were invited to the restaurant in the TV tower and the waiters were ordered to serve all the food they had available. A government representative went to the dairy where he ordered to deliver yogurts and cheese to the soldiers, and then they couldn't aim their guns at defenseless people. Meanwhile the breakdown of the USSR [in 1991] was announced. The officers of the Pskov division thanked the Estonians for their hospitality and departed to Pskov. Thus, there was no bloodshed.

I was very positive about the independence of Estonia 58. I remember life in Estonia before it was annexed to the USSR and I knew we would do well. Thank God, my hopes became true. Estonians are very accurate people, and it didn't take long before our life improved. My wife and I were too old to start our own business, but there are good opportunities for younger people.

The Jewish community of Estonia was established during perestroika. This was the first Jewish community in the former Soviet Union. I think our community plays a very important role in the life of Estonian Jews. For eight years, I was Chairman of the Audit Commission of the Jewish community where I put in a lot of effort. At first the Joint 59 assisted us a lot. The Joint resolved all social issues that we faced.

The community provides assistance to the lonely and elderly people. Many of them have lunches in the community, and the community delivers food to those who never leave their homes. Community health workers do cleaning, washing and buy food for these people. These provisions are vitally important to many people.

Since Estonia joined the European Union, the Joint has reduced its financial assistance, as it has its restrictions: an American charity organization is not supposed to finance the European Union. Fortunately, the former Estonian Jew, Kofkin, living in Switzerland, now established the Kofkin Charity Fund in Estonia, and this fund provides assistance to the needy, supporting a number of social programs.

We celebrate all Jewish holidays and Victory Day in the community center. Victory Day is a holiday for all Jews in Europe. The community restored ownership of the former high school building and the children have the opportunity to get a Jewish education. These are wonderful things and there is much hope for the future.

Glossary:

1 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination..

2 Five percent quota

In tsarist Russia the number of Jews in higher educational institutions couldn't exceed 5% of the total number of students.

3 Estonian Independence

Estonia was under Russian rule since 1721, when Peter the Great defeated the Swedes and made the area officially a part of Russia. During World War I, after the collapse of the tsarist regime, Estonia was partly conquered by the German army. After the German capitulation (11th November 1918) the Estonians succeeded in founding their own state, and on 2nd February 1920 the Treaty of Tartu was concluded between independent Estonia and Russia. Estonia remained independent until 1940.

4 First Estonian Republic

Until 1917 Estonia was part of the Russian Empire. Due to the revolutionary events in Russia, the political situation in Estonia was extremely unstable in 1917. Various political parties sprang up; the Bolshevik party was particularly strong. National forces became active, too. In February 1918, they succeeded in forming the provisional government of the First Estonian Republic, proclaiming Estonia an independent state on 24th February 1918.

5 Tallinn Synagogue

Built in 1883 and designed by architect Nikolai Tamm; burnt down completely in 1944.

6 Jewish Cultural Autonomy

Cultural autonomy, which was proclaimed in Estonia in 1926, allowing the Jewish community to promote national values (education, culture, religion).

7 WIZO

Women's International Zionist Organization, founded in London in 1920 with humanitarian purposes aiming at supporting Jewish women all over the world in the field of education, economics, science and culture. A network of health, social and educational institutions was created in Palestine between 1921 and 1933, along with numerous local groups worldwide. After WWII its office was moved to Tel Aviv. WIZO became an advisory organ to the UN after WWII (similar to UNICEF or ECOSOC). Today it operates on a voluntary basis, as a party-neutral, non-profit organization, with about 250,000 members in 50 countries (2003).

8 Betar

Brith Trumpledor (Hebrew) meaning Trumpledor Society; right-wing Revisionist Jewish youth movement. It was founded in 1923 in Riga by Vladimir Jabotinsky, in memory of J. Trumpledor, one of the first fighters to be killed in Palestine, and the fortress Betar, which was heroically defended for many months during the Bar Kohba uprising. Its aim was to propagate the program of the revisionists and prepare young people to fight and live in Palestine. It organized emigration through both legal and illegal channels. It was a paramilitary organization; its members wore uniforms. They supported the idea to create a Jewish legion in order to liberate Palestine. From 1936-39 the popularity of Betar diminished. During WWII many of its members formed guerrilla groups.

