Travel

Anna Schwartzman

Anna Schwartzman
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: June 2002

My name is Anna Yakovlevna Schwartzman. I was born on 14th January 1923 in Kishinev, Moldova. At that time Moldova belonged to Romania. My maiden name is Barenboim, and the name my parents gave me at birth is Hannah.

My father, Yankel Barenboim, was born in a Moldovan village in the 1880s. I don't know the exact place where he was born. His parents died long ago. I know this because my oldest brother, who was born in 1911, was named Khuna in honor of my deceased grandfather. Since it's customary for Jews to name their children after dead relatives, I can state with certainty that my grandfather died before the birth of my brother, that is some time in the early 1900s. My grandmother died even earlier. I don't remember anything about them. If my father did tell me about them, then none of it was preserved in my memory.

My father had one brother and seven sisters. Five sisters lived in Kishinev, and I knew them and their families. Two of my father's sisters, Tuba and Beylia, and their brother, Moishe, went to America in the 1910s. My father used to correspond with his sisters but lost touch with his brother. After Moishe left for America, nothing was heard of him again. I know that Tuba and Beylia were the oldest children in the family, and Moishe was slightly older than my father. I can't recall anything about the life of the sisters that left. Of course we received letters from them, and my father read them aloud, but I just don't remember any more.

I don't remember the dates of birth and death of any of my father's brothers or sisters. Yentl was the oldest of the sisters who lived in Moldova. She was married, but I don't remember her husband's name. They had three daughters and one son. The second oldest sister was Leya. She had five children: two daughters and three sons. Her husband was a tinsmith and called Srul. Then there was a sister named Dvoyra, whose husband's name was Iosia. He was a businessman. They had a daughter named Khovele. The next child was my father, and after him there were two more girls. Rukhl and her husband ran a tavern that sold wine. They had four children: three sons and a daughter. The daughter was named Zina, the oldest son was Khuna, in honor of my grandfather, the other boy was called Shimon and the name of the youngest I'd forgotten. They were all older than me. The youngest of my father's sisters was Tzipa. Her married name was Rozenshtein. Tzipa's husband had a grocery store. There were three children in their family. The oldest daughter, Paula, was three years my senior. We were friends. Today Paula and her son live in Brooklyn, New York, USA. Paula's younger sister was named Enna. She was two years younger than Paula. Enna lives in Israel. Sometimes she calls me. Paula's older brother David, lived, in Israel. He died almost ten years ago.

My father's family was very poor. He used to say that the children often went to bed hungry. Their mother was always concerned with feeding such a large family, she worked around the house unstintingly. Clothes were passed from the older kids to the younger ones. The biggest problem were shoes: in the summer everyone walked barefoot, and in the winter children often stayed in because they all had to share one pair of boots.

My father and his brother attended cheder. In the winter they had to take turns, again, due to the shortage of footwear. The children learned how to make an imitation of a bast-shoe from the stem of a corn plant. Needless to say that these shoes didn't keep them warm, but it was possible to wrap ones feet in some rags first and then put on these pseudo-shoes.

My father said that his parents were religious people. My grandparents attended the synagogue. Before Sabbath my grandmother lit candles at home. They celebrated Jewish holidays. My father didn't tell me any details. The family spoke Yiddish at home and Romanian with their Moldovan neighbors. Romanian was the official language in Moldova. My father hardly knew any Russian.

Neither my father nor his sisters wanted to spend their entire lives in poverty in a small Moldovan village. The children grew up and, one by one, they left for the capital of Moldova, Kishinev, in search of a better life. My father left, too. He had no education. He found a job as a construction worker and rented a small place to live. I know very little about that period of his life.

My mother, Molka nee Kritz, was born in 1889 in a small village in Podolskaya province. That part of Ukraine borders with Moldova. Her Romanian was poor, and she preferred to speak Russian. My grandmother, Sura Kritz, was born in the 1860s, but I don't know where. I hardly knew her. She died in 1926 when I was very young. I have blurred memories of my grandmother. She and grandfather used to come over to our house. I remember that she had beautiful hair: dark, wavy hair arranged in a heavy knot at the back. Later my mother told me that it was a wig. My grandmother wore white blouses and long dark skirts. I know that she suffered from a weak heart. My grandfather, Solomon Kritz, was born in the 1850s, but I don't know where either. In the early 1900s their family moved to Kishinev. My grandfather worked while my grandmother ran the household. I knew my grandfather well because I spent my childhood close to him. He never remarried after my grandmother's death in 1926. My mother took him in, and he lived with our family until he died in 1933.

My mother had three brothers, and they were all older than her. They all left for other countries when they were still very young. The oldest, Khaim Kritz, went to America in 1905. They kept in regular contact with my mother. Khaim was a tremendous help with money. I don't remember what Khaim did. He had two kids: a son and a daughter. After World War II, when my mother was no longer alive, the correspondence ceased. I don't know what happened to Khaim and his children.

My mother's second brother, David Kritz, lived in Palestine. He left in the 1910s. David got married in Palestine and had two boys and a girl. My mother's youngest brother, Zeilik Kritz, lived in Poland. On his arrival there he worked in Gdansk, a port town. Later he got married and moved to Warsaw, the capital of Poland. He had one son, Milya. Zeilik often wrote to us. I remember the last letter, which we received in 1939. He wrote that his son had decided to go to Palestine, and that he would come to meet us and say goodbye on his way there. We were all very excited by the forthcoming visit of our cousin, but then the war began in Poland. We have not had any news from Zeilik or his son ever since. I believe they both died during the Holocaust.

I don't know how my parents met because they never talked about it. They got married in Kishinev in 1909. They had a traditional Jewish wedding with a chuppah. My parents were religious, just as their parents were.

My parents rented their first apartment. I remember that apartment. Our family lived there until 1932. There was a large courtyard with a flowerbed in the middle. There were a few separate small houses in the courtyard. They all belonged to a single owner, a middle-aged Jew, who rented them out. Each house had two rooms, a kitchen and a vestibule. There was no bathtub and no toilet. We had no running water. Water was brought in from a well and stored in a large barrel, which stood in the kitchen. We bathed in the kitchen, in a large galvanized trough. The water was heated in a samovar and poured into the trough. The toilet was in the yard.

After the wedding my father continued to work in the construction business. My mother did all the housework. In 1911 they had their first child, my brother, Khuna. Later, after Moldova was annexed to the USSR in 1940, he was known as Yefim because this name has a more customary Russian pronunciation. In 1913 a girl was born. I don't know her name. When she was 2 she contracted some childhood disease and died in hospital. After my sister's death my father was grief- stricken. He visited the cemetery daily, painted the fence around her grave, chiseled letters on the headstone and painted them. My mother said that he had forgotten that he had a family. In 1916 my brother, Ruvim, was born. I was the last child in the family. After my birth, my father was finally able to stop grieving so much over his dead daughter.

There were mostly Jewish families in our courtyard. Moldova belonged to tsarist Russia until 1918, so there were Russians who remained there, but there was only one Russian family in our courtyard: a married couple and their three kids. The youngest of them, Artiusha, became a close childhood friend of mine. My childhood world was our yard. We had a few walnut trees and a large, white acacia. Artiusha and I played in the shade of the tree. All the other children in our yard were much older than me. They didn't pay attention to us. My father created a small sand mound for us to play, and Artiusha and I spent days puttering about in this sand box. In bad weather we played either in his house or mine.

When I turned 4 my parents sent me to a Soviet kindergarten next to our house. There was no necessity because my mother didn't work, but I wanted to be with my peers. We were in kindergarten until lunch time. The children and teachers played different games, we made figures from putty, listened to fairytales read by our teacher and sang songs together. In good weather we played ball outside. We used to take sandwiches and fruit with us from home, and at 11 o'clock we had breakfast. The kindergarten stayed open until 1 o'clock. After that we went home and had lunch. The kindergarten was full of kids of all ethnic backgrounds - Jews, Moldovans and Russians. We all lived happily together. There were no differentiations because of nationality. Everyone spoke Romanian. It has been my second native tongue since my childhood. [The first one was Yiddish.]

We lived modestly. Only my father worked, and he had to support my mother and three children. We had no additional source of income. Farming land was outside the city, and we lived in the center. Kosher milk and dairy products were brought to us daily by a Jewish woman from Roshkanovka, a suburb of Kishinev. In those days each family had their own dairy supplier. It was customary in Jewish families for the wife not to work. She had to work at home. This was even an advantage. There were no refrigerators back then, so in the mornings the wife would go to the market, buy fresh products and make lunch. At lunchtime her husband would come home to eat.

Children returned home after school. By the time we came home, my mother always had fresh and delicious food ready. In the evenings, after supper, we went for a walk. Back then it wasn't like it was when I had my own family: you came home from work and had to make lunch for the next day. Back then a housewife would go to the market and buy everything that was needed. Vegetables and fruit had to be fresh every day. In Kishinev, fruit wasn't sold by weight, it was measured by basket. My father would bring a basket of white grapes, a watermelon, or a melon in the morning. Apples, pears and cherries were sometimes sold by the kilo but more often by basket or bucket. There were good harvests in Moldova, especially for grapes. My mother usually bought meat and fish at the market. She had her own butcher and her own fishmongers. Every seller had his own clients. Butchers were usually Jews, fishmongers usually Russians. And fruit, grapes and dairy products were brought by the Moldovans. My mother always went to the market in the morning. If a woman went to the market after lunch she was deemed a bad housewife. To this day I detest food from the refrigerator. Even today my fridge is unplugged. I go to the market every day. I cannot carry much so I only buy a little, but it's fresh every day.

Our house was immaculate. My mother liked to grow flowers in bowls. Our windows faced the street and on our window-sills we had such beautiful plants that passersby used to stop to look at them. Mother cooked on a kerosene stove. We also had a large furnace stove in the kitchen, which was heated with wood. Usually my mother would light it when she baked challah or made food for Sabbath. She prepared Jewish dishes. She would leave pots with chicken broth or stew in the oven overnight, and the next day they were still hot for lunch. On other days she cooked on the kerosene stove because kerosene was cheaper than wood. She would put a tripod over the stove making it possible to put two or three pots onto it at the same time. The noodles were always homemade, mother made them.

The rooms were also heated with these stoves. In the summer we stored wood for the winter. Coal wasn't used for heating in Moldova. In order to save wood, we bought corn stumps. They burned fast but cost next to nothing. We would put a large log in the furnace and then add the corn stumps, to keep it warm.

Our family was very religious. My parents went to the synagogue every Saturday. The synagogue they went to wasn't the only synagogue in town. There were five or six of them in Kishinev. I don't remember the name of the largest and most beautiful synagogue there. There was a big synagogue with a choir and that's what it was called, the 'Big Synagogue'. The 'Big Synagogue' was attended by our whole family. My parents had their own seats there. The majority of the Kishinev Jews had their own seats in the synagogue. These seats were purchased. When my grandfather moved in with us after grandmother's death, he also started attending our synagogue and paid for his seat there. Before that he had his seat in another synagogue, close to where he and grandmother used to live. The most expensive seats were called mizrach 1, they resembled box seats in a theater.

My mother dressed up when she went to the synagogue. She didn't wear a wig because they were very expensive, and she couldn't afford such extravagancies. She wore a scarf on her head. When I turned 12 years old, I had a bat mitzvah in the synagogue, and after that my mother took me with her to the synagogue. Later, when my oldest brother married, his wife Genya started coming with us. My brothers attended the synagogue with our father every Saturday.

Grandpa Solomon was very religious. He prayed constantly. We had a large number of religious books including the Bible, the Talmud and prayer books in Yiddish and Hebrew, and my grandfather read all day long. Since the synagogue was so close to our house, he went there twice a day. The remaining time he would put on his tallit and tefillin and prayed at home. He taught me prayers. When he was in the synagogue, my mother would often send me there to bring him home. By then he was very old and had trouble walking. He was hunched; his beard and hair were white. He dressed in a long, black frock-coat, and his head was always covered with a yarmulka. My grandfather commanded a great deal of respect from the members of our family, and we all tried to be of help to him.

My mother always lit candles on Friday nights. Sabbath was observed according to the Jewish tradition: she made gefilte fish and chicken broth. Lunch was at 1 o'clock, and everyone gathered at the table. My grandfather said the prayer, and then we all had dinner and rested until the end of the day. We didn't clean the table until late in the evening. On Saturdays we weren't allowed to light a fire. Our Romanian neighbor, Milian, would stop by and put on the samovar. Once my father went into the yard and blew on the coal in the samovar. My grandfather kept admonishing him long afterwards saying, 'You think I didn't see through the window how you were blowing into the samovar?'

We observed Jewish holidays according to every rule. On Purim my mother baked hamantashen, and she also prepared chicken broth with dumplings. I cannot recall its Hebrew name. My grandfather read a prayer. In the evening musicians came and played Jewish melodies, and later my mother would give them money and feed them. I don't remember any Purimshpil, I only remember the meals at our house. While my grandfather was alive the meals were a lot more fun. On Chanukkah candles were lit by our father. We had a beautiful chanukkiyah, my mother's dowry. The poor who didn't own a chanukkiyah would cut a hole in the middle of a potato, fill it with oil and light a wick. These weren't candleholders but small lanterns. On Chanukkah my grandfather always gave me and my brothers 100 lei each. This wasn't just pocket money. When I started working, it took me a month to earn 100 lei!

On the eve of Pesach grandfather wouldn't leave my mother alone. He followed her around and scrutinized everything. Only when everything in the house was spotless and shiny, when all the bread crumbs and ends were swept and burned, when all the walls were whitewashed, only then did he allow himself to calm down. For Pesach we bought two poods [32 kg] of matzah. There were special bakeries that made it. We had matzah delivered in a giant canvass sack. Two poods of matzah is a lot. When the matzah was delivered, my mother would lay out a white sheet. The sack got turned inside out and the matzah remained on the sheet. I remember that the sheet hung in the bedroom. A tin sheet lay on the stove in the kitchen. We used to put matzah on it, and it was always crispy and warm. No bread was consumed during Pesach, God forbid!

Mother was in the kitchen all day long. She had beautiful Pesach china which was never used on other occasions. We heated goose fat and made cracklings. We roasted potatoes with cracklings, made different balls from potato and matzah, gefilte fish and chicken broth. Every day mother baked two cakes using matzah flower. Those cakes were called leiker and one was regular, the other one with nuts. We had visitors each day of Pesach, and a lot of food had to prepared. Of course I always helped. During Pesach, the kitchen was very animated and fun. I crushed matzah in a large mortar and made flour. Then it was sifted. My mother would mix fine flour for cakes and whatever remained in the sieve with eggs and make dumplings for chicken broth. Mother also baked delicious Pesach cookies.

For Simchat Torah all children were bought a 'fon' [Yiddish], a little flag. Its rod speared a little red apple with a candle inside, which was lit. And all the kids went to the synagogue with these 'fons' . We celebrated Sukkot, and my grandfather made a big sukkah in the yard. We, children, lived in it for a whole week. We also celebrated Rosh Hashanah with candles, a festive dinner, apples with honey and presents.

On Yom Kippur fasting was always observed. I fasted for the first time when I was 11. Ever since then I have been fasting on Yom Kippur.

When I turned 8 I began to go to school. There were two Hebrew schools in Kishinev but they were unable to take on all applicants. For this reason I attended a Romanian elementary school in my first year. My older brothers were taught in a Romanian school as well also because of the great number of students.

Every subject was taught in Romanian. We spoke Romanian, so it was no problem for us. The students were predominantly Jewish. There were Russians and Romanians, too, but there were more Jews. Elementary school was free; tuition fees were only required for gymnasium. The teachers were also Jewish, Romanian and Russian. There was no ethnic tension between the students or between students and teachers. There were separate schools for boys and girls.

My parents bought their own living quarters with my grandfather's help in 1932. It was a four-bedroom apartment, or rather the same kind of separate small house in a large courtyard we had before. My grandfather was always trying to convince my mother that it would be better to buy your own place and not pay rent when you're old. He had money which he received from the sale of his home after my grandmother died. Also, Uncle Khaim regularly sent money to him. Just like in the old place, there was a large courtyard with several houses that were referred to and numbered like apartments. The owner was a Jew and rented out these apartments to Jews only. We were the only tenants who bought an apartment from him. All the others just rented them.

I had a longer walk to school after we moved, and we had to switch synagogues and go to the one that was closer. My grandfather walked with difficulty. The new house only differed from our previous quarters by the number of rooms. The rest was all the same - the same kitchen, the same lack of running water and a sewer system, and the same furnace heating. Now my grandfather had his own room and so did our parents. I and my brother Ruvim also had our separate rooms. Ruvim finished school and went to work as an entry level worker for the construction company where my father worked. It's a shame that my grandfather could only enjoy his new home for one year. He died in 1933.

My oldest brother, Khuna, worked at a leather goods factory. He started working when he turned 11. He became a qualified specialist and earned good money. The owner of the factory was a Jew and only hired Jews. My brother had a fiancé, who was also a Jew. Her name was Genya Khais. Later we called her Zhenya. They were dating for six years: for two years before my brother went into the army and two years during his service in the Romanian army. A year after his return from the army my brother got officially engaged, and a year after that they got married. My brother said that he wouldn't get married until he could provide for his family on his own. He rented an apartment and bought furniture. After that, in 1935, they had their wedding.

The wedding was a traditional Jewish wedding. The celebrations weren't what they are now - in a restaurant until midnight - they lasted until morning back then. There were special wedding halls or people booked a large tavern. There were poorer weddings and richer weddings, and the number of guests depended on the size of the family. Since my father had five married sisters, they, along with their husbands and children and grandchildren, were invited, as well as my father's and my brother's co-workers. It was a large wedding with close to a hundred people. A chuppah was erected in the hall. The fathers of the bride and the groom led the groom to the chuppah. A rabbi said a prayer and the bride and the groom exchanged rings. They were given a shot of vodka and a piece of cake and the ceremony was complete.

Food for the wedding was prepared by women, who were especially invited and referred to as sarvern [Yiddish for 'cook']. They prepared Jewish dishes like gefilte fish, chicken, and sweet and sour stew. The stew was always served with maina, a pie that is prepared in the same way as strudel and made from the same dough, but the filling is minced meat mixed with home-made noodles and fried onions. The dough was most delicate and very difficult to roll. Maina and strudels were prepared by a highly skilled cook who didn't prepare any other food. The guests were served vodka and cake immediately after the ceremony, and afterwards everyone sat down. The tables were already catered with gefilte fish, which was always served with horseradish. After the fish, chicken broth, maina, boiled chicken and stew were served. Vodka and wine completed the meal. Later everyone danced. Klezmer musicians were invited and played all night long, so the dancing continued all night long. It started with the traditional sher, danced by everyone, the young and the old. Sher is danced in pairs; man and woman dance together. It can last for two hours. After that the klezmer musicians played Jewish and Moldovan music, tangos and waltzes. We danced all night. And then sweets were served. Weddings were always held on Sundays, and Saturdays before a wedding were called freilekher Shabbat, or happy Saturday. Guests visited the groom and bride with wedding gifts. Giving money wasn't customary. Gifts were things that the newly-weds would need to start their own home such as dishes, cutlery, household items, bed-linens and so on.

At the age of 7 I became a member of the Romanian Zionist youth sports organization, Maccabi. We had gymnastics, social interaction and attended lectures on Jewish history, traditions and culture. The club also organized events. On Saturdays we had dances and concerts. There were different groups: choir singing, athletics, dancing. The orchestra was superb. Once a year we were taken on a trip and lived in a summer camp by the river for two weeks. We had to wear a Maccabi uniform. The junior group girls wore a blue skirt, white shirt and white tennis shoes. On the left breast we had the Maccabi pin, and we wore a blue tie. At 14 I was moved to a senior group. The uniform differed slightly - the skirt was not blue but white.

This wasn't the only Zionist youth organization in Romania. There were also the Koikh, the Betar 3 and the Shomer [Hashomer Hatzair]. But none of these clubs had sports or music groups, they only pursued the Zionist agenda.

Every year on 10th May Romania marked the birthday of the Russian tsar with a celebration. [Editor's note: In realty 10th May commemorated the crowning of the first Romanian king and the creation of the Romanian Kingdom, which took place on 10th May 1883.] On that day there was always a parade. The Maccabi girls marched in the parade with their own orchestra. The entire town came to watch us. Perhaps it only seemed so to me, but we marched beautifully, and our orchestra was exceptional.

When I was 12, I finished a 4-year school, the 'primar'['elementary school' in Romanian]. There was no money for me to attend a gymnasium, so I went to work at a leather goods factory. The factory employed close to a hundred people and was considered a large factory. We made bags, belts and suitcases. Moldova didn't have heavy manufacturing plants but mostly private companies. My brother and I worked together. We were organized in teams of 6 or 7 at work, and every member of the team had his own task. I was very happy with my job. I began as an apprentice to a seamstress, cutting thread into equal pieces. Eventually I was promoted to senior trainee and then became an assistant. I was paid 100 lei a month. Of course it was difficult to survive on that little money, but it offered considerable help to my family.

Moldova wasn't under Soviet power but it had a Communist Party. The majority of communists were Jews. It was an underground party. They were forbidden to hold meetings and demonstrate with red flags. The police tried to arrest all communist before 1st May but the ones who remained demonstrated every year on 1st May, and in the end every one of them was arrested. Romanians disliked Jews because almost all the Jews were communist. Neither my father nor my brothers were communists but in their hearts, I think, they were sympathizers.

Young Moldovan Jews were allowed to leave for Palestine. Zionist youth organizations ran a program called hakhsharah. This was a blessing for children of poor families who wanted to leave but couldn't afford the fare. They had to do six months of hard work at state organizations. They weren't paid, but they were fed and had a place to live. After that they were issued certificates of passage and left for Israel. The last migration was in 1936, and my Maccabi girlfriends left. The Soviet authorities detained this steamship and kept it anchored at sea for three months. There was death, illness, famine and frost. Three months later they reached Palestine, but many people had died during the journey. After her arrival in Palestine, my friend Sarrah Arshirovich wrote to me and sent a photograph. There was work there, provided you could and wanted to work. They built kibbutzim. What the first settlers did was absolutely fantastic. They said they couldn't imagine how to build a country on that foundation - rock, clay and sand - but what a country they managed to build! They turned it into heaven on earth, one big garden of Eden. I have always dreamt of seeing Israel before I die, but I don't think it will happen. It's expensive to go there now, plus my age is an obstacle. God willing, let there be peace and harmony.

In 1933 Hitler came to power in Germany. We heard vague rumors about Jews being victimized in Germany. But that was far away, and we had our own life here. After Hitler's attack on Poland and the death of my mother's brother Zeilik and his family, the horrors of fascism became more real. But I could never imagine that I would have to flee from my house one day and survive a war. I think my parents had more of an idea about it. Mother used to say, 'Who knows what this Hitler may do. The living may yet envy the dead'.

I remember the arrival of the Soviet power in Moldova. In the evening of 26th June 1940, I was visiting with my girlfriend. Her mother came home and said, 'Did you hear what they broadcast on the radio? Stalin announced that unless they give us Bessarabia 3 back, we will go to war'. Only one household on our street had a radio. I went home and repeated what I had heard. All the neighbors came to listen; they were all alarmed. By the next morning there were no Romanians left in Kishinev. They left everything behind and fled. Some left by train, some by car, others on horse and carriage. The Romanians were crying as they were leaving, but they couldn't stay. They knew that they wouldn't survive under the Soviet power. They wanted to be free. Between 27th and 30th June everyone was free to leave, not only the Romanians. It was mainly the Jews who came here [to Ukraine]. They thought that the Soviet power would relieve them from poverty and anti- Semitism. For some reason they believed in ideas of the revolution and in egalitarianism. This happened on Friday. Mother was still preparing for Sabbath, as always, and while washing dishes she said to me, 'We are living without any authority. The old one is on the way out and the new one has yet to come.'

At five o'clock in the morning on 28th June the first Soviet airplane landed. Soviet communists used it to distribute flyers. I remember the following words, 'Comrades, we shall free you from the fetters of the rich and of the boyars'. Local communists printed similar flyers. They went from door to door and left a flyer under each one. By morning tanks roared on paved roads. My mother sat in the yard. Our gate was facing the square. The tanks stopped by the water pump. Soldiers crawled out from the tanks, washed themselves and went to the city center. They didn't take their tanks or trucks. They left all their equipment and went to town on foot. They returned with bags. For the main part they bought shoes, carrying 5 to 10 boxes of shoes. Mother kept asking, 'Don't they have shoes there?' In those days we couldn't imagine that shops may not stock shoes, that Soviet stores had absolutely nothing! This way they emptied our stores from all the merchandise in one week. Then there was a military parade. The tanks were leading the parade, followed by cars, and then we, the workers, followed on foot. We welcomed the Soviets wholeheartedly. Although the rich, the businessmen and the shopkeepers weren't too keen on the new regime.

In the beginning we couldn't accustom to the new way of living. And then we suddenly had everything under the sun, and it could all be bought for next to nothing. I earned 600 rubles a month, and the best roll was only 30 kopeks and a bagel was 30 kopeks, too. Everything was cheap, and shops were brimming with goods. Politics never entered my mind. At that time I had other interests. We would gather at my house or at my girlfriends'. Every evening we either strolled on the boulevard or went to the cinema, or sang and danced in a group. Back then most of my friends were Jewish because I met them either at the factory, which only employed Jews, or at the Maccabi. We didn't concern ourselves with the change of power. My mother knew Russian, and I started picking it up, too. So when the Russians came I could communicate with them.

My parents had shown signs of illness at that time already. My father suffered from hypertension, and my mother was diagnosed with inoperable cancer. Once, speaking of something else, she said, 'When I die...', and my father replied, 'No, I will die first'. And I remember him saying after that, 'Let's die together'. And that's what happened: my mother died on 29th May 1941, three weeks before the beginning of the war. My father only outlived her by 10 months.

On 22nd June 1941 we heard thunder. It was light outside and a beautiful day. In June it's already light at 5am. The sky was blue and it was unclear where the storm was coming from. As a joke I said, 'War must have started'. When we got up, we heard an air-raid warning. When the bomber planes appeared and began bombing we hid in the basement of the synagogue. People sought shelter there from all the adjoining streets.

My older brother, Khuna, was mobilized on 26th June 1941. He was lucky: he was drafted on 15th July when everyone left because the city was on fire. He returned. Later all Kishinev residents volunteered for the front but they were all dismissed. They were regarded as unreliable and weren't trusted to go to the front. In early August my father, Ruvim and I were evacuated. At first we stayed in Kramatorsk where we worked for a month, but the Germans were approaching, and we had to move on. We traveled on open rail cars. Among other cars there were the ones filled with sand. The wind blew sand on us, and then it began to rain. Then we saw these three 'birdies', as we used to refer to airplanes. Our airplanes flew like those did; two at the front, one in the back. The Germans imitated this formation. When they came close we recognized by the sound that those weren't our planes. It was frightening. We forgot about the sand and the rain.

The train kept on moving. We were shelled. They destroyed a few cars, but ours was spared. We reached a station where two cars with soldiers had been blown up. One guy in a soldier's uniform stood there. He was shaking and afraid to board the train. He looked as if he were dead. He told us that the ones that survived had dug huge ditches and dumped all the dead bodies into them. At this train stop we were assigned to work at a large factory. We worked there for two months, but the front was getting closer and again we were on the move.

A few days we walked on foot as trains didn't stop at the station in Kramatorsk. Once there was a huge rainstorm, and we stopped to sleep at some local club. It turned out that this settlement was a German colony. In the morning we went to the village to buy food. These Germans lived in poverty, but everything was spotlessly clean. They had cotton dresses, blouses, head-scarves - all impeccably clean and ironed. We entered a house, and there was a woman in her summer kitchen, and she was making mamaliga. We asked her to sell us some food. She made us mamaliga, gave us lard to go with it and milk. We ate there and whatever mamaliga was left she let us take with us. We wanted to pay her but she refused to take any money. She said that this was the very least she could do for us to try and alleviate Germany's guilt. Eventually we ended up in Essentuki in the Caucasus. We stayed there a few months, working the fields, harvesting. Right there, in the field, the kolkhoz cook made food for us on the bonfire by using some grain and corn. We picked fruit and were allowed to eat whatever we liked. We recollected our strength there a little before we moved ahead.

The local population hoped that Hitler would liberate them from the Soviet power. Each day they expected him to come in a month or two. One morning we got up, got ready and walked 15 kilometers to Essentuki. There were trains running from there. From Krasnodar we were all going to Tashkent. We squeezed into a train car and continued moving ahead. We reached Georgievsk station, which is still in the Caucasus. This was a German colony. All local residents were deported there. Everything remained untouched, as it was when the owners were still there. There were cows, pigs, chickens and so on. We were told to move into empty houses and live there as if they were our own. These houses were very lowly, but everything was clean. None of us stayed because Georgievsk was a dead end. The road literally ended there. If Germans had come there we wouldn't have been able to escape. We kept moving. We reached Makhachkala, but it was full of evacuees. We remained there for three days. Leaving there was fraught with difficulty because the trains were packed. My brother got himself hired as a stevedore on a steamboat. In exchange he was given three tickets, and we traveled on this ship. We sailed for three days. The moon was luminous against the velvet sky, but we were hungry and all our thoughts were concentrated on food. We arrived in Krasnovodsk. There was even more hunger there. There were thousands of people. It was impossible to get a piece of bread. From there we took a train to Tashkent.

In Tashkent we met our sister-in-law, Khuna's wife, who was pregnant, at the end of her last trimester. Again we were put onto a train. Each day we were informed that the train was now passing Samarkand, Namangan, Fergana and so on. We stopped at Ursatovskaya station in Tashkent region. We were directed to a Kaganovich 4 kolkhoz. It was winter already. When we got to the kolkhoz we were immediately given bread. There were orders to feed us. They made out well at our expense - sometimes they fed us, sometimes they didn't.

My father got a job as a construction worker. They didn't get fed at his workplace, and he was always hungry. He had no shoes. Frostbite was severe. He was hospitalized, and his leg was amputated. At the same time I was in hospital with typhoid fever. For ten days my temperature was 40 degrees, but I didn't receive a single injection and wasn't given a single pill. They said that all good doctors were at the front, and all medication was being sent there, too. We were each given a small piece of bread, which they put on our pillows. When I turned my head the bread was gone. Someone had taken it. I couldn't eat anyway. When I was discharged I weighed less than 40 kilos. In the hospital they shaved my head. I couldn't walk because I was too weak. I sat down on a bench in the hospital yard. A woman came out and asked why I was sitting there. I explained that I had just been released from the hospital and that the kolkhoz was 6 kilometers from here, and that I couldn't make it. This woman returned with a piece of bread but I couldn't eat due to extreme atrophy. At this time my brother came to get me. It was him who told me that our father was in the hospital and that his leg had been amputated. We went to the hospital to visit him. He was in the hallway because there was no space in the rooms. In the hallway I was given a chair next to someone's bed. I sat down. The man in the bed was my father but I didn't recognize him. On the side there was a mirror. When I looked into it, I didn't recognize myself either. And my father failed to recognize me, too. He was given some food. I tried to feed him but he refused to eat. I was given food too, I ate a little. Three days later, on 19th March 1942, my father died.

I returned to the kolkhoz. My brother left for Tashkent and got a job at a construction site. I was bedridden and unable to walk. There was no food. The woman I shared the room with went to see the secretary of the party committee and told him about my condition. He brought me bread himself, but I couldn't eat. After that his wife came and brought me a cup of soup. She fed me one spoonful. I will remember that spoonful until the day I die. And thus, little by little, I began eating some soup. The next day I was able to swallow a little bit of bread. We were sent to harvest wheat. We were allotted 5 kilograms of flour every 10 days. Once we were in the field when lunch was being prepared for kolkhoz workers. It was broth with a piece of lamb. When the chairman of the kolkhoz spotted us, he gave orders to feed us, too. We were given bread and a little bit of broth with lamb. This soup with the piece of meat got me back on my feet.

We lived in tents, on an earthen floor. I shared my tent with a woman and her daughter, who were also from Kishinev. We lived as one family. In the summer we started saving pieces of saxaul bush to have something to heat our place with in the winter. Flour was handed out regularly. I put a little bit aside each time and when I amassed a small bag, I traded it for a skirt. Until then I walked around in a skirt made from a tattered hospital sheet, which a nurse had given me as a present.

A few months later my brother returned to bring me to Tashkent, to work at a construction site. I was a pump operator there. When we were digging a foundation pit, underground water would rise. It needed to be removed from the pit with a pump. It was my responsibility to turn the pump on with a switch-knife. Two months after I arrived my brother was mobilized and sent to the front.

I lived in a dormitory. The construction company had good dormitories. There were 12 people of different nationalities in our room. We had a Moldovan woman, two Estonians, one Pole, one Russian woman from Belarus, and Riva from Moscow. We were young and after work the Estonians sang in Estonian and danced, the Moldovan woman sang in Moldovan along with me, and the Polish woman sang in Polish. We had no conflicts of nationality in the dormitory. Quite the opposite; everyone tried to help each other. I recovered a bit there. After all, we were fed three times a day - breakfast, lunch and dinner plus 800 grams of bread. I could sell half a kilo in return for food vouchers. The salary was low, and I needed to save a few hundred rubles in order to buy winter boots. I ended up buying a patched-up pair for 350 rubles. This required that I sold half a kilo of bread every day. The rest I ate.

When the construction was completed I went to a different site, which was also in Tashkent. They distributed overalls there. I worked as an operator again. They fed us even better, and we lived happily together in the dormitories. I worked there until the end of the war.

When I worked in Tashkent I visited my sister-in-law, Zhenya, my oldest brother's wife. In Tashkent she gave birth to a son, who was named Monya Solomon in honor of her grandfather. When the boy was three years old Zhenya died. The child was put into an orphanage. In February 1945 my oldest brother, Khuna, found me. He was in Alma-Ata. He had been wounded four times. Three times he returned to the front. After the fourth time he was sent to a hospital in Alma-Ata. This is where we found him at the end of the war, and that's where he remained. He went to work for a leather goods factory and married again. His Jewish wife was named Tzilya. When my brother learned that his son was in an orphanage he asked me to take Monya from there and bring him to him. I brought his son to Alma-Ata. He had two girls, Lusya and Yana, with his second wife. Khuna died in 1974, almost immediately after his retirement.

My brother Ruvim, who was drafted into the army in Tashkent, never went to the front. He told the military committee that he was a builder and was sent to rebuild the city of Gorky. He worked for a military factory until the end of the war. After the war he settled in Chernovtsy and continued working in construction. He married and had a son named Yankel. Ruvim died in 1980.

It was in Tashkent, at the construction site, that I met my future husband, Iosif Schwartzman, a Jew. We worked together. He was born in 1914 in Yedinsty, Moldova. Iosif completed a Hebrew school in Yedintsy. He came from a religious family, knew Yiddish and read prayers. He courted me for a long time.

Before the war I fell in love with a guy, whom I had met at Maccabi. He was drafted into the army. No one thought there would be a war. He asked whether I would wait until he returned. I had no news of him during the war. I waited for him during the war and thought that if he returned from the front without arms or legs, I still wouldn't refuse him. Afterwards, after the victory, I received a letter from his brother, in which he told me that Izya was killed on 17th April 1945. On 9th May the war was declared over. My entire life I only loved Izya. My marriage to Iosif wasn't a marriage of love, it was an escape from loneliness.

I took my brother's son to him and stayed in Alma-Ata. Iosif joined me there and we got married. There was no wedding, we simply registered with a marriage bureau. We lived in Alma-Ata for a year and then decided to return home. The town of Yedintsy was almost entirely destroyed. My building in Kishinev was still standing, but in order to move in I had to prove through the courts that I had lived there before the war. Neighbors offered to give evidence to that effect but demanded money in return. We didn't have any and agreed to go to Chernovtsy. During evacuation I befriended a woman from Chernovtsy who had great things to say about this city. We arrived in Chernovtsy in 1946. The city hadn't been damaged during the war, and there were plenty of vacant apartments because local residents fled Romania after the invasion of Soviet troops in 1940. We were allocated an apartment in which I still live today.

Our daughter was born on 24th January 1947. We named her Charna. She gave my life a purpose. 1947 was the year of a terrible famine. I didn't enroll my daughter in a nursery because children were starving there. Of course we were starving as well. I had little milk, and she had to be put on formula early on. She ate hot serial and potatoes without butter but grew up a healthy, good child. I stayed at home with Charna until she turned 5. We had no one to help us, neither I nor my husband had parents any more. Charna never knew what grandparents are. I signed her up in a kindergarten and went to work for the Chernovtsy leather goods factory. I was hired as a lab assistant in a testing plant where new models of handbags were developed. My husband worked at the rubber shoe factory. We lived modestly.

I tried to observe Jewish traditions, which I have grown up with in my family. Even when money was extremely tight I used to put a little aside over the course of the year to have something for Pesach. We bought matzah, and I prepared the Pesach dishes that I loved as a child. When I was setting up my home I made sure that we had Pesach china. My husband was a lot more neutral in this regard. On Pesach and Yom Kippur he went to the synagogue, but he refused to fast on Yom Kippur. On Chanukkah I always gave my daughter money.