9 Hashomer Hatzair

Left-wing Zionist youth organization, which started in Poland in 1912 and managed to gather supporters from all over Europe. Their goal was to educate the youth in the Zionist mentality and to prepare them to immigrate to Palestine. To achieve this goal they paid special attention to the so-called shomer-movement (boy scout education) and supported the re-stratification of the Jewish society. They operated several agricultural and industrial training grounds (the so-called chalutz grounds) to train those who wanted to immigrate. In Transylvania the first Hashomer Hatzair groups were established in the 1920s. During World War II, members of the Hashomer Hatzair were leading active resistance against German forces, in ghettoes and concentration camps. After the war, Hashomer Hatzair was active in 'illegal' immigration to Palestine.

10 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

11 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

12 Tallinn Jewish Gymnasium

During the Soviet period, the building hosted Vocational School #1. In 1990, the school building was restored to the Jewish community of Estonia; it is now home to the Tallinn Jewish School.

13 Yiddishists

They were Jewish intellectuals who repudiated Hebrew as a dead language and considered Yiddish the language of the Jewish people. They promoted Yiddish literature, Yiddish education and culture.

14 Aba Gomer (?-1941)

born in Belostok, Poland, and graduated from the Department of Philosophy of Bonn University. He lived in Tallinn from 1927 and was the chief rabbi of Estonia. In 1941, he was determined not to go into Soviet back areas and remained on the German-occupied territory. He was killed by Nazis in the fall of 1941.

15 Hitler's rise to power

In the German parliamentary elections in January 1933, the National Socialist German Workers' Party (NSDAP) won one- third of the votes. On 30th January 1933 the German president swore in Adolf Hitler, the party's leader, as chancellor. On 27th February 1933 the building of the Reichstag (the parliament) in Berlin was burned down. The government laid the blame with the Bulgarian communists, and a show trial was staged. This served as the pretext for ushering in a state of emergency and holding a re-election. It was won by the NSDAP, which gained 44% of the votes, and following the cancellation of the communists' votes it commanded over half of the mandates. The new Reichstag passed an extraordinary resolution granting the government special legislative powers and waiving the constitution for 4 years. This enabled the implementation of a series of moves that laid the foundations of the totalitarian state: all parties other than the NSDAP were dissolved, key state offices were filled by party luminaries, and the political police and the apparatus of terror swiftly developed.

16 Estonia in 1939-1940

on September 24, 1939, Moscow demanded that Estonia make available military bases for the Red Army units. On June 16, Moscow issued an ultimatum insisting on the change of government and the right of occupation of Estonia. On June 17, Estonia accepted the provisions and ceased to exist de facto, becoming Estonian Soviet Republic within USSR.R.

17 German Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

18 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non- aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

19 Occupation of the Baltic Republics (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania)

Although the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact regarded only Latvia and Estonia as parts of the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe, according to a supplementary protocol (signed in 28th September 1939) most of Lithuania was also transferred under the Soviets. The three states were forced to sign the 'Pact of Defense and Mutual Assistance' with the USSR allowing it to station troops in their territories. In June 1940 Moscow issued an ultimatum demanding the change of governments and the occupation of the Baltic Republics. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republics.

20 The Supreme Soviet

'Verhovniy Soviet', comprised the highest legislative body in the Soviet Union and the only one with the power to pass constitutional amendments. It elected the Presidium, formed the Supreme Court, and appointed the Procurator General of the USSR. It was made up of two chambers, each with equal legislative powers, with members elected for five-year terms: the Soviet of the Union, elected on the basis of population with one deputy for every 300,000 people in the Soviet federation, the Soviet of Nationalities, supposed to represent the ethnic populations, with members elected on the basis of 25 deputies from each of the 15 republic of the union, 11 from each autonomous republic, five from each autonomous region, and one from each autonomous area.

21 Iron Curtain

A term popularized by Sir Winston Churchill in a speech in 1946. He used it to designate the Soviet Union's consolidation of its grip over Eastern Europe. The phrase denoted the separation of East and West during the Cold War, which placed the totalitarian states of the Soviet bloc behind an 'Iron Curtain'. The fall of the Iron Curtain corresponds to the period of perestroika in the former Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the democratization of Eastern Europe beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

22 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

23 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

24 Political officer

These "commissars," as they were first called, exercised specific official and unofficial control functions over their military command counterparts. The political officers also served to further Party interests with the masses of drafted soldiery of the USSR by indoctrination in Marxist-Leninism. The 'zampolit', or political officers, appeared at the regimental level in the army, as well as in the navy and air force, and at higher and lower levels, they had similar duties and functions. The chast (regiment) of the Soviet Army numbered 2000-3000 personnel, and was the lowest level of military command that doctrinally combined all arms (infantry, armor, artillery, and supporting services) and was capable of independent military missions. The regiment was commanded by a colonel, or lieutenant colonel, with a lieutenant or major as his zampolit, officially titled "deputy commander for political affairs."

25 Soviet Deportation of Estonian Civilians

June 14, 1941 - the first of mass deportations organized by the Soviet regime in Estonia. There were about 400 Jews among a total of 10,000 people who were deported or removed to reformatory camps.

26 NKVD

(Russ.: Narodnyi Komissariat Vnutrennikh Del), People's Committee of Internal Affairs, the supreme security authority in the USSR - the secret police. Founded by Lenin in 1917, it nevertheless played an insignificant role until 1934, when it took over the GPU (the State Political Administration), the political police. The NKVD had its own police and military formations, and also possessed the powers to pass sentence on political matters, and as such in practice had total control over society. Under Stalin's rule the NKVD was the key instrument used to terrorize the civilian population. The NKVD ran a network of labor camps for millions of prisoners, the Gulag. The heads of the NKVD were as follows: Genrikh Yagoda (to 1936), Nikolai Yezhov (to 1938) and Lavrenti Beria. During the war against Germany the political police, the KGB, was spun off from the NKVD. After the war it also operated on USSR-occupied territories, including in Poland, where it assisted the nascent communist authorities in suppressing opposition. In 1946 the NKVD was renamed the Ministry of the Interior.

27 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

28 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

29 All-Union pioneer organization

A communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

30 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

31 Judenfrei (Judenrein)

German for 'free (purified) of Jews'. A term created by the Nazis in Germany in connection with the plan entitled 'The Final Solution to the Jewish Question', the aim of which was defined as 'the creation of a Europe free of Jews'. The term 'Judenrein'/'Judenfrei' in Nazi terminology referred to the extermination of the Jews and described an area (a town or a region), from which the entire Jewish population had been deported to extermination camps or forced labor camps. The term was, particularly in occupied Poland, an established part of the official and unofficial Nazi language.

32 Klooga

Subcamp of the Vaivara camp in Estonia, set up in 1943 and one of the largest camps in the country. Most of the prisoners came from the Vilnius ghetto; they worked under extreme conditions. There were 3,000 to 5,000 inmates kept in the Klooga camp. It was eliminated together with all of its inmates in spring 1944, before the advance by the Soviet army.

33 Estonian Government in Evacuation

Both, the Government of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Central Committee of the Estonian Communist Party were created in 1940 and were evacuated to Moscow as the war started. Their task was to provide for Estonian residents who had been evacuated or drafted into the labor army. They succeeded in restoring life and work conditions of many evacuees. Former leaders of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic took active part in the formation of the Estonian Rifle Corps assisting the transfer of former Estonian citizens from the labor army into the Corps. At the beginning of 1944, top authority institutions of the Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic were moved to Leningrad, and the permanent Estonian representation office remained in Moscow. In September 1944, Estonia was re-established as part of the USSR and the Estonian government moved to Tallinn.