Chernovtsy was a Jewish town. There were five or six synagogues and a Jewish community. I only went to the synagogue on Pesach because it wasn't free and there was always a shortage of money. I celebrated Sabbath, too. I remember my mother saying that Sabbath must not be disregarded by inattentiveness. I lit candles and tried to prepare some treats, make gefilte fish and boil a chicken. I didn't adhere to the law that forbade to work on Saturdays though. Back then Saturday was part of the official work week, and we were obliged to go to work. All household chores were left for Sundays. I didn't celebrate Soviet holidays, perhaps because I didn't have a chance to get accustomed to them in my childhood. What brought me joy was that Soviet holidays were always a day off. I didn't perceive any anti-Semitism in Chernovtsy. Most people I worked with were Jews as were my husband's and my friends.

Personally, I didn't experience the campaign against cosmopolitans 5, which began in 1948. I was an insignificant person to them, and this oppression didn't reach out to people like me. It was noticeable in Chernovtsy by the closure of synagogues, leaving only one, the smallest one, open. The largest synagogue was converted into a storage space for metal. The Hebrew middle school was shut down, and the Jewish musical theater was closed. My husband and I had often gone there before; we used to attend every new show.

We were very much affected by the Doctors' Plot 6. There was an outburst of anti-Semitism. I remember a boy who approached me on the street and said, 'Soon you will go to Siberia'. But the brunt of all hostility was endured by the doctors. The best medical scholars were called killers and fired from work.

During the Doctors' Plot my daughter, who was in the 1st grade at the time, found out that she was Jewish. She came home from school and said to us, 'You know, Jews are no good, they killed Stalin. Our teacher said that'. All the children in the courtyard began inquiring into who was Jewish and who wasn't and refused to play with Jewish kids. I overheard my daughter saying to her girlfriend that she wasn't Jewish. My heart stopped beating for a second. That evening we had a long discussion with my daughter about being Jewish, and I tried to explain to her that those who call Jews killers are malicious and foolish people. We had quite a few of these talks. I noticed, nonetheless, that ever since then Charna closed up. It was unpleasant for her that I celebrated Jewish holidays and spoke Yiddish with my husband. We spoke Russian with her.

In those days there was persistent talk of the deportation of all Jews to Siberia. People stocked up on canned food and grains. Bags with food for the road were standing ready in almost every home. We believed in these rumors because we all remembered the deportation of Jews from the Crimea. Fortunately, because of Stalin's death in 1953, this never happened.

I remember Stalin's death in March 1953. People on the streets wore red and black mourning armbands. Their faces were puffy from tears. Yes, it's true, during Stalin's last years there was state anti- Semitism, but I believe that Stalin cannot be blamed for that. He actually liked Jews. He helped Jews a lot during the war. He said: 'The evacuated must be fed, the evacuated mustn't be harmed'. I think that the Doctors' Plot was a provocation premeditated by his enemies. If these doctors had still enjoyed their freedom, it would have been possible for Stalin to survive, that they would have saved him. This was all masterminded by those, who tried to take his place. After all, anti-Semitism didn't cease after Stalin's death, which suggests that someone wanted to keep it that way. Of course, I grieved when Stalin died. I was petrified by the thought of what would come after him. When Stalin was publicly denounced as enemy of the state at the Twentieth Party Congress 7, I believed it. Still I think that Stalin was deliberately misled regarding the guilt of those accused of being enemies of the state. After all, he couldn't possibly oversee everything. He had to trust his advisors but they pursued their own agenda. And then Stalin alone was blamed for it all.

When Charna turned 8 she was enrolled in a Russian school. She had no Jewish friends at school and at university. She graduated from school in 1965 and started working as a teacher in a kindergarten while studying by correspondence in the English Department of the Romano- Germanic College at Kiev University. She graduated from university in 1971.

I retired in 1979, and that same year my daughter got married. I don't know how and where she met her future husband, Nikolai Galkin. He was Russian and lived in Moscow. Charna moved there. Once a year she visited Chernovtsy. In Moscow she worked as a kindergarten teacher. She loved kids but didn't have any of her own. To my questions regarding her marriage, Charna's reply was always that everything was fine. Much later I found out from her girlfriend that her husband constantly beat her, and screamed that his Jewish wife had ruined his life. Unfortunately I only found this out after her death. She died from a heart attack in 2001. After her funeral and cremation in Moscow I took her ashes and buried them in the Jewish section of the cemetery in Chernovtsy. Hesed erected a tombstone on her grave. Next to Charna's name there is room for mine on this tombstone. There I will lie, beside my little girl, when it's my time.

My husband and I were overjoyed to learn about the creation of the state of Israel. I knew how much effort was invested in this country, and it pleased me to learn that I had my own country, that our Galut [wandering] was over. When the Jewish immigration to Israel began in the 1970s, I sympathized with those leaving, but I didn't go myself. My husband died in 1969. I buried him in the Jewish cemetery, according to Jewish tradition. I couldn't leave my daughter, and she didn't wish to leave with me. I was offended not by those who were leaving, but by those who failed to assimilate in Israel for some reason, those who returned and began to drag Israel through the mud publicly, through newspapers and television, telling tales of how Zionists lured them there with lies and how unbearable it was for a Soviet person to live there. There were such people in Chernovtsy as well. It was an offense to hear them speak like that.

The live of Jews has drastically changed over the last 10 years. Synagogues started to open again as well as Hebrew schools. I don't feel any anti-Semitism. As to me, I treat people as they deserve to be treated, not according to their nationality. For example, I have lived with my neighbors for 47 years. They are a Russian family, but I honestly cannot say whether I would have lived in such harmony with a Jewish family. These good neighbors are somehow my family, too. We don't pause to think about which one of us is good and which one isn't. Since we are all friends, we are all good people. They have been a great help to me, especially after my daughter's death.

We have Hesed in Chernovtsy and various other Jewish organizations. I began attending lectures and concerts. I met many new friends in the Jewish community. We observe Sabbath and celebrate Jewish holidays. Hesed also helps us with food and medicine. They organize daily lunches for the needy. After my daughter died, I withdrew from participation in community affairs; I simply had other things on my mind. I don't go anywhere these days, except for the cemetery and the market. My friends supported me in my grief. Hesed volunteers visit me almost daily. They spend an hour or two with me and make me feel that I'm not alone. These days that's more important than material or financial help. We talk, read Hebrew books out loud, and my sense of loneliness abates a little. Time will pass, and I will probably return to my friends in the Jewish community. For now, I am grateful to them for everything.

Glossary

1 Mizrach

Special seats in the lower part of the synagogue where men are sitting. They are benches for 3-4 men along the perimeter. Each bench is separated with a partition, a wooden one or studs with a colored torsade tied around them. Such benches were usually bought for members of one family.

2 Betar

Founded in Riga, Latvia, in 1923, Betar was a Zionist youth movement, which taught Hebrew culture and self-defense in eastern Europe and formed the core groups of later settlements in Palestine. Most European branches were lost in the Holocaust.

3 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

4 Kaganovich, Lazar (1893-1991)

Soviet Communist leader. A Jewish shoemaker and labor organizer, he joined the Communist Party in 1911. He rose quickly through the party ranks and by 1930 he had become Moscow party secretary-general and a member of the Politburo. He was an influential proponent of forced collectivization and played a role in the purges of 1936-38. He was known for his ruthless and merciless personality. He became commissar for transportation (1935) and after the purges was responsible for heavy industrial policy in the Soviet Union. In 1957, he joined in an unsuccessful attempt to oust Khrushchev and was stripped of all his posts.

5 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The antisemitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

6 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

7 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

Osip Hotinskiy

Osip Hotinskiy
Moscow
Russia
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: October 2004

Osip Hotinskiy is a tall and lean man. His gray hair is cut short.
He has a charming childish smile and a terrific sense of humor.
He was willing to tell me the story of his life.
Osip lives with his daughter Nina and son Nikolay.

His wife died in 2000.

The family lives in an atmosphere of love and understanding.
Osip takes interest in the life of his children and knows their friends 

and his children treat him with love and great respect.

  • My family background

I can say very little about my father's parents. They died long before I was born. My grandfather's name was Isaac [Hotinskiy], but I don't know my grandmother's name. I don't know where and when they were born. They lived in Kiev, though during the tsarist regime Jewish families weren't allowed to reside in Kiev, which was beyond the Jewish Pale of Settlement 1. This ban didn't refer to doctors, lawyers, merchants of Guild I and II 2 and highly skilled craftsmen. Craftsmen were allowed to settle down in Podol 3, a by-river district in Kiev. My grandfather was a tailor and he must have been a skilled master, considering that my father told me that he provided well for his family. My grandmother was a housewife, which was quite common with Jewish women. My grandparents had five children. Lisa was the oldest daughter, Etlia was the second daughter and my father, Yakov, was born after Etlia, in 1892. His Jewish name was Yankl. My father's brother Vladimir - his Jewish name was Velvl - came after my father. And Mirrah was the youngest.

My father didn't tell me about his childhood. I think my father and his brother and sisters received secular education besides the traditional Jewish education that was mandatory in Jewish families. They were well- educated people. I think my father's parents were religious. At least, I remember that my grandmother was said to have been buried in accordance with the Jewish traditions. My father, his brother and sisters knew Yiddish and spoke Russian well.

My father's older sister Lisa married Moisey Verniye, a Jew, and they moved to France in 1912. They lived in Paris. Moisey was a jeweler. Lisa was a housewife. They had two children, both older than me: a son named Sasha and daughter named Jacqueline. Sasha became a well-known film producer. My parents talked little about them, reluctant to mention their relatives abroad [because it was dangerous to keep in touch with relatives abroad] 4. USSR nationals might have been subject to conviction for espionage, preparation of a terrorist attack at the order of foreign intelligence, and the person would disappear in the Gulag 5. At that time judicial authorities didn't quite care about establishing credible evidence of crime.

An example for this is what happened to my father's sister Etlia Neifeld [nee Hotinskaya]. Her husband was a rather high-ranking state official. In the 1930s he went to Paris on business and his wife accompanied him. Some time after they returned they were arrested. Etlia's husband was executed and she was sent to the Gulag. She was allowed to return to Moscow in 1954 after Stalin's death [in 1953]. Aunt Etlia died in Moscow in the 1980s. She was buried in the town cemetery.

My father's brother Vladimir moved to Moscow in the 1920s. He finished a college and worked in an office. He was married and had a son. During the Great Patriotic War 6 Vladimir was at the front. After the war he returned to Moscow and went to work. He died in Moscow in the 1970s. My father's younger sister Mirrah also lived in Moscow. She was married and had two children. Mirrah's family name was Krakovskaya. She died in Moscow in the 1980s. My father's sisters and brother were atheists.

I got more information about our French relatives in the early 1990s, when my daughter Nina happened to visit France. My aunt's daughter Jacqueline told Nina a lot about her family. When Lisa and her husband decided to emigrate, my grandmother asked her to take her father's tallit with them. Lisa was young and was an atheist, following the spirit of the time, and she refused to take the tallit. Lisa had a white Siberian squirrel fur coat that her husband had given her on the occasion of their engagement. When the lining wore out Lisa decided to replace it. When she took off the old lining she discovered the tallit that grandmother had sewed in underneath. Lisa decided to make a blouse from the nice silk fabric that the tallit was made from. Lisa died, then her older son Sasha died, and his widow moved to Israel with her children. She remarried there. One of Jacqueline's nieces came to visit her. When she heard this story and heard that there were still cuts of the tallit left, she asked her to give her the pieces as a relic. There are still pieces of my grandfather's tallit in Israel.

My father got fond of revolutionary ideas in his youth. He joined the Communist Party in 1910. By the way, he worked with Lazar Kaganovich 7, who became one of the leading party activists later, in one of the party units. My father met my future mother in this party unit.

My mother's family lived in the town of Parichi in Belarus, present Gomel region. Grandfather Nisn Schukin and grandmother Elia-Sheva Schukina were born in Parichi. I don't know their dates of birth or my grandmother's surname. All I know about Parichi is whatever little my mother told me. My grandfather was a fisherman. He caught and sold fish. My grandmother was a housewife. My grandparents had seven children. I don't know my mother's siblings' dates of birth, but I will list them in sequence. My mother's sister Genia was the oldest. Then came two sons: Naum and Shaya. My mother was the fourth. She was born in 1892. At birth mama was named Nehama. This name is also indicated in my birth certificate. Later Mama was called Nina, a Russian name [see common name] 8, which was also indicated in her party membership certificate and passport. Maria, Revekka and Hatzkel were born after Mama.

The family was rather poor. Mama told me that when she was a child the local wealthy residents allowed the children to pick fallen apples in their gardens. Then the family sold better looking apples and left the worse looking ones for them to eat. When Mama and her brother Shaya were in their teens, they went to work at the timber felling facility to remove the rind from tree trunks with special tools. The children took on any job to help their parents support the family. Mama became an apprentice to a dressmaker.

My grandmother and grandfather were religious. I think they raised their children to be religious too. However, when the children grew up, they left Parichi for bigger towns where some of them got fond of revolutionary ideas and joined the Party, and none of them remained religious. My mother's older sister Genia moved to the USA in the late 1910s. The family had no contact with her. Naum lived in Dnepropetrovsk, Ukraine. He was a very good joiner. Naum was married and had a daughter, Genia. During the Great Patriotic War Naum and his family evacuated to Moscow where Naum worked as a joiner at the aircraft factory. After the war they moved back to Dnepropetrovsk. Shaya was a tailor in Moscow. He had three sons. During World War II one of his sons perished at the front, the second one died in the 1980s. The youngest son lives in Moscow. My mother's sister Maria moved to Kharkov. She married an editor. Maria didn't change her surname of Schukina. Maria was a housewife. She had two daughters, Nina and Fira. Nina died recently. Fira lives in Moscow.

My mother's younger brother Hatzkel lived in Moscow. He worked as joiner in the Moscow metro. Hatzkel was married. His daughter's name was Thaisia. Hatzkel was a business oriented and sociable person and went to work as a logistic agent in an office. He often traveled on business. Before the Great Patriotic War he went to Brest to execute contracts. German troops attacked Brest on the first day of the war. There was no more information about Hatzkel. He may have perished on the first day of the war. His daughter Thaisia lives somewhere in Ukraine. My mother's sister Revekka had no family of her own and became like a mother to me. Grandfather Nisn died in Parichi before I was born. My grandmother stayed with her children. She was very hard-working and helped her children about their houses and to take care of their children.

Mama moved to Kiev at the age of 16. She went to work at a tailor's shop in Kiev. She got involved in revolutionary activities, probably under the influence of her friends. In 1910 she joined the Communist Party. She was 18 years old. The tsarist government persecuted revolutionaries. In the early 1910s my father was arrested and exiled to Siberia. Mama told me that she was arrested at the age of 17. The gendarmes came early one morning and ordered her to get dressed and follow them. Mama asked them to wait for her outside and let her get dressed, considering that she was a woman. The gendarmes looked at her nodding their heads: 'Oh yeah, a woman,' but they went outside. Mama was sentenced to six months in prison with regards to her young age. After my father returned from exile and Mama returned from jail they continued their revolutionary activities. In 1917 the Revolution took place in Russia [see Russian Revolution of 1917] 9.

  • Growing up

I don't know when or how my parents got married. When I was born they lived in Moscow. I was born in Moscow in December 1919. My parents named me Osip. Since my parents were atheists they didn't arrange any religious ceremonies with regards to my birth. I was a baby when my father was sent to Kharkov in connection with his party activities. This happened during the Civil War 10. I cannot remember anything about our life in Kharkov. In 1925 our family moved to Moscow. My parents received an apartment, luxurious for that time, on 2 Clementovskiy Lane in the center of Moscow: actually, they received two adjacent rooms in a five-bedroom shared apartment [see communal apartment] 11. There was the family of a colonel living in two other rooms and a single woman living in a little three square-meter room. I have dim memories about my father. He died in 1927. His premature death probably rescued me and Mama from arrests later [during the so-called Great Terror] 12.

When I was small, Mama worked in the Central Supervisory Commission. She went to work early in the morning and returned home late at night. At first my grandmother stayed with us taking care of me, but all other children wanted Grandmother to move to them and Mama hired a housemaid. When I was old enough, Mama sent me to the kindergarten. Our housemaid or my grandmother picked me from the kindergarten in the evening. I could hear Mama's voice through my sleep, when she came home late at night. Mama believed that work was beyond everything else, particularly the party work, and I was growing up a self-sufficient child.

Grandmother Elia-Sheva was religious and never failed to observe Jewish traditions, even though her children were atheists. She lit candles on Friday and prayed over them. On Saturday she tried to do no work. She even asked me to turn on the lights in the evening, if there was nobody else at home. However, I made efforts to struggle 'against her religious delusions.' I remember that grandmother always bought matzah before Pesach and kept it in a box under her bed. She didn't eat bread on holidays. I am ashamed to recall this: in my childhood I enjoyed putting some bread into the box and telling my grandma about it, when she thought she was having matzah. My grandmother was so kind that she couldn't even get angry with me, which I would have deserved. She only said, 'Ah, you...' threatening me with her finger.

I started school at the age of eight in 1928. I did well at school and did make much effort for it. I remember the carnivals that Young Octobrists 13, and pioneers [see All-Union pioneer organization] 14 arranged in the streets on religious holidays. We marched the streets singing 'Away with monks, rabbis and priests! We'll climb the heaven and chase away all gods!' I remember the carnival on Piatnitskaya Street near Clementovskiy Lane where we lived at Christmas. This was called the anti-religious Christmas. There were costumes and I made a carton priest with a censer. I pulled the rope and the priest swayed the censer. There were fireworks and we were carrying banners with anti-religious slogans... Our teacher told us that we were not to eat Easter bread. She finished her speech saying a common phrase: 'There is no God.' I remember the school and the yard. There were many children living in the apartment building. We played and ran around in the yard in our free time.

My mother's younger sister Revekka spent a lot of time with me. She was an 'Old Bolshevik' 15 like my mother. It's not that she was old, but this was a common name for those who had joined the Communist Party before the Revolution of 1917. Revekka finished the College of Foreign Trade. She worked at the Trade Representative Office. In 1929 she was sent to work at the Trade Representative Office in Germany. In 1933 Revekka came to Moscow on business and convinced my mother to let me go with her. We spent a couple of months in Copenhagen, Denmark, and then went to Berlin. I went to the Russian school for the children of employees of the Trade Representative Office.

Hitler came to power in Germany, when we arrived there. I remember how surprised I was to see flags with swastikas on each house in Berlin. At home people put flags only on holidays. Later I got to know that people were ordered to have flags on their houses. I remember fighters wearing brown uniforms marching in the streets. All passers-by were to greet them with their arms stretched when they were marching. My school friend was the daughter of an employee of the Trade Representative Office. I don't remember her first name, but her surname was Grishina. Her father didn't greet the marchers once and two of them started beating him. He screamed that he was a foreigner, but it didn't help. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs sent its protest to the German government, but they didn't reply. Then employees of the Trade Representative Office started going back home. In 1934 my aunt and I returned to Moscow.

Mama was on a long business trip to Uzbekistan. She worked as chief of the machine/tractor yards political department. She was to support cotton harvesting. I was 14 years old and I went to Margelan where Mama was staying. She was a high-ranking official and had a car and a driver who drove her to various districts where she monitored the harvesting processes. At times she was away for several days in a row. I went to a Russian school where I studied the Uzbek language. The Uzbek language was based on the Latin alphabet and in the late 1930s it switched to the Slavonic alphabet. About a year later Mama and I returned to Moscow. I went back to my old school.

This was the period when the arrests [Great Terror] began. 'Enemy of the people' 16 became a common definition. Fortunately, my mother and her sister Revekka were not arrested. One summer I went to a pioneer camp, and when I returned Mama told me that our neighbor, the colonel, had been arrested one night. There was a search of his apartment. We never heard about him again. Later my father's brother Vladimir was arrested. He was a rather high-ranking official at the time. Shortly after his arrest Yezhov 17 was removed and Beriya 18 replaced him. He declared an amnesty, and Vladimir was one of those who were released from jail. My parents' other brothers and sisters were tailors, carpenters and housewives and the authorities took no interest in them. Mama became a party organizer at the dairy factory. She probably wanted to stay away from where she could have been a focus of attention. I don't know.

Many of my schoolmates were children of the party officials who resided in the so-called 'House on the Embankment' in Moscow. I was a Komsomol 19 member already. We frequently had meetings where reports of the schoolchildren whose fathers were arrested were discussed. This even became a standard procedure at some point of time. Each student was asked: 'How could you not notice that your father was against the Soviet power?' There was also a common answer: 'I don't believe that my father acted consciously, he was probably drawn into this. Or maybe, it's a mistake...' To give credit to our teachers, none of the children was expelled from school or the Komsomol, but they were reprimanded for relaxing their vigilance. Neither teachers nor children changed their attitude towards these children. Everybody tried to support and help them while in other schools they were expelled from the Komsomol and the children declared a boycott of the 'son of an enemy of the people.'

It also happened that a student reported that his father was arrested and later that his mother was arrested as well. Once, a terrible incident happened. My schoolmate Zelinskiy's father was arrested. Newspapers published materials about the trial of Zelinskiy and the group of people with him. Zelinskiy confessed that he had arranged train crashes by adding glass bits into grease. Even we, teenagers, understood that this was crap and couldn't be true. We reprimanded Zelinskiy's son like we did the others, when all of a sudden he disappeared. The others continued attending school even if both of their parents were arrested, but he disappeared... This was a fearful time.

I was in love with a girl from my school. Her father had nothing to do with party or business activities, when all of a sudden she told me that her father had been arrested. A couple of months later she came to school shining and informed me that her father was back home. Such occurrences strengthened our faith in the justice of the Party, when a person was arrested as a victim of slander, but then was released when proven not guilty.

There was no anti-Semitism in those years. Though there were many Jews arrested, we never linked their arrest to their national identity. None of my acquaintances, friends or I faced any routinely or state-level anti- Semitism.

I finished school in 1939. I was fond of exact sciences and I entered the Bauman School, present-day Moscow High Technical School. In 1939 a new law on army service was issued. Before this students hadn't been subject to army service before finishing their education, but according to this new law the students were to join the army when they reached the recruitment age. In October all 1st-year students were recruited to the army. I was recruited as a private to a reserve regiment. We were trained to handle a mortar and sent to the Finnish Front [see Soviet-Finnish War] 20. I arrived there perhaps one week before the war was over. I was a mortar man and carried an 82-mm mortar and a support slab to it. I think on 12th or 14th March the peace treaty with Finland was signed.

  • My military service

After the Finnish campaign the Baltic Republics of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia were annexed to the USSR [see Occupation of the Baltic Republics] 21. Our division was sent to support the annexation of Estonia in 1940. I cannot describe the attitude of the local population to this. We didn't meet with the locals. We approached the Estonian border, turned our mortars in their direction and thought that we would have to fight with them, when the order 'As you were!' was given.

The area near the border of Estonia belonged to the former Pskov region and was populated with Russians. The locals came out to greet us, and when we stayed and were accommodated they asked us questions. We didn't miss a chance to tell them about the advantages of living in the USSR. I asked them whether they could afford to give education to their children and told them about myself. I said that after finishing my two-year army service I would go to college and then become an engineer. They listened, nodding their heads: 'you have a good life there...'

Our military unit was deployed in a forest. We watched movies and arranged dancing parties. A few local girls visited us, but there were rumors that they were local prostitutes. Once a month we received allowances in Estonian currency and our officers rushed to the local stores. Watches were in great demand: to have a watch was a luxury in the USSR. Aunt Revekka bought me a watch when we were in Germany, and my fellow comrades borrowed this watch from me to be photographed. During the war watches were also highly valued and taken off all killed German soldiers.

Later we were ordered to relocate to Belarus, Chermekha station near Brest Litovsk, 30 kilometers from the western border of the USSR. There were earth huts made for us. They were big and made to accommodate a company. There was a deep pit dug, logs on the floor and plank beds on the sides, little windows by the surface. The roof was covered with grass to camouflage it. There were iron stoves to heat the earth huts. In winter soldiers on duty gathered brushwood and wood for the stoves. There were also smaller earth huts for mortars. Mortars were hauled on horse-drawn carts. There were sheds for horses made. We stayed there till 22nd June 1941.

After the defeat of the Germans in Poland and the completion of the Finnish campaign we felt rather optimistic. Stalin and Voroshylov 22 convinced us that we would only fight on the enemy's territory and there would be minimal losses. We sang songs like: 'We beat any enemy with minimal losses and with one powerful blow...' We believed this and besides, many didn't believe that Hitler would dare to attack us. When the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact 23 was signed, everybody believed we shouldn't fear Germany and that the Germans were our friends.

We relocated to construct fortifications on the border with Poland. The Germans were on the opposite side of the river. When Soviet frontier men were passing, they waved their hands in greeting and we responded. We were equipped with the latest automatic guns. There was state of the art weaponry on the border and there were weapon storages along the border.

I was appointed deputy political officer of the mortar company. This was the position of a junior commanding officer, like the first sergeant. The political officer was responsible for officers and I was to work with soldiers. I was to read them newspaper articles, explain and clarify what they were about. I was to conduct classes on 'Improvement of military discipline' and they were scheduled a year ahead.

In May 1941 the political staff of the division was gathered. We were told that these classes were cancelled and we were to conduct four classes about Germany: its roads, population; to cut it short, we were to explain what soldiers might expect to experience in Germany, but nobody explained why we had to do it. I conducted two classes and the soldiers kept asking me: 'Are we going to fight there?' and what could I tell them, when I knew nothing myself? I pretended I was aware of the situation: 'No, comrades! If they attack us, we would go and then ...' Of course, I had the same questions, but the answers that I could think of were not so cheerful ...

There were many undereducated people in our regiment. I studied well at school and liked mathematic. Our regiment commander asked me to help him improve his mathematic preparing for the exam at the Military Technical Academy. I gave him private lessons. Each battalion was to work two to three weeks at the construction of fortifications near the border. On 20th June our battalion was to go there. My commander asked me to stay and continue teaching him. There were three sick soldiers and a few horses left under my command.

  • During the war

On Sunday 22nd June, at 4am, bombing began. The war had started. The regiment lined up and left and I stayed waiting for my battalion to come back. The regiment commander sent me to the station to help evacuate officers' families. There was a freight train waiting, women and children crying. I helped them to load their luggage and get on the train. When the boarding was over, the commanding officer ordered me to escort the train with the remaining soldiers.

When we were passing Minsk, we could see the German tanks. Our train passed, when their encirclement closed behind us and all those, who had failed to escape, civilians and military, had no more chance to. The Germans captured our military storage facilities with state of the art weaponry and food stocks. I was lucky to have escaped. My lessons of mathematic gave me this opportunity.

On our way the German air forces attacked us. Some women and children perished. We reached Penza where the women and children got off the train. My team and I headed to Moscow. We arrived at the headquarters in Moscow trying to find out the whereabouts of our regiment and division. Nobody could give us any information. We obtained passes to go to the front line headquarters in Smolensk. In Smolensk we joined the front line forces. I was appointed an aide in the regiment headquarters at first and when German troops approached Smolensk, I was sent to the front line.

I remember sitting in a trench with a dozen soldiers waiting for the German tanks to hold them back. We had bottles filled with gasoline corked with cotton wool that we were to spark with a match before throwing it onto a tank. We also had grenades that were rather inefficient in fighting against the tanks. We were sitting there for a long while, when we noticed that German tanks entered Smolensk and were quite behind us. A senior lieutenant passing by ordered us to scarper from there as soon as possible. The retreat was rather messy. Some stupid commander ordered the regiment to retreat in smaller groups considering that Germans had air forces available. Our point of destination was Yartsevo.

My squad of ten headed to Yartsevo via Yelnia. We made our way through the woods, but when thirst and hunger got unbearable, we went to villages begging for water and food. When we approached Yartsevo, we were told that German troops had landed there. If there had been more of us, we would have been able to smash this troop, but just ten of us were helpless. We headed to Yelnia where the 220th division was formed from retreating units. The process was simple. A patrol stopped a bunch of soldiers ordering them to line up, captured another group ordering them to join the line: the soldiers were coming continuously. Then the line was ordered to line up by specialties: machine gunners, flak gunners, mortar gunners, all in separate lines.

Three deputy political officers approached me asking whether I would like to join the intelligence forces. I agreed. They asked whether I was familiar with the 45-mm cannon. I replied that there was an anti-tank cannon near where our regiment was located. I was a tower gunner on an armored truck and deputy political officer of the armored company of the intelligence battalion. In the process of this formation we were not involved in any combat actions. On 2nd October, when German troops started on their advance to Moscow, we had to retreat fighting our way through the encirclement. We quickly ran out of gasoline. Since leaving our armored vehicles and cannons to the Germans was out of the question we blasted them and moved on. We had rifles and one machine gun at our disposal.

Our intelligence people informed us that the Germans had left a gap in one spot where we could get through. Getting through the encirclement we headed to the gathering point where we were asked where we came from. I was asked whether it was true that I had been in an intelligence company and whether I wished to join an intelligence unit. Of course, I gave my consent. It was according to the procedure that the military had to give their consent to join the intelligence units.

Perhaps, I would have been regimented to the mortar unit had I been asked whether I was a mortar man, but there was no time for consideration: I was asked a question and had to give my reply immediately. So I was assigned to the intelligence unit of the 119th division where I was appointed Komsomol leader of the company and a deputy political officer. Our division was in defense till the general offensive near Moscow. When the offensive began, the intelligence unit was to be on the very front. Germans set villages on fire retreating. They ordered tenants to leave their houses before setting them on fire. Once we captured an incendiary. The village women asked us to give him to them. We did. They grabbed him by his arms and legs and threw him into the burning hut.

The most important objective of intelligence units was to capture prisoners for interrogation. We went scouting wearing our uniform coats and warm uniforms underneath in winter. We had no decorations except a hat with the star. If we came to villages, people first looked whether we had stars, which meant that we belonged to the regular army, and only then did they welcome us. Villagers didn't quite appreciate partisans: they broke into villages demanding makeshift vodka and food. At times they behaved like bandits. We went scouting in groups of a few of us. We waited by the side of a road for German transports to pass by. If it was too numerous and had strong guards, we ignored it, but when there were one or two wagons or sleighs, we jumped up and fired our guns. We left one or two survivors and took them to the headquarters.

Usually the element of surprise worked out and the Germans weren't able to start shooting, but things happened. Once we attacked a transport and started firing, but the Germans fired back. They killed three of our intelligence men. There was another incident. Each of our squad had a vehicle. Once the 3rd squad went on a vehicle and none of them returned. When we started an offensive near Moscow we found them. They had all perished. However, basically we managed to capture a prisoner for interrogation who surrendered without even trying to resist.

Since I had lived in Germany for a year I could speak German all right and was ordered to interrogate the prisoner while he was still in a state of shock. At first I was given the list of questions for interrogation issued by the headquarters, but then I learned the questions by heart and could manage myself. I wrote down the answers and sent my notes to the division headquarters. Then the prisoner was taken to the division headquarters to be interrogated by the chief of intelligence through an interpreter. The chief could also check how true the answers were by my notes.

Once we captured a German soldier. I started interrogating him and he said that Stalin and Hitler were drinking vodka together while we were shooting at each other on their order. Our people got very angry at him and started shouting, 'Hitler kaput!' The German enjoyed repeating with us: 'Hitler kaput!' It also happened that there were Russian prisoners-of-war in German transports. They served in the rear German units as drivers or loaders. We were merciless with them: 'You work for the Germans!' and we shot them. Even Germans were in an advantageous situation compared to those Russians. They had a hope to survive if they told the truth during interrogation, while the Russians working for Germans didn't even have a chance to be sent to the tribunal. They were shot on the spot. They knew they could count on no mercy and fired back desperately, knowing that however miserable, this was their only chance to survive. I remember that once we captured a transport and the drivers were Russian. Two started firing back and one raised his hands, saying, 'Comrades, I'm not here by my own will...' Our platoon commander shot him. Only after the war did I understand that not all of them were traitors.

Things happened and Germans often captured wounded people who couldn't shoot themselves and took them to concentration camps where the prisoners starved and were kept outside even in winter. The only chance for prisoners to survive was to start working for the Germans. If it hadn't been for our cruelty and intolerance, many of them would have joined us and fought against the Germans, but we never failed to remind them that if a person worked for the Germans he was a traitor. This attitude was continuously developed and maintained. However, there were other incidents.

Once, our intelligence unit came to a village. There were partisans in the village. They told us that there was a dragoon unit consisting of Soviet prisoners-of-war under the command of a German officer in the nearby village. We stayed overnight in this village and at night this dragoon unit attacked the village. They were not aware that the Soviet regular army was already in the village. We started firing at them. There were two artillery soldiers with us. They gave command to their unit to shoot at the village. The German dragoon unit understood that they were fired at by a Soviet regular army unit and retreated. We captured three prisoners. This was the first time, when we captured prisoners from a punitive dragoon unit who were former Soviet people.

We took them to our company commanding officer. When he heard who they were, he grabbed a log and started hitting one of them. Someone mentioned that they should probably be taken to the division headquarters, but this prisoner was already dead. Two other prisoners were taken to the division headquarters. The headquarters issued an order saying that three dragoon troopers had been sentenced to death and that the sentence had been executed. The remaining dragoon unit escaped from the village where they were deployed leaving everything behind. We found a record player with records of popular Soviet songs and funny stories by clowns. These trophies were a great success. We enjoyed listening to these old records after the fight...

We often bumped into partisan units in the German rear. Many of them were formed from former regular units that happened to be encircled, but managed to form partisan units and continue fighting in the woods. Such units caused significant damage to German troops. There were also units formed from local residents. Some units fought against Germans as best they could, but there were others that stayed in the villages only concerned about getting food and drinks, waiting till the regular army had chased away the German troops. Once we came across a partisan unit, when they were having a party eating and drinking. They had happened to attack a German air field and seized food and schnapps from there. A Czech soldier serving in the German army had informed them about this air field. He met a local girl and she arranged for him to contact this partisan unit. He helped them to arrange this attack and then joined the partisan unit. He was sitting there, but he didn't eat or drink. I started talking to him. He came from a rather wealthy family. They lived in Germany. His father was a merchant. The Czech had studied at university. When the war began, he was regimented to the army. After the war the Pravda newspaper published an article about this Czech. I read in this article that he perished at the very end of the war.

There were also bandit units. We happened to disarm one of them. Our intelligence commanding officer went to a meeting with the girls living in a village. They were our messengers and informed us about the relocation of German units. There was a partisan unit deployed near the village. This unit had captured the girls and tortured them, I don't know why. When our company senior lieutenant, went to meet with the girls, the partisans captured him and locked him in a shed. He managed to escape. Our company commanding officer, Komsomol leader and I were in an earth hut, when this senior lieutenant ran in shouting: 'Alarm the company!' The company consisting of three squads was given an alarm and headed to the partisan unit. When we arrived there we demanded for the unit commanding officer to make his appearance. We tied him up and sent him to the army headquarters. The other members of the partisan unit were disarmed and taken into the guard house. From there they were sent to the headquarters. I don't know what happened to them. Many things happened. The films and memoirs show only heroic deeds, but there was a lot of mess and nonsense during the war, just like in everyday life...

When I watch movies about the war, the soldiers in them attack shouting: 'For Stalin!' I don't remember that this happened at the front line, though I happened to go in attack only once, when we were to break through an encirclement. However, I watched the others going in attacks. Nobody shouted anything like this. They pronounced a few curse words to cheer up, shouted 'Hurrah' and went forward. I was deputy political officer of a company and can state that there was strong political propaganda and there was much nonsense in it.

In our peaceful life we accepted written socialist commitments promising to accomplish something by each Soviet holiday, for example, to complete a half-year plan [of the work] by 1st May. All of a sudden somebody had the following idea during the war: each soldier was to write a commitment regarding how many Germans he obligated himself to kill by Soviet Army Day 24. I was also a Komsomol leader of the company and was to gather these socialist commitments from the soldiers. They were to sign them. It was an ordeal for me: 'You have to write a commitment about how many Germans you obligate yourself to kill by the holiday', 'But, comrade deputy political officer, what if I am killed tomorrow?' 'You write down how many you will kill', 'all right, five', 'Are you out of your mind? You are a machine gunner!' You didn't know whether to laugh or cry... I gathered the papers and sent them to the political department of the division. A few days later I took part in the Komsomol conference where the chief of the political department of the division presented a report. He said that our division obliges itself to kill this and that number of Germans by Red Army Day. This obligation became mandatory for us. Each Komsomol leader was to write down how many Germans he had already killed. Of course, it was impossible to give accurate numbers and we made guesses. Later, after the Stalingrad Battle 25, when Marshal Zhukov 26 became commander, he said this was nonsense and there could be no socialist obligations in the army. He put an end to this stupidity.

I don't know how gasoline was supplied to us. Our driver was to take care of gasoline for the vehicle. As for food supplies, the situation was miserable. We were mainly outside in 1941-42, particularly in winter. The winter was cold, the temperature dropped down to about 30°?. When we went in attacks we often came across burning houses that the Germans had set on fire. We sat around the fire, wearing our 'valenki' [warm Russian felt boots], and fur jackets under our uniform coats. The bread was delivered frozen. It was like ice. We sawed the loaves and each got a piece. We put our pieces on fire till they were defrosted on the edges, nibbled on them and then put them back on the fire to defreeze the rest. However, intelligence units were in a better situation than the rest of the army.

Once we attacked a transport, captured a German prisoner and seized bread, chocolate and tinned food. The adjutant of General Berezin, our division commander, came in asking us to give him a loaf of bread for the commander and maybe something else. Commanding officers also suffered from lack of food. We also made use of dead horses that were numerous on battlefields. We chose the least damaged, sewed off pieces and boiled them. It was good when we had salt. However, smokers were in the worst position. The mahorka tobacco deliveries were rare and smokers suffered terribly from lack of tobacco. They powdered tree rind and dried leaves. They looked forward to delivery dates.

We had regular supplies of soap and toothpaste. In summer we could wash ourselves in rivers or with water from wells. In winter we used water from wells when we stayed in villages, or snow, when we were in the fields or in the woods. We rarely got a chance to sleep in a house or an earth hut: we mostly stayed in the fields. We didn't change our clothes for months, only dried our valenki boots by the fire. The real disaster was when we got lice. When we went in attacks German troops didn't even get a chance to set houses on fire before they retreated. We were exhausted and fell asleep in village houses.

This was when all the lice in those huts attacked us. It's hard to recall this! Once before going to sleep in a hut I took off my undershirt and left it outside to freeze out the lice. I looked at it in the morning: the undershirt was green and there were white spots on it. They were the frozen lice. I was told that they would come to life again the moment I put the shirt on. I threw it into the stove and had no undershirt till I got a new one. We were scratching ourselves without even noticing it. Once, our division commanding officer came by. We were sitting by the fire and he joined us. We looked at him: the general also scratched himself! When the offensive began, we went to the sauna in the villages every day. We also heated our uniforms to eliminate lice. Fortunately, we avoided diseases and an epidemic of typhus. People in evacuation told us they had lice that spread an epidemic, and they fell ill and died from diseases, but we managed all right.

The only thing we had plenty of was vodka. In winter we received 100 grams each and a piece of pork fat to warm ourselves every day. Actually, we had even more than this ration. Our master sergeant submitted the number of staff before battles and received the ordered quantities of vodka. He always had reserves of vodka due to casualties.

There were SMERSH 27 representatives in each regiment. However, there was none in our intelligence unit. Fortunately, I never dealt with any. Of course, not all of them captured German spies. They mainly watched the moods in units and had their informers, who reported to them on those who expressed their discontent. Somebody reported that our telephone operator was listening to German radio stations at night. This radio operator was sent to the tribunal. This happened in 1941, before penal battalions were formed in late 1942. The radio operator was sentenced to five years and had to serve his sentence at the front line. He was sent back to our regiment and strictly ordered to never listen to German radio stations again.

There were intervals between battles at the front line. There were no women at the front. There were some in medical battalions, but our medical battalion was at quite a distance from our location. During intervals we were busy fixing our uniforms or valenki boots. We also talked discussing our pre-war life and making plans for the future. Once we chased Germans out of a village. There were no residents left in the village. The Germans had deported them to Germany. I came into a house and saw books on shelves: these were works by Leonid Andreyev, an old pre-Revolutionary edition in beautiful solid leather binding. [Editor's note: Andreyev, Leonid Nikolayevich (1871-1919): Russian author, prose-writer and playwright; one of the most outstanding Russian writers of the early 20th century, he developed expressionist poetry in his plays.] It was warm in the house and there was a kerosene lamp on and I took to reading right away. I even forgot I was hungry. I hadn't had a book in my hands for a long time. This was the first time I read Andreyev. This was an unforgettable feeling: the war was on, another battle was just over, the others were sleeping on the floor, and I was reading... Later I re-read Andreyev's books, but they made the strongest impression on me during the interval between battles.

I cannot remember the first German I killed. This was not quite like murdering a person: somebody was running, I fired my gun and never saw him again. Then another one: you leveled your gun and pulled the trigger... I was an excellent shooter and participated in tournaments after the war. During battles I felt no more emotions than I did when hitting a target in peaceful times. There was a scary thing: when deserters or those who undertook mutilation intentionally to avoid going to the front line were executed in front of the alignment. Before penal battalions were established the only punishment was execution before the line. The regiment was ordered to line up, then the sentence was read and the order 'Fire!' issued. A squad of soldiers fired at their former comrade. This happened rarely, but these are still shattering memories.

When penal battalions were established, deserters were sent there, though those who undertook mutilation were still executed. When a person shot himself in his leg or arm, he could serve in the army no longer, and these people weren't sent to medical battalions. For other violations military men were sent to penal battalions. There were few survivors in those battalions. Civilian criminals were also sent to penal battalions. After the war I met the husband of my future wife's friend; he was in a penal battalion. He worked at a military plant in Moscow and wasn't subject to military service. He started some dealings with bread cards. The militia captured him, and after a prompt trial he was sent to a penal battalion. He was lucky: he was slightly wounded and sent to a common military unit afterward. People stayed in penal battalions till they were killed or wounded. There was a saying: 'Till the first blood'. Germans knew that when a penal battalion appeared on the scene there was a breakthrough planned in this area. Penal battalions were sent through mine fields. They were actually sentenced to death. Those who were wounded had a chance to survive. The rest of them died.

In 1941 I was awarded my first Order of the Red Star 28, and in 1942 I received the second one. These are all my military awards. I was also awarded an Order of the Great Patriotic War 29, 1st Class, in 1985, before the 40th anniversary of the victory over Germany.

In late April 1942, on the eve of 1st May, I was wounded. At first it seemed it was nothing serious: a splinter hit me in my jaw. Our company doctor pulled it out with his pincers and applied plaster on the wound. Next day we went on survey. A battalion had been encircled. We were to get through to them and take them out of the encirclement. The snow had melted and the mud was impassable. I had to stay in a swamp for a few hours. When we returned, my wound began to ache and I had a fever. Then I developed a phlegmon and osteomyelitis. In hospital I was told that there was another splinter left in my wound. Basically, I can bear pain, but this time it was unbearable. I was sent to a medical battalion. Before going to hospital my comrades convinced me to drink a glass of vodka to suppress the pain. I usually got drunk from 100 grams of vodka, but this time I drank a glass and nothing happened. The pain was splitting my head. I drank another glass, but the effect was the same.

From the very start of the war I corresponded with Mama and Aunt Revekka. Mama finished a course of medical nurses and obtained an assignment to our division medical battalion. In the medical battalion where my mother served, they cleaned my wound and sent me over to the army hospital in the small town of Torzhok. I was to stay there 60 days according to procedures. If treatment demanded a longer period, doctors wrote 'over 60 days' on medical records and sent such patients to hospitals in the rear. I was sent to Moscow. A front line evacuation hospital was deployed in Burdenko hospital. I spent about half a year there. Mama demobilized and moved to Moscow. She was a lieutenant and worked in a military office till the end of the war. Mama and Aunt Revekka often visited me in hospital.

In 1942 I became a candidate to the Party. Then I was wounded, stayed in hospitals and my documents were lost. I joined the Party only in 1944. So according to my documents I was a member since 1944, while actually my membership started in 1942. Joining the Party was no question for me. My parents were communists so how could I help joining the party? This was like a religion to me. I believed this all like religious people believe in their religious dogmas without giving it a thought or doubting them.

When I was on my way to recovery, representatives of military schools began to come to our hospital inviting people to enter schools. They were looking for those who had secondary education. I was offered to go to an infantry school, but I didn't quite want to go there. Then I got an offer from a medical military academy. I didn't want to become a doctor whatsoever after all I had seen in hospitals. I thought that since I had been thinking of becoming an engineer before the war, a technical school was the closest to this decision. I entered the faculty of artillery mechanics of the Leningrad school evacuated to Izhevsk. I obtained a pass and tickets and took a train to Izhevsk. I studied for nine months and was promoted to the rank of lieutenant. Upon graduation I became a military shipment forwarder. I escorted shipments with shells and weaponry loaded on rear storage facilities and sent to the front.

There was also a crew of soldiers escorting the shipment to unload the carriages in case of bombardments to prevent them from exploding. The explosion might have been caused by a direct hit of a bomb or by detonation. These trains passed stations without any delay. If a station was jammed, we had to talk to the commandant who arranged for the train to pass. In this way the shipments were delivered to army storage facilities where they were unloaded, and my crew and I went back. Of course, it was hard during bombardments, when we had to separate the carriages to prevent them from explosion. Then we had to watch that all carriages were taken back to their place and that none of them was missing.

I heard that the war was over when we arrived at the storage in Yaroslavl. The town rejoiced. There were orchestras playing, people dancing and greeting each other. Of course, there was also sadness in this joy, when people recalled those who wouldn't come back home, but everybody had faith in the future. Peaceful life began.

  • Post-war

Mama lived in our two rooms in the shared apartment. Her younger sister Revekka also lived there, though she had a room in another shared apartment. When I returned, Mama quit her job and received a good pension as an old communist. In 1949 we moved to an apartment building on Arbat Street where old communists lived. At first, if an old communist died, his family was forced to leave the apartment. After the war this procedure was cancelled, but tenants were still afraid of being forced to move out. Mama managed to exchange this apartment that belonged to the widow of an old communist. We moved into her separate two-bedroom apartment. A few years later we exchanged this apartment and Revekka's room for the apartment where I live now.

I had to decide what to do: demobilize and go back to college? I decided to enter the Moscow Artillery Academy. I submitted my application in 1946. There were two-stage entrance exams: at first applicants had to take exams in the military regiment, and then the winners had to take exams in the academy. There was a big competition: five to seven applicants per admission. I passed my exams successfully and was admitted to the first year of the Faculty of Ammunition. I faced no prejudiced attitudes. I think national identity didn't matter at the time. Knowledge was what mattered. There were two groups of 25 students in our faculty. Two were Jews. I was one and the second was another war veteran. His name was Abram, but I don't remember his surname. There were many Jewish applicants, but only two of us were admitted. However, I think they just failed at the entrance exams. I faced no anti-Semitism during my studies at the academy, though it emerged in everyday life after the war. On my way from Yaroslavl to Moscow, in an overcrowded carriage, I heard officers talking to one another: 'Those Jews, zhydy...' In Moscow I also happened to hear things like this, though never addressed to me. Anti-Semitism became a common thing in everyday life and wasn't punished. However, it occurred among common people, not among the intelligentsia at the academy.

In 1948 trials against cosmopolitans [see campaign against 'cosmopolitans'] 30, scientists and people in the arts, began. All or almost all of them were Jews. However, I never associated any of these incidents with myself. The others in the academy also associated these processes with people in literature, artists. They had nothing to do with engineers though, and we didn't even discuss this subject.

In 1950 I finished the Academy in the rank of captain. I got a job assignment to a company manufacturing plane shells. I worked as junior military representative. All military representatives at enterprises developing weapons were responsible for quality assurance of the weaponry to be added to the arsenals. Military representatives at manufacturing enterprises were to ensure the quality of manufactured products and their compliance with technical requirements. In design companies military representatives had to review designs and drawings and approve the introduction of new weapons into manufacture. I worked in this office for a few months before I was transferred to Academician Korolyov's 31 company where I was promoted to the position of military representative.

This company developed and manufactured missiles. When I joined the company, it was in the process of developing a 600-km-range missile. Later they developed and manufactured a 1,200-km-range missile. And these missile developments are still in use. I was appointed group supervisor in the Korolyov design office. My group was to review all estimations issued by the design office employees: ballistic estimations, safety estimations, load estimates, aerodynamics. My group included specialists in aerodynamics and safety, and I was a specialist in ballistics. The final approval of estimates and drawings required signatures of all military representatives and mine. Most of the design office employees were civilian candidates and doctors of science [see Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees] 32. The overall process of development of these missiles started with the development of design documentation and manufacture of missiles and was completed at the test ground.

We used two test grounds: the well-known Baykonur 33 ground and another one in Zagorsk. Military representatives were involved in the process on all stages. Each stage required their statement of correctness and compliance with requirements. I was to issue my statement on the stage of design. Of course, it was a great responsibility. I happened to find errors in estimations. In this case I was to write an executive note to the management, but I never did this. I just went to see the developers and said: 'How come, guys...?' and they corrected their errors. The military representatives inspecting the quality of finished products had a hard time. For example, during a test they could find out that a valve was fixed in the wrong way. Of course, it was a failure at manufacture, but where was the military representative at the time? During Stalin's regime this was interpreted as a sabotage act and people were taken to the tribunal from where they only had two ways: to the Gulag or the death sentence.

After the Twentieth Party Congress 34 things became more humane. There was a reprimand issued, a note made in the employment record book regarding poor performance. This was hard, but not lethal. In the late 1950s a colonel came to work with us as a military representative. He happened to have worked in our office before I came to work here. He missed something in the course of acceptance and was sent to the Gulag. He was released after the Twentieth Party Congress, rehabilitated [see Rehabilitation [in the Soviet Union] 35 and resumed his former position. He worked in the office till he retired.

  • Married life

I got married in 1952. I knew my future wife Zoria Petrunicheva since childhood. Her parents were old communists and lived in Kiev before the Revolution of 1917. They worked in a party unit together. They got married at approximately the same time as my parents did. Zoria's mother, Yelizaveta Privarovskaya, was a Jew and her father, Nikolay Petrunichev, was Russian. Later both families moved to Moscow and continued to be friends. I knew Zoria almost since her birth. She was born in Moscow in 1926. We often saw each other on holidays, at family gatherings and birthdays. There was an age difference of seven years between us and it was significant before the war. Zoria's younger brother Vladimir was born in 1933.

When I returned home after the war Zoria was a student at the Department of History of Moscow University. When I studied at the academy, Zoria's mother bought a tour to the Riga seashore for Zoria, her younger brother, my cousin Fira, my aunt Maria's daughter, who also lived in Moscow and studied at university, and me. That summer Zoria and I realized that we loved each other. After finishing her studies Zoria went to work at the Institute of Oriental Studies. We got married in 1952. We didn't have a Jewish wedding. Our parents and I were members of the Party. Neither my wife nor I were religious. We registered our marriage in a registry office and in the evening our parents arranged a wedding dinner for us. Our relatives and friends attended it. Zoria moved in with us. Regretfully, Mama didn't live long enough to see her grandchildren. She died in 1952, a few months after our wedding. She was buried in the common cemetery and there was a common funeral.

In January 1953 the 'Doctors' Plot' 36 began. I felt no change of attitude towards me or other Jewish employees in our bureau, but these processes instigated another burst of anti-Semitism among people. At first it was directed at Jewish doctors, but then it spread on all others. Of course, I didn't believe what the mass media wrote about doctors poisoning people. Though I was a devoted communist, I understood deep in my heart that this couldn't be true and that somebody was instigating this agitation to play his own game. However, it wasn't possible to discuss this subject with anybody: nobody could be sure that his companion didn't work for the NKVD 37 as a secret agent.

I remember Stalin's death in March 1953 very well. Everybody around me and I grieved after him. We were religious people. Our religion was Communism and Stalin was our God. We believed in his infallibility and justice. During the period of persecutions of doctors I was sure that this happened without his awareness, otherwise he would have stopped this disgrace. Even my mother and her friends whispered about the illegal proceedings in the country, arrests of their friends and acquaintances adding with confidence, 'But Stalin doesn't know, to be sure.'

My wife and I went to Stalin's funeral. People were gathering on Sadovoye Koltso. We joined the column that slowly started moving. It stopped and then moved on again. There were people crowding around us. We moved for three or four hours, when we heard rumors that nobody would let us come to the Column Hall and that our procession was moving in a circle. We looked around and saw that the Column Hall was in a different direction. Zoria and I got out of the crowd and went home.

Khrushchev 38 spoke about the cult of Stalin and his crimes at the Twentieth Party Congress. Despite my fanatical devotion to the Party I believed what he said. The first thing I did was taking Stalin's portrait off the wall. My God happened to be a murderer and a criminal. Though my attitude to Stalin changed radically, it didn't affect my attitude to the Party. However, I had an ambiguous feeling: sort of that all ideas of communism remained intact and everything was right. Stalin could be wrong, but not the Party. The CPSU was the leading and governing party in the USSR throughout the years of the Soviet regime. I took an active part in party activities. I was a propagandist at work. Like a Jewish preacher propagated the God's Law, I propagated our Lenin/Stalin manifesto.

I have many letters of appreciation and gratitude from the district party committee. I was supervisor of a political study group. The group had gatherings once a month after work in the evening and I conducted the study. There were approved plans and subjects of classes. We also studied the history of the Great Patriotic War. I suggested this subject at the district party committee, and to adjust it to the political classes we entitled it 'The Role of the Party in the History of the War'. We had classes at the Museum of the Soviet Army. We listened to lectures and brought books and made reports at these classes. They were interesting. I always tried to make classes interesting for the attendants.

I didn't face any everyday anti-Semitism, but the state anti-Semitism affected me a lot. It started at the end of the war and lasted until perestroika 39 began. I worked as a junior military representative, military representative and senior military representative. Every now and then military representatives were employed by the central office, chief artillery department or chief missile department where they became state officials. They were transferred in the rank of captains or majors. This was a perspective transfer. They were promptly promoted to colonels and generals working in chief headquarters. I couldn't count on such a promotion. There was a direction to employ no Jews at the central office of the ministry. I was aware of this and worked quietly at the plant.

I was valued as a specialist in estimations. There were few such specialists. It was one thing to check parts at a shop, but a totally different responsibility to check ballistic estimations. Once, an interesting thing happened. The commander of the rocket forces, Nedelin, was replaced by General Moskalenko. One of my former colleagues, who went to work at headquarters, asked me whether I wanted to go to work there. I replied, 'Don't you know the procedure?' and he said that Moskalenko had directed them to employ smart people and form a team regardless of nationality. So I got the opportunity to work at the central structure and get a chance for prompt promotion. This was an attractive offer, but I thought, 'Moskalenko is there today and who will come tomorrow?' And I refused. As it happened, I was right. Moskalenko was replaced by Krylov who forced all Jewish employees out.

I worked safely at the plant for 50 years. I retired in the rank of an engineer lieutenant colonel. I believe I made my contribution to the development of our rocket equipment. I identified errors and made suggestions. I also have inventions and patent certificates related to rocket equipment. I was awarded a Gagarin 40 Medal. [Editor's note: in 1968 the International Aviation Federation established the Gagarin Medal awarded to those who made significant contributions to aviation and cosmonautics]. In 1999, I was awarded a very rare award: a badge of honor, 'Veteran of cosmos' [Cosmos Award: introduced to commemorate the first manned space flight by Yuri Gagarin.] There are just a few awardees in the USSR.

Upon my retirement from the army I went to work at the scientific research institute of optical and physical researches. I was a senior engineer there and also received my military pension. I was also a propagandist at the research institute and tried to make my classes interesting. In 1987, when perestroika began it caused unemployment and mass reduction of staff, affecting older people. I retired.

  • My children

Zoria and I have two children: Nina, born in 1956, and Nikolay, born in 1963. They grew up like all other Soviet children. They were pioneers and Komsomol members. I spent as much time as I could with them. In summer we went to the seashore or to the mountains, at weekends we went for walks, to the cinema or theater. We had family dinners in the evening where we discussed what had happened during the day, shared our thoughts and supported each other. We were very close.

We celebrated Soviet holidays at home: 1st May and 7th November [October Revolution Day] 41, Soviet Army Day and New Year's Eve. Of course, Victory Day 42, 9th May was the most important holiday. On this day we went to the monument to the Unknown Soldier where we laid flowers. In the evening we had a gathering of veterans where we shared memories and sang wartime songs.

Zoria and I wanted to make our children's life easier and registered them as Russians in their passports, though they had my surname. But they faced anti-Semitism anyway. After finishing school Nina entered the French Faculty of the College of Foreign Languages. She had all excellent marks and took part in public activities: this was mandatory at the time. When she was a 3rd or 4th-year student, fifteen of her fellow students were sent to France on training. Nina was also on the list initially, but during the second round of selection where she submitted application forms stating her parents' nationality, she was removed from the list. She got no explanation, but did she need any? She traveled to France twenty years later, after perestroika and the breakup of the USSR [in 1991]. Nina was one of the best students. Upon graduation she went to work as a translator at the state publishing house '???k?' [Science]. After perestroika Nina started working for a number of publishing houses. She works at a publishing house publishing books on economics now. My daughter isn't really fond of this work, but in her free time she also translates fiction, which is more interesting for her.

Nikolay was also fond of humanitarian sciences, but he couldn't even dream of entering Moscow University: it required the parents' nationality in the application forms. Like many boys with the 'wrong' Item 5 43 in application forms, he entered the Faculty of Russian Philology of the Moscow Teachers' Training College where guys were always appreciated. The college management had hopes that more men would come to work at school. Some of Nikolay's friends went to work at school after finishing the college, but hardly any of them stayed there. Teachers' salaries are low and it was impossible to support a family with it. Nikolay's friend, a born teacher, quit his job at the last moment and went to work as a guard for an oligarch. After finishing college Nikolay went to work as an editor in a publishing house. He works for a number of publishing houses now. He reviews manuscripts and gives his commercial assessment of books.

In the 1970s, when mass departures of Jews to Israel began, I didn't share the common and official view that those people were traitors. I understood those people who were often driven to despair by anti-Semitism and I understood what they were driven by. However, I didn't consider departure. I grew up here, participated in the war and wanted to live here, and my family was of the same opinion.

In the late 1980s the General Secretary of the CPSU, Mikhail Gorbachev 44 introduced the new policy of the Party: perestroika. This was freedom for us that Soviet citizens hadn't seen throughout the period of the Soviet regime: freedom of travel and freedom of press. Before this period we listened to Radio Free Europe 45 to hear the news, but now we were overwhelmed by the quantities of information avalanching down on us. Newspapers and magazines published articles that we would have never imagined to appear. Books formerly forbidden in the USSR were published; movies that had been kept in closed archives for many years were shown. It became possible to correspond and visit people abroad and invite friends and relatives.

Before perestroika we lived behind the Iron Curtain 46. Traveling abroad required so many documents and recommendations that it's scary even to recall this. My wife was a scientific employee of the Institute of Oriental Studies. She specialized in the culture of India. Once, her Indian colleagues invited her to a congress in India. The trip was for a week, but she spent a lot more time to collect all certificates. Zoria had to go to the district party committee where they approved her candidacy. At first I was enthusiastic about perestroika, but then everything went differently than expected. Unemployment, which actually never existed in the USSR, rose, prices started to go up and it became more and more difficult to make a living on existing salaries. It all ended with the breakup of the USSR. I still don't think this was worth doing. The states that emerged from the ruins of the USSR still exist in poverty and discords. I think there are no winners here.

Many Jewish communities appeared in Russia after the breakup of the USSR. I take part in the work of the Jewish Association of Veterans of the War headed by Hero of the Soviet Union 47 Moisey Marianovskiy. I take part in all events, particularly on Victory Day. People have become religious and this surprises me. What can religion give us? I think it is for humanitarians while representatives of exact sciences are atheists. My parents were communists and raised me as an atheist. I cannot believe, for example, that a dead person can rise from the dead. The Bible and the Torah are legends which are over 2,000 years old. Would anything in my life change for the better if I put on a yarmulka, started reading the Bible and murmured prayers? I prefer common human values: family, love, honesty and devotion. In my opinion, this is what can change the world.

  • Glossary

1 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

2 Guild I

In tsarist Russia merchants belonged to Guild I, II or III. Merchants of Guild I were allowed to trade with foreign merchants, while the others were allowed to trade only within Russia.

3 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

4 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

5 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

6 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

7 Kaganovich, Lazar (1893-1991)

Soviet Communist leader. A Jewish shoemaker and labor organizer, he joined the Communist Party in 1911. He rose quickly through the party ranks and by 1930 he had become Moscow party secretary-general and a member of the Politburo. He was an influential proponent of forced collectivization and played a role in the purges of 1936-38. He was known for his ruthless and merciless personality. He became commissar for transportation (1935) and after the purges was responsible for heavy industrial policy in the Soviet Union. In 1957, he joined in an unsuccessful attempt to oust Khrushchev and was stripped of all his posts.

8 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

9 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

10 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

11 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

12 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

13 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

14 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

15 Bolsheviks

Members of the movement led by Lenin. The name 'Bolshevik' was coined in 1903 and denoted the group that emerged in elections to the key bodies in the Social Democratic Party (SDPRR) considering itself in the majority (Rus. bolshynstvo) within the party. It dubbed its opponents the minority (Rus. menshynstvo, the Mensheviks). Until 1906 the two groups formed one party. The Bolsheviks first gained popularity and support in society during the 1905-07 Revolution. During the February Revolution in 1917 the Bolsheviks were initially in the opposition to the Menshevik and SR ('Sotsialrevolyutsionyery', Socialist Revolutionaries) delegates who controlled the Soviets (councils). When Lenin returned from emigration (16 April) they proclaimed his program of action (the April theses) and under the slogan 'All power to the Soviets' began to Bolshevize the Soviets and prepare for a proletariat revolution. Agitation proceeded on a vast scale, especially in the army. The Bolsheviks set about creating their own armed forces, the Red Guard. Having overthrown the Provisional Government, they created a government with the support of the II Congress of Soviets (the October Revolution), to which they admitted some left-wing SRs in order to gain the support of the peasantry. In 1952 the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

16 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

17 Yezhov, Nikolai Ivanovich (1895-1939)

Political activist, State Security General Commissar (1937), Minister of Internal Affairs of the USSR from 1936-38. Arrested and shot in 1939. One of the leaders of mass arrests during Stalin's Great Purge between 1936-1939.

18 Beriya, L

P. (1899-1953): Communist politician, one of the main organizers of the mass arrests and political persecution between the 1930s and the early 1950s. Minister of Internal Affairs, 1938-1953. In 1953 he was expelled from the Communist Party and sentenced to death by the Supreme Court of the USSR.

19 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

20 Soviet-Finnish War (1939-40)

The Soviet Union attacked Finland on 30 November 1939 to seize the Karelian Isthmus. The Red Army was halted at the so-called Mannengeim line. The League of Nations expelled the USSR from its ranks. In February-March 1940 the Red Army broke through the Mannengeim line and reached Vyborg. In March 1940 a peace treaty was signed in Moscow, by which the Karelian Isthmus, and some other areas, became part of the Soviet Union.

21 Occupation of the Baltic Republics (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania)

Although the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact regarded only Latvia and Estonia as parts of the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe, according to a supplementary protocol (signed in 28th September 1939) most of Lithuania was also transferred under the Soviets. The three states were forced to sign the 'Pact of Defense and Mutual Assistance' with the USSR allowing it to station troops in their territories. In June 1940 Moscow issued an ultimatum demanding the change of governments and the occupation of the Baltic Republics. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republics.

22 Voroshylov, Kliment Yefremovich (1881-1969)

Soviet military leader and public official. He was an active revolutionary before the Revolution of 1917 and an outstanding Red Army commander in the Russian Civil War. As commissar for military and naval affairs, later defense, Voroshilov helped reorganize the Red Army. He was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party from 1926 and a member of the Supreme Soviet from 1937. He was dropped from the Central Committee in 1961 but reelected to it in 1966.

23 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non- aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

24 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the 'Day of the Soviet Army' and is nowadays celebrated as 'Army Day'.

25 Stalingrad Battle

17th July 1942 - 2nd February 1943. The South- Western and Don Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad. On 19th and 20th November 1942 the Soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330,000 people) and eliminated them. On 31st January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91,000 people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

26 Zhukov, Georgy (1896-1974)

Soviet Commander, Marshal of the Soviet Union, Hero of the Soviet Union. Georgy Zhukov was the most important Soviet military commander during World War II.

27 SMERSH

Russian abbreviation for 'Smert Shpionam' meaning Death to Spies. It was a counterintelligence department in the Soviet Union formed during World War II, to secure the rear of the active Red Army, on the front to arrest 'traitors, deserters, spies, and criminal elements'. The full name of the entity was USSR People's Commissariat of Defense Chief Counterintelligence Directorate 'SMERSH'. This name for the counterintelligence division of the Red Army was introduced on 19th April 1943, and worked as a separate entity until 1946. It was headed by Viktor Abakumov. At the same time a SMERSH directorate within the People's Commissariat of the Soviet Navy and a SMERSH department of the NKVD were created. The main opponent of SMERSH in its counterintelligence activity was Abwehr, the German military foreign information and counterintelligence department. SMERSH activities also included 'filtering' the soldiers recovered from captivity and the population of the gained territories. It was also used to punish within the NKVD itself; allowed to investigate, arrest and torture, force to sign fake confessions, put on a show trial, and either send to the camps or shoot people. SMERSH would also often be sent out to find and kill defectors, double agents, etc.; also used to maintain military discipline in the Red Army by means of barrier forces, that were supposed to shoot down the Soviet troops in the cases of retreat. SMERSH was also used to hunt down 'enemies of the people' outside Soviet territory.

28 Order of the Red Star

Established in 1930, it was awarded for achievements in the defense of the motherland, the promotion of military science and the development of military equipments, and for courage in battle. The Order of the Red Star has been awarded over 4,000,000 times.

29 Order of the Great Patriotic War

1st Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for skillful command of their units in action. 2nd Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for lesser personal valor in action.

30 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

31 Korolyov, Sergey Pavlovich (1907-1966)

Soviet designer of guided missiles, rockets, and spacecraft. Korolyov was educated at the Odessa Building Trades School, the Kiev Polytechnic Institute, and the Moscow Higher Technical School. During World War II he was held under technical arrest but spent the years designing and testing liquid-fuel rocket boosters for military aircraft. Essentially apolitical, he did not join the Communist Party until after Stalin's death in 1953. He was the guiding genius behind the Soviet space-flight program until his death, and he was buried in the Kremlin wall on Red Square. In accordance with the Soviet government's space policies, his identity and role in his nation's space program were not publicly revealed until after his death.

32 Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees

Graduate school in the Soviet Union (aspirantura, or ordinatura for medical students), which usually took about 3 years and resulted in a dissertation. Students who passed were awarded a 'kandidat nauk' (lit. candidate of sciences) degree. If a person wanted to proceed with his or her research, the next step would be to apply for a doctorate degree (doktarontura). To be awarded a doctorate degree, the person had to be involved in the academia, publish consistently, and write an original dissertation. In the end he/she would be awarded a 'doctor nauk' (lit. doctor of sciences) degree.

33 Baykonur

Situated in Karaganda region in Kazakhstan, it was one of the biggest space vehicle launching sites in the USSR, which carried out an extensive program of space research. The first artificial satellite was launched from Bayknour; the first human astronaut, Yury Gagarin, as well as the first woman astronaut, Valentina Tereshkova, was also launched from Baykonur.

34 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

35 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

36 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

37 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

38 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

39 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

40 Gagarin, Yuri Alexeyevich (1934-68)

Russian cosmonaut, pilot- cosmonaut of the USSR, colonel, Hero of the Soviet Union. On 12th April 1961 he became the first man flying into space on the Vostok spaceship. He was involved in training of spaceship crews. He perished during a test flight on a plane. Educational establishments, streets and squares in many towns are named after him. A crater on the back side of the Moon was also named after Gagarin.

41 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

42 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

43 Item 5

This was the nationality factor, which was included on all job application forms, Jews, who were considered a separate nationality in the Soviet Union, were not favored in this respect from the end of World War WII until the late 1980s.

44 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

45 Radio Free Europe

Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block. The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central European communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

46 Iron Curtain

A term popularized by Sir Winston Churchill in a speech in 1946. He used it to designate the Soviet Union's consolidation of its grip over Eastern Europe. The phrase denoted the separation of East and West during the Cold War, which placed the totalitarian states of the Soviet bloc behind an 'Iron Curtain'. The fall of the Iron Curtain corresponds to the period of perestroika in the former Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the democratization of Eastern Europe beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

47 Hero of the Soviet Union

Honorary title established on 16th April 1934 with the Gold Star medal instituted on 1st August 1939, by Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet. Awarded to both military and civilian personnel for personal or collective deeds of heroism rendered to the USSR or socialist society.

Jankiel Kulawiec

Jankiel Kulawiec
Legnica
Poland
Interviewer: Jakub Rajchman
Date of interview: September 2004

Jankiel Kulawiec comes from Losice, a little town about one hundred kilometers east of Warsaw. Right up until the war Mr. Kulawiec never left his hometown. During our conversation he tells the very interesting story of the life of a poor artisan family in a typical Jewish shtetl. Mr. Kulawiec is a quiet man, gifted with a great sense of humor. We met three times in his apartment in the old part of Legnica, where he shared his passion to the history of his town and its people.

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary: 

Family background

My name is Jankiel Kulawiec. I was born in the town of Losice [about 500 km north-east of Legnica], in the pre-war province of Lublin, district of Siedlce, in 1923. I'm recorded under 6th November, but that's not the real date; I was born somewhere around the end of February, beginning of March. It was all because when I fled from Losice during the war I didn't have my birth certificate with me. And after the war, when I wanted to get a duplicate done, it turned out that all the documents from the Jewish community in Losice had been destroyed. And I hadn't been registered anywhere else, only in the Department of Education because I'd been to a Polish elementary school. And there they'd got the dates muddled up, which is why I'm recorded in November. But I remember how my Grandma always used to tell me that I was born six weeks before Easter. [Editor's note: after this calculation Mr. Kulawiec should be born 6 weeks before Pesach, but in the interview he uses the Polish term 'Wielkanoc,' meaning Easter.] So I calculated that it was somewhere around the end of February or beginning of March.

My father was a cobbler, he was called Mojsze - they used to hail him Moszko. Mama was called Roza, nee Mokobocka. We lived in Losice on Kosciuszki Street, in one room, my parents and six children - me and my five siblings, my brothers Josel, Szymon and Icchak, and my sisters Chaja and Fajga.

My father's family was from Losice too. In fact there were lots of Kulawieces in Losice. Granddad Kulawiec had a brother who had several children, and they all lived in Losice, not far from each other. I hardly remember that family at all, because it was only my parents that were in touch with them; I didn't go round there. But I remember my granddad well. His name was Icchak and he was a devout Jew. He was about 60-something years old, at the time I remember him, but he looked like this little old man about 100 years old! He had this huge beard down to his waist, he had sidelocks and wore a head covering - this cap with a small round peak; it was called a 'Krymka' [Crimean cap], from the Crimean Jews, who used to wear caps like that. Granddad was in the cobbler business too; I remember that he worked until his death - they didn't give out pensions back then!

Granddad and Grandma lived on the same street as us, except we lived at no. 4 and they lived at no. 1. They lived with their son, my dad's youngest brother Dawid. My grandparents were religious; we used to go round to their house on all the holidays while they were still alive. Granddad went to synagogue every week too, and he packed me off to cheder when I turned six. I don't remember much more, because they died when I was eight or nine.

My father had two brothers and a sister. The youngest was Dawid, who my grandparents lived with. He was the most resourceful of them. It was him who took over the cobbler's workshop after Granddad. He had his regular customers, from two or three villages, I think; he knocked up shoes for them and they supplied him with food and other things. Besides shoemaking he also rented out orchards. This was how it worked: he would buy the fruit while it was still on the trees, unripe, and all sorts - apples, pears - and all the time they were ripening him and his family would look after them. And then he would pick them and store them. He had these special rooms, stores, that were suited for storing fruit, and later on he would sell the fruit right through to the next season. I remember he bought the fruit from these orchard owners in this village called Picice, near Losice. I used to go there sometimes to check up on the fruit.

Father's other brother was called Jankiel. He was very sick; he had consumption [pulmonary tuberculosis]. The Germans had taken him for forced labor during World War I, and it was while doing that forced labor that he fell ill. And he was sick for a very long time. I remember he used to come to see Dawid, because Dawid was the wealthiest of all of them, so they'd feed him up on eggs and other things. But then he died, that was in the 1930s, I don't remember exactly when. And he left behind a wife, Chana, and six children: Szymon, Natan, Silka, Bluma, Griszka and Szlomka.

Unfortunately I don't know what Father's sister was called. I didn't know her at all. She lived in Warsaw. I don't know how she ended up there or what she did. All I know is that she got married and had a son - he was called Jankiel too. Then her husband died, and Dawid took the son in and brought him up. That's how I remember him - I've even got a photograph of him. And his mother married again, and had another son and a daughter. I don't remember their names. The daughter was ill, I think she had consumption too; she even came to Losice once, and stayed with Dawid, at Grandma's. And then she died, and the other son - her brother - went to Israel, apparently.

I had one more distant cousin on Dad's side - Dowa Ajzenberg. Later on, after the war, I think, she changed her name to Dora. I have no idea why she changed her name. Her mother and my father's mother were sisters. I can't remember what my grandma's maiden name was - Nachtigan or something like that, I think.

Father was my height. Unfortunately I don't have any photographs, but I remember that he was born in 1897. He was hardly religious at all. He didn't work on Saturdays [Sabbath], but he didn't go to synagogue either. I don't even think he went to synagogue on Yom Kippur. He was into politics a bit - on the side of the left-wing parties. He wasn't a particular activist, but he belonged. I just can't remember if it was to the Bund 1 or one of the other left-wing parties. He definitely didn't belong to any of the Zionist parties; if it wasn't to the Bund then I think it was to the Communists, but they were illegal at the time [see Polish Workers' Party] 2.

From what I remember of Father telling us, he met my mama in Warsaw when he went there to look for work. I don't know exactly when that was, but Mama used to go to Warsaw too - to work too, so that must have been how it was.

Mama's family probably came from Sokolow Podlaski [about 30 km north-west of Losice, this town has been noted as a center of Hasidism]. I never went there, and I never met either my grandfather or grandmother on Mama's side, but I remember that Mama used to go there. Mama's surname was Mokobocka - untypical [for Jews], but I think it was a Polonized surname 3. There were two brothers from her family - the Mokobockis - living in Losice: Ilja and Mordko, or Mordechaj. Ilja I remember well. He had a cobbler's workshop on 11 Listopada Street and lived there. He made shoes, and his wife - I don't remember her name - sold something or other on the market square; terrible poverty they were in. I remember too, that Uncle Ilja was a nice guy. He was a lefty as well, not very religious, but he knew the history of the Jews, knew the prayers, could read the Torah and argue with the rabbi. I think he'd got that from home. Later on he was paralyzed and his sons took over the workshop.

Mama was a very pretty, very sociable woman. She sang very nicely, like the rest of her family, in fact - they were all musical. They would often get together and sing - mostly prayers and religious songs. Her brother Ilja, although he was an atheist, was a member of the synagogue choir and he didn't mind singing those songs with Mama and other women. Mama didn't wear a wig; I remember seeing her washing her hair.

I remember that she earned some money on the side to help Father support us. She used to go and do the washing for rich Jews. She was a good cook, she was good at preparing food, and she would often be taken on to help with weddings, and not just in Losice. She even went to Warsaw [about 100 km from Losice], working there as a cook. And it was there, she told us, that she met Father. I don't know exactly how it was, she never said that.

Growing up

Our house was very small. It was just one room. Across the width of the room there was space for two beds. I remember they were these old, wooden beds. Father had this little workbench between them where he made shoes. And at night Father would put his workbench away and in its place we'd slot this little foldaway - a little metal folding bed - and there was this one bench, and we all slept there. And by the door, on the left as you went in, was the stove. The lavatory was in the yard, and the only window looked out on the lavatory.

On the whole, our family, apart from Granddad and Grandma on Father's side, wasn't very religious. The Jewish traditions were kept up, but no attention was paid to detail. The food at my grandparents' was always kosher, but at our house it wasn't always. I remember there was a fuss once because someone told the rabbi that my father bought hind cuts of meat [not kosher]. And that cost about a third of what kosher meat cost. I don't remember how it ended, but I know that somebody informed on my father to the rabbi.

As long as Granddad was alive we spent all the religious holidays at his house. All the bar mitzvahs were held there too, and circumcision of the babies [brit milah]. There was a rabbi present, too, and at circumcisions there had to be a mohel, who had permission from the rabbi do perform circumcisions. It was a small town and they took money for it; nothing was for free. I don't really remember my own bar mitzvah; I think it was in the synagogue first, and then a celebration at home.

For Sabbath Mama always made chulent. She was a chulent specialist! But I think I liked fish best. We always took the chulent to the bakery on Friday, after they'd finished baking. The baker still had the oven hot then, you see. You put it in the oven, and then on Saturday I, as the oldest, had the duty of going for the pot. My parents didn't work, so there was a bit of free time then. We tidied up then, so that it was clean. Sometimes we'd go for a walk, to different places. There was this wood, Siedlce Wood - about 3 or 4 kilometers from the town, we went to that wood often. And there was a river too - the Toczna it was called. A very narrow river, almost a ditch. But there were places where it was wider. By the watermill, for instance, the water built up there, and during the week we used to go there with our friends to swim.

We observed the holidays traditionally - at Pesach, for instance, the table was covered, and there was matzah. We didn't recite any prayers, but there were candles lit. Even afterwards, when Granddad died, I remember that we made sure not to eat bread at Pesach. But I remember that we baked three poods of matzah for the whole family. A pood was 16 kilos, I think [Russian pound, 1 pound=16.38 kg]. And there were what were called 'shuvalnias,' which were places where matzah was baked officially [kosher matzah bakery, a locally used word], and other places where it was baked, which the Jews called a 'zborne.' In these 'zbornes' [neighborhood matzah bakeries, a locally used word] the Jews baked matzah together; neighbors helped each other. And at the Mokobockis' there was this old stove, and when the time came to bake the matzah, my aunt koshered the stove, the rabbi came to check that it had been properly koshered, and then there was one of those 'zbornes' there. And the poorer Jews helped each other and baked matzah together.

Of the other holidays, I remember Purim, because I always made a bit of money. You see, that's a holiday where people give each other various presents [sending food to friends - mishloach manot, giving gifts to the poor - matanot la'evyonim]. And we - some of the unorthodox, left-wing young people - would play tricks. We'd stuff a pot full of all types of trash, for instance rotten potatoes or something like that, and pack it up nicely. And I was the purimshpiler, the one who dressed up. [Traditionally at Purim parodies (Purim Shpil, Yiddish for Purim Play) are performed. The strolling actors (Purimshpiler) who entertain are rewarded with gifts and refreshments.] I would make myself a mask out of cardboard, take this long shirt from my father, and go round the houses. And people used to play tricks, using people in disguise, like me, to give presents like that. And the people who received them would always give you a grosz [change of zloty] or two. So it all added up.

At Tisze Bow [Tisha be-Av], that's another happy holiday [Editor's note: Tisha be-Av is mainly a day of mourning with a 25-hour fast. The interviewee is most likely mistaking it for another holiday.], as children we would chase around, and pick this kind of fruit, it grew on bushes, looked like little brushes, little balls - I never saw it growing anywhere after the war. We used to throw it in the girls' hair; once it got tangled in it, it was hard to get it out. That kind of game we played.

Yom Kippur, on the other hand, was a serious holiday. We didn't tend to observe the fast. But I remember that people who had quarreled with each other apologized. We had this one quarrelsome neighbor, I remember that at Yom Kippur she would always come round to Mama and apologize. And afterwards the quarrels started again ...

When I was six my granddad took me to cheder. I remember that the rebe guy - the teacher - [melamed] was a tall, red-haired Jew, with this red beard, terribly nasty. The lessons were held in his house; he lived upstairs, I think, in this two-story wooden house. He had a long wooden table and he sat by a window that faced east. And on both sides of him in a row, were the kids. There were over a dozen of us there, all boys. [Editor's note: girls were typically educated at home by the mother or by a melamed, or (after the 1920s) in schools, but separately from boys.]

We mostly learned to pray. And on the corner of the table hung the whip, this leather whip with a dozen or so leather thongs. And he would talk, and if he didn't like something, then smack! Over your hands. 'You're to hold your pencil like this, not like that! You're to turn your piece of paper over like this, not like that! You're to read like this!' And so on. Incredible discipline. And I didn't like it.

I was a fairly lively lad. I remember he had a small field, and he put us to work picking cabbages. And I had it in me to tell him that I'd come to learn, and not to pick cabbages! I was six years old, but I'd already heard that type of left-wing talk at home from my parents. I was already that bright! And he says to me that I'd remember it. And when it was time to go home, he let all the others go and kept me behind. Pulled my trousers down and beat me so badly with that whip that I could hardly get home. When Mama saw it, she asked what had happened. And when I told her, Father went to the teacher and read him the Riot Act. From that time on I didn't go to cheder.

Later on, when I was seven, I went to the Polish elementary school. There, I remember, I liked geography most. I was good at drawing maps and liked studying that. And the worst thing was math. To this day I have one ear that was torn by one of the teachers, who was called Bojko. Later it turned out that during the war that Bojko collaborated with the Germans. But at the time I didn't notice any anti-Semitic behavior from him. And at school among the children we tended to co-exist in peace; we played football together and so on. Only at our desks did we sit separately, Jews and Poles separately, I remember that.

In the 1st and 2nd and 3rd grades I don't remember, perhaps we did sit together, but in the higher grades Jewish and Polish children definitely didn't sit together. There were four rows of desks, and the two on the left were for Jewish children - boys and girls separately - and the two on the right for non-Jewish children. I don't know whether somebody ordered it to be like that, or if it was initiated by children - that's just the way it was. It didn't stop us being friends with the Polish children. I had a friend, Kazik Przykulski, we were in the same class. So during lessons we sat apart but after school we walked home together.

My sisters and brothers went to the same elementary school. I was the eldest. And my youngest sister, Fajga, I looked after her like a nanny. When Mama went out to work, you see, to earn a bit extra to keep the family - she did washing or something else - someone had to look after the children. So I did it.

I had to start work while I was still at school. At that time I earned money once a year baking matzah, in the Mokobockis' 'zborne.' I was what was called 'polewacz wody' ['the water pourer' in Polish]. I poured it into the dough, because while one person mixes, another has to add the water. And the dough was mixed in these brass bowls which after a few rounds of kneading had to be koshered with red-hot stones. Well, and apart from that you had to prepare and bring every pail of water. So I would race around with this water-carrying contraption for two pails, and brought the water from the well. Because there weren't any water pipes, and the nearest wells were about a kilometer from the place where the matzah was baked. And outside the Pesach season, I used to bring water for our neighbors as well, or chop wood for the fire. All I earned I gave to Mama so that there would be enough for food.

When I was in the 5th grade, because of the increasing financial problems at home, I had to quit school and go out to work permanently. As Dad was a cobbler and I already had the foundations of that trade, I went as a cobbler's apprentice to a master. He was called Ajzik Szwajc, and I remember that I earned 3 zloty a week with him at that time. It was a very small amount - you could get a goose for around 2 zloty. And a cobbler could earn even twice as much daily. The workshop was in his house. I remember he was a respected cobbler, and some of my uncle Dawid's employees worked for him too. And Mama kept her hand on my wages. When I wanted to go to the cinema once in a while - and that cost 25 groszy then, I think - I had to deserve it for her to give it to me.

At home we spoke only Yiddish. But at school I learned to read and write in Polish, and my cousin Dowa taught me to read and write in Yiddish. Though how she knew, that I don't know. She was in some left-wing organization, only I don't know whether it was the Bund, perhaps, or the communists that she belonged to. In any case she would come round to our house, a few of us boys would get together, and she taught us. That's how I know how to read and write in Yiddish. A

Later on I read a lot. Mostly these pamphlets - the 'one-groszy library.' These were simple booklets of a few pages, very cheap, written in Yiddish by various Jewish writers and journalists. That was a summary of the most important world events, political matters and others. Even when the Titanic sank they wrote about that, and the thoughts of various communist leaders, that kind of thing. And that was the 'Groszen Bibliotek' for a grosz! This thin pamphlet.

I went to that Hashomer Hatzair 4 too. I went there just like that, because I had friends who were members. That was a left-wing organization, but a Zionist one. Good, active, they were mostly into sport, less of the politics and mostly physical culture. They had this hut rented on the same street as the synagogue, and that was where the meetings were held. There were trips too. I remember we would go to the woods in these gray uniforms and short trousers. And at the end - from 1936 to 1937 - I belonged to the Zukunft 5. But that was for a short time and I remember very little.

Losice was a Jewish town - a shtetl. It was a small town - about 4,000 inhabitants, of which I joke that 99.9 percent were Jews and the rest Poles. [Editor's note: in Losice the Jewish population numbered 2,708 (70% of total population) in 1921, and 2,900 before the outbreak of World War II.] All around the square only Jews lived, and in other quarters Jews and non-Jews lived mixed together. Most of them were very poor, but there were rich ones too. They had wood yards; one was very rich - I can't remember his surname or his first name any more. And the fancy goods stores, and various others. The rich ones stood out, and that's why the Poles have it in their minds that Jews are rich. But no-one saw the poverty. The Jews married among themselves for the most part, but I can vaguely remember that once the daughter of an orthodox Jew married a Pole, and they had to leave Losice, because her father simply renounced her.

I remember that I liked going to the cinema. The cinema was owned by the town authorities, and it was in the fire station hall. That was the largest hall in town, and I remember that they divided it in half. The firemen stayed in one half, and in the other they put benches, and they'd built a kind of outhouse on tall posts for all the apparatus. And that was where we went to the movies. A lot of Jews used to go, and I think there were about three Jewish films too, in Yiddish. I remember two that I saw. One was 'The Dibbuk' [Dybuk, directed by Michal Waszynski, Poland 1937], and the other was 'Yidl mit dem Fidl' [Yidl with the Fiddle, directed by Joseph Green, Poland 1936]. At first they were silent movies, you see. The first film with sound was that Soviet one, 'Vesola Rebyata' [Vesyoliye Rebyata, directed by Grigoriy Alexandrov, USSR 1934] in the original, or in the Polish translation - 'Swiat sie smieje' ['The World is Laughing']. That was in around 1933-34.

There was one synagogue in town, a splendidly sacral, Jewish building, which had a different interior to all the other buildings. It was a stone building, and inside there were wonderful frescoes depicting Palestine, and in particular Jerusalem. Those frescoes, if I remember correctly, were the handiwork of an eminent Italian painter, but unfortunately I can't remember his name. [The mentioned synagogue was made of red brick. The etchings and paintings on the walls and ceiling were done by a Polish painter, Podoliak. The synagogue fell victim to the Nazi blitzkrieg on 9th September 1939.]

The synagogue was open on holidays and Saturdays to all Jews, but the Orthodox ones had these places of their own where they met, these shtibls. Those shtibls were mostly in private houses. There was a private Jewish school as well, I can't remember if it was an elementary school or a gymnasium [lyceum] that boys from Orthodox families went to. They could study in Yiddish and the prayers in Hebrew there, but it was not a yeshivah. And nearby, on the square, lived the rabbi, on the second floor, I think. I don't remember him much, because I only saw him when he came to Uncle Mokobocki to kosher the stove for baking the matzah. He would heat the stove up to a very high temperature then.

There was a mikveh too; I remember that I used to go to the mikveh with Granddad. It was in the private bathhouse. The owner was a Jew, but the bathhouse was for everyone, although I don't remember non-Jews going there. There were taps with hot and cold water, and people washed in these wooden bowls. And inside there was a part sectioned off and only those who wanted to use the mikveh went in there. It was like this: you went down some steps and immersed yourself a few times in this pool about 3 by 3 meters.

I remember the Jewish cemetery too, because there's a later story connected with it, from wartime. There was a Polish doctor in Losice, Doctor Wroblewski, and he built himself a house on the road from Losice to the nearest railroad station, which was in the village of Niemojki, about five kilometers from the town. In that house, which was built in the German style, like some of the houses that used to belong to Germans here in Legnica, he had a private hospital. When the war broke out and the occupation came 6, there were German soldiers stationed in that house of his. An unpaved dirt track led up to the building from the road. So at that time, with the permission of those Germans, he paved the track with mazevot [tombstones] from Losice Jewish cemetery. And on the site of the cemetery they made a park. We only got those mazevot back just over ten years ago, thanks to the efforts of our Losice townspeople in Israel. Where they are now I don't know; I just found out that they had been given back.

To go back to pre-war Losice, I remember that we heard rumors of intensifying anti-Semitism. I remember when we heard about the pogrom in Minsk Mazowiecki 7, that was sometime around 1935-36. Minsk wasn't far from Losice, about 40 km - so word got around. It was a hot topic; Jews were fleeing from there to Losice, and people talked about it. Or the pogrom in Brest [now Belarus]. Brest was still Polish then.

That was at the time of that famous law in the Sejm about the ban on ritual slaughter 8. So the Jews started killing their animals on the quiet. And there were these 'confidants' [people who collaborated with police in searching for underground slaughterers], who went around looking out for that. One of them came upon a butcher who was actually in the middle of slaughtering like that. And the butcher knifed him, which set off an incredible pogrom.

There was a similar event in Losice, only I don't remember in which year. [Editor's note: this pogrom, provoked by a butcher named Kabrilok and his gang in 1938, was averted at the last moment by Russian military troops, invited from Siedlce by two Jews. The story below is an exaggerated version of the facts.] The Jews in our town had all sorts of dairies and similar businesses, and in connection with that they used to go round the villages to buy up milk or livestock. Two Jews had gone to one of these villages, and it was at the same time as a recruitment drive for the army. So the recruits attacked them and hacked them into pieces, and their horses dragged their bodies back to Losice. I vaguely remember that they put all the pieces together in the synagogue and they lay like that for about two days [the aninut usually lasts a day or two], I think. The police even came and investigated the case.

Another time some students studying in Warsaw and Siedlce came for their vacation, and set up anti-Semitic pickets outside Jewish shops. If a Pole went in, they would stick a paper pig to his back. And it even escalated into a running battle between those lads and the farmers who'd come to buy things from the shops.

None of that, as I remember, evoked particular panic. The community in Losice was close, more left-wing, and looked out for its own. When there were pro-fascist moods in the last years before the war, and they showed German chronicles in the cinema about how Hitler ruled and how good they had it there, we would throw eggs or something at the screen. That was at the time of that war in Spain 9, 1936 or '37. I can't remember now whether it was organized or spontaneous. I remember that the police organized a raid and locked some people up. I was inside as well, in clink, about two days, I think. I was under age, so they couldn't hold me any longer.

During the War

When the war broke out in September [1st September 1939], I remember that some people, mostly the poor, pinned their hopes on something changing for the better. A week after the war started Losice was bombarded. I remember it was a Saturday around one of the holidays - I can't remember whether it was Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur. I heard that the bombardment was because the Polish army was retreating towards Romania, and the Germans, knowing that, bombarded those regions [Editor's note: the bombardments of these regions were probably predetermined, not depending on Polish army retreating.].

Panic broke out, the Jews wanted to flee, but because it was a Saturday and they couldn't flee, they got all their things together on their carts, so that they could leave for the country in the night. And the Germans targeted that and let a few bombs off in that direction, right by the synagogue. The first bomb was a direct hit on the synagogue building. It was a massacre, I remember that I was in shock.

We managed to escape out of town, down to the river. I couldn't pull myself together. My father hugged me there, my mother too. They put me under the feather eiderdown, because they'd taken the eiderdown too. After it was all over I went to the town to see what it looked like; I was curious, as young lads are! There were a lot of burned, charred bodies there. I sometimes see those bodies before my eyes. As a 15-year-old lad I found it very hard to take.

A few days after the bombardment [on 12th September 1941] three German tanks came from Siedlce. I remember that I was standing on the street corner when they stopped. An officer got out of one of them and asked out loud why everything there was so dead, and why the shops were closed. He went up to a Jewish sweet shop, wrenched the locks off, opened the door, and scattered sweets around for the children. Interestingly, they came in the morning, and in the evening they left in the direction of Biala Podlaska. They said that they wouldn't be staying, but the Russkis [Russians] would.

When they left there was an interregnum for three days, and then the Russkis came [see Annexation of Eastern Poland] 10. They'd been advancing for about a week towards Minsk Mazowiecki, and then under the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact 11 decided to withdraw. Losice was to be on the German side, because we were about 14 kilometers from the Bug River [west of the Bug]. When the Russians withdrew, my father and I fled east with them [many Jews decided to leave the town with them and live in Soviet-occupied territories]. Mama and the children stayed.

Father and I reached Drogichin [Belarus, about 120 km east of Losice] with the Russkis. There we came to the conclusion that we had to go back for Mama. So I set off with a family that was going back for their things. But when I arrived in Losice, Mama wasn't there any more. Apparently, some Russki officer of Jewish descent that she knew had helped her and the children get to Brest. And then it wasn't so easy for me to get out of Losice to look for her, because the Germans weren't letting people out. So I was stuck there until the spring of 1940.

There wasn't a ghetto yet, but there were repressions. As soon as the Germans had come back, they had burned one house down and executed ten people: eight Jews and two Poles. All of them had had links with one of the left-wing parties. During that execution they beheaded some of them with a saw - among them the father of Herszko Karszensztejn, the husband of my cousin Dowa, the one who had taught me Yiddish.

Hardly anyone from my family was still in Losice; Dawid and his family had managed to escape, to the Russians as well, I think. Ilja Mokobocki fled with my mama, and only his brother Mordko and his family were left. But I didn't stay with them. I managed to get to Picice, where they knew me from Uncle Dawid renting out orchards there. That was 7 or 8 kilometers from Losice. Some farmers, Poles, hid me and kept me for a time. I was living with them in their house, and I didn't have to sit there the whole time. I went out to work sometimes, for instance to take apples to the squire.

After some time I escaped into the forest. I couldn't stay too long with the farmer because it would have been too dangerous for him. There was this huge forest around Losice that went right down to the Bug. A lot of lads from Losice and the surrounding villages were there, and we met up somewhere near Drogichin, where we could ford the Bug. And we crossed the Bug using the remains of a passenger ferry that had plied the river before the war. But since the Germans had been there the ferry had not run, and it had even been damaged.

So we managed to get to the other side, to Drogichin. There the border guards turned us back to Siemiatycze [about 30 km north of Losice], and from there to Slonim [Belarus]. There I found out where my family might be. As they were not allowed to settle within the border zone, being foreigners, they had been sent to a town called Pleshchenitsa, on the old Polish-Soviet border in the Minsk governorship.

I went to join them then, and we lived there until the outbreak of the German-Soviet War in June 1941 12. Actually, we lived outside the town, in the village of Kraysk. [now Belarus, about 350 km east of Losice] The living conditions were very poor; eight of us - my parents and all of us brothers and sisters - in one room in a house belonging to a Belarusian. In fact, there wasn't much difference from how we'd lived before the war in Losice. Father worked in a cobblers' cooperative, and we went to a Belarusian school. I remember that besides us another Jewish family lived in the village, but we didn't have much to do with them. Uncle Ilja Mokobocki lived with his sons in another village about 20 kilometers away, and I used to go and visit them every so often.

When the war broke out and the Germans came as far as the place where we were living, they surrounded it in such a way that escape was almost impossible. But I and Ilja Mokobocki's three sons - Josef, Borys and Jankiel - managed to break out of the encirclement and we crossed the Berezina river not far from Vitebsk. I only managed to get away with them because at the time of the German attack I was visiting them. All the rest of my family stayed in Kraysk, and I never saw them again.

On the way, as we were fleeing, I lost the three Mokobocki brothers and was left alone. I was soon caught by the Russians because I was a foreigner and didn't have any papers. When they found out I was from Poland they sent me to Uzbekistan, to a mine.

In Uzbekistan I was sent to a tungsten mine. I worked as a miner, down in the mine, underground. The work was hard and the place isolated. A holed up world. There were a few Jews there too, a few dozen of them, mostly exiles from Poland. I got friendly with a few - I still remember the names: Epstain, Grossman. I spent nearly five years in that mine - when I arrived it was August or September 1941, and by the time I left it was June 1946.

At first we lived in a huge shack - the whole group of scores of men, mostly Jews. The sanitary conditions were negligible. Not far away there was a stream, and that was our source of water. And later, when I met my wife, we just lived in a mud hut. There was no way of building anything else more civilized.

I met my wife while I was in Uzbekistan. Her family comes from Siberia, but she was deported back in the 1930s to Uzbekistan. I don't know why; she was a young girl then - perhaps she had been sent to do labor for some family misdemeanors. I know little about my wife's family history. But she simply saved my life. I was already on my last legs in terms of health, hungry, barefoot, I didn't have anyone. I was sick with malaria, and she looked after me there out of pity. No one thought that something would come of it between us. But it did. While we were still in Uzbekistan we had a son, Anatol, and then we came back to Poland together.

Of all my family not many people survived the Holocaust. Mama, Dad and my brothers and sisters, they all perished there in Pleshchenitsa [now Belarus]. One of the Mokobocki brothers went back there after the war and found out that there had been a mass execution by the Germans in the old cemetery, and thousands of people had died, among them my parents and brothers and sisters [probably in 1942].

From the Mokobocki family the three brothers who fled with me survived. I found them again at the beginning of the 1960s - it turned out that Josef, the eldest, lives in Brest, and Borys and Jankiel and their families in the Urals. None of the three of them wanted to come back to Poland; I didn't ask why. Aunt Chana, the wife of my father's brother Uncle Jankiel, survived too, with her children. After the war she married again and moved to Walbrzych [Poland], and shortly afterwards she and her family emigrated to Israel.

After the War

We arrived in Legnica in June 1946. But before we reached Legnica our transport went to Zagan. I don't know if somebody had done it on purpose, but our train was shunted into the siding of a former [concentration] camp - a satellite of Gross Rosen 13. I remember that it was night, and we looked around what was left of the camp. There were just stumps of burned out barracks sticking up. We found various Jewish religious articles, tallit, for instance.

We resolved not to settle down there. We even elected a committee from the whole transport and sent a delegation to Wroclaw to sort it out. And the delegation went to Wroclaw; it took a few days, and in the meantime I and two friends, Szmulik Goldberg and this guy Wasermann - we had worked together in Uzbekistan - decided to go to Legnica. Together with my wife and son there were five of us.

When we arrived in Legnica we didn't have anywhere to live. There was nowhere to sleep, so we occupied this burned out house on Grodzka Street. There were already lots of Jews living in that area. And there on that Grodzka Street a synagogue was being built. So a woman directed us to that house, which was burned out, and we lived there, for three days, I think. There was nothing there, no conditions for living.

So we went out into the town, and there we were directed to the Jewish committee 14. The committee was on Dziennikarska Street. And there, there were various advertisements for pre-war communists, Bundists, Poalei Zion 15, members of different parties, to join the committee. So I said to Szmulik Goldberg that there was nothing for it but to pretend that we had belonged to the Bund, or actually to Zukunft, the Bund youth organization. So we went to the head of the Bund in Legnica, who was called Besser. And he says to me that if I'm from Losice and was in the Bund and Zukunft, I must know this guy Zuckermann, who had been a big Bund activist in Losice. And they gave me his address; he lived in Legnica, on Piastowska Street. I went to him to ask for his word. He just asked my name, and then if I was the eldest son of Moszko Kulawiec. It turned out that Father had known him well. So he gave me his word and thanks to that I was able to get a place to live and a job.

First of all I got a job through the Bund. They had their own cobblers' workshop. Then I met this one guy from Losice, he was called Lewin. He was more or less my age, perhaps a little older. It was he who told me that the Mokobocki brothers were alive, because during the war he'd been with them in the Urals. He was a cobbler too, so when I met him I sat right down with him to work. He lived and worked on Hutnikow Street. It was thanks to him too that I moved to a better apartment. He told me that his friend Felcman lived nearby and had three rooms and a kitchen, with just him and his wife. He arranged for me to move in with that guy Felcman.

After that I got a bit more independent, found myself a job with this master cobbler on Chojnowska Street, he was called Krems. He was very rich, and lived in an area where almost only Russians lived. [Editor's note: after the war the staff corps of the northern group of the Red Army forces was stationed in Legnica and so until the 1990s part of the town was inhabited by soldiers and their families]. He was a little bit scared to live on his own [Russian inhabitants, being invaders in Poland, were somehow independent from Polish judgment], so he suggested that I move in with him and bring along my family. He had three rooms too. He lived in one, I took another, and we made the third into a store for our goods, our shoes.

In January 1947 the Russkis gradually started to move out. And in the apartment below lived a Russian major who was moving out. I asked him for the keys, but he didn't want to give them to me. So I waited until he had left and prized open the poor lock that was in. In that way I moved downstairs. Right away I went to the city council, where I was able to legalize an allocation to the apartment, where I live to this day. It was possible, because those apartments were free then.

I worked for that guy Krems for a while, and then I went to Prokombinat - that was this Russian enterprise on the square. They had various craft workshops - cobblers and tailors. I lasted there a year, and then it was 1948 and Jewish cooperatives started to come together. I went to one of them - it was called Dobrobyt [Prosperity in Polish]. There were others - Jednosc [Unity in Polish], Postep [Progress in Polish] - but as a cobbler I ended up with Dobrobyt.

I worked there until 1952, when they started building the copper works. At that time the PZPR 16 committee came to me with the offer of a job in the factory. There was no tradition of heavy industry in Legnica, and no one to work there. There was this big propaganda thing, they said to me that shoes would be made in factories, and that I was wasting myself, and I could be someone big, a great metalworker. So I went to the copper works. They sent me on courses: first to Trzebinia for three months, then twice to Szopienice, for nine months and six months, respectively. When I came back I was a qualified employee, a qualified metalworker. In 1953, at Christmas, we made our first cast. After that I stayed in the copper works as head refiner, for 27 years.

While I was still working for Krems, I was found by the Kulawieces who lived in Walbrzych, Aunt Chana and her children. Entirely by chance. My cousin Dora's brother, Szymon Ajzenberg, lived with them. He drove a German wagon and traded. And one time he came to Krems's workshop and when he heard my name in a conversation between me and the master, he was very surprised, and told me that the family of my uncle Jankiel, who had died before the war, had survived, and was living in Walbrzych. That was a surprise.

I joined the party [PZPR] in 1951, when I was working at Dobrobyt. It was Jews who persuaded me. They said that if I wanted to achieve anything, I had to join. But before that I'd steered clear of the PPR and the PZPR. And I belonged to the Bund, and I'd gone there as a member of Zukunft. They had their headquarters here in Legnica on Piastowska Street, and I used to go there to meetings. That was a bit more of a democratic party, you see, and Jewish through and through. But in the PZPR I wasn't such a keen activist, I didn't get particularly involved in their affairs - I had to so I did, no more.

I experienced the events of 1968 17 at first hand, to some extent. Perhaps not directly from people, but through political pressures at work. I was simply forced to resign from my post and move to a less important post. That was a kind of unofficial suggestion from my engineer. He wanted to protect me, because my job was a very responsible one - I was a gang foreman at a furnace where they smelted golden copper classified as 4 9s [highest quality]. I was responsible for the work of the whole team, eleven people. And he was worried that somebody could damage something maliciously, and the melt would be rejected, which I would be held responsible for. So he made it clear that it would be better if I wrote an application myself for transfer to a less important position, to smelting lower quality copper. And that's what I did. As a result of that anti- Semitic campaign I lost about 1,500 [zloty] in monthly pay. It was a lot then, a tram ticket was something around half a zloty at the time.

As well as the change in my position, I also remember other events from that year. There were various marches, demonstrations, some of them anti- government - one such took place outside my window. Not because I lived there - they were just marching past. I remember that they had this banner - 'Down with communism', or something like that. And one Jew I knew - Friedman - was walking along. I think he was going home from work. They must have known him, because a few of them stepped out from the group and said to him, 'Come along, Jew, shout with us "Down with the PZPR!"'

There were anti-Jewish demonstrations too. Where I worked there was a mass meeting [an employee rally organized by the directors of state enterprises, at which a propaganda-style lecture was held; this was used frequently by the communist authorities as an instrument of propaganda], in my department, about the Israeli attack on the Arab countries. And there they shouted 'Down with Jewish nationalism.'

I never experienced any nastiness from Poles. My colleagues at work laughed at the mass meeting. They knew I was Jewish, but I never had any problems. The only problems I had were through Jews. It happened once when I was sitting in the TSKZ 18 club playing cards with four or five other Jews, one of whom was this keen communist. On the television there was a report from some mass meeting at the Ursus factory [a large agricultural plant works, famous in the Polish People's Republic for anti-government demonstrations by employees], and they showed this banner, 'Down with Jewish nationalism.' I got riled, and said to them that I didn't see the difference between Jewish and Polish nationalism.

The next day this Ubowiec [slang name for an employee of the Security Office (UB) - the secret police] came with a summons to the UB. I was on afternoons at work then, and had to go for 2pm. And they took me off to the UB sometime just before 12. This crew from Wroclaw had come down especially for me. First of all they questioned me for a long time about what I did, where I worked and things like that. So I say to them that I'm on afternoons and would they say exactly what this is all about, because for me the most important thing is production, and I don't want to be late. So they asked me what objections I'd had yesterday in the TSKZ club about the mass meeting in Ursus. So I say that I didn't have any objections, I just asked what the difference between Polish and Jewish nationalism was, and I'm still asking. And they come back saying that they're the ones asking the questions, and do I know what institution I'm in?

The conversation went on like this, they getting angry when I looked at my watch, and me saying to them that I don't want to discuss with them because I'll be late to work. In the end I said to them that I couldn't see any danger to Poland from such a small state as Israel thousands of kilometers away. And at the end they asked me if I wasn't planning to take off to Israel. To which I replied that if they put on wagons and I was forced to, I'd pack my things and go, but until then I was staying. Then they let me out. And it was all because of that Jewish communist who snitched on me!

And all that time I thought a few times about going to Israel. The first time was when the Haganah 19 was being formed - with friends we wanted to go as volunteers. We even went to Left Poalei Zion to sort it out, but something didn't work out, I can't remember what. Then in 1968, when there were all those problems, I sent my papers off to Warsaw, to the Ministry of Interior Affairs, but they turned me down. And after that my wife didn't want to, because couples from mixed marriages that went didn't get along too well there, goy women in particular had trouble acclimatizing there. So I only ever went to Israel to visit family, when it was allowed [from 1967 to 1989 Poland did not maintain diplomatic ties with Israel]. I went the first time in 1989, I went with my daughter, to visit the last remaining Kulawieces. I went again in 1994. But before that all I had was contact by letter.

When I was working in the foundry I collected a few medals, the Gold Service Cross, the Bronze Service Cross, the Legnica Copper mining District Silver Medal, and the Cavalier's Cross [Order of Polonia] Restituta. [Editor's note: Polonia Restituta ranks among the three most important Polish honors. It is awarded to philanthropists and those contributing to the restoration or building of Poland, outstanding meritorious acts, arts and sciences etc, and sometimes for acts of bravery. Its fifth class is the Cavalier's Cross.] There was a story with this last one, because Solidarity 20 helped me to get it. I'd been scheduled to get that distinction for a long time, but I didn't get it because I was a Jew. That's what I felt. Apparently, in the works committee [PZPR] there were some that were against it. I only got it in 1980 when Solidarity was forming. That's when justice was done.

For a long time I didn't have much contact with Jewish institutions here in Legnica. When the congregation was forming on Grodzka Street, I didn't go, because I'd never been religious. And I didn't want to have anything to do with the Jewish committee, because they were all crooks, and I've never kept company with crooks. I've never had anything from Jews here, and I came to Legnica from Russia as poor as a church mouse. And I had a wife and small child, a two-year-old boy. Only when I retired did I start coming to the congregation here more regularly to keep up contact with other Jews. And I go to Ladek-Zdrój on holiday, where that Lauder Foundation 21 has a center.

But I did keep up close ties with the TSKZ. Thanks to that institution Jewish life in Legnica was very active. A Jewish theater was organized. [Editor's note: the Gerson Duo Amateur Jewish Theater occupied the former German army cinema auditorium on Nowy Swiat Street for a few years after the war.] I remember that we set it up out of our own pockets and with our own work. It had been a military cinema, German, and then Russian. There was this large auditorium, and we built this super-smashing stage, and it was a fancy theater. Actors would come from Warsaw and Wroclaw. I remembered once they played 'The Fiddler on the Roof.'

There were various different Jewish events, there was an active Jewish choir in the same place. I belonged to the choir myself at the beginning of the 1950s, before I started working in the foundry. The chairperson was Roza Gottlieb. There was an amateur drama club. And there was a club house, where you could chat, read a book, a newspaper - both in Yiddish, e.g. Folksztyme 22 and in Polish. It was open every day, and there was a buffet there too.

There was this caretaker, janitor employed there too. He lived on the third floor in the same building. Once, years later, the son of the first caretaker came here and wandered up and down this street [Editor's note: Mr. Kulawiec lives on Nowy Swiat Street, where the TSKZ club house was], asking if there were still any Jews living here. The neighbors sent him to me. He told me that he was Jewish, lived in Israel, but his father had worked here as the caretaker in the TSKZ club. So I said, 'Are you called Ryter?' And he was pleased that somebody remembered his father. He had gone to Israel with his father when he was seven or eight. And Now he is an adult and works in Tel Aviv in the police, and he had come back to visit his old stomping ground.

I only went back to Losice once after the war. That was in 1968 or '69, sometime around the end of the 1960s. Josef, the eldest of the Mokobocki brothers, had come to Poland. He came to see me first of all, and then we went to see Dora together, who lived in Warsaw at the time. Before the war, you see, Josef had been friendly with Dora, he'd belonged to the same party - it was the Bund, I think - as her husband Herszko. She said that since we were so close, perhaps we could go to Losice. And because we had the use of Mokobocki's car, it was easy. That was the last time I was there.

I have three children. My elder son Anatol was born in Uzbekistan on 12th February 1944. The next was a daughter, Roza. She was born here in Legnica, in 1947. And my second son, Marian, was born in 1952. All the children knew of my background, and had a similar attitude to it as me - traditional. My daughter went to a secular Jewish school, first to a vocational hairdressing school and then to a high school. The children remember the Jewish holidays, and I even get New Year wishes from my son-in-law at Rosh Hashanah. My daughter has been to Israel with me and keeps in touch with the family there.

My daughter and son-in-law even had trouble once in connection with my daughter's background. It was in 1968, when my son-in-law was working in Lubin in a mining corporation. One day his colleagues asked him if he had any enemies. His department had received an anonymous note that his wife was a Jew. They gave him the note and he took it home to show my daughter. She had a friend, a teacher, who she was very close to. She would come to Legnica to visit me with them, they literally 'ate out of the same bowl' [i.e., they were like sisters]. When Roza saw the note, she immediately recognized the style [handwriting] as Asia's, that friend. Shortly afterwards it turned out that it was her. My daughter and son-in-law went to tea with her, and showed her and her husband the note, and after they left they eavesdropped at the door and heard them arguing and this Asia's husband reproaching her for writing the note. That was that incident.

My wife's name is Anna. We have been together for over 60 years now. We have never had any problems through my being Jewish. Neither of us is religious, so there was never any problem with observing holidays. Today I celebrate the holidays. And before, when Anna was younger and healthier she used to go to the TSKZ with me to various Jewish events, and it never bothered her.

Now I go to the congregation alone on Saturdays. My wife can't get about well enough to accompany me. I was never a particular supporter of religion, but sometimes I get a phone call to come because they need a tenth man for the minyan. So I go, to get together and talk, you know. There's usually an opportunity on the major holidays, such as Pesach or Yom Kippur. There's only so many of those Jews left, but you have to keep in touch.

Glossary:

1 Bund in Poland

Largest and most influential Jewish workers' party in pre-war Poland. Founded 1897 in Vilnius. From 1915, the Polish branch operated independently. Ran in parliamentary and local elections. Bund identified itself as a socialist Jewish party, criticized the Soviet Union and communism, rejected Zionism as a utopia, and Orthodoxy as a barrier on the road towards progress, demanded the abolition of all discrimination against Jews, fully equal rights for them, and the right for the free development of Yiddish-language secular Jewish culture. Bund enjoyed particularly strong support in central and south-eastern Poland, especially in large cities. Controlled numerous organizations: women's, youth, sport, educational (TsIShO), as well as trade unions. Affiliated with the party were a youth organization, Tsukunft, and a children's organization, Skif. During the war, the Bund operated underground, and participated in armed resistance, including in the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising as part of the Jewish Fighting Organization (ZOB) led by Marek Edelman. After the war, the Bund leaders joined the Central Committee of Polish Jews, where they postulated, in opposition to the Zionists, a reconstruction of the Jewish community in Poland. In January 1949, the Bund leaders dissolved the organization, urging its members to join the communist Polish United Workers' Party.

2 Polish Workers' Party (PPR)

A communist party formed in January 1942 by a merger of Polish communist groups and organizations following the infiltration of an initiative cell from the USSR. The PPR was not formally part of the Communist Internationale, although in fact was subordinate to it. In its program declarations the PPR's slogans included fully armed combat to liberate the country from the German occupation, the restoration of an independent, democratic Polish state with new eastern borders, alliance with the USSR, and moderate socio-economic reform. In 1942 the PPR had a few thousand members, but by 1944 its ranks had swelled to some 20,000. In 1942 it spawned an armed organization, the People's Guard (renamed the People's Army in 1944). After the Red Army invaded Poland the PPR took power and set about creating a political system in which it had the dominant position. The PPR pacified society, terrorized the political opposition and suppressed underground organizations fighting for independence using instruments of organized violence. It was supported by USSR state security organizations operating in Poland (including the NKVD). After its consolidation of power in 1947-48 the leadership of the PPR set about radical political and socio-economic transformations based on Soviet models, including the liquidation of private ownership, the nationalization of the economy (the collectivization of agriculture), and the subordination of all institutions and community organizations to the communist party. In December 1948 the party numbered over a million members. After merging with the Polish Socialist Party it changed its name to the Polish United Workers' Party.

3 Polonization of Jewish first and last names

The Polonization of first and last names in the 19th century was mostly an effect and a symptom of assimilation. Representatives of the so-called assimilatory trend changed their names or added a Polish element to the name. Later, this tendency was not restricted to the assimilatory circle. In the interwar period Jews often had two names: the Jewish name (in the Hebrew or Yiddish version), the official name, written down on the birth certificate and the Polish name, used in everyday contacts with Poles, but also among family. The story of the Polish-Jewish historian Schiper is an interesting case of the variety of names used by Polish Jews. Schiper published his works under three different names: Izaak, Icchak and Ignacy. After WWII many Jews who survived the Holocaust in hiding under false names never returned to their pre-war names. Legal regulations after the war enabled this procedure. Such a situation was caused by the lack of a feeling of security and post-war trauma, which showed itself in breaking off ties with one's group. Another reason for the Polonization of names after WWII was the pressure exerted by the communist authorities on Jews - members of the communist party and employed in the party apparatus.

4 Hashomer Hatzair in Poland

From 1918 Hashomer Hatzair operated throughout Poland, with its headquarters in Warsaw. It emphasized the ideological and vocational training of future settlers in Palestine and personal development in groups. Its main aim was the creation of a socialist Jewish state in Palestine. Initially it was under the influence of the Zionist Organization in Poland, of which it was an autonomous part. In the mid-1920s it broke away and joined the newly established World Scouting Union, Hashomer Hatzair. In 1931 it had 22,000 members in Poland organized in 262 'nests' (Heb. 'ken'). During the occupation it conducted clandestine operations in most ghettos. One of its members was Mordechaj Anielewicz, who led the rising in the Warsaw ghetto. After the war it operated legally in Poland as a party, part of the He Halutz. It was disbanded by the communist authorities in 1949.

5 Zukunft (Yid

: Future): Jewish youth organization that operated in Poland from 1910-1948. It was formed from the merger of several social democratic oriented youth groups. It had links to the Bund and initially also to Socjaldemokracja Krolestwa Polskiego i Litwy [Social Democracy of the Kingdom of Poland and Lithuania] (SDKPiL), and was involved in printing and disseminating illegal press and conspiratorial political activities in the lands of the Russian partitions. From 1916 it functioned officially as the Bund's youth organization, and from 1918 (when Poland regained its independence) it was a national organization with some 7,000 members (85 sections). Zukunft organized educational and self-teaching activities in young working-class Jewish circles, opened sports clubs, and defended the economic rights of young workers. It published a magazine, Jugnt-Veker (Yid.: Reveille for the Young). During the war Zukunft took an active part in organizing resistance in the Warsaw ghetto. Reactivated in 1944, it continued its cultural and educational activities, running vocational schools and night classes. It was disbanded by the communist authorities in 1948.

6 German Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

7 Pogrom in Minsk Mazowiecki

A pogrom, which broke out in June 1936 in Minsk Mazowiecki (40 km east of Warsaw) and lasted four days. Approximately 3,000 Jews ran away from the town, 41 people were injured, and six Jewish houses were set on fire. The police arrested 20 Poles suspected of assault and demolishing Jewish stores.

8 Campaign against ritual slaughter

In pre-war Poland the issue of ritual slaughter was at the heart of a deep conflict between the Jewish community and Polish nationalist groups, which in 1936-1938 attempted to outlaw or restrict the practice of ritual slaughtering in the Sejm, the Polish parliament, citing humanitarian grounds and competition for Catholic butchers.

9 Spanish Civil War (1936-39)

A civil war in Spain, which lasted from July 1936 to April 1939, between rebels known as Nacionales and the Spanish Republican government and its supporters. The leftist government of the Spanish Republic was besieged by nationalist forces headed by General Franco, who was backed by Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Though it had Spanish nationalist ideals as the central cause, the war was closely watched around the world mainly as the first major military contest between left-wing forces and the increasingly powerful and heavily armed fascists. The number of people killed in the war has been long disputed ranging between 500,000 and a million.

10 Annexation of Eastern Poland

According to a secret clause in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact defining Soviet and German territorial spheres of influence in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union occupied Eastern Poland in September 1939. In early November the newly annexed lands were divided up between the Ukranian and the Belarusian Soviet Republics.

11 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non- aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

12 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

13 Gross-Rosen camp

The Gross-Rosen camp was set up in August 1940, as a branch of Sachsenhausen; the inmates were forced to work in the local granite quarry. The first transport arrived at Gross-Rosen on 2nd August 1940. The initial labor camp acquired the status of an independent concentration camp on 1 May 1941. Gross-Rosen was significantly developed in 1944, the character of the camp also changed; numerous branches (approx. 100) were created alongside the Gross-Rosen headquarters, mostly in the area of Lower Silesia, the Sudeten Mountains and Ziemia Lubuska. A total of approximately 125,000 inmates passed through Gross-Rosen (through the headquarters and the branches) including unregistered prisoners; some prisoners were brought to the camp only to be executed (e.g. 2,500 Soviet prisoners of war). Jews (citizens of different European countries), Poles and citizens of the former Soviet Union were among the most numerous ethnic groups in the camp. The death toll of Gross-Rosen is estimated at approximately 40,000.

14 Central Committee of Polish Jews

It was founded in 1944, with the aim of representing Jews in dealings with the state authorities and organizing and co-coordinating aid and community care for Holocaust survivors. Initially it operated from Lublin as part of the Polish Committee of National Liberation. The CCPJ's activities were subsidized by the Joint, and in time began to cover all areas of the reviving Jewish life. In 1950 the CCPJ merged with the Jewish Cultural Society to form the Social and Cultural Society of Polish Jews.

15 Poalei Zion (the Jewish Social-Democratic Workers' Party Workers of Zion)

In Yiddish 'Yidishe Socialistish-Demokratishe Arbeiter Partei Poale Syon.' A political party formed in 1905 in the Kingdom of Poland, and operating throughout the Polish state from 1918. The party's main aim was to create an independent socialist Jewish state in Palestine. In the short term, Poalei Zion postulated cultural and national autonomy for the Jews in Poland, and improved labor and living conditions of Jewish hired laborers. In 1920, during a conference in Vienna, the party split, forming the Right Poalei Zion (the Jewish Socialist Workers' Party Workers of Zion), which became part of the Socialist Workers' International and the World Zionist Organization, and the Left Poalei Zion (the Jewish Social-Democratic Workers' Party Workers of Zion), the radical minority, which sympathized with the Bolsheviks. The Left Poalei Zion placed more emphasis on socialist postulates. Key activists: I. Schiper (Right PZ), L. Holenderski, I. Lew (Left PZ); paper: Arbeiter Welt. Both fractions had their own youth organizations: Right PZ: Dror and Freiheit; Left PZ - Jugnt. Left PZ was weaker than Right PZ; only towards the end of the 1930s did it start to form coalitions with other socialist and Zionist parties. In 1937 Left PZ joined the World Zionist Organization. During WWII both fractions were active in underground politics and the resistance movement in the ghettos, in particular the youth organizations. After 1945 both parties joined the Central Jewish Committee in Poland. In 1947 they reunited to form the strongest legally active Jewish party in Poland (with 20,000 members). In 1950 Poalei Zion was dissolved by the communist authorities.

16 Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR)

Communist party formed in Poland in December 1948 by the fusion of the PPR (Polish Workers' Party) and the PPS (Polish Socialist Party). Until 1989 it was the only party in the country; it held power, but was subordinate to the Soviet Union. After losing the elections in June 1989 it lost its monopoly. On 29th January 1990 the party was dissolved.

17 Gomulka Campaign

A campaign to sack Jews employed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the army and the central administration. The trigger of this anti-Semitic campaign was the involvement of the Socialist Bloc countries on the Arab side in the Middle East conflict, in connection with which Moscow ordered purges in state institutions. On 19th June 1967, at a trade union congress, the then First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], Wladyslaw Gomulka, accused the Jews of lack of loyalty to the state and of publicly demonstrating their enthusiasm for Israel's victory in the Six-Day-War. This marked the start of purges among journalists and people of other creative professions. Poland also severed diplomatic relations with Israel. On 8th March 1968 there was a protest at Warsaw University. The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded by launching a press campaign and organizing mass demonstrations in factories and workplaces during which 'Zionists' and 'trouble-makers' were indicted and anti-Semitic and anti-intelligentsia slogans shouted. Following the events of March, purges were also staged in all state institutions, from factories to universities, on criteria of nationality and race. 'Family liability' was also introduced (e.g. with respect to people whose spouses were Jewish). Jews were forced to emigrate. From 1968-1971 15,000-30,000 people left Poland. They were stripped of their citizenship and right of return.

18 Social and Cultural Society of Polish Jews (TSKZ)

Founded in 1950 when the Central Committee of Polish Jews merged with the Jewish Society of Culture. From 1950-1991 it was the sole body representing Jews in Poland. Its statutory aim was to develop, preserve and propagate Jewish culture. During the socialist period this aim was subordinated to communist ideology. Post-1989 most young activists gravitated towards other Jewish organizations. However, the SCSPJ continues to organize a range of cultural events and has its own magazine - The Jewish Word. It is primarily an organization of older people, who, however, have been involved with it for years.

19 Haganah

(Hebrew: 'Defense'), Zionist military organization representing the majority of the Jews in Palestine from 1920 to 1948. Although it was outlawed by the British Mandatory authorities and was poorly armed, it managed effectively to defend Jewish settlements. After the United Nations decision to partition Palestine (1947), the Haganah came into the open as the defense force of the Jewish state; it clashed openly with the British forces and defeated the military forces of the Palestinian Arabs and their allies. By order of the provisional government of Israel (May 31, 1948) the Haganah was dissolved as a private organization and became the national army of the state.

20 Solidarity (NSZZ Solidarnosc)

A social and political movement in Poland that opposed the authority of the PZPR. In its institutional form - the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity (NSZZ Solidarnosc) - it emerged in August and September 1980 as a product of the turbulent national strikes. In that period trade union organizations were being formed in all national enterprises and institutions; in all some 9-10 million people joined NSZZ Solidarnosc. Solidarity formulated a program of introducing fundamental changes to the system in Poland, and sought the fulfillment of its postulates by exerting various forms of pressure on the authorities: pickets in industrial enterprises and public buildings, street demonstrations, negotiations and propaganda. It was outlawed in 1982 following the introduction of Martial Law (on 13th December 1981), and until 1989 remained an underground organization, adopting the strategy of gradually building an alternative society and over time creating social institutions that would be independent of the PZPR (the long march). Solidarity was the most important opposition group that influenced the changes in the Polish political system in 1989.

21 Lauder Foundation

The Ronald S. Lauder Foundation was established in 1987 in New York by its president, the prominent philanthropist Ronald S. Lauder, to help the Jewish communities of Central and Eastern Europe. The Foundation is committed to rebuilding Jewish life in that part of Europe where the destruction of the Holocaust was followed by the oppression of Communist rule. The Foundation sponsors Jewish educational institutions in terms of reviving the Jewish traditions. Today, the Ronald S. Lauder Foundation operates and/or supports 62 programs spread throughout a network of 15 countries: Austria, Belarus, Bulgaria, the Czech Republic, Estonia, Germany, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Moldova, Poland, Romania, Russia, Slovakia and the Ukraine.

17 Folksztyme /Dos Yidishe Wort

Bilingual Jewish magazine published every other week since 1992 in Warsaw in place of 'Folksshtimme', which was closed down then. Articles are devoted to the activities of the JSCS in Poland and current affairs, and there are reprints of articles from the Jewish press abroad. The magazine 'Folksshtimme' was published three times a week. In 1945 it was published in Lodz, and from 1946-1992 in Warsaw. It was the paper of the Jewish Communists. After Jewish organizations and their press organs were closed down in 1950, it became the only Jewish paper in Poland. 'Folksshtimme' was the paper of the JSCS. It published Yiddish translations of articles from the party press. In 1956, a Polish- language supplement for young people, 'Nasz Glos' [Our Voice] was launched. It was apolitical, a literary and current affairs paper. In 1968 the paper was suspended for several months, and was subsequently reinstated as a Polish-Jewish weekly, subject to rigorous censorship. The supplement 'Nasz Glos' was discontinued. Most of the contributors and editorial staff were forced to emigrate.

Isaac Rozenfain

Isaac Rozenfain
Kishinev
Moldova
Interviewer: Nathalia Fomina
Date of interview: September, November 2004

Isaac Rozenfain is a lean man of medium height with fine features. He has a moustache and combs his hair back, giving way to his large forehead. He wears glasses with obscure glass. When talking he looks at you intently, but at times he seems to drift off into his own world, recalling something deeply personal, and is in no hurry to share what is on his mind. Isaac and I had a meeting at the Jewish municipal library. Isaac is a very nice, intelligent man with impeccable manners and a sense of dignity. However, he is rather taciturn and reserved: there are subjects he never discusses, subjects that he determined for himself based on his sad experiences in life. Therefore, he often used phrases such as 'I don't know' or 'I don't remember', particularly when it came to politics.

My family background
Growing up
During the War
Post-war
Glossary

My family background

Unfortunately, I know nothing about my father's parents. I didn't know them and never saw photographs of them either. All I know is that my paternal grandfather's name was Moisey Rozenfain and he lived in Nevel [a district town in Vitebsk province, 980 km from Kishinev]. We lived in Bessarabia 1, and Nevel belonged to the USSR [during the Soviet regime Nevel was in Pskov region, today Russia]"and my father's relatives never traveled to Kishinev. My father may have spoken about his parents, when I was small, but I can't remember anything. I have no doubts that my grandfather and grandmother were religious since my father was given a traditional Jewish education. I don't know how many sisters or brothers my father had. I met only one of his brothers, who visited us in Nevel after the Great Patriotic War 2. I have a photo taken on this occasion, but unfortunately I cannot remember my uncle's name.

My father, Wolf Rozenfain, was born in Nevel in 1888. He must have had education in addition to cheder since he knew Hebrew. They didn't learn Hebrew properly in cheder, and my father knew Hebrew to such an extent, that he simply couldn't just have learned it in cheder. He also spoke fluent Russian. My father must have moved to Kishinev before 1918, before Bessarabia was annexed to Romania [see Annexation of Bessarabia to Romania] 3. I don't know what my father was doing then. My parents met in Kishinev, but I don't know any details in this regard. My parents got married in 1920.

My maternal grandfather, Israel Kesselman, came from some place near Kiev. I don't know my grandmother's name. My grandfather and grandmother died before I was born. I know that they had to leave their hometown near Kiev due to the resettlement of Jews within the [Jewish] Pale of Settlement 4. The family moved to the village of Eskipolos [today Glubokoye, Ukraine] near Tatarbunar in Bessarabia province [650 km from Kiev].

I remember that my mother's sister Mania Shusterman [nee Kesselman] lived in Eskipolos. Aunt Mania was the oldest of the siblings. She was a housewife. I don't remember her husband. Her son Abram, my cousin brother, was about 20 years older than me and always patronized me. Abram was a Revisionist Zionist [see Revisionist Zionism] 5, and a rather adamant one. He was one of the leaders of Betar 6 in Bessarabia, on an official basis: he was paid for his work; he was an employee of Betar. He was an engineer by vocation. He passed his tests extramurally in Paris. Abram had a hearing problem, which was the result of lightning that struck their house in Eskipolos in his childhood. It killed Abram's sister, whose name I can't remember. She had two children: Izia and Nelia, my nephew and niece.

Mama also had two brothers, whose names I don't remember. One of them lived in Galaz in Romania. He died before World War II. The second brother moved to South America at the beginning of the century. He lived in Buenos Aires. I remember that my parents corresponded with him. My uncle had a big family: a son, Izia, named after grandfather Israel Kesselman, and three daughters: Sarita, Dorita and Berthidalia, in the local manner. Their Jewish names were Sarah, Dora and Bertha. I never met them, but I remember their rather unusual names. My uncle must have been a wealthy man. I was supposed to move to America to continue my education after finishing the technical school. Later, my family decided I should continue my education in Civitavecchia near Rome [Italy] and my uncle was to pay for it. My uncle died after the war, in the late 1950s, early 1960s. I didn't correspond with my cousins. [The interviewee is referring to the fact that it was dangerous to keep in touch with relatives abroad] 7.

My mother, Fania Rozenfain, nee Kesselman, was born near Kiev in 1890. She lived in Tatarbunari before she moved to Kishinev. She must have finished a school of 'assistant doctors' there. [Editor's note: In Russian the term 'assistant doctor' (from the German 'Feldscher') is the equivalent of medical nurse. As a rule men were feldschers and women were nurses.] Mama got married at the age of almost 30, and I guess hers was a prearranged marriage.

Growing up

After the wedding my parents settled down in a one-storied house with a verandah on Alexandrovskaya Street [today Stefan cel Mare Street] in Kishinev, where I was born on 28th October 1921. I remember this house very well. My mother showed it to me when I grew older. Later we moved to 29, Kupecheskaya Street [today Negruzzi Street]. We always rented two-bedroom apartments, but I don't remember the details of this apartment. From Kupecheskaya we moved to Mikhailovskaya on the corner of Sadovaya Street.

My father was the director of the Jewish elementary school of the Society of Sale Clerks for Cooperation [founded in 1886] on Irinopolskaya Street. He taught Hebrew and mathematics at school. My father was short and wore glasses. When he returned home from work he enjoyed reading Jewish and Russian newspapers. My father subscribed to the Jewish paper 'Undzere Zeit' [Yiddish for 'Our Time']. We had a collection of books in Hebrew and Russian at home. However, the books in Hebrew were philosophical works and fiction rather than religious ones. We spoke Russian at home. Mama and Papa occasionally spoke Yiddish, but my mother's Yiddish was much poorer than my father's. Mama worked as an assistant doctor in a private clinic. She knew no Romanian and for this reason couldn't find a job in a state-run clinic. Mama was tall and stately. She had thick, long hair that she wore in plaits crowning her head. Mama's friend Manechka, a Jewish woman and a morphine- addict, who also worked in this clinic, had an affair with the chief doctor. For some reason I remember this, though I was just six or seven years old then. We occasionally had guests, but I don't remember any other of my parents' friends.

We always had meals together at the same time. Papa sat at the head of the table. Mama laid the table. She cooked gefilte fish, chicken broth with home-made noodles, and potato pancakes [latkes]. The food was delicious. Mama was really good at cooking. Our family wasn't extremely religious. I wouldn't say that we followed all rules at Sabbath, though Papa certainly didn't work on this day. Papa went to the synagogue on holidays, but he didn't have his own seat there. I went to the synagogue with him. We celebrated Jewish holidays. I remember Easter. [Editor's note: Mr. Rozenfain speaks Russian. In Russian the words 'Pesach' and 'Paskha' (Christian term) are very similar and Russian-speaking Jews often use 'Paskha' instead of 'Pesach'.] We had special fancy crockery. Papa conducted the seder according to the rules. He reclined on cushions at the head of the table. There was no bread in the house during the holiday [mitzvah of biur chametz]. When I was five or six years old I looked for the afikoman, but I don't remember any details. They say childhood events imprint on the memory, but that's not the case with me. We had Easter celebrations till the beginning of the war, but I don't remember myself during seder, when I was in my teens.

I must have been given some money on Chanukkah [the traditional Chanukkah gelt], but I don't remember. On Purim Mama made hamantashen and fluden with honey and nuts. I also remember how we took shelakhmones to our acquaintances on Purim [mishlo'ah manot, sending of gifts to one another]. We didn't make a sukkah [at Sukkot] and neither did any of our acquaintances, so I didn't see one in my childhood.

Most of my friends were Jews, but when we moved to Mikhailovskaya Street I met Shurka Kapevar, a Russian boy, who became my very close friend. His maternal grandfather was a priest. Shurka showed me records of Shaliapin [Shaliapin, Fyodor Ivanovich (1873-1938): famous Russian bass singer], with the singer's personal dedication to Shurka's mother. When I grew older I incidentally heard that she had had an affair with Shaliapin when she was young.

My parents and I often spent our summer vacations with Aunt Mania in Eskipolos on the Black Sea firth. We went by train to Arciz [180 km from Kishinev], which took a few hours, and from there we rode for some more hours on a horse-drawn wagon. There was a lovely beach there with fine yellow sand. I enjoyed lying in the sun. I learned to swim and used to swim far into the sea and sway lying on my back on the waves. I also enjoyed spending time with my cousin Abram, whom I loved dearly. He often traveled to Kishinev on Betar business.

I went to the Jewish school where my father was director. We studied most subjects in Romanian, but we also studied Hebrew and Jewish history in Hebrew. Regretfully, I don't remember any Hebrew. After successfully finishing elementary school, I entered the Aleku Russo boys' gymnasium [named after Russo, Aleku (1781-1859), Romanian writer and essayist]. This building on the corner of Pushkin and Pirogov Streets houses one of the university faculties now. This was the only gymnasium in Kishinev, which exercised the five percent quota 8 for Jewish students. [Editor's note: as the five percent quota existed in Russia before 1917 it is possible that it also existed in some schools in Romania.] However, my father decided I should only go there - that's how good it was. Our Jewish neighbors' son, who was about three years older than me, studied there and my parents decided I should try.

There were Romanian and Russian boys in my class, but only three Jewish boys: Kryuk, Balter and I. We had very good teachers. I remember Skodigora, our teacher of mathematics. His brother taught us natural sciences. Our Romanian teacher was Usatiuk, a member of the Iron Guard 9. There were fascists in Romania at that time. Usatiuk gave me a '9' - we had marks from 1 [worst] to 10 [best] - for the Romanian language in the 2nd or 3rd grade, and this was a high mark, and he hardly ever gave such a high mark to anybody else. This was quite a surprise for me.

Once I faced the hidden antipathy of my peers. I can still remember this very well. One day in spring we played 'oina,' a Romanian ball game. Two players standing in front of each other try to strike the third player running from one to the other with a ball. I stood with my back to a window of the gymnasium. The ball broke the window, but it was obviously not my doing considering that I was standing with my back to the window. Anyway, when the janitor came by, the other boys stated unanimously that I hade done it. Besides punishment, the one to blame was to pay for the broken window. I felt like crying. This actually showed they disliked Jews in my view. We weren't allowed to speak Russian in the gymnasium. [Editor's note: The reason for this was to introduce the Romanian language publicly as well as at higher educational institutions in the formerly Russian province.] Since we often spoke Russian at home I switched to it in the gymnasium. My classmate Dolumansi often threatened, 'I will show you how to speak Russian!' By the way, he was a Gagauz 10, I'd say.

I had moderate success at the gymnasium, but I was fond of sports like everybody else. I went to play ping-pong at the gym of the Jewish sports society Maccabi 11 on Harlampievskaya Street. I also played volley-ball for the team of our gymnasium. There were competitions between the town gymnasiums for boys. They were named after Romanian and Moldovan writers: Bogdan Hasdeu [Hasdeu, Bogdan Petreceicu (1838-1907): Romanian scholar, writer, historian and essayist], Alexandru Donici [Donici, Alexandru (1806- 1865): Moldovan writer, translator, the creator of the Moldovan national fable], Eminescu 12; by the way this latter gymnasium was called Jewish in the town, as many Jewish students studied there.

The Kishinev of my youth wasn't a very big town. It had a population of about 100,000 people. [According to the all-Russian census of 1897, Kishinev had 108,483 residents, 50,237 of who were Jews.] The only three- storied building was on Alexandrovskaya Street on the corner of Kupecheskaya Street: its owner was Barbalat, who also owned a big clothes store. There was a tram running along Armianskaya, Pushkin and Alexandrovskaya Streets. One of the brightest memories of this time I have is of two dead bodies on the corner of Alexandrovskaya and Pushkin Streets, guarded by a policeman. This happened in the late 1930s, when the Iron Guards killed the Prime Minister of Romania [Armand Calinescu, Premier of Romania, was murdered in September 1939.] King Carol II 13 ordered the carrying out of demonstrative executions of leaders of the Iron Guard in big towns in Romania. In our town the spot for this was across the street from the 'Children's World' store, and people passed this location hurriedly or preferred to avoid it at all.

I loved cinema and wanted to become a film director. I often went to the Orpheum on the corner of Alexandrovskaya and Pushkin Streets, the Coliseum on Podolskaya Street, and the Odeon cinema. I didn't want to miss a single movie. However, this was a problem. We weren't really wealthy and a ticket cost 16 Lei [the price of a tram ticket was 30 Ban (0,3 Leu)], which was rather sufficient for a gymnasium student. I remember movies with Gary Cooper, Marlene Dietrich and Greta Garbo. I particularly liked step dance and never missed one movie with Fred Astaire and Ginger Rogers.

The gymnasium students liked walking along Alexandrovskaya Street, the Broadway of our town. We walked from Gogol to Sinadinovskaya Street, on the right side of the railway station. We made acquaintances, walked and talked. This love of walking played an evil trick on me. One afternoon, when I was supposed to be in class, I was noticed by a gymnasium tutor, who was to watch over the students. I was walking with a girl and I was smoking a cigarette. I was 15 or 16 years. I was immediately expelled from the gymnasium, and my father's attempts to restore me there failed.

The family council decided that I should go to a technical school. I entered the construction technical school on the corner of Zhukovskaya and Lyovskaya Streets. My sad experience changed my attitude towards my studies and I became one of the best students in the technical school. This school was owned by a priest. Architect Merz, a German, was the best teacher. The recruitment age to the Romanian army was 20 and I didn't have to go to the army before 1940. I was born the same year as the son of Karl II, Mihay [King Michael] 14. This was supposed to release me from the army service, and also, I guess the month and the date had to coincide. I also remember the rumors that Mihay wounded his father's lover and that she was a Jew. The situation for Jews got much worse then. I remember the New Year [Christian] celebration when Antonescu 15 was the ruler. There was the threat of pogroms and the celebration was very quiet. I don't know how serious this threat really was, but the feeling of fear prevailed. I don't remember whether they introduced any anti-Jewish laws in Romania 16 at that time, but there was this kind of spirit in the air.

During the War

Perhaps for this reason we welcomed the Soviet forces, entering the town on 29th June 1940 [see Annexation of Bessarabia to the USSR] 17. People were waiting for them all night long. I stood on the corner of Armianskaya and Alexandrovskaya Streets. There were crowds of people around. At 4am the first tanks entered the town. The tank men stopped their tanks and came out hugging people. When the Soviet rule was established, teaching at the technical school continued, only the priest stopped being its owner. Our teachers stayed. They knew Russian very well and started teaching us in Russian. A few other boys and I repaired two rooms in a building to house the district Komsomol 18 committee. We plastered and whitewashed the walls. I joined the Komsomol sincerely and with all my heart. I liked the meetings, discussions and Subbotniks 19, when we planted trees.

Then wealthier people began to be deported from Kishinev. The parents of one of my mates were deported, but he was allowed to stay in the town and continue his studies. The Stalin principle of children not being responsible for their fathers was in force ['A son is not responsible for his father', I.V. Stalin, 1935]. Once, this student whose Russian was poor asked me to help him write a request to Stalin to release his parents. We were sitting in the classroom writing this letter, when the secretary of the Komsomol unit came in and asked what we were doing. I explained and he left the classroom without saying a word. Some time later I was summoned to the Komsomol committee and expelled from the Komsomol at a Komsomol meeting. Then there was the town Komsomol committee meeting that I still remember at which I was expelled. I couldn't understand why they expelled me, when I was just willing to help someone. 'How could you help an enemy of the people 20?' I had tears in my eyes. I sincerely wanted to help a person and they shut the door in my face.

The Germans attacked the USSR in 1941 and Kishinev was bombed at 4am on 22nd June. One bomb hit a radio station antenna post in a yard on the corner of Pushkin and Sadovaya Streets. At first I thought it was a practice alarm. A few days later Mama said their hospital was receiving the wounded from the front line. We lived two blocks away from the hospital, and I rushed there to help carry the patients inside. Kishinev was bombed every day at about 11am.

I finished the technical school on 24th June. The school issued interim certificates instead of diplomas because of the wartime. I got an assignment [see mandatory job assignment in the USSR] 21 to Kalarash [50 km from Kishinev]. I took a train to the town and went to the house maintenance department. There was a note on the door: 'All gone to the front.' I went back to Kishinev on a horse-drawn wagon. I arrived in the early morning. A militiaman halted me on the corner of Armianskaya and Lenin Streets. He checked my documents and let me go. This was 6th July and on the following day I was summoned to the military registry office that was forming groups of young guys to be sent to the Dnestr in the east. In Tiraspol we joined a local unit and moved up the Dnestr. My former co- students and friends Lyodik [short for Leonid] Dobrowski and Ioska [short for Iosif] Muntian and I stayed together. We crossed the Dnestr south of Dubossary. German bombers were fiercely bombing the crossing. We arrived at a German colony 22 in Odessa region where we stayed a few days. Then we joined another group from Tiraspol and moved on. On our way we mainly got food from locals.

One night, we arrived at Kirovograd [350 km from Kishinev, today Ukraine] where a restaurant was opened for us and we were given enough food to eat to our hearts' content. Then we were accommodated in the cultural center. We had enough hours of sleep for the first time in many days. On Sunday young local people came to dance in the yard. A few of us joined them. I asked a pretty girl to dance, but she refused. I asked another girl, but she refused, too. When the third girl refused to dance with me, I asked her 'Why?' and she replied, 'because you are retreating.'

The next morning we got going. For two months we were retreating from the front line. At times we took a train, but mainly we went on foot. We arrived at a kolkhoz 23 in Martynnovskiy district, Rostov region. We stayed there for a month. I went to work as assistant accountant. Throughout this time I was dreaming about joining the army. Dreaming! In October, when the front line approached, we were summoned to the military registry office and then were assigned to the army. Lyodik, Ioska and I remembered that we were Bessarabians [the Soviet commandment generally didn't conscript Bessarabians, former Romanian nationals], since we came from Tiraspol, another Soviet town, we kept silent about it; we wanted to join the army!

Ioska and I were assigned to the front line forces and Lyodik joined a construction battalion. Construction battalions constructed and repaired bridges and crossings. After the war I got to know that Ioska survived and Lyodik perished. I was sent to Armavir [today Russia]. We received uniforms: shirts, breeches, caps and helmets. We also received boots with foot wrappings that were to be wrapped around the calves, but then they slid down causing much discomfort. We received rifles and were shown how to use them. After a short training period I was assigned to an infantry regiment, mine mortar battalion, where I became number six in a mortar crew consisting of the commander, gun layer, loader and three mine carriers. A mine weighed 16 kilos: so it was heavy and for this reason three carriers were required. Some time later I was promoted to the commander of a crew since I had vocational secondary education. Our battery commanding officer was Captain Sidorov, a nice Russian guy of about 30 years of age. It may seem strange, but I have rather dim memories about my service in the front line forces. It's like all memories have been erased!

In 1942 I was wounded in my arm near Temriuk [Krasnodarskiy Krai, today Russia]. I was taken to a hospital in Anapa. Six weeks later I returned to the army forces. However, I didn't return to my unit. Instead, I was sent to a training tank regiment in Armavir where I was trained to shoot and operate a tank. I could move a tank out of the battlefield if a mechanic was wounded. All crew members were supposed to know how to do this. A tank crew consists of four members: commander, loader in the tower, a mechanic on the left and a radio operator and a gunman/radio operator on the right at the bottom of the tank. The radio operator receives orders and shots. The commander of the tank fires the tower gun. I was the loader, 'the tower commander', as tank men used to call this position. Tank units sent their representatives to pick new crew members to join front line forces and replace the ones they had lost: 'sales agents' as we called them.

I was assigned to a tank regiment near Novorossiysk. The commander of my tank, Lieutenant Omelchenko, was two or three years older than me. He had finished a tank school shortly before the war. The tank and radio operators were sergeants and I was a private: we were the same age. They were experienced tank men and had taken part in a number of battles compared to me. Omelchenko was Ukrainian and the two others were Russian. At first I noticed that the others were somewhat suspicious of me, but then they understood I was no different from them. We were in the same 'box' and we got along well. I was afraid before the first combat action, but I didn't show it so that I wouldn't give them a chance to say: 'Hey, the Jew is frightened'. I didn't notice anything during the first battle since all I did was load the shells to support non-stop shooting. I was standing and placed the shells into the breech, heard the click of an empty shell and loaded the next one. All I heard was roaring, this maddening roaring. I might have got deaf if it hadn't been for the helmet. The battle ended all of a sudden, and it all went very quiet. I don't know who won, but the Germans had gone. When we were on our way back to our original position, the manhole was up and we were getting off the tank. I heard the sound of a shot and fell.

The bullet hit me in my lower belly and passed right through my hip. I was taken to the medical battalion where they wanted to give me food, but I knew that I wasn't supposed to eat being wounded in my belly - I knew from Mama, who was a medical nurse. The doctor examining me decided he knew me. He thought I had been his neighbor in Odessa. I was taken to the rear hospital in Grozny by plane. This was a 'corn plane' [agricultural plane], as people called it, and the wounded were placed in a cradle fixture underneath the plane. I remember that the hospital accommodated in the house of culture [alternative name for cultural center], was overcrowded and the patients were even lying on the floor. I was put on a bed since I was severely wounded. A few days later I got up at night and went to the toilet. I started walking and was on my way to recovery. After the hospital I was sent to a recreation center where Shulzhenko gave a concert on the second floor. [Shulzhenko, Claudia Ivanovna (1906-1984): Soviet pop singer, whose name is associated with the start of Soviet pop singing] I went to the second floor. I can still remember the stage and Shulzhenko in a long concert gown. She sang all these popular songs and one of them was 'The blue shawl' [one of the most popular wartime songs]. There was a storm of applause!

I received my first letter from Central Asia from my girlfriend whom I had met in Kishinev before the war. Her name was Neta [Anneta]. She somehow managed to get to know my field address. Neta also gave me my parents' address. She wrote in her first letter that my parents had evacuated to Central Asia and were staying in Kokand, Uzbekistan. Mama worked as an assistant doctor and Papa was a teacher of mathematics at a local school. They wrote to me once a month. The field post service was reliable. At least, the letters made it to me wherever I was. A postman was always waited for at the front line. I don't know about censorship, but I wrote what I wanted. My parents described their life in evacuation. When Kishinev was liberated in 1944, they returned to Moldova. Neta and I corresponded, and I visited her when I returned after the war, but I was already married by then.

When I recovered I was assigned to a reserve tank regiment. I stayed there a month before I was 'purchased'. We were to line up, when 'purchasers' visited us and once I heard Kusailo saying, 'this zhyd [abusive of Jew] will never join a tank unit,' but I did, and he and I were in the same SAM [mobile artillery regiment] unit where I stayed for over a year. A mobile artillery unit is very much like a tank, but it has no circulating tower on top of it. It was a 76-mobile unit with a 76-mm mortar. This was one of the first models of mobile units. Lieutenant Chemodanov was my commanding officer. I have very nice memories about this crew and our friendship. I was wounded again and followed the same chain of events: hospital, reserve unit and then front line unit again.

In summer 1943 I joined the [Communist] Party. The admission ceremony was literally under a bush: the party meeting was conducted on a clearing in the wood. I think it was at that time that I got an offer from the special department to work for SMERSH 24. I'd rather not talk about it. Actually, there is nothing to talk about. As far as I can remember, I provoked this myself. I always said I was interested in intelligence work. I was young and must have been attracted by the adventurous side of this profession. This must have been heard by the relevant people. I was given a task: two soldiers had disappeared from our unit and I was supposed to detain them, if I ever met them... This didn't last more than a year, but I must say that spies are quite common during the war. No war can do without intelligence people.

I served in the 84th separate tank regiment for the last two years of the war. I joined it in late 1943, when the Transcaucasian front was disbanded and we were assigned to the 4th Ukrainian front. We had T-34 tanks that excelled German tanks by their features. I was an experienced tank man. We were very proud of being tank men. Air Force and tanks made up the elite of the army. Tank men usually stayed in the near front areas and were accommodated in the nearby settlements. During offensives we moved to the initial positions from where we went into attacks. Sometimes tanks went into attacks with infantry, but we didn't know those infantry men. My tank was hit several times, but fortunately there was no fire. Perhaps, I'm wrong here and other tank men would disagree, but I think if there was an experienced commander of the tank, the tank had a chance to avoid being set on fire. The thing is: if a tank is set on fire, what's most important is to get out of the tank. The manhole was supposed to be closed and the latch was to be locked and this latch might get stuck. We closed the manhole, but never locked it. On the one hand it was dangerous, but on the other, it made it easier to get out of the tank, if necessary. The tank might turn into a coffin if the latch got stuck. Germans shot bullets at us and we believed that if we heard a bullet flying by, the next one was to hit our tank. Then we evacuated from the tank and crawled aside before the tank became a convenient target or hid behind the tank, if there was no time left to crawl to a hiding.

I had a friend who was a loader in another crew. I don't remember his name, but I remember him well. He was Russian. When we were fighting in Ukraine he perished in a battle, when we were approaching Moldova. Some time later his mother, who was a military correspondent, visited us to hear how he had perished. She found me since he must have mentioned my name in his letters. When she started asking me the details, I was shocked knowing that she specifically arrived to hear the details of his death. In 1944, when our regiment was fighting within the 4th Ukrainian Front, the Soviet army entered Moldova. I had very special feelings about my homeland. I knew Romanian, and when we were in the woods the others sent me to nearby villages to exchange gas oil for wine. Gas oil was our tank fuel. The villagers were happy to have it for their kerosene lamps. And we were twice as happy since Moldova was known for making good wine.

Major Trubetzkoy, chief of headquarters of our regiment, perished in Moldova. He was everybody's favorite in the regiment. He was young, 29 years old, brave and good to his subordinates. He was cultured and rather aristocratic, I'd say. I even think, he must have come from the family of Trubetskoy. [Editor's note: The Trubetskoy family, an old family of Russian princes (14th-20th century), gave birth to many outstanding statesmen and scientists.] He was killed by a German sniper when he was riding his motorcycle going to the headquarters. He had all of his awards on though he had never worn them all before. Colonel Chelhovskoy, our regiment commander, followed the tanks on the battlefield on his motorcycle. The commander of the regiment intelligence was Captain Dyomin. Our regiment was involved in the Iasi/Kishinev operation [From 20th-29th August 1944 the Soviet troops liberated Moldova and Eastern Romania. Romania came out of action and on 24th August its new government declared war to fascist Germany.] All types of forces were involved in this operation. Our tank regiment passed Kishinev and its suburbs, and we could see how ruined the town was.

After the Iasi/Kishinev operation we entered Bulgaria via Romania. People welcomed us as liberators. On 24th September 1944 we arrived in the town of Lom. It was hot and I jumped out of the tank without my shirt on. A bunch of Bulgarian girls surrounded me. One of them gave me a bunch of field flowers. Then the bravest of them, Katia, asked me to get photographed with them. Her boyfriend took a photo of us. I gave Katia the address of my parents at their evacuation spot and she sent them the photo. From Bulgaria we moved on to Hungary across Romania. In Hungary our tank regiment was involved in battles near Szekesfehervar and Dunaujvaros on the Danube River. Our crew changed within a couple of days: someone was wounded or killed, a commander or radio operator. I only remember Nikolai, the tank operator. I remember the names of our regiment commander or chief of staff, but not of those who were with me in the tank: this is strange, but that's how it happened. In 1945 we moved on to Czechoslovakia and then returned. It should be noted that we were given a warm welcome in Czechoslovakia, but they were also happy to see us leaving again. Or at least that's the impression I got.

In Hungary I was slightly wounded again and that's when I met my future wife Lidia Zherdeva in the hospital. She was a medical nurse in the army. Lidia came from Kharkov [today Ukraine]. Her mother stayed on occupied territory during the war. Her mother was mentally ill and Lidia thought she had perished, when one day, shortly before demobilization, she heard from her mother. She felt like putting an end to her life because it was extremely hard for her to live with her insane mother. She took morphine, but the doctors rescued her. We were together, though we weren't officially married. It was a common thing at the front line. Occasionally there were orders issued in the regiment and that was it about the official part.

I celebrated the victory in Nagykoros, a small town near Budapest. We actually expected it... In the morning of 9th May we were told that the war was over. What joy this was! I cannot describe it. We didn't shoot in the air since we had no guns, only carbines in tanks, but we hugged each other and sang! In the evening we drank a lot. Our regiment was accommodated in Budapest. Our radio operator, mechanic and I were accommodated in one woman's house. The Hungarians were good to us, particularly the women. The Hungarian language is difficult and we mainly used sign language. One of us had a better conduct of Hungarian than the others and translated for us.

In late 1945 demobilization began. There was an order issued to demobilize those who had vocational secondary education first. I was a construction man and had a certificate on the basis of which I was demobilized in January 1946. Lidia and I moved to Kishinev. My parents were back home and my father taught mathematics at school. They lived in a small room on Sadovaya Street. I went to the executive committee to ask them about a job and some accommodation, but they replied, 'there are thousands like you. And there are also invalids.' One of my father's former students left Kishinev, and my wife and I moved into his hut on Schusev Street. Later we obtained a permit to stay there. This former student's father was working in the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Moldova and helped me to get employed by the industrial construction trust. In February 1946 I was already working as a foreman at the construction of a shoe factory on Bolgarskaya Street. In 1949 my mother died. We buried her in the Jewish cemetery, but not according to the Jewish ritual from what I remember.

In 1944 my cousin brother Abram Shusterman returned from evacuation. He had been in Central Asia with his mother and nephews. Some time later Abram was exiled to the North: he told a joke about the government and someone reported on him to the KGB 25. Later he was allowed to settle down in Central Asia. After Stalin's death [5th March 1953], he and his wife visited us in Kishinev. They had no children. He was my only relative, who thought he had to take care of me. I have no other relatives. He died in Central Asia, but I don't remember in what year.

Post-war

I didn't live long with my first wife. I fell in love with Lubov Berezovskaya. She was an accountant in our construction department. I think she was the most beautiful woman I've ever met in my life. I was offered the position of site superintendent at the construction of a food factory in Orhei. At first I refused, but when I heard that Berezovskaya was going there to work as an accountant, I changed my mind. We moved to Orhei together and got married in 1947. Our son Sergei was born there. My second wife was Russian. She was born in Kharkov in 1925. She moved to Kishinev after the war with her mother, Olga Antonovna Chumak. Her father, Boris Berezovskiy, died before the war. Olga Antonovna was a worker at the shoe factory in Kishinev. When we met, Lubov only had secondary education, but later she graduated from the Faculty of Economics of Kishinev University. She was promoted to chief accountant of the construction department.

There was a building frame on the construction site. Our office was accommodated in a small building next to it. In August 1950 the director of the construction department organized a meeting dedicated to Kotovsky 26. I went to Kishinev at this time. We were driving on a truck and I was struck by the color of the sky over Orhei: it was unusually green. My co- traveler from a village said, 'I've never seen a sky of this color before.' When I arrived at the construction department in Kishinev the people had scared expressions on their faces. It turned out that after I left Orhei a storm broke and the frame of this building collapsed over the office. I rushed back to Orhei. When I arrived, I asked, 'Are there any victims?' 'Fifteen.' Later a commission identified that this was a natural force majeure and this was the end of it. The director of the factory, a former KGB officer, resigned and went back to work at the KGB office.

In December this same year the chairman of the Trade Union Committee of the Light Industry reported this accident at the USSR trade union council plenary meeting in Moscow. There was the question: 'Was anybody punished?' 'No.' A week later I was summoned by the prosecutor and didn't return home. I was interrogated for a day, and in the evening I was put in prison. They shaved my head before taking me to jail. I remember entering the cell: 25 inmates, two-tier plank beds. I was so exhausted that I just fell onto the bed and fell asleep. A few days later I was appointed crew leader for the repairs in prison. About two weeks later I was released. The Light Industry Minister, Mikhail Nikitich Dyomin, helped me. He knew everything about the construction of this food factory, and construction men called him a foreman. I remember going home from prison on New Year's Eve with my head shaved.

In April 1951 I was summoned to the Prosecutor's Office. I said to my wife, 'Look, I'll probably need an extra pair of underwear.' This happened to be true. There was a trial. I was convicted and sentenced to three years in jail for the violation of safety rules, and the construction chief engineer, Mikhail Weintraub, was sentenced to three years in jail as well. It turned out I wasn't supposed to allow them to conduct the meeting in this annex. Dyomin arranged for us to be assigned to the construction of the Volga-Don channel [the Volga-Don channel, named after Lenin, connecting the Volga and the Don near the town of Kalach, opened in 1952]. There were mainly prisoners working on the construction of this channel. We lived in barracks for 20-30 inmates.

Since I was a foreman and supposed to move around visiting the sites, I was released from the convoy. I could move around within an area of 80 kilometers. I could also stay overnight in a guard house on the construction site. My wife often visited me. Fortunately, the chief engineer of the district knew me from back in Moldova. He worked at the construction of the Dubossary power plant and we met in Kishinev. When Lubov came to visit me she stayed in a room in his apartment for a month. A year later I was released, the conviction was annulled and I was awarded a medal 'For outstanding performance.' When I came back home, I was sent to work at the CD-8 [construction department]. However, when I wanted to restore my membership in the party, I was told: 'You can join the party again, but you can't restore your membership.' This hurt me and I gave up. I didn't avoid the war or prison in my life...

I was arrested at the time of the campaign against 'cosmopolitans' 27, but I don't think that Mikhail or I fell victim to this campaign. The period of the Doctors' Plot 28 started in 1953, when I returned to Kishinev. I heard talks that Jews were bad and would kill, poison people etc., but there were no official actions of this kind. I can't say whether any doctors were fired at that time.

I remember Stalin's death well. I cried. I heard it either early in the morning or in the evening, because it was dark, when I was at home. Our friends felt the same. At war the infantry went into attacks shouting, 'For Stalin! For the Motherland!' I didn't believe what I heard during the Twentieth Party Congress 29 in 1956, when Khrushchev 30 reported facts that we had never known about. I don't think I believe it even today. I cannot believe it, it's hard to believe, you know. When a person has faith in something it's hard to change what he believes in. If I had seen it with my own eyes..., but I only know what I heard. It's hard to change what one believes. I still have an ambiguous attitude to it.

In 1954 our second son, Oleg, was born. When we moved back from Orhei we received a two-bedroom apartment. We bought our first TV set, 'Temp', with a built-in tape recorder and a wireless. I was offered a plot of land to build a house, but neither my wife nor I wanted it. My mother-in-law lived in a one-bedroom apartment. We exchanged her one-bedroom and our two- bedroom apartment for a three-bedroom apartment in Botanica [a district in Kishinev]. My mother-in-law lived with us, helping us about the house and with the children. We hardly observed any Jewish traditions in our family. I entered the extramural Faculty of Industrial and Civil Construction of Moscow Construction College. I defended my diploma in Moscow. By the time of finishing the college I was a construction site superintendent. A construction site included two to three sites. I was in charge of the construction of a few apartment buildings, kindergartens, a shoe factory, a leather factory, a factory in Orhei and a fur factory in Belzi. Occasionally, when walking across town I think: this is mine and this one as well.

After my mother died my father married his former student. I don't even want to bring her name back to my memory. I thought this was an abuse of my mother's memory, and I kept in touch with them just for the sake of my father. Though my father's second wife was a Jew, I don't think they observed any Jewish traditions. I don't think my father went to the synagogue after the war, not even at Yom Kippur, but we lived separately and I cannot say for sure. My father died in 1961. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery, but I cannot find his grave there.

Our family was very close. Our sons got along well. In 1954 Sergei went to the first grade. He studied in a general secondary school. Oleg was seven years younger and Sergei always patronized him. He was in the seventh grade, when Oleg started school. After school Sergei finished the Electrotechnical and Oleg the Construction Faculty of the Polytechnic College. My sons adopted my wife's surname of Berezovskiy. They are Russian and there was no pressure on my wife's side about this. I gave my consent willingly since it was easier to enter a higher educational institution with the surname of Berezovskiy rather than Rozenfain. As for me, I never faced any anti-Semitism at work. Everything was just fine at my workplace. Always!

My wife Lubov was a kind person. She was always kind to people. We lived almost 50 years together and not a single swearword passed her lips. We never had any rows and I believe I had a happy family life. We spent vacations separately. Starting in 1959 I went to recreation centers and sanatoriums and the costs were covered by trade unions at work. My wife also went to recreation centers, but not as often as I did. I traveled to Odessa, Truskavets, Zheleznovodsk. I also went to Kagul, Karalash and Kamenka recreation homes in Moldova. My wife and I went to the cinema together and never missed a new movie. I knew a lot about Soviet movies and knew the creative works of Soviet actors and producers. I liked reading Soviet and foreign classical literature. I had a collection of fiction: I still have over two thousand volumes. I liked Theodore Dreiser [1871-1945, American novelist]: 'The Financier', 'Titan', 'Stoic' and I often reread these novels. I never took any interest in samizdat [literature] 31. Once I read Solzhenitsyn 32, The Gulag Archipelago, but I didn't like it. Now I read detective stories! I like Marinina [Marinina, Alexandra (born 1957): Lvov-born, contemporary Russian detective writer], but I prefer Chaze [Chaze, Lewis Elliott (1915-1990): American writer].

We celebrated all Soviet holidays at home. We went to parades on October Revolution Day 33, and on 1st May, and we had guests at home. We celebrated 8th March [International Women's Day] at work. We gave flowers and gifts to women and had drinking parties. I congratulated my wife at home. Of course, we celebrated birthdays. We invited friends. There were gatherings of about ten of us when we were younger. The older we got, the fewer of us got together. Some died and some moved to other places. I sympathized with those who left the country in the 1970s. In 1948 when newspapers published articles about the establishment of Israel I felt very excited and really proud. I always watched the news about Israel. I admired the victory of Israel in the Six-Day-War 34. It was just incredible that such a small state defeated so many enemies. I considered moving to Israel during the mass departure, but it wasn't very serious. If I had given it more serious thought, I would have left. I had all possibilities, but I didn't move there because I had a Russian wife.

In the 1970s, when I worked at the construction of a factory of leatherette in Kishinev, I went to Leningrad [today St. Petersburg] on business twice a month. The factory was designed by the Leningrad Design Institute. By the way, Chernoswartz, our chief construction engineer, was a Jew. He moved to Israel in the 1990s with his daughter. His wife had died before. He was ten years older than me and I don't think he is still alive. I love Leningrad and always have. Not only for its beautiful architecture, but also for its residents. I think they are particularly noble and intelligent. This horrible siege [see Blockade of Leningrad] 35 that they suffered! They used to say in Leningrad: you are not a real Leningrad resident if you haven't lived through the siege. They are such good people, really! And its theaters! Once I went to the BDT [Bolshoi Drama Theater] 36, where the chief producer was Tovstonogov [Tovstonogov, Georgiy Alexandrovich (1913- 1989): outstanding Soviet artist], a Jew by origin. When I came to the theater there were no tickets left. I was eager to watch this performance; I don't even remember what it was. It didn't take me long to decide to go to see Tovstonogov himself. I explained who I was and where I came from. He gave me a complimentary ticket. I remember this.

I had a friend in Leningrad. His name was Nikolai Yablokov. He was the most handsome man I've ever seen. He was deputy chief of the Leningradstroy [construction department]. I met the Yablokov family in the 1950s when I was working at the factory construction in Orhei. Nikolai's wife worked on our site in Orhei and he joined her. I met him at the trust and we liked each other. We became friends though we didn't see each other often. He was probably my only close friend in many years. He was a good person, I think. I always met with Nikolai when I went to Leningrad. He knew many actors. One night we had dinner at a restaurant on the last day of my business trip and went for a walk to the Nevskiy [Nevskiy Prospekt, main avenue of St. Petersburg]. This was the time of the White Nights when Leningrad is particularly beautiful. I left and one day later I was notified that Nikolai had died. [White Nights normally last from 11th June to 2nd July in St. Petersburg, due to its geographical location (59' 57'' North, roughly on the same latitude as Oslo, Norway, or Seward, Alaska). At such high latitude the sun does not go under the horizon deep enough for the sky to get dark on these days.]

Some time after Nikolai's death I got a job offer from Leningrad. My application letter was signed up and we were to receive an apartment in Pushkino, but my wife and I decided to stay in Kishinev after we discussed this issue. Everything here was familiar: our apartment, the town, the people we knew, and our sons. Sergei worked at the Giprostroy design institute [State Institute of Town Planning] and Oleg worked at the Giproprom design institute [State Institute of Industry Planning]. My sons got married. My daughters-in-law are Russian: Svetlana, my older son's wife, and Tamara, the younger one's wife. In 1969 my first granddaughter, Yelena, was born, the daughter of Sergei and Svetlana. Then Galina and Tatiana were born. I have five granddaughters. Oleg had two more daughters: Yekaterina and Olga. I worked at the factory of leatherette for 43 years: I worked at its construction and then became chief of the department of capital construction and I still work there.

When perestroika 37 began in the 1980s, I took no interest in politics living my own life. I had no expectations about it. I didn't care about whether it was Gorbachev 38 or somebody else in rule. After the break up of the Soviet Union nothing changed. I kept working, but the procedure was changing. We used to receive all design documents within two to three weeks and we didn't have to pay for them, but now it takes about two years to prepare all documents for the design, longer than designing itself. It also costs a lot. One of my acquaintances, a very smart man, who had worked in the Gorstroy, wrote a very detailed report where he described what needed to be done to return to the appropriate system of document preparation. [Editor's note: Gorstroy is the Russian abbreviation for 'gorodskoye stroitelstvo,' literally 'city building/construction,' a municipal organization responsible for construction at the city level.] He was fired within a month. I receive a pension and salary. So, I'm a 'wealthy' man. However, to be honest, my older son supports me a lot. Half of my income comes from him.

My wife died in 1998. After she died, my younger son Oleg, his family and I prepared to move to Israel. We had our documents ready when he died all of a sudden [2000] and we stayed, of course. I sold my apartment and moved in with my daughter-in-law and granddaughters to support them. My granddaughters are in Israel now and are doing well. Yekaterina, the older one, lives near Tel Aviv, she's served in Zahal [Israel Defense Forces]. Olga moved there last summer [2003]; she lives in the south and studies. They are single. Another tragedy struck our family in 2002: Galina, Sergei's second oldest daughter, committed suicide. Yelena, the older daughter, is a doctor. She lives in Rybniza with her husband. She is a gastroenterologist. Tatiana, the younger daughter, is finishing the Polytechnic College. I have my older son left: he is everything I have in life. He is an electric engineer and a very skilled specialist. He has worked in the Giprostroy design institute for over 20 years. When he travels on business I cannot wait till he calls.

Unfortunately, I know little about the Jewish life in Kishinev today. However, I'm deputy chairman of the Council of Veterans of the War of the Jewish Cultural Society. We, veterans, have meetings and discussions in a warm house... We usually sit at a table, and the lady of the 'warm house' receives food products for such parties from Hesed 39. We are close with regards to character and have common interests. I enjoy these meetings. Hesed provides assistance to me like it does to all Jews. I receive food parcels once a month and this is very good for me; this assistance constitutes 20-30 percent of my family budget. Hesed also pays 50 Lei for my medications. I can also have new glasses once a year. I'm very grateful to international Jewish organizations for this.

Glossary

1 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

2 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

3 Annexation of Bessarabia to Romania

During the chaotic days of the Soviet Revolution the national assembly of Moldavians convoked to Kishinev decided on 4th December 1917 the proclamation of an independent Moldavian state. In order to impede autonomous aspirations, Russia occupied the Moldavian capital in January 1918. Upon Moldavia's desperate request, the army of neighboring Romania entered Kishinev in the same month recapturing the city from the Bolsheviks. This was the decisive step toward the union with Romania: the Moldavians accepted the annexation without any preliminary condition.

4 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

5 Revisionist Zionism

The movement founded in 1925 and led by Vladimir Jabotinsky advocated the revision of the principles of Political Zionism developed by Theodor Herzl, the father of Zionism. The main goals of the Revisionists was to put pressure on Great Britain for a Jewish statehood on both banks of the Jordan River, a Jewish majority in Palestine, the reestablishment of the Jewish regiments, and military training for the youth. The Revisionist Zionists formed the core of what became the Herut (Freedom) Party after the Israeli independence. This party subsequently became the central component of the Likud Party, the largest right-wing Israeli party since the 1970s.

6 Betar

Brith Trumpledor (Hebrew) meaning the Trumpledor Society. Right- wing Revisionist Jewish youth movement. It was founded in 1923 in Riga by Vladimir Jabotinsky, in memory of J. Trumpledor, one of the first fighters to be killed in Palestine, and the fortress Betar, which was heroically defended for many months during the Bar Kohba uprising. In Poland the name 'The J. Trumpledor Jewish Youth Association' was also used. Betar was a worldwide organization, but in 1936, of its 52,000 members, 75 % lived in Poland. Its aim was to propagate the program of the revisionists in Poland and prepare young people to fight and live in Palestine. It organized emigration, through both legal and illegal channels. It was a paramilitary organization; its members wore uniforms. From 1936-39 the popularity of Betar diminished. During the war many of its members formed guerrilla groups.

7 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

8 Five percent quota

In tsarist Russia the number of Jews in higher educational institutions could not exceed 5% of the total number of students.

9 Iron Guard

Extreme right wing political organization in Romania between 1930-1941, led by C. Z. Codreanu. The Iron Guard propagated nationalist, Christian-mystical and anti-Semitic views. It was banned for its terrorist activities (e.g. the murder of Romanian prime minister I. Gh. Duca) in 1933. In 1935 it was re-established as a party named 'Everything for the Fatherland', but it was banned again in 1938. It was part of the government in the first period of the Antonescu regime, but it was then banned and dissolved as a result of the unsuccessful coup d'état of January 1941. Its leaders escaped abroad to the Third Reich.

10 Gagauz

A minority group in the territory of Moldavia and the Ukraine, as well as Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and Turkey. It numbers about 200,000 individuals. Their language is Turkic in origin. In the Ukraine their written language is based on the Russian alphabet. They are Christian.

11 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

12 Eminescu, Mihai (1850-1889)

considered the foremost Romanian poet of his century. His poems, lyrical, passionate, and revolutionary, were published in periodicals and had a profound influence on Romanian letters. He worked in a traveling company of actors, and also acquired a broad university education. His poetry reflected the influence of the French romantics. Eminescu suffered from periodic attacks of insanity and died shortly after his final attack.

13 King Carol II (1893-1953)

King of Romania from 1930 to 1940. During his reign he tried to influence the course of Romanian political life, first through the manipulation of the rival Peasants' Party, the National Liberal Party and anti-Semitic factions. In 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system. A contest between the king and the fascist Iron Guard ensued, with assassinations and massacres on both sides. Under Soviet and Hungarian pressure, Carol had to surrender parts of Romania to foreign rule in 1940 (Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR, the Cadrilater to Bulgaria and Northern Transylvania to Hungary). He was abdicated in favor of his son, Michael, and he fled abroad. He died in Portugal.

14 King Michael (b

1921): Son of King Carol II, King of Romania from 1927-1930 under regency and from 1940-1947. When Carol II abdicated in 1940 Michael became king again but he only had a formal role in state affairs during Antonescu's dictatorial regime, which he overthrew in 1944. Michael turned Romania against fascist Germany and concluded an armistice with the Allied Powers. King Michael opposed the "sovietization" of Romania after World War II. When a communist regime was established in Romania in 1947, he was overthrown and exiled, and he was stripped from his Romanian citizenship a year later. Since the collapse of the communist rule in Romania in 1989, he has visited the country several times and his citizenship was restored in 1997.

15 Antonescu, Ion (1882-1946)

Political and military leader of the Romanian state, president of the Ministers' Council from 1940 to 1944. In 1940 he formed a coalition with the Legionary leaders. From 1941 he introduced a dictatorial regime that continued to pursue the depreciation of the Romanian political system started by King Carol II. His strong anti- Semitic beliefs led to the persecution, deportation and killing of many Jews in Romania. He was arrested on 23rd August 1944 and sent into prison in the USSR until he was put on trial in the election year of 1946. He was sentenced to death for his crimes as a war criminal and shot in the same year.

16 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the 'Romanisation campaign'. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

17 Annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union

At the end of June 1940 the Soviet Union demanded Romania to withdraw its troops from Bessarabia and to abandon the territory. Romania withdrew its troops and administration in the same month and between 28th June and 3rd July, the Soviets occupied the region. At the same time Romania was obliged to give up Northern Transylvania to Hungary and Southern-Dobrudja to Bulgaria. These territorial losses influenced Romanian politics during World War II to a great extent.

18 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

19 Subbotnik (Russian for Saturday)

The practice of subbotniks, or 'Communist Saturdays', was introduced in the USSR in the 1920s. It meant unpaid voluntary work after regular working hours on Saturday.

20 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

21 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

22 German colonists/colony

Ancestors of German peasants, who were invited by Empress Catherine II in the 18th century to settle in Russia.

23 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

24 SMERSH

Russian abbreviation for 'Smert Shpionam' meaning Death to Spies. It was a counterintelligence department in the Soviet Union formed during World War II, to secure the rear of the active Red Army, on the front to arrest 'traitors, deserters, spies, and criminal elements'. The full name of the entity was USSR People's Commissariat of Defense Chief Counterintelligence Directorate 'SMERSH'. This name for the counterintelligence division of the Red Army was introduced on 19th April 1943, and worked as a separate entity until 1946. It was headed by Viktor Abakumov. At the same time a SMERSH directorate within the People's Commissariat of the Soviet Navy and a SMERSH department of the NKVD were created. The main opponent of SMERSH in its counterintelligence activity was Abwehr, the German military foreign information and counterintelligence department. SMERSH activities also included 'filtering' the soldiers recovered from captivity and the population of the gained territories. It was also used to punish within the NKVD itself; allowed to investigate, arrest and torture, force to sign fake confessions, put on a show trial, and either send to the camps or shoot people. SMERSH would also often be sent out to find and kill defectors, double agents, etc.; also used to maintain military discipline in the Red Army by means of barrier forces, that were supposed to shoot down the Soviet troops in the cases of retreat. SMERSH was also used to hunt down 'enemies of the people' outside Soviet territory.

25 KGB

The KGB or Committee for State Security was the main Soviet external security and intelligence agency, as well as the main secret police agency from 1954 to 1991.

26 Kotovsky, Grigory Ivanovich (1881-1925)

Russian hero of the Civil War. He worked as an assistant to a manor manager. He was arrested several times over the years and was even sentenced to death, but this was later changed to penal servitude for life. In 1917 he joined the leftist Socialist Revolutionaries. He carried out a heroic campaign from the river Dnestr to Zhitomir in 1918 and took part in the defense of Petrograd in 1919.

27 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

28 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

29 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

30 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

31 Samizdat literature

The secret publication and distribution of government-banned literature in the former Soviet block. Typically, it was typewritten on thin paper (to facilitate the creation of as many carbon copies as possible) and circulated by hand, initially to a group of trusted friends, who then made further typewritten copies and distributed them clandestinely. Material circulated in this way included fiction, poetry, memoirs, historical works, political treatises, petitions, religious tracts, and journals. The penalty for those accused of being involved in samizdat activities varied according to the political climate, from harassment to detention or severe terms of imprisonment. Geza Szocs and Sandor Toth can be mentioned as Hungarian samizdat writers in Romania.

32 Solzhenitsyn, Alexander (1918-)

Russian novelist and publicist. He spent eight years in prisons and labor camps, and three more years in enforced exile. After the publication of a collection of his short stories in 1963, he was denied further official publication of his work, and so he circulated them clandestinely, in samizdat publications, and published them abroad. He was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1970 and was exiled from the Soviet Union in 1974 after publishing his famous book, The Gulag Archipelago, in which he describes Soviet labor camps.

33 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

34 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

35 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

36 Bolshoi Theater

World famous national theater in Moscow, built in 1776. The first Russian and foreign opera and ballet performances were staged in this building.

37 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

38 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

39 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

Israelis Lempertas

ISRAELIS LEMPERTAS
Vilnius
Lietuva

Sutikau Israelį Lempertą Lietuvos žydų bendruomenėje ir jis iškart sutiko duoti interviu. Jis buvo labai užsiėmęs, taigi negalėjo skirti man pakankamai dėmesio. Pasiūliau paimti interviu jo namuose, tačiau jis atsisakė, teigdamas, kad žmona serga, todėl susitarėme susitikti bendruomenės namuose kai tik jis galės. Israelis – neaukštas, sportiško sudėjimo vyras papurusiais žilais plaukais, atrodo rimtas, subtilus ir protingas. Jaučiu, kad pokalbis jam nėra lengvas. Israeliui sunku kalbėti apie savo vaikystę, žuvusius tėvą ir brolį, todėl jis daug nepasakoja apie savo šeimą ir aš nenoriu jo skaudinti papildomais klausimais.

Mano šeimos istorija
Kaip augau
Karo metai
Po karo
Žodynėlis

Mano šeimos istorija

Gimiau Lietuvos pasienio mieste Mažeikiuose, 250 kilometrų į šiaurės vakarus nuo Vilniaus, netoli Latvijos sienos. Mažeikiuose gyveno maždaug 5-7 tūkstančiai žmonių. Žydų buvo apie 700 – 800. Aš beveik nieko nežinau apie savo protėvius. Daug dauguma jaunuolių, jaunystėje visai nesidomėjau praeitimi, turėjau galvoti apie išsilavinimą, darbą ir šeimą. Dabar jau norėčiau sužinoti giminės istoriją, bet nebėra gyvųjų, kurių galėčiau paklausti. Kiek žinau, motinos giminės yra iš Mažeikių. Prisimenu senelį iš motinos pusės Faivušą Levinsoną. Manau, jis gimė 1860-siais. Senelis buvo melamedas chederyje. Nepamenu jo dėvint kipą ar kepurę. Iš nuotraukų sprendžiant, galvos jis niekad nedengė.

Nieko nežinau apie močiutę iš motinos pusės. Ji mirė gerokai prieš man gimstant. Neprisimenu jokių pasakojimų apie ją. Netgi nežinau jos vardo. Prasidėjus Pirmajam Pasauliniam karui, žydai, gyvenantys prie fronto linijos, ypač iš Kauno apskrities, įskaitant šiai apskričiai priklausiusius Mažeikius, buvo išsiųsti į tolimus Rusijos rajonus. Antisemitiškai nusiteikę caro karinės valdžios atstovai galvojo, kad jidiš ir vokiečių kalbų giminingumas, žydų išvaizdos ir gyvenimo būdo skirtumai, lyginant su kitais vietos gyventojais, paskatints žydus užsiimti šnipinėjimu. Daug žydų šeimų iš Baltijos šalių buvo ištremti. Mano mamos šeimą ištrėmė į Berdianską, šiltą Ukrainos miestą Azovo jūros pakrantėje (1000 kilometrų į pietus nuo Kijevo). Lietuvai atgavus nepriklausomybę 1, beveik visi žydai grįžo į tėvynę. Grįžo ir Faivušo Levinsono šeima. Nežinau, ar močiutė tada buvo gyva. Kiek prisimenu, senelis Faivušas gyveno vienos iš mano tetų namuose. Jis mirė 1933 metais ir palaidotas Mažeikių žydų kapinėse laikantis žydiško ritualo. Jo laidotuvėse nedalyvavau. Žydams nebuvo įprasta vestis vaikus į giminaičių laidotuves.

Faivušas turėjo daug vaikų. Mano mamos broliai išvyko į Ameriką 1920-jų pradžioje. Žinau tik jų vardus – Luji ir Beniamin ir kad jie buvo vedę ir turėjo vaikų. Nežinau jų likimo. Dar buvo penkios dukterys, įskaitant mano mamą, gimusią 1897 metais. Vyriausia sesuo, keliais metais vyresnė už mano mamą, turėjo dvigubą vardą – Roza ir Šifra. Šeimoje ją vadino Šifra. Jos vyras Aba Mets neturėjo nuolatinio darbo ir užsiiminėjo atsitiktiniais darbais. Šifra ir Aba turėjo du sūnus – Rafaelį, keturiais metais vyresnį už mane, ir mano bendraamžį Nachmaną. Prasidėjus Didžiajam Tėvynės karui 2 mes pabėgome su tetos Šifros šeima. Jos vyras Aba iš pradžių buvo darbo fronte 3. Jis dirbo karinėje gamykloje Sibire. Paskui jį pašaukė į kariuomenę ir jis tarnavo 1943 metais suformuotoje Šešioliktoje lietuviškoje divizijoje [batalionas vadinamas lietuvišku, nes buvo suformuotas daugiausiai iš buvusių Lietuvos piliečių, kurie buvo savanoriai, evakuotieji ar tarnavo darbo fronte]. Aba neilgai trukus žuvo mūšyje 1943 metais. Tuo metu jis jau nebuvo jaunuolis. Šifra su berniukais grįžo į Lietuvą ir įsikūrė Vilniuje. Maždaug po 20 metų ji ir jos vaikai išvyko į Izraelį. Šifra nugyveno ilgą gyvenimą ir mirė 1990-jų pradžioje. Jos sūnūs sėkmingai tebegyvena Izraelyje.

Dvi mamos seserys gyveno Tarybų Sąjungoje. Lija, vyresnė už mano mamą metais ar dviem, išvyko į Baku, Azerbaidžaną, kur gyveno jos vyras. Nežinau, kaip jie susipažino. Jie karštai mylėjo vienas kitą. Lijos vyras buvo rusas ir tai buvo viena iš priežasčių, kodėl ji išvažiavo iš Lietuvos. Tuo metu skirtingų tautybių žmonių vedybos nebuvo priimtinos. Ištekėjusi Lija tapo Zimnikova. Ji buvo namų šeimininkė, o jos vyras, kurio vardo neprisimenu, užėmė įvairias pareigas Azerbaidžano vyriausybėje. Jie turėjo vienintelę dukrą Viktoriją. Persikėlusi į SSSR, Lija liovėsi susirašinėjusi su giminėmis Lietuvoje, nes tai buvo laikoma pavojinga ir SSSR persekiojama veikla [palaikyti ryšius su giminėmis užsienyje] 4. Tuo labiau, kad Lijos vyras priklausė vyriausybei. Neprisimenu, kur Lija ir jos dukra Viktorija buvo per Antrąjį Pasaulinį karą. Po karo Viktorija ištekėjo už mano draugo ir jie persikėlė į Vilnių. Kai Lija ir jos vyras paseno, jie persikėlė pas dukrą Viktoriją į Vilnių ir gyveno čia iki mirties. Teta Lija mirė 1970-jų pabaigoje.

Prieš išvažiuojant į Rusiją, mano mamos antroji sesuo Anna (taip ją vadino sovietiniais laikais, o jos tikrasis žydiškas vardas nežinomas), jaunesnė už ją 2 metais, dirbo kvalifikuota aukle Mažeikių žydų vaikų darželyje. 1920-jų pradžioje Anna slapta pabėgo iš Maskvos, SSSR, kartu su savo žydu vyru Kabo. Iki Lietuvos aneksijos prie SSSR 1940 metais 5, mama nepalaikė jokių ryšių su seserimis. Vėliau ji pradėjo su jomis susirašinėti. 1941 metų rudenį, kai fašistinė kariuomenė artėjo prie Maskvos, Anna ir jos dukra Riva nusprendė evakuotis ir atvykti pas mus į Kirovo sritį. Po karo Anna ir Riva grįžo į Maskvą. Anna mirė 1980-siais, o Riva dabar gyvena Maskvoje.

Mamos jauniausios sesers, gimusios 1910 metais, likimas yra tragiškas. Rachilė ištekėjo už išlepusio dykaduonio Rygos žydo Jakobo Rier. Prasidėjus Antrajam Pasauliniam karui, Rachilės dukrai Rozai buvo treji. Rachilė ir Jakobas su dukra antrąją karo dieną atvyko į Mažeikius. Kai mūsų šeima atsidūrė Rygoje, Jakobas labai norėjo su savo šeima nuvažiuoti pas giminaičius Salaspilyje, „pailsėti“, jo žodžiais tariant. Mes jau ruošėmės išvažiuoti, tačiau Rachilės šeima liko okupacijoje. Pagal archyvinius dokumentus, kuriuos suradau po karo, Rachilės šeima žuvo vienoje iš baisiausių Salaspilio naikinimo stovyklų. 6.

Mano mama Liuba Levinson buvo mokoma namuose. Neprisimenu, kad ji sakytų ėjusi į gimnaziją. Senelis Faivušas mokė vaikus pats. Jidiš buvo mamos gimtoji kalba. Gimusi ir paauglystę praleidusi carinėje Rusijoje, ji gerai mokėjo kalbėti ir rašyti rusiškai. Lietuviškai ji kalbėjo su stipriu akcentu, kaip ir dauguma žydų. Kaip daugelis žydžių moterų, mama jaunystėje nedirbo. Ji gyveno tėvų namuose ir padėjo močiutei namų ruošoje. Nežinau, kaip mano tėvai susitiko. Gal tai buvo iš anksto sutartos žydiškos vedybos. Jie susituokė 1920-jų pradžioje.

Nedaug ką žinau apie savo tėvo šeimą. Prisimenu, kad senelis Davidas Lempertas gyveno Latvijoje, Daugpilio mieste, bet nežinau ar ten jis ir gimė. Tėvo žodžiais, Davidas gimė XIX amžiaus viduryje. Tėvas pasakojo, kad senelis Davidas turėjo medienos verslą ir buvo gana pasiturintis. Sprendžiant pagal namuose kabėjusį Davido portretą su barzda ir kipa ant galvos, iš gąsdinančių tėvo pasakojimų, galiu pasakyti, kad senelis buvo religingas žydas. Per Pirmąjį Pasaulinį karą tėvo šeima taip pat buvo ištremta. Tėvo žodžiais, senelis atsisakė gyventi Charkove (Ukraina, 440 kilometrų nuo Kijevo), kur jis dirbo keliose Sovietų Armijos kontorose. Karui pasibaigus, šeima grįžo į Lietuvą. Negaliu pasakyti, kada senelis Davidas mirė. Manau, tai įvyko dar prieš šeimai sugrįžtant prie Baltijos. Senelė iš motinos pusės, maža liesa moteriškė visad uždengta galva, gyveno su mumis. Neprisimenu netgi jos vardo. Ji buvo silpnos sveikatos ir daugiausiai gulėjo lovoje savo kambaryje. Mes ją vadinome tiesiog močiute. Pamenu, kaip ji uždegdavo žvakes Šabo išvakarėse. Ji skaitydavo savo storą apdrįskusią maldaknygę, kol dar galėjo matyti. Kai buvau penkerių, t.y. 1930 metais, močiutė mirė. Ją palaidojo pagal žydiškas tradicijas Mažeikių žydų kapinėse. Nieko nežinau apie tėvo brolius ar seseris. Manau, jis buvo vienintelis sūnus. Aš bent jau neprisimenu jokių kalbų apie brolius ar seseris.

Mano tėvas Itšokas Lempertas gimė 1887 metais. Nežinau jo gimimo vietos. Tėvas buvo labai išsilavinęs žmogus. Jis baigė gimnaziją ir, greičiausiai, dar kažkokią mokymo įstaigą. Be gimtosios jidiš kalbos, laisvai kalbėjo rusiškai. Nežinau, kaip gerai jis kalbėjo lietuviškai, bet tikrai geriau nei mama. Tėvą atleido nuo tarnavimo carinėje armijoje dėl myopia alta – aukštos trumparegystės. Mažeikiuose tėvas buvo labai gerbiamas. Jis dirbo vyriausiu buhalteriu Mažeikių žydų banke, buvo labai patyręs apskaitininkas ir netgi turėjo studentų. Jie ateidavo pas tėvą į manus ir jis duodavo jiems privačias sąskaitybos pamokas. Be buhalterijos ir mokymo, tėvas dar dalyvavo visuomeninėje veikloje.

Tėvai susituokė Mažeikiuose. Nežinau, ar vestuvės buvo žydiškos, nes jie abu, ypač tėvas, nebuvo religingi. Galbūt jie laikėsi tradicijų ir tuokėsi po chupa tiesiog iš pagarbos giminaičiams. 1923 metais gimė mano vyresnysis brolis. Jis gavo dvigubą Mikhl-Duvid vardą. Jį pavadino Duvidu senelio garbei, bet nežinau antrojo, Mikhl, vardo priežasties. Namuose brolį vadinome Duvidu. Aš gimiau 1925 metų lapkričio 17 dieną. Mane pavadino Israeliu vieno iš mano prosenelių, nežinau, iš tėvo ar motinos pusės, garbei. Mano tėvo ir senelio pavardė buvo Lempert. Gimiau nepriklausomoje Lietuvoje, taigi gimimo liudijime buvo įrašytas lietuviškas mano žydiško vardo variantas, būtent Lempertas [vardų sulietuvinimas] 7. Aš vis dar nešioju šią pavardę.

Kaip augau

Mūsų šeima neturėjo jokios nuosavybės ir tėvai visada nuomavosi būstą. Nieko ypatingo neprisimenu. Dažniausiai tai būdavo 3 kambarių butas su virtuve, be patogumų (tualetas buvo lauke). Tėvas buvo užsiėmęs darbe ir visuomeninėje veikloje ir negalėjo daug laiko praleisti su vaikais. Daugiausiai mumis rūpinosi mama. Namų atmosfera ir svečių pokalbiai, dažniausiai jidiš kalba, darė įtaką mūsų ugdymuisi. Mama buvo namų šeimininkė, tačiau ji tik prižiūrėjo namus, o ruošos darbus atlikdavo kiti. Mes visada turėjome tarnaitę – tylią ir darbščią lietuvę. Pagal mamos nurodymus ji gamino maistą, tvarkė namus ir skalbė. Tėvai nebuvo religingi. Jie bandė laikytis žydiškų tradicijų kol su mumis gyvenusi močiutė ir senelis Faivušas buvo gyvi. Bent jau, gaminant maistą, buvo laikomasi pagrindinių kašruto taisyklių. Namuose buvo atskiri indai pienui ir mėsai – nuo porceliano servizo iki puodų, keptuvių ir pjaustymo lentų. Mėsą pirkdavo specialioje žydų parduotuvėje, prekiavusioje tiktai košerine mėsa. Vienas butas, kuriame gyvenome ilgą laiką, priklausė košerinės parduotuvės savininkams. Buvo trys parduotuvės savininkai – du broliai Glikai ir jų našlė sesuo Mendelevič. Naminius paukščius pirkdavome parduotuvėje ir nešdavome pas skerdiką. Ankstyvoje vaikystėje mama mane vesdavosi pas skerdiką. Prisimenu jo mažą namelį ir pašiūrę kieme. Visada stovėdavo žydžių moterų eilė su kudakuojančiais paukščiais. Kol močiutė buvo gyva, namuose nebūdavo kiaulienos. Pentadieniais ji arba mama uždegdavo Šabo žvakes. Tik tiek ir buvo, jokių kitų pasiruošimų Šabui – neruošdavo skanėstų, nekepdavo chalų. Lyginant su kitais žydais, tokių dalykų mūsų namuose nebuvo. Šabo dieną tėvas nedirbdavo. Žydų bankas, kaip ir žydų mokyklos, šeštadieniais buvo uždarytas. Tėvas iki vėlumas skaitydavo ir rašydavo prie rašomojo stalo ir, manau, pažeisdavo Šabo tradicijas.

Mes neminėjome žydiškų švenčių. Senelis Faivušas ateidavo pas mus ir atlikdavo Pesacho sederį. Senelis sėsdavo stalo gale, apsirengęs šventiniais drabužiais, su kipa. Gabaliukas macos – afikoman‘ būdavo slepiamas po jo pagalve. Man reikėdavo jo ieškoti. Paprastai Duvidas užduodavo seneliui keturis tradicinius klausimus apie šventės kilmę. [Redaktoriaus pastaba: Paprastai klausimus užduoda jauniausias sūnus, taigi, pagal tradiciją, taip daryti turėjo Israelis.] Taip pat prisimenu Chanuką. Bulves tešloje dažniausiai kepdavo mūsų namuose.Vaikai dažniausiai žaisdavo su sukučiu. Senelis Faivušas duodavo mums Chanukos pinigų. Neprisimenu kaip švęsdavome kitas šventes. Seneliui Faivušui mirus, liovėmės švęsti netgi šias šventes. Ne todėl, kad tingėjome, bet dėl mano tėvo ateistinių principų. Būtent dėl to nei aš, nei mano brolis Duvidas nepraėjome bar-micvos.

Nei tėvas, nei motina nevaikščiojo į sinagogą. Didelė dviaukštė sinagoga buvo netoli mūsų buto. Rabinas Mamjoffe buvo labai gerbiamas žmogus. Jis gerai sutarė su mano tėvu ir lankydavo pas mus. Tėvas ir rabinas ilgai šnekėdavosi prie arbatos puodelio. Manau, tai buvo teologiniai ir filosofiniais pokalbiai. Mamjoffe pavardė buvo parašyta mano gimimo liudijime ir aš gerai prisimenu jo įmantrų parašą. Rabinas Mamjoffe buvo žiauriai Hitlerio kareivių nužudytas pirmosiomis okupacijos dienomis. Po karo, dirbdamas su istoriniais archyvais, aš dar kartą aptikau jo parašą ir vaikystės prisiminimai mane sukrėtė. Žinojau daug žmonių, kurie buvo nužudyti – gimnazijos bendraklasiai ir tėvų draugai. Tačiau tai buvo atsitiktinės pažintys ir manęs taip giliai nesujaudino. Išlikęs Mamjoffe parašas sujaudino mane iki širdies gelmių. Kai prisimenu šį žmogų, pradedu ašaroti.

Be sinagogos, buvo ir daugiau žydiškų institucijų. Netoli sinagogos buvo mikva, bet mūsų šeima ten nėjo. Buvo labdaros organizacijos, tokios kaip žydų vaikų darželis, valgykla skurstantiems. Mūsų šeima priklausė vidurinei klasei, nebuvome turtuoliai. Knygos ir laikraščiai, kuriuos tėvas prenumeravo, mūsų namuose buvo svarbiausi. Nuo pat vaikystės juos skaitydavome. 1930-siais turėjome radiją. Tais laikais jis buvo retas ir brangus dalykas. Mano broliui ir man padovanojo dviratį. Nedaug žydų vaikų turėjo dviračius ir tai buvo savotiška prabanga. Vasarą važiuodavome į vasarnamį, kurį tėvai nuomavo mažame Lietuvos kaimelyje. Mama mus vesdavosi pasivaikščioti miške, bet mes su broliu ilgėjomės namų ir draugų. Kaimelyje mes nuobodžiavome. Šeimos pragyvenimo pajamos buvo gana kuklios. Dauguma žydų buvo gerokai neturtingesni. Tarp žydų buvo ir daug turtingų žmonių. Dažniausiai tai buvo verslininkai, parduotuvių savininkai, žydų gydytojai ir teisininkai. Neprisimenu jų vardų. Žinau tiek, kad parduotuvės miesto centre priklausė daugiausiai žydams.

Vienas iš vietinių žydų, Tulia, turėjo namą. Pirmasis mūsų nuomotas butas buvo jo name. Tulia turėjo didelį kiaušinių sandėlį. Jis užsiiminėjo didmenine kiaušinių prekyba ir net eksportavo juos į Angliją. Nepatekau į gimnaziją per vieną iš jo dukterų. Mano vyresnis brolis Duvidas lankė hebrajų gimnaziją. Palaipsniui mokinių skaičius buvo sumažintas ir ji sunyko. Brolis tos gimnazijos nebaigė ir vėliau mokėsi darbo organizacijos amatų mokykloje Kaune. Mažeikiuose buvo žydų pradžios mokykla. Prasimokiau joje keletą mėnesių ir susirgau. Mane mokė tėvas, o gimnazijos egzaminams ruošė ateinantis korepetitorius. Įstojau į lietuviškos pradžios mokyklos trečią klasę. Pabaigęs, laikiau stojamuosius egzaminus į valstybinę lietuvišką gimnaziją. Vienas iš stojamųjų egzaminų buvo Biblijos išmanymas. Aš beveik susikirtau, vos gavau patenkinamą pažymį. Mokytoja, egzaminavusi iš Biblijos, buvo rabino Mamjoffe dukra. Neradusi manęs priimtų mokinių sąraše, Mamjoffe dukra atbėgo pas mano mamą atgailaudama ir kaltindama save. Ji galvojo, kad manęs nepriėmė todėl, kad ji parašė man blogą pažymį. Dvi Tulia dukros buvo priimtųjų į gimnaziją sąraše. Jų žinios nebuvo puikios ir jos taip pat gavo patenkinamus pažymius per stojamuosius egzaminus. Tulia tiesiog papirko gimnazijos direktorių, organizuodamas vakarėlius jo garbei. Mokiausi lietuviškos pradžios mokyklos 4-je klasėje ir po metų sugebėjau įstoti į antrą gimnazijos klasę. Taip aš atsidūriau vienoje klasėje su Tulia dukromis. Jos buvo geros mergaitės. Susidraugavome ir aš padėdavau joms ruošti namų darbus. Apskritai, dauguma bendraklasių, žydų, buvo mano draugai. Prisimenu Borią Mendelevičių, mėsinės savininko sūnų, Jakobą Gusevą, Meiškę Mitskievičių. Visi jie žuvo per okupaciją.

Iki 1938 metų klasėje buvo lietuvių mokinių. Mes su jais sutarėme. Bendrai paėmus, Lietuvoje buvo labai nedaug antisemitų. Manau, Lietuva buvo šalis, kur antisemitizmas menkai pasireiškė, lyginant su kitomis šalimis, ypač 1930-jų viduryje. Iki 1924 metų žydams Lietuvoje buvo „aukso amžius“. Žydai niekaip nebuvo spaudžiami. Parlamente buvo žydų 8, kai 1926 metais Lietuvoje įvyko perversmas 9 ir į valdžią atėjo tautininkai – tai buvo demokratijos pabaiga. Komunistų partiją, kurios 60% narių buvo žydai, uždraudė. Žydus išvarė iš parlamento ir iš aukščiausių valstybės postų. Bet tai dar ne viskas. Diktatorius Smetona 10 atėjo į valdžią ir manė, kad vadovais turi būti lietuviai, o visi kiti turi tylėti ir padėti lietuviams kurti laimingą valstybę. Tačiau Smetona su žydais elgėsi gana gerai ir mes praktiškai nejutome jokio antisemitizmo. Aišku, kasdieniniame gyvenime antisemitizmas pasireikšdavo įvairiais būdais. Prisimenu, kaip kartą lietuviai berniukai pradžios mokykloje bandė užtepti kiaulės taukų ant žydų berniukų lūpų. Bet tai buvo vaikiška nepiktybiška išdaiga. Vaikai tikriausiai nesuprato, ką daro. Susidūriau su tikru antisemitizmu 1930-jų pabaigoje. Tuo metu neturėjau jokių konkrečių politinių interesų. Klausydavausi tėvo ir jo draugų pokalbių ir vėliau supratau, kad tėvas nepriklausė jokiai partijai – nei komunistams, nei kitai. Jis turėjo savo pažiūras, „kairiąsias“ pažiūras. Mieste buvo sionistų organizacijos, įskaitant Betar 11 ir Makabi 12. Nesigilinau į politiką. Įstojau į „Makabi“, kur žaidžiau stalo tenisą ir susitikdavau su bendraamžiais.

1938 – 1939 metais Lietuvoje pasijautė organizuota pro-nacistinė viešoji nuomonė. Dailės mokytojas, lietuvis, propagavo fašizmą jaunimo tarpe. Nežinau, kas taip darė, bet kiekvieną rytą gimnazijos vestibiulyje atsirasdavo antisemitiniai plakatai, būtent, žydas su kumpa nosimi, peisais, susikuitęs, netvarkingais drabužiais, kuprotas. Plakatus nuimdavo, bet kitą rytą jie vėl atsirasdavo. Tikrai žinau, kad du šios grupelės vaikinai šaudė žydus, tame tarpe ir savo klasės draugus, 1941 metais, vienos Hitlerio akcijos metu. Mūsų klasėje buvo labai graži mergaitė, žydų banko direktoriaus Kock Glikmano duktė. Daug vaikinų buvo ją įsižiūrėję, įskaitant vieną iš tų vaikinų. Ji nenorėjo su juo susitikinėti ir jis pats nušovė ją per vieną akciją 1941 metais. Daug žmonių, bent jau mano šeima, suprato, kad fašizmas atneš didžiulę nelaimę mūsų šaliai ir daugelis žmonių žvalgėsi į SSSR. Nesu tikras, kad mano tėvas žinojo apie politinius procesus ir represijas, Stalino vykdomas SSSR [Didysis teroras] 13. Jis niekad su manim apie tai nekalbėjo.

Karo metai

Kai sovietų kareiviai įžengė į mūsų miestą 1940 metų birželį, daug žmonių juos sveikino, tikėdamiesi geresnio gyvenimo. [Redaktoriaus pastaba: iš tikrųjų, tik nedaugelis sveikino okupacinę Raudonąją armiją Lietuvoje. Daugiau kaip 50 metų sovietinė propaganda vadino Baltijos valstybių okupaciją „išlaisvinimu“, kaip ir jaučiasi šiame epizode.] Buvo traukinys su sovietų kariškiais ir keletas tankų. Prisimenu, kad aš su kitais berniukais nubėgome tenai, apstojome kareivius ir bandėme su jais kalbėtis rusiškai, nors nedaug ką mokėjome. Daug vaikinų gyrėsi piločių žvaigždėmis, kurias jiems davė kareiviai. Iš pradžių visi buvome euforijoje. Pirmą dieną centrinėje aikštėje įvyko mitingas. Mano tėvas pasakė kalbą. Jis pasveikino sovietų kareivius savo gimtaja jidiš kalba. Pirmą kartą per daug metų Mažeikiuose iš tribūnos skambėjo jidiš. Po to mitingai vyko beveik kiekvieną savaitę ir beveik visas miestas rinkdavosi paklausyti kalbėtojų. Euforiją keitė nusivylimas. Daugelis produktų dingo nuo prekystalių. Liko tik vienos rūšies prastos kokybės duona. Nebuvo pramoninių prekių, įskaitant muilą ir servetėles. Prasidėjo nacionalizacija. Bankas, kuriame dirbo tėvas, buvo nacionalizuotas, bet tėvas ir toliau jame dirbo. Žmonės, kurie turėjo kokią nors nuosavybę ar samdė darbininkus, buvo areštuojami ir tremiami į Sibirą [deportacijos iš Baltijos šalių] 14. Tulia ir jo šeima buvo ištremti ir daug kitų. Tulia mirė Sibiro stovykloje. Jo žmona mirė tremtyje, tačiau dukros sugebėjo grįžti atgal į gimtąjį miestą 1970-jų viduryje, jau suaugusios. Jos ilgai neužtruko Lietuvoje ir išvyko į Izraelį.

Mūsų gimnazija buvo pervadinta vidurine mokykla ir 7-ta gimnazijos klasė tapo 9-ta mokyklos klase. Visi kiti dalykai liko tokie patys. Įstojau į komjaunimo organizaciją 15. Buvau gana aktyvus – vedžiau susirinkimus, kviečiau žmones palaikyti sovietų režimą, piešiau plakatus. Vieni sovietų valdžios metais prabėgo labai greitai. 1941 metų birželio 21 dieną mokykloje buvo išleistuvių šventė. Grįžau namo vėlai ir ilgai neguliau. Anksti ryte išgirdome lėktuvų gaudesį. Miestą pradėjo bombarduoti. Prasidėjo Didysis Tėvynės karas. Žmonės paniškai bandė bėgti, palikdami namus. Kai kurie žydai galvojo, kad vokiečiai nieko blogo jiems nedarys ir nusprendė pasilikti. Mūsų šeima nesirinko – pasilikti ar nepasilikti. Sekmadienio, birželio 22 dienos vakare mes pėsčiomis išėjome iš miesto. Mūsų buvo keturi – tetos Šifros ir mamos jaunesnės sesers Rachilės šeimos. Žmonės bėgo. Kelyje buvo minios pabėgėlių su lagaminais, kuprinėmis ir ryšuliais. Kelią bombardavo ir aš pirmą kartą pamačiau mirtį. Ne visi žmonės pakildavo bombardavimui pasibaigus. Atsitraukiantys sovietų armijos būriai ėjo su mumis. Ėjome keletą dienų, kol pasiekėme Latvijos sieną ir porą dienų stovėjome kažkokioje geležinkelio stotyje Latvijoje laukdami traukinio. Trūko maisto. Nepasiėmėme daug išeidami ir greitai maistą pabaigėme. Tėvas ir dėdė Aba Metz keitė mūsų daiktus į produktus ir šeima sugebėjo išsiversti keletą dienų. Tada sugebėjome įsėsti į traukinį, važiuojantį į Rygą. Atvykusius, mus apgyvendino mokykloje, kurioje buvo organizuotas evakuacinis punktas. Miegojome didelėje salėje ant grindų. Dieną evakuotieji gaudavo sriubos arba košės su duona. Švelniai tariant, situacija buvo neįprasta. Iki 1940 metų mes gyvenome buržuazinėje Lietuvoje ir buvome pripratę prie santykinio komforto. Nusprendėme laikytis kartu, nes buvo lengviau įveikti vargus su giminės pagalba, kuri buvo tikrai vertinga tomis aplinkybėmis. Po dienos ar dviejų, Jakobas Rier, tetos Rachilės vyras, užsispyrė, kad mes sustotume Sauspilse ir pailsėtume pas jo giminaičius ir palauktume, kol šis sąmyšis baigsis. Jis nebuvo pratęs prie sunkumų, o teta Rachilė vyrui nusileisdavo. Atsisveikinome su ja ir mažąja Rozočka. Tuo metu nežinojome, kad jau niekad jų nepamatysime.

Pajudėjome toliau maždaug po dešimties dienų. Sėdome į traukinį, kuris buvo skirtas evakuoti kažkokią gamyklą. Keletas tuščių platformų būdavo prikabinamos prie traukinių, kad pabėgėliai galėtų įsitaisyti. Labai trūko vietos. Traukinys pajudėjo. Išbuvome kelyje ne mažiau kaip tris savaites. Prieš įlipant į traukinį, tėvas gavo truputį [maisto] produktų mainais už daiktus. Evakuaciniame punkte mums išdalino sausą davinį – džiūvėsius. Pradžioje alkio nejautėme. Produktams pasibaigus, ėmėme badauti. Traukiniui sustojus, tėvas ir vyresnis brolis išlipdavo ieškoti maisto. Kartais gaudavome maisto iš vietinių žmonių mainydamiesi, o kartais jie sugebėdavo gauti puodą sriubos, kurią dalindavo evakuotiesiems stotyse. Kelią nuolat bombarduodavo ir traukinys dažnai stodavo. Tada evakuotieji išsibėgiodavo skirtingomis kryptimis slėpdamiesi natūraliose priedangose. Mačiau daug mirčių, tačiau prie to neįmanoma priprasti.

Atvykome į Kirovo miestą [850 kilometrų į rytus nuo Maskvos]. Iš pradžių įsikūrėme evakuaciniame punkte. Jame mus laikė keletą dienų. Atėjo taip vadinami „pirkėjai“ – kolūkio 16 pirmininkas ir statybų meistrai. Kaip taisyklė, jie rinkosi jaunus žmones. Po kurio laiko mes ir tetos Šifros šeima buvome pasiųsti į vieną Kirovo srities kolūkį. Mane iš pradžių paskyrė prie žemės ūkio darbų, vėliau tapau dailide. Tėvas nusilpo dėl ligos ir bado ir mirė 1941 metų pabaigoje. Tuo metu iš Maskvos atvyko teta Anna ir Rina. Ji taip pat pradėjo dirbti kolūkyje. Visi gyvenome viename kambaryje vietinio kolūkiečio name. Jie su mumis elgėsi tikrai gerai, bet maisto katastrofiškai trūko, nors aš gaudavau darbadienius 17 ir maisto davinį, mama gaudavo menką išlaikytinio maisto davinį. Nepaisant karo, svajojau apie mokslą. Vis dar galvijau stoti į institutą. Kai Maskvos Mokytojų rengimo institutas buvo evakuotas į Kirovą, mane įtraukė į fizikos ir matematikos fakulteto pirmakursių sąrašą. Tai nebuvo visiškai tai, apie ką svajojau – tapti istoriku arba filosofu, bet pasirinkimo neturėjau. Gyvenau instituto bendrabutyje Kirove. Mama tikrai kentėjo tėvui mirus. Ji dažnai nesveikuodavo. Sugebėjau susitarti, kad mama gautų kambarį mano bendrabutyje. Ją pasamdė dirbti valytoja ir suteikė kambarį. Ji taip pat budėjo bendrabutyje. Mano studentiškas gyvenimas bėgo greitai. Studijuoti man buvo lengva ir aš gerai mokiausi. Gyvenome šaltame bendrabutyje kaip viena šeima ir dalinomės viskuo, ką turėjome. Kiekvieną dieną, užgniaužę kvapą, klausydavomės žinių apžvalgos iš fronto. Su manimi mokėsi įvairių tautybių jaunuoliai, bet mūsų draugystę sustiprino bendra nelaimė. Vaidų nebuvo. Mokiausi tik pusantrų metų. 1943 metų pradžioje mano brolis ir aš buvome pašaukti į frontą. Brolis visą laiką dirbo vienoje karinėje gamykloje ir daug kartų ėjo į karinio šaukimo skyrių, bet pašauktas nebuvo, ir štai atėjo laikas.

Mus pasiuntė į naujai suformuotą Šešioliktąją lietuviškąją diviziją 18, stovinčią Balakhnos mieste, Nižnij Novgorode. Mama pasiliko Kirove ir mes susitarėme, kad ji visą laiką pasiliks institute, kad mums būtų lengviau ją surasti po karo. Tuo metu situacija fronte ženkliai pasikeitė – po fašistų sutriuškinimo prie Stalingrado [Stalingrado mūšis] 19, niekas neabejojo dėl Sovietų armijos pergalės. Mano brolis ir aš atsidūrėme skirtingose vietose. Aš praleidau porą mėnesių mokymuose ir netrukus buvau išsiųstas į frontą. Deja, brolis ilgai fronte neišbuvo. Jis žuvo mūšyje netrukus po pašaukimo į priešakines linijas.

1943 metų vasarą atsidūriau mūšio lauke. Buvau pėstininkų eilinis. Tai sunkiausia ir pavojingiausia karinė profesija. Mes visada pirmieji susidurdavome su priešu akis į akį. Mūsų divizija priklausė Pirmajam Pabaltijo frontui 20. Greitai judėjome Rusijos, paskui Ukrainos teritorija ir tolyn į Vakarus. Armijoje mus gerai maitino. Pirmą kartą per visus karo metus aš buvau sotus. Aišku, gyvenimo sąlygos buvo apgailėtinos. Miegojome blindažuose. Kartais įsikurdavome namuose išlaisvintuose kaimuose, taigi galėjome išsimiegoti šilumoje ir išsimaudyti pirtyje. Tačiau taip būdavo retai. Nebuvau bailys, pirmas puldavau į ataką. Prieš vieną iš didžiausių mūšių įstojau į Komunistų partiją. Padariau tai sąmoningai ir apgalvotai. Fronte visi norintys būdavo priimami į partiją be biurokratinių formalumų. Taigi, mane priėmė į Sovietų Sąjungos Komunistų partiją. Prisimenu, kad dažnai kildavome į ataką su Stalino vardu lūpose ir darėme tai savo noru. Buvome įsitikinę, kad šis žmogus mus drąsina ir įkvepia pergalei. Taip mes buvome auklėti. Pačio sunkiausio mūšio metu atsidūriau priešakyje. Įšokau į priešo apkasus ir nušoviau ten buvusius fašistus. Kaip vėliau pasirodė, mano žygdarbis lemiamas išvaduojant kaimą, kurį atakavome. Dabar neprisimenu jo pavadinimo, jis buvo ant Rusijos ir Baltarusijos sienos. Po mūšio vadas įtraukė mane į apdovanojimų sąrašą. Keistai pasijaučiau. Buvau kuklus ir nemaniau, kad elgiuosi išskirtinai. Atėjo nutarimas apdovanoti mane Šlovės ordinu 21. Greitai mane išrinko būrio komjaunimo vadovu, tapau politruko padėjėju 22. Turėjau sekti suvestines iš frontų ir vertinti politinę situaciją. Beje, laikraščiai buvo pristatomi kiekvieną dieną, taip pat vyko politiniai užsiėmimai su kareiviais, kai nebuvo mūšių. Karas ėjo į pabaigą, frontas artėjo prie SSSR vakarinės sienos.

1944 metų vasarą mano tėvynė Lietuva buvo išlaisvinta. Visada susirašinėjau su motina. Kaip ir sutarėm, ji liko dirbti Mokytojų rengimo instituto bendrabutyje. Kartu su institutu ją evakavo į Maskvą. Mama prašė manęs saugotis, nelįsti po kulkomis, bet aš niekad nebuvau bailys. Gali pasirodyti keista, bet man fronte sunkiausia buvo be patogumų, be galimybės nusiprausti veidą, išsimaudyti, pasikeisti drabužius, o ne dėl fašistų kulkų ar dėl baimės žūti bet kurią minutę. Pelkės, purvas, uodai ir miego trūkumas labiausiai slėgė mane. Mano charakteris netiko karinei tarnybai, nors, būdamas drąsus kareivis, aš gerai kovojau. 1944 metų pabaigoje į mūsų pulką atėjo kvietimas į karininkų kursus. Buvo pasiūlyta mano kandidatūra. Nenorėjau būti karjeros kareiviu, nemėgau karinės tarnybos. Norėjau tęsti mokslus institute. Supratau, kad karas baigiasi ir vargu ar aš būsiu demobilizuotas su karininko laipsniu. Tačiau aš sutikau, net nežinau, kodėl. Tikriausiai todėl, kad buvau labai atsakingas. Išvykau į trijų mėnesių kursus. Tai buvo Pirmojo Pabaltijo fronto karininkų kursai. Jie prasidėjo kaip tik po Lietuvos išlaisvinimo. Mes įsikūrėme Rygoje. Karas ėjo į pabaigą ir kursus nuolatos prailgindavo, stengiantis išsaugoti kaip galima daugiau karininkų. Kai frontas perėjo į Rytų Prūsiją, mus išsiuntė į anksčiau Vokietijai priklausiusią Kaliningrado sritį 23, kurią išlaisvino sovietinė kariuomenė. Čia ir sutikome pergalę. Visi buvome susijaudinę. Buvome tokie laimingi, kad karas baigėsi ir atėjo laikas galvoti apie ateitį.

Po karo

Mes jau gavome karininko laipsnį ir aš tapau jaunesniuoju leitenantu. Netrukus po pergalės mus paskyrė į skirtingus karinius dalinius. Mane išsiuntė į Vilnių ir paskyrė 249 pulko, kuriame tarnavau, komjaunimo organizatoriumi. Pradžioje gyvenau kareivinėse su visais. Mūsų pulkas stovėjo Šiauriniame miestelyje, tai vienas iš Vilniaus priemiesčių. Mama dar pasiliko Maskvoje. Jai reikėjo gauti leidimą persikelti į Vilnių. Kai išrūpinau tokį leidimą, nuvykau į Maskvą parsivežti mamos. Maskvoje susitikau su teta Anna ir pussesere Rina. Tuo laiku jos jau buvo grįžusios iš Kirovo srities, kur gyveno karo metais. Iš pradžių mes su mama nuomavom būstą Vilniuje. Tai buvo mažas kambarys be patogumų. 1946 metais daug žmonių išvyko iš Vilniaus į Lenkiją ir daug butų stovėjo tušti. [1946 metais sovietų valdžia leido išvykti žmonėms, gimusiems 1939-40 metais SSSR aneksuotose teritorijose.] Man davė mažą dviejų kambarių butą su virtuve, bet be patogumų. Galiausiai mes turėjome savo namus ir įsikūrėme su mama. Rašiau prašymus demobilizuotis, bet jie grįždavo neatsakyti.

Mane demobilizavo tik 1947 metais. Buvau laimingas. Dabar reikėjo tik rasti darbą ir vėl lankyti institutą. Prasidėjo tikri mano gyvenimo sunkumai. Tuo metu Lietuvoje, kaip ir visoje SSSR, vešėjo antisemitizmas [kampanija prieš „kosmopolitus“]. Susidūriau su juo ieškodamas darbo institute. Buvau baigęs pusantrų metų kursą tokiu metu, kai daugelis žmonių net nebuvo baigę 10 klasių. To pakako rasti darbą. Be to, buvau gimęs Lietuvoje, kovojau fronte, turėjau apdovanojimų, buvau Komunistų partijos narys, o tai buvo reta. Norėjau būti lektoriumi. Įgijau tokios patirties tarnaudamas pulke ir gerai sutariau su žmonėmis. Niekas nepavyko. Pirmiausiai kreipiausi į „Žinijos“ švietimo draugiją [Znaniye – visasąjunginė draugija, viešoji švietimo agentūra, palaikanti mokslo ir politikos žinių sklaidą.]. Man buvo pasiūlytas sąskaitininko darbas, kurio patirties visai neturėjau. Tada, respublikos Centrinio komjaunimo komiteto antrasis sekretorius, mano karo draugas, rekomendavo mane dirbti Centrinio komjaunimo komiteto pirmojo sekretoriaus padėjėju. Aišku, man nepavyko. Kreipiausi į kitas organizacijas. Iš pradžių mane gerai sutikdavo, nes neatrodžiau kaip tipiškas žydas, bet perskaitę dokumentuose mano pavardę, kadrų skyriaus viršininkai rasdavo priežastį man atsakyti. Aišku, jie nesakydavo tikrosios priežasties – kad esu žydas. Galiausiai, vienas geras karo metų draugas padėjo man rasti literatūrinio darbuotojo vietą laikraštyje „Sovietskaja Litva“ [rusų kalba leidžiamas Lietuvos laikraštis. 1944-1990 išeidavo šešis kartus per savaitę 70000 egzempliorių kasdien (1975)].

Tais pačiais 1947 metais pateikiau dokumentus į Vilniaus universiteto Fizikos ir matematikos fakultetą. Už akademines studijas atsakingas prorektorius, užkietėjęs antisemitas, pasakė man: „Studijavote Mokytojų rengimo institute. Bandykite dar kartą“. Bet man padėjo iš Mažeikių kilęs universiteto partinis vadovas. Jis gerai pažinojo mano tėvą ir teigė, kad mane būtina priimti į antrą kursą, nes esu partijos narys ir kariavau fronte. Studentai tais laikas nebuvo panašūs į dabartinius studentus. Mes buvome suaugę, karą praėję žmonės. Buvau atsakingas ir už savo motiną. Ji nebegalėjo dirbti, taigi aš buvau vienintelis maitintojas. Būnant trečiame kurse, mane įdarbino dėstytojo padėjėju marksizmo- leninizmo katedroje. Lietuvoje trūko socialinių mokslų dėstytojų, gerai mokančių lietuvių ir rusų kalbas. Trečiame kurse mane paskyrė marksizmo – leninizmo dėstytojo padėjėju. Visame universitete buvo trys studentai – dėstytojai, įskaitant mane. Aš sėkmingai apsigyniau diplominį darbą ir galėjau nesijaudinti dėl privalomo darbo paskyrimo 25. Manęs net neklausė, ką norėčiau veikti. Likau dėstytojauti universitete.

Aš nesiejau valstybinio antisemitizmo, pasireiškusio žymaus žydų aktoriaus Michoelso 26 nužudymu, Žydų antifašistinio komiteto sunaikinimu 27 ir pasibaigusio absurdišku vadinamuoju „gydytojų sąmokslu“ 28, su Stalino vardu. Maniau, kad vietiniai valdžios aktyvistai stengiasi pasirodyti prieš aukščiausią sąjunginę valdžią. Sakyčiau, manęs asmeniškai antisemitinės kampanijos nepalietė. Toliau sėkmingai dėstytojavau. Sprendžiant iš to, kaip su manimi elgėsi vadovai ir studentai, buvau gerbiamas. Stalino mirtis 1953 metais man buvo smūgis. Palaipsniui, aš supratau jo tikrąjį vaidmenį ir kultą nuvainikuojančio partijos suvažiavimo 29 nutarimus priėmiau kaip logiškus ir būtinus. Tiesa buvo atskleista. Tik dabar, po perestroikos 30, mes beveik viską sužinojome apie sovietinio režimo ir Stalino nusikaltimus.

Dirbau universitete iki 1989 metų, iki perestroikos pradžios. Apgyniau kandidatinę disertaciją [sovietinis/ Rusijos mokslų daktaro laipsnis] 31. Atkūrus Lietuvos nepriklausomybę 32 pasitvirtinau mokslinį vardą. Dabar esu istorijos mokslų daktaras. Turiu pasakyti, kad perestroiką priėmiau ne iš karto. Man buvo sunku paneigti visas tas idėjas, kuriomis tikėjau – socializmo ir komunizmo idėjas. Gimęs Lietuvoje, labai gerai supratau, kad Maskva yra svetima mūsų šaliai. Dabar aš visiškai sutinku su terminu „sovietinė okupacija“, kai kalbama apie sovietinį režimą. Palaikau savo šalies nepriklausomybę, jos narystę Europos Sąjungoje. Tikiuosi, kad Lietuva įveiks laikinas kliūtis ir taps klestinčia Europos šalimi.

Mano asmeninis gyvenimas yra laimingas. Universitete sutikau puikią žydę merginą. Polina Aibinder buvo medicinos fakulteto studentė. Mus daug kas siejo. Abu gimėme mažuose Lietuvos miesteliuose. Ji gimė Kupiškyje 1930 metais. Jos tėvas Zelikas Aibinderis buvo siuvėjas, mama – namų šeimininkė. Polina turėjo seserį Rozą Aibinder. 1941 metais ji nesugebėjo išvykti į evakuaciją ir iškentė visą Vilniaus geto siaubą 33. Roza išgyveno. Netrukus po karo ji išvyko į Izraelį, kur iki šiol gyvena. 1941 metais Polina su tėvais pabėgo iš miesto ir buvo evakuota į Čiuvašiją. Grįžus, Polinos šeima įsikūrė Vilniuje. Pradėjau susitikinėti su Polina. 1951 metais mes susituokėme. Vestuvės buvo labai kuklios. Užregistravome santuoką vietiniame civilinės metrikacijos biure ir atšventėme su artimiausiais draugais tetos bute, nes mūsų bute nebuvo vietos. Apsigyvenome mano mamos bute. 1952 metais gimė mūsų vyresnysis sūnus. Pavadinome jį Davidu mano brolio garbei. Antrasis sūnus Ilja gimė 1957 metais.

Mūsų šeima gyveno kaip ir visos paprastos sovietinės šeimos – nuo algos iki algos. Neturėjome turtų, bet gyvenome visai padoriai. Mano žmona dirbo gydytoja. Vaikai ėjo į darželį, paskui į mokyklą. Mama padėjo mums kaip galėdama. 1960-jų pradžioje ji pradėjo vis labiau negaluoti. Ji gulėjo ant patalo ir 1965 metais mirė. Palaidojome ją kapinių žydiškoje dalyje 34, bet be žydiškų ritualų. Kiekvienais metais važinėjome atostogauti, kartais su vaikais. Kaip dauguma vilniečių, važiuodavome į sanatorijas [poilsio centrai SSSR] 35 Palangoje [populiarus Lietuvos kurortas prie Baltijos jūros]. Gaudavome profsąjungų kelialapius ir turėjome mokėti tik 30% kelionės kainos, taigi galėjome sau leisti atostogauti kiekvienais metais. Vaikai vyko į pionierių stovyklas Lietuvoje. 1970-jų pradžioje nusipirkome automobilį ir pradėjome keliauti po Lietuvą. Nuvažiavome į Krymą ir Karpatus Ukrainoje. Po poros metų gavau žemės plotą sodui. Tuo metu buvo plačiai paplitę kolektyviniai sodai ir žmonės gaudavo 600 kvadratinių metrų sklypus. Sklypas buvo mažas, o namelis negalėjo viršyti 32 kvadratinių metrų. Mums patiko rūpintis sodu, daržu ir gėlynu. Visi sutilpome name – mes, vaikai, anūkai. Kai namo dydžio apribojimai buvo atšaukti, namelį padidinau. Dabar mes turime padorų šildomą vasarnamį.

Davidas baigė Vilniaus universiteto matematikos fakultetą. Jis puikiai mokėsi, bet vistiek dėl darbo kilo problemų. Jis gavo privalomą darbo paskyrimą dirbti matematikos mokytoju pagrindinėje mokykloje, nors buvo antras pagal pažangumą studentas ir svajojo apie mokslinį darbą. Galiausiai, aš suradau jam darbo vietą – tiriamąjį darbą Universitete, bet Davidas buvo nusivylęs: atlyginimas buvo menkas, jokių karjeros galimybių, jokio savarankiško darbo. Jis turėjo šeimą – žmoną Lizą, žydę, ji dirbo sąskaitininke, ir dvi dukras Eleną ir Anną, gimusias pamečiui 1982 ir 1983 metais. 1990-jų pradžioje Davidas su šeima išvyko į Izraelį. Jam ten gerai sekasi. Jis matematikas/ programuotojas. Žmona dirba sąskaitininke. Mano mylimos anūkės atitarnavo privalomą tarnybos laiką Izraelio armijoje. Dabar abi studijuoja Haifos universitete. Sūnaus šeima gyvena Petakh Tikvah. Buvau pas juos keletą kartų. Džiaugiuosi, kad sūnus sugebėjo pasiekti savo tikslus.

Jaunesnysis sūnus Ilja taip pat baigė Vilniaus Universitetą. Jis istorikas. Jo žmona Larisa yra Ukrainos žydė. Sovietinės santvarkos metais ji, kaip daugelis jaunų žydų, atvyko į Vilnių stoti į aukštąją mokyklą, nes Lietuvoje tai buvo daug lengviau nei kitose respublikose. [Lietuvoje buvo santykinai mažesnė žydų diskriminacija stojant į aukštąsias mokyklas nei likusioje Sovietų Sąjungoje.] Larisa baigė universiteto rusų kalbos fakultetą, apsigynė kandidatinę disertaciją. Larisa dabar užsiiminėja judaika. Ilja turi du vaikus – vyresnioji Olga, gimusi 1986 metais, įstojo į Maskvos Universiteto Judaikos fakultetą. Ji studijuoja žydų filologiją. Mano vienintelis anūkas Aleksandras, kurį vadinu Šašenka – visus savo anūkus vadinu mažybiniais vardais: Lenočka, Anečka, Olenka [rušiski mažybiniai Elenos, Annos ir Olgos vardai] – gimė 1989 metais ir baigia šiais metais Vilniaus žydų mokyklą. Beje, Vilniaus žydų mokykla yra valstybinė, ne privati.

Kitas, žydams tikriausiai pats svarbiausias dalykas, yra žydiško gyvenimo atsigavimas, įmanomu tapęs po perestroikos ir Lietuvos nepriklausomybės. Dabar grįžtu į gyvenimą, prie kurio buvau pratęs prieš daug daug metų. Tuo metu, kai susikūrė Izraelio valstybė, kai ji kariavo – Šešių dienų karą 36, Yom Kipuro karą 37 ir pan., aš, kaip ir daugelis kitų, negalėjau nesižavėti Izraeliu. Daug žmonių demonstravo solidarumą su Izraelio tauta. Aš tylėjau per partinius susirinkimus, kai mano žmonės buvo niekinami. Dabar aš didžiuojuosi Izraeliu ir esu laimingas, kad mano sūnus tenai gyvena. Negalvoju apie išvykimą. Negaliu padalinti savęs kiekvienam savo sūnui ir kiekvienai savo tėvynei. Palikime taip, kaip yra. Be to, mano Polina labai silpna. Prieš keletą metų dėl jos ligos turėjau išeiti į pensiją. Dabar ji retai išeina iš namų.

Kai atsistatydinau iš universiteto, įsidarbinau universiteto psichologinėje laboratorijoje, tyrinėjančioje švietimo temas. Tuo pat metu neseniai atsidariusi žydų mokykla man pasiūlė dėstyti žydų istoriją. Pasirodė, kad aš mokausi kartu su savo mokiniais, tiesiog vienoje klasėje aukščiau. Vaikystėje ir paauglystėje nesimokiau žydų istorijos ir dabar atvėriau sau šį nuostabų istorijos pasaulį. Dirbau iki 2004 metų ir jau metai, kaip ilsiuosi. Nors negalėčiau to vadinti poilsiu. Anksčiau, kai mano jaunesnysis sūnus labai susidomėjo Holokaustu, pradėjau rinkti medžiagą apie šį siaubingą žydų istorijos puslapį ir supratau, kaip mane traukia žydų gyvenimas ir bendruomenė. Tikriausiai, tai buvo vidinis postūmis daryti viską įmanomą ir neįmanomą, kad Lietuvos žydija atsigautų. Dabar esu Lietuvos žydų bendruomenės tarybos narys ir galiu dėti visas pastangas dėl bendruomenės. Netapau religingu; mano šeima mini žydiškas šventes ir laikosi privalomo pasninko per Yom Kipurą, pagerbdami protėvius ir milijonus žuvusiųjų.

Labai myliu Lietuvą. Dabar man patinka dalykai, kurių iš karto nepriėmiau – žlugusi sovietinė santvarka buvo tarsi šviežio oro gūsis, kurio būtinai reikėjo mano šalies egzistavimui, tačiau Lietuvos politikoje yra dalykų, kuriems nepritariu, t.y. atmetimas visų dalykų, susijusių su SSSR. Nemanau, kad taip elgtis yra teisinga. Man nepatinka neigiamas požiūris į pergalę prieš fašizmą. Daug žmonių čia galvoja, kad mes turėjome kovoti kartu su Hitleriu prieš SSSR. Aš griežtai prieš tokią nuomonę. Hitleris užgrobė pusę Europos, pavergė ir sunaikino milijonus žmonių. Buvau fronte ir žinau: bendromis pastangomis mes pasiekėme pergalę prieš fašizmą ir neturime to pamiršti. Tikiuosi, kad mano šalis su metais įveiks sunkumus.

ŽODYNĖLIS:

1 Lietuvos nepriklausomybė

nuo XVIII amžiaus papuolusi į Rusijos Imperijos sudėtį, Lietuva atgavo nepriklausomybę po Pirmojo Pasaulinio karo, kai 1918 metų lapkritį žlugo dvi galingos kaimyninės šalys – Rusija ir Vokietija. Nors, priešindamasi Sovietų Rusijos puolimui, Lietuva 1920 metais atidavė Lenkijai daugiatautį ir daugiakultūrinį Vilniaus (Vilna, Wilno) miestą, į kurį pretendavo abi šalys ir dėl kurio liko karinėje padėtyje iki 1927 metų. 1923 metais Lietuvai pasisekė užimti iki tol prancūzų valdomą (nuo 1919 metų) Memelio teritoriją ir uostą (Klaipėdą). Lietuvos Respublika išliko nepriklausoma iki sovietų okupacijos 1940 metais.

2 Didysis Tėvynės karas

1941 metų birželio 22 dieną 5 valandą ryto nacistinė Vokietija nepaskelbusi karo užpuolė Sovietų Sąjungą. Prasidėjo taip vadinamas Didysis Tėvynės karas. Vokietijos blickrygui, žinomam kaip Barbarosos operacija, beveik pasisekė per kelis vėlesnius mėnesius nugalėti Sovietų Sąjungą. Nelauktai užklupta sovietų kariuomenė pirmosiomis karo savaitėmis prarado ištisas armijas ir daugybę amunicijos puolant vokiečiams. Iki 1941 metų lapkričio Vokietijos kariuomenė užgrobė Ukrainą, apsiautė Leningradą, antrą pagal dydį Sovietų Sąjungos miestą, ir grasino Maskvai. Sovietų Sąjungai karas baigėsi 1945 metų gegužės 9 dieną.

3 Darbo armija

ją sudarė šaukiamojo amžiaus vyrai, kuriems sovietų valdžia nepatikėjo nešioti ginklo. Tai buvo žmonės, gyvenę 1940 metais SSSR aneksuotose teritorijose (Rytų Lenkija, Baltijos valstybės, Karelija, Besarabija ir šiaurinė Bukovina), taip pat Sovietų Sąjungoje gyvenę etniniai vokiečiai. Darbo armija dirbo siunkius darbus miškuose ar kasyklose. Per pirmą karo žiemą, 30 procentų darbo armijos šauktinių mirė nuo bado ir sunkaus darbo. Darbo armijos žmonių skaičius staigiai sumažėjo, kai didesnioji kontingento dalis buvo pervesta į tautinius estų, latvių ir lietuvių korpusus, suformuotus 1942 metų pradžioje. Likę darbo armijos padaliniai veikė iki karo pabaigos.

4 Palaikyti ryšius su giminėmis užsienyje

valdžia galėjo suimti žmogų, susirašinėjantį su giminėmis užsienyje ir apkaltinti jį šnipinėjimu, išsiųsti į koncentracijos stovyklą ar netgi nuteisti mirties bausme.

5 Baltijos valstybių (Estijos, Latvijos ir Lietuvos) okupacija

nors Molotovo – Ribentropo paktas lietė tik Latviją ir Estiją, kaip sovietų įtakos sferos dalis Rytų Europoje, pagal papildomą protokolą (pasirašytą 1939 metų rugsėjo 28 dieną) didžioji Lietuvos dalis taip pat atiteko sovietams. Trys valstybės buvo priverstos pasirašyti su SSSR „Gynybos ir tarpusavio pagalbos paktą“, leidžiantį sovietams dislokuoti kariuomenę jų teritorijose. 1940 metų birželį Maskva paskelbė ultimatumą reikalaudama vyriausybių pakeitimo ir Baltijos Respublikų okupacijos. Trys šalys buvo inkorporuotos į Sovietų Sąjungą kaip Estijos, Latvijos ir Lietuvos Sovietų Socialistinės Respublikos.

6 Salaspilis

didžiausia koncentracijos stovykla Latvijoje, įkurta prie geležinkelio netoli Rygos. Iš viso čia buvo nužudyta 53000 žmonių iš įvairių šalių. Nužudytieji buvo keliais sluoksniais guldomi duobėse, užimančiose maždaug 2600 kvadratinių metrų. Belaisviai taip pat dirbo durpyne, kalkių fabrike ir kt. Dabar buvusioje koncentracijos stovyklos vietoje yra memorialas ir muziejus „Išmėginimų kelias“.

(http://www.logon.org/_domain/holocaustrevealed.org/Latvia/Latvian_Holocaust .htm)

7 Vardų sulietuvinimas

savanoriškas pavardžių sulietuvinimas buvo įvestas Pirmosios Lietuvos Respublikos metais, uždraustas sovietų okupacijos (1939-1991) metais ir vėl įvestas Antrosios Respublikos metais. Dažnai tai reiškia būdingos lietuviškos „-as“ galūnės pridėjimą prie pavardės.

8 Žydai Lietuvos parlamente

Lietuvai atgavus nepriklausomybę (1918), Seime (Parlamente) maždaug 30% atstovų buvo žydų kilmės. Po 1926 metų perversmo Seimas buvo paleistas, įsigalėjo autoritarinis valdymas ir žydų atstovavimo vyriausybėje nebeliko.

9 Valstybės perversmas Lietuvoje 1926 metais

pagal 1920 metų Lietuvos Konstituciją, šalis buvo paskelbta demokratine respublika. Ateinančiais metais Seime (parlamente) daugumą turėjo konservatorių ir liberalų frakcijos. 1926 metų gruodžio 17 dieną įvyko konservatorių sukeltas valstybės perversmas, kuriam vadovavo konservatorių lyderis Antanas Smetona. Visi liberalai ir kairiųjų partijų atstovai buvo išmesti iš Seimo, išrinkusio Antaną Smetoną prezidentu, o Augustiną Voldemarą ministru pirmininku. 1929 metais Smetona privertė Voldemarą atsistatydinti ir prisiėmė visišką diktatorišką valdžią. Jis buvo perrinktas 1931 ir 1938 metais. (Šaltinis: http://www2.omnitel.net/ramunas/Lietuva/lt_history.shtml)

10 Smetona, Antanas (1874 – 1944)

Lietuvos politikas, Lietuvos prezidentas. Teisininkas pagal profesiją, jis vadovavo autonomijos judėjimui kaip Lietuva buvo Rusijos Imperijos sudėtyje. Jis buvo laikinas Lietuvos prezidentas (1919 – 1920) ir buvo išrinktas prezidentu po 1926 metų. 1929 metais privertė ministrą pirmininką Augustiną Voldemarą atsistatydinti ir įvedė visišką diktatūrą. Po to, kai Lietuva buvo SSSR okupuota (1940), Smetona pabėgo į Vokietiją ir vėliau (1941) – į Jungtines Valstijas.

11 Betar

Britų Trumpledor (hebrajiškai), reiškiantis Trumpledor organizaciją. Dešiniojo sparno revizionistinis žydų jaunimo judėjimas. Jį 1923 metais Rygoje įkūrė Vladimiras Žabotinskis, pagerbdamas J.Trumpledorą, pirmąjį Palestinoje užmuštą kovotoją, ir Betar tvirtovę, kuri buvo didvyriškai ilgus mėnesius ginama per Bar Kohba sukilimą. Organizacijos tikslas buvo skelbti revizionistų programą ir ruošti jaunimą kovai ir gyvenimui Palestinoje. Ji organizavo tiek legalią, tiek nelegalią emograciją. Tai buvo pusiau karinė organizacija, jos nariai dėvėjo uniformas. Jos nariai palaikė idėją kurti žydų legioną Palestinos išvadavimui. 1936-39 metais Betar populiarumas mažėjo. Karo metais daugelis jos narių suformavo partizanų grupes.

12 Pasaulinė Makabi draugija

tarptautinė žydų sporto organizacija, susiformavusi XIX amžiaus pabaigoje. Vis daugiau jaunų Rytų Europos žydų, įsitraukusių į sionizmo judėjimą, jautė, kad viena svarbiausių sąlygų kuriant tautos namus Palestinoje yra žydų kvartaluose gyvenančių jaunuolių fizinis lavinimas ir sveikatos gerinimas. Todėl daugelyje Rytų ir Centrinės Europos šalių buvo įkurti gimnastikos klubai, vėliau pavadinti Makabi. Judėjimas greitai plėtėsi į kitas Europos šalis ir į Palestiną. 1921 metais buvo įsteigta Pasaulinė Makabi draugija. Mažiau nei per dvidešimt metų jos narių skaičius pasiekė 200,000, o skyriai atsidarė daugumoje Europos šalių, taip pat Palestinoje, Australijoje, Pietų Amerikoje, Pietų Afrikoje ir pan.

13 Didysis teroras (1934 – 1938)

Didžiojo teroro, arba Didžiojo valymo, kuris apėmė parodomuosius buvusių Stalino bolševikinių oponentų teismo procesus 1936 – 1938 metais ir labiausiai siautėjo 1937 metais, milijonai nekaltų sovietinių piliečių buvo išsiųsti į darbo stovyklas ar nužudyti kalėjimuose. Pagrindiniu Didžiojo teroro taikiniu buvo komunistai. Daugiau kaip pusė areštuotųjų jų suėmimo momentu priklausė Komunistų partijai. Karinės pajėgos, Komunistų partija ir vyriausybė apskritai buvo išvalyta nuo visų tariamai disidentiškų asmenų; aukos dažniausiai būdavo nuteisiamos mirties bausme arba ilgiems katorgiško darbo metams. Daugelis valymo akcijų buvo atliekamos slaptai ir tik keletas bylų buvo nagrinėjamos viešai „parodomuosiuose procesuose“. Teroras nuslūgo 1939 metais ir iki to laiko Stalinas sugebėjo visiškai palenkti partiją ir visuomenę savo valdžiai. Sovietų visuomenė buvo taip suskaldyta ir žmonės taip bijojo represijų, kad masinių areštų daugiau nebereikėjo. Stalinas valdė kaip absoliutusa Sovietų Sąjungos diktatorius iki savo mirties 1953 metų kovo mėnesį.

14 Deportacijos iš Baltijos šalių (1940 – 1953)

Sovietų Sąjungai okupavus tris Baltijos valstybes (Estiją, Latviją ir Lietuvą), 1940 metų birželio mėnesį, kaip sovietinio režimo įtvirtinimo dalis, prasidėjo masinės vietos gyventojų deportacijos. Jų aukomis daugiausiai, bet ne išimtinai, buvo režimui nepageidautini asmenys: vietinė buržuazija ir anksčiau politiškai aktyvūs visuomenės sluoksniai. Trėmimai į tolimus Sovietų Sąjungos rajonus nenutrūkstamai tęsėsi iki Stalino mirties. Pagrindinė trėmimų banga buvo 1941 metų birželio 11 – 14 dienomis, kai 36,000 daugiausiai politiškai aktyvių žmonių buvo deportuoti. Trėmimai atsinaujino, kai Sovietų Armija atsiėmė tris šalis iš nacistinės Vokietijos 1944 metais. Partizaninis karas prieš sovietinius okupantus tęsėsi iki 1956 metų, kada paskutis būrys buvo sunaikintas. 1948 metų birželio - 1950 metų sausio mėnesiais, SSSR Aukščiausiosios Tarybos dekretu dėl „piktybiško vengimo dirbti žemės ūkyje ir antivisuomeninio bei parazitinio gyvenimo būdo“ buvo ištremta 52,541 žmogus iš Latvijos, 118,599 žmonės iš Lietuvos ir 32,450 žmonių iš Estijos. Bendras tremtinių skaičius trijuose respublikose siekia 203,590. Tarp jų buvo ištisos lietuvių šeimos iš įvairių visuomenės sluoksnių (valstiečiai, darbininkai, inteligentija), visi, kas galėjo priešintis režimui, ar buvo tokiais laikomi. Dauguma tremtinių mirė svečioje šalyje. Be to, maždaug 100,000 žmonių buvo sušaudyti ar žuvo akcijų metu kaip partizaninės kovos dalyviai ir dar 100,000 buvo nuteisti 25 metams lageriuose.

15 Komjaunimas

Komunistinė jaunimo politinė organizacija, įkurta 1918 metais. Komjaunimo uždavinys buvo skleisti komunizmo idėjas ir įtraukti jaunus darbininkus ir valstiečius į Sovietų Sąjungos kūrimą. Komjaunimas taip pat siekė komunistiškai auklėti darbo jaunimą, įtraukiant jį į politinę kovą, paremtą teorininėmis žiniomis. Komjaunimas buvo populiaresnis už Komunistų partiją, nes dėl savo švietėjiškų tikslų galėjo priimti neišsilavinusius jaunus darbininkus, tuo metu, kai partijos nariai privalėjo būti bent minimaliai politiškai išprusę.

16 Kolūkis

Sovietų Sąjunga nuo 1927 metų pradėjo vykdyti laipsniškos ir savanoriškos žemės ūkio kolektyvizacijos politiką, skatinančią maisto produktų gamybą, kartu išlaisvinant darbo jėgą ir kapitalą, reikalingą pramonės vystymui. 1929 metais tik 4% ūkių priklausė kolūkiams, todėl Stalinas įsakė konfiskuoti valstiečių žemę, įrankius ir gyvulius; kolūkis pakeitė šeimyninius žemės ūkius.

17 Darbadieniai

iki 1966 metų - darbo matas sovietiniuose kolektyviniuose ūkiuose. Dirbant vieną dieną buvo galima užsidirbti nuo 0.5 iki 4 darbadienių. Rudenį nuėmus derlių, kolektyvinio ūkio administracija paskaičiuodavo vieno darbadienio kainą piniginiu ar maisto produktų ekvivalentu (pagal gautą pelną).

18 Šešioliktoji lietuviškoji divizija

buvo suformuota 1941 metų gruodžio 18 dienos sovietų sprendimu, ją sudarė aneksuotos buvusios Lietuvos Respublikos piliečiai. Lietuviškąją diviziją sudarė 10,000 žmonių, 34,2% iš kurių buvo žydai. Ji buvo gerai apginkluota ir sukomplektuota iki 1942 metų liepos 7 dienos. 1943 metais divizija dalyvavo Kursko mūšyje, kariavo Baltarusijoje ir buvo Kalinino fronto dalimi. Iš viso, ji išvadavo daugiau kaip 600 kaimų ir miestų, paėmė į nelaisvę 12,000 vokiečių kareivių. 1944 metų vasarą divizija dalyvavo vaduojant Vilnių, prisijungdama prie 3-jo Baltarusijos fronto, kovėsi Kurše ir išvijo apsuptą vokiečių kariuomenę iš Memelio (Klaipėdos). Po pergalės, divizijos štabas įsikūrė Vilniuje, 1945-46 metais dauguma veteranų buvo demobilizuoti, bet kai kurie karininkai pasiliko Sovietinėje Armijoje.

19 : Stalingrado mūšis (1942 metų liepos 17 – 1943 metų vasario 2)

Stalingrado, Pietvakarių ir Dono frontai sustabdė Vokietijos armijų puolimą netoli Stalingrado. 1942 metų lapkričio 19-20 dienomis sovietų kariuomenė perėjo į puolimą ir apsupo 22 vokiečių divizijas (330 tūkstančių žmonių) Stalingrado prieigose. Sovietų kariuomenė sustabdė šį vokiečių persigrupavimą. 1943 metų sausio 31 dieną 6-sios Vokiečių armijos likučiai, vadovaujami generolo feldmaršalo Pauliaus, pasidavė (91 tūkstantis žmonių). Pergalė Stalingrado mūšyje turėjo didžiulę politinę, strateginę ir tarptautinę reikšmę.

20 Pirmasis Pabaltijo frontas

„frontas“ buvo didžiausias sovietų karinis darinys Antrojo Pasaulinio karo metu; iš viso buvo įkurti 52 „frontai“, kiekvienas pavadintas regiono, miesto ar kitu geografiniu jo buvimo vietos vardu. Pirmasis Pabaltijo frontas buvo įkurtas 1943 metų spalio mėnesį ir vykdė Baltijos respublikų ir Baltarusijos išvadavimo operacijas, veikė iki 1945 metų kovo mėnesio.

21 Šlovės ordinas

yra trijų laipsnių Šlovės ordinai. Buvo įsteigtas SSSR Aukščiausiosios Tarybos 1943 metų lapkričio 8 dienos dekretu. Šiuo ordinu buvo apdovanojami Sovietų Armijos eiliniai ir seržantai, aviacijoje – jaunesnieji leitenantai, parodę drąsą ir narsą kovose už Tėvynę.

22 Politrukas (politinis vadovas)

šie „komisarai“, kaip juos iš pradžių vadino, vykdė ypatingą oficialią ir neoficialią savo karinio dalinio tarnybos draugų kontrolę. Politrukai taip pat prisidėjo prie partijos interesų sklaidos SSSR šauktiniams vesdami marksizmo-leninizmo užsiėmimus. „Zampolitai“, arba politiniai karininkai, armijoje atsirado pulko lygyje, taip pat laivyne ir aviacijoje, aukštesniuose ir žemesniuose lygiuose jų pareigos ir funkcijos buvo vienodos. Sovietų Armijoje pulką sudarė 2000-3000 žmonių, tai buvo žemiausias karinio vadovavimo lygis, kuris pagal doktriną jungė visus ginklus (pėstininkus, šarvuočius, artileriją ir palaikymo tarnybas) ir galėjo nepriklausomai vykdyti karines užduotis. Pulkui vadovavo pulkininkas, arba pulkininkas leitenantas, su leitenantu ar majoru zampolitu, oficialiai vadinamu „vado pavaduotoju politiniams reikalams“.

23 Kenigsbergo šturmas

prasidėjo 1945 metų balandžio 6 dieną, jame dalyvavo Antrasis ir Trečiasis baltarusijos frontai ir dalis Pirmojo Pabaltijo fronto pajėgų. Jis vyko kaip sprendžiamosios Rytų Prūsijos operacijos, kurios tikslas buvo sutriuškinti didžiausios vokiečių karinės grupuotės Rytų Prūsijoje ir šiaurės Lenkijoje pasipriešinimą, dalis. Vyko žūtbūtiniai mūšiai. 1945 metų balandžio 9 dieną Trečiojo Baltarusijos fronto pajėgos šturmavo ir užėmė miestą ir Kenigsbergo tvirtovę. Kova už Rytų Prūsiją buvo kruviniausia 1945 metų kampanija. Sovietų Armijos nuostoliai viršijo 580,000 žmonių (127,000 buvo sužeistieji ir dingę be žinios). Vokiečiai neteko maždaug 500,000 žmonių (300,000 buvo sužeistieji ir dingę be žinios). Po Antrojo Pasaulinio karo, Potsdamo konferencijos (1945) sprendimu, šiaurinė Rytų Prūsijos dalis, įskaitant Kenigsbergą, buvo prijungta prie SSSR ir miestas pervadintas Kaliningradu.

24 Kampanija prieš „kosmopolitus“

Kampanija prieš „kosmopolitus“, t.y. žydus, prasidėjo nuo straipsnių centrinėje Komunistų partijos spaudoje 1949 metais. Kampanija buvo tiesiogiai nukreipta prieš žydų inteligentus ir tai buvo pirmasis viešas sovietų žydų, kaip žydų, puolimas. „Kosmopolitai“ rašytojai buvo apkaltinti neapykanta rusų liaudžiai, sionizmo palaikymu ir pan. Daug jidiš kalba kūrusių rašytojų, taip pat Žydų antifašistinio komiteto vadovai buvo areštuoti 1948 metų lapkričio mėnesį apkaltinus juos ryšiais su sionizmu ir Amerikos imperializmu. Mirties bausmė jiems buvo slapta įvykdyta 1952 metais. Antisemitinis „Gydytojų sąmokslas“ prasidėjo 1953 metų sausį. Antisemitizmo banga sklido po visą SSSR. Žydai buvo metami iš pareigų, pasklido gandai apie artėjančias masines žydų deportacijas į rytinę SSSR dalį. Stalino mirtis 1953 metų kovo mėnesį kampaniją prieš „kosmopolitus“ pabaigė.

25 Privalomas darbo paskyrimas SSSR

aukštųjų mokyklų absolventai turėjo privalomai 2 metus atidirbti pagal aukštosios mokyklos išduotą paskyrimą. Privalomai atidirbę pagal paskyrimą, jaunuoliai galėdavo įsidarbinti pagal savo norą bet kokiame mieste ar organizacijoje.

26 Michoelsas, Solomonas (1890 – 1948) (tikroji pavardė Vovsi)

žymus sovietinis aktorius, režisierius ir pedagogas. Dirbo Maskvos valstybiniame žydų teatre, nuo 1929 metų buvo jo meno vadovu. Jis režisavo filosofinius, ryškius ir monumentalius kūrinius. Michoelsas buvo nužudytas Valstybės Saugumo ministerijos įsakymu.

27 Žydų antifašistinis komitetas

įkurtas Kuibyševe 1942 metų balandžio mėnesį, jo paskirtis – tarnauti sovietų užsienio politikos ir kariniams interesams žiniasklaidoje, taip pat per asmeninius kontaktus su žydais užsienyje, ypač Didžiojoje Britanijoje ir Jungtinėse Valstijose. Komiteto pirmininku buvo Solomonas Michoelsas, garsus Maskvos valstybinio žydų teatro aktorius ir režisierius. Metai po įkūrimo, Komitetas persikėlė į Maskvą ir tapo vienu svarbiausių žydų kultūros ir jidiš literatūros centrų nuo vokiečių okupacijos pradžios. Kelis kartus per savaitę Komitetas transliavo pro-sovietines propagandines laidas užsienio klausytojams, pasakodamas apie antisemitizmo nebuvimą ir milžiniškas anti-nacistines sovietų kariuomenės pastangas. 1948 metais Michoelsą nužudė Stalino slaptieji agentai. Kaip naujai pradėtos oficialios antisemitinės kampanijos dalis, Komitetas lapkričio mėnesį buvo išformuotas, o dauguma jo narių – areštuoti.

28 Gydytojų sąmokslas

Gydytojų sąmokslas buvo tariamas Maskvos gydytojų grupės susitarimas nužudyti svarbiausius vyriausybės ir partinius vadovus. 1953 metų sausį sovietinė spauda pranešė, kad devyni gydytojai, šeši iš jų žydai, buvo suimti ir pripažino savo kaltę. Stalinui mirus 1953 metų kovo mėnesį, teismo procesas taip ir neįvyko. Oficialus partijos laikraštis „Pravda“ vėliau paskelbė, kad kaltinimai gydytojams buvo sufalsifikuoti, jų prisipažinimai išgauti kankinant. Šis atvejis buvo vienas iš didžiausių antisemitizmo pasireiškimų Stalino valdymo metu. Savo slaptame pranešime 20-me Partijos suvažiavime 1956 metais Chruščiovas sakė, kad Stalinas planavo pasinaudoti „sąmokslu“ valant aukščiausią sovietų vadovybę.

29 20-tas Partijos suvažiavimas

Sovietų Sąjungos Komunistų partijos 20-me suvažiavime 1956 metais Chruščiovas viešai pasmerkė Stalino kultą ir pakėlė slaptumo uždangą nuo to, kas vyko SSSR Stalino valdymo metais.

30 Perestroika [Persitvarkymas]

sovietų ekonominė ir socialinė politika 1980-jų metų pabaigoje, siejama su sovietų politiko Michailo Gorbačiovo vardu. Pavadinimas reiškia pastangas pakeisti sustingusią, neefektyvią komandinę Sovietų Sąjungos ekonomiką decentralizuota, į rinką organizuota ekonomika. Pramonės vadovai ir vietos valdžia ir visi partiniai vadovai gavo didesnį savarankiškumą, buvo įvesti atviri rinkimai, siekiant demokratiškesnio Komunistų partijos organizavimo. 1991-siais perestroika silpnėjo ir netrukus išblėso, suirus SSSR.

31 Sovietų/ Rusijos moksliniai laipsniai

pouniversitetinės studijos Sovietų Sąjungoje (aspirantūra ar ordinatūra medicinos studentams), kurios paprastai trukdavo tris metus ir baigdavosi disertacijos gynimu. Ją apgynę studentai gaudavo „mokslų kandidato“ laipsnį. Jei asmuo norėdavo tęsti mokslinius tyrimus, jis turėjo teikti paraišką doktorantūrai. Kad gautų daktaro laipsnį, žmogus turėjo reikštis akademinėje veikloje, publikuoti straipsnius ir parašyti originalią disertaciją. Galiausiai, jis/ ji gaudavo „mokslų daktaro“ laipsnį.

32 Lietuvos Respublikos atkūrimas

1990 metų kovo 11 dieną Lietuvos Aukščiausioji taryba paskelbė Lietuvą nepriklausoma respublika. Sovietinė valdžia Maskvoje atsisakė pripažinti Lietuvos nepriklausomybę ir paskelbė ekonominę šalies blokadą. 1991 metų vasario mėnesio referendume daugiau kaip 90% dalyvių (dalyvavimas buvo 84%) balsavo už nepriklausomybę. Vakarų valstybės galiausiai pripažino Lietuvos nepriklausomybę, tai 1991 metų rugsėjo 6 dieną padarė ir SSSR. 1991 metų rugsėjo 17 dieną Lietuva įstojo į Jungtines Tautas.

33 Vilniaus getas

95% iš paskaičiuotų 265000 Lietuvos žydų (254000 žmonės) buvo nužudyti nacių okupacijos metu, jokia kita bendruomenė taip stipriai nenukentėjo per Antrąjį pasaulinį karą. Vokiečiai okupavo Vilnių 1941 metų birželio 26 dieną ir netrukus mieste buvo įrengti du getai, kuriuos skyrė Niemiecka (Vokiečių) gatvė, einanti kiekvieno geto pakraščiu. Rugsėjo 6 dieną visi žydai buvo suvaryti į getus, pradžioje atsitiktinai į 1-mą arba į 2-ą.Visą rugsėjį žydus nepertraukiamai žudė Einsatzkommando būriai. Vėliau amatininkai su šeimomis buvo perkelti į 1-mą getą, visi kiti – į 2-ą. „Yom Kipuro“ akcijos metu spalio 1 dieną buvo nužudyta 3000 žydų, per tris papildomas spalio mėnesio akcijas buvo likviduotas visas 2-sis getas, vėliau nužudyti ir 9000 gyvų likusių žydų. 1941 metų pabaigoje oficialus geto kalinių skaičius buvo 12,000 žmonių, 1943 metais jis išaugo iki 20000 vėl vėlesnių atvežimų. 1943 metų rugpjūčio mėnesį daugiau kaip 7000 žmonių buvo išsiųsti į įvairias darbo stovyklas Lietuvoje ir Estijoje. Vilniaus getas buvo likviduotas 1943 metų rugsėjo 23-24 dienomis, vadovaujant Bruno Kittel. Rossa aikštėje vyko atranka – galintys dirbti buvo išsiųsti į darbo stovyklas Latvijoje ir Estijoje, visi kiti – į įvairias mirties stovyklas Lenkijoje. 1943 metų rugsėjo 25 dieną Vilniuje oficialiai liko tik 2000 žydų, dirbusių mažose darbo stovyklose, ir daugiau kaip 1000 slapstėsi už miesto bei buvo palaipsniui gaudomi. Tie, kuriems buvo leista gyventi, dirbo „Kailio“ ir HKP fabrikuose iki 1944 metų birželio 2 dienos, kada 1800 buvo sušaudyti, o mažiau nei 200 žmonių slapstėsi ir liko gyvi, kol Raudonoji Armija išlaisvino Vilnių 1944 metų liepos 13 dieną.

34 Kapinių žydiškoji dalis

SSSR miesto kapinių teritorija buvo skirstoma į skirtingas dalis. Čia buvo bendrasis plotas, vaikų plotas, žymių kariškių plotas, žydų plotas, politinių vadovų plotas ir pan. Kai kuriuose sovietų miestuose tebebuvo atskiros žydų kapinės, kituose jos buvo uždarytos, dažniausiai prisidengiant techninėmis priežastimis. Šeima galėdavo apsispręsti, kaip laidoti velionį: pvz., žydą kariškį galima buvo laidoti arba kariškių, arba žydiškoje dalyje. Toks kapinių padalinimas vis dar galioja daugelyje buvusios SSSR vietų.

35 Sanatorijos SSSR

daugelio SSSR gamyklų ir viešųjų įstaigų profsąjungos statėsi sanatorijas, poilsio namus ir vaikų sveikatingumo centrus, kur