34 Collective farm (in Russian kolkhoz)

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

35 Russian stove

Big stone stove stoked with wood. They were usually built in a corner of the kitchen and served to heat the house and cook food. It had a bench that made a comfortable bed for children and adults in wintertime.

36 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

37 Estonian Rifle Corps

Military unit established in late 1941 as a part of the Soviet Army. The Corps was made up of two rifle divisions. Those signed up for the Estonian Corps by military enlistment offices were ethnic Estonians regardless of their residence within the Soviet Union as well as men of call-up age residing in Estonia before the Soviet occupation (1940). The Corps took part in the bloody battle of Velikiye Luki (December 1942 - January 1943), where it suffered great losses and was sent to the back areas for re-formation and training. In the summer of 1944, the Corps took part in the liberation of Estonia and in March 1945 in the actions on Latvian territory. In 1946, the Corps was disbanded.

38 Labor army

It was made up of men of call-up age not trusted to carry firearms by the Soviet authorities. Such people were those living on the territories annexed by the USSR in 1940 (Eastern Poland, the Baltic States, parts of Karelia, Bessarabia and northern Bukovina) as well as ethnic Germans living in the Soviet Union proper. The labor army was employed for carrying out tough work, in the woods or in mines. During the first winter of the war, 30 percent of those drafted into the labor army died of starvation and hard work. The number of people in the labor army decreased sharply when the larger part of its contingent was transferred to the national Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian Corps, created at the beginning of 1942. The remaining labor detachments were maintained up until the end of the war.

39 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

40 Medal for Military Merits

Awarded after 17th October 1938 to soldiers of the Soviet army, navy and frontier guard for their 'bravery in battles with the enemies of the Soviet Union' and 'defense of the immunity of the state borders' and 'struggle with diversionists, spies and other enemies of the people'.

41 Order of the Great Patriotic War

1st Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for skillful command of their units in action. 2nd Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for lesser personal valor in action.

42 SMERSH

Russian abbreviation for 'Smert Shpionam' meaning Death to Spies. It was a counterintelligence department in the Soviet Union formed during World War II, to secure the rear of the active Red Army, on the front to arrest 'traitors, deserters, spies, and criminal elements'. The full name of the entity was USSR People's Commissariat of Defense Chief Counterintelligence Directorate 'SMERSH'. This name for the counterintelligence division of the Red Army was introduced on 19th April 1943, and worked as a separate entity until 1946. It was headed by Viktor Abakumov. At the same time a SMERSH directorate within the People's Commissariat of the Soviet Navy and a SMERSH department of the NKVD were created. The main opponent of SMERSH in its counterintelligence activity was Abwehr, the German military foreign information and counterintelligence department. SMERSH activities also included 'filtering' the soldiers recovered from captivity and the population of the gained territories. It was also used to punish within the NKVD itself; allowed to investigate, arrest and torture, force to sign fake confessions, put on a show trial, and either send to the camps or shoot people. SMERSH would also often be sent out to find and kill defectors, double agents, etc.; also used to maintain military discipline in the Red Army by means of barrier forces, that were supposed to shoot down the Soviet troops in the cases of retreat. SMERSH was also used to hunt down 'enemies of the people' outside Soviet territory.

43 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

44 Mikhoels, Solomon (1890-1948) (born Vovsi)

Great Soviet actor, producer and pedagogue. He worked in the Moscow State Jewish Theater (and was its art director from 1929). He directed philosophical, vivid and monumental works. Mikhoels was murdered by order of the State Security Ministry.

45 Kulaks

In the Soviet Union the majority of wealthy peasants that refused to join collective farms and give their grain and property to Soviet power were called kulaks, declared enemies of the people and exterminated in the 1930s.

46 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

47 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

48 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

49 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

50 Jewish community of Estonia

On 30th March 1988 in a meeting of Jews of Estonia, consisting of 100 people, convened by David Slomka, a resolution was made to establish the Community of Jewish Culture of Estonia (KJCE) and in May 1988 the community was registered in the Tallinn municipal Ispolkom. KJCE was the first independent Jewish cultural organization in the USSR to be officially registered by the Soviet authorities. In 1989 the first Ivrit courses started, although the study of Ivrit was equal to Zionist propaganda and considered to be anti-Soviet activity. Contacts with Jewish organizations of other countries were established. KJCE was part of the Peoples' Front of Estonia, struggling for an independent state. In December 1989 the first issue of the KJCE paper Kashachar (Dawn) was published in Estonian and Russian language. In 1991 the first radio program about Jewish culture and activities of KJCE, 'Sholem Aleichem,' was broadcast in Estonia. In 1991 the Jewish religious community and KJCE had a joined meeting, where it was decided to found the Jewish Community of Estonia.

51 October Revolution Day

October 25th (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

52 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

53 Lotman, Yuri (1922-1993)

One of the greatest semioticians and literary scholars. In 1950 he received his degree from the Philology Department of Leningrad University but was unable to continue with his post- graduate studies as a result of the campaign against 'cosmopolitans' and the wave of anti-Semitism in the Soviet Union. Lotman managed to find a job in Tartu, Estonia. Starting in 1950, he taught Russian literature at Tartu University, and from 1960-77 he was the head of the Department of Russian Literature. He did active research work and is the author of over 800 books and academic articles on the history of Russian literature and public thought, on literary theory, on the history of Russian culture, and on semiotics. He was an elected member of the British Royal Society, Norwegian Royal Academy, and many other academic societies.

54 Creation of the State of Israel

From 1917 Palestine was a British mandate. Also in 1917 the Balfour Declaration was published, which supported the idea of the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Throughout the interwar period, Jews were migrating to Palestine, which caused the conflict with the local Arabs to escalate. On the other hand, British restrictions on immigration sparked increasing opposition to the mandate powers. Immediately after World War II there were increasing numbers of terrorist attacks designed to force Britain to recognize the right of the Jews to their own state. These aspirations provoked the hostile reaction of the Palestinian Arabs and the Arab states. In February 1947 the British foreign minister Ernest Bevin ceded the Palestinian mandate to the UN, which took the decision to divide Palestine into a Jewish section and an Arab section and to create an independent Jewish state. On 14th May 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the creation of the State of Israel. It was recognized immediately by the US and the USSR. On the following day the armies of Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon attacked Israel, starting a war that continued, with intermissions, until the beginning of 1949 and ended in a truce.

55 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

56 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

57 1991 Moscow coup d'etat

Starting spontaniously on the streets of Moscow, its leaders went public on 19th August. TASS (Soviet Telegraphical Agency) made an announcement that Gorbachev had been relieved of his duties for health reasons. His powers were assumed by Vice President Gennady Yanayev. A State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP) was established, led by eight officials, including KGB head Vladimir Kryuchkov, Soviet Prime Minister Valentin Pavlov, and Defense Minister Dmitry Yazov. Seizing on President Mikhail Gorbachev's summer absence from the capital, eight of the Soviet leader's most trusted ministers attempted to take control of the government. Within three days, the poorly planned coup collapsed and Gorbachev returned to the Kremlin. But an era had abruptly ended. The Soviet Union, which the coup plotters had desperately tried to save, was dead.

58 Reestablishment of the Estonian Republic

According to the referendum conducted in the Baltic Republics in March 1991, 77.8 percent of participating Estonian residents supported the restoration of Estonian state independence. On 20th August 1991, at the time of the coup attempt in Moscow, the Estonian Republic's Supreme Council issued the Decree of Estonian Independence. On 6th September 1991, the USSR's State Council recognized full independence of Estonia, and the country was accepted into the UN on 17th September 1991.

59 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re- establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

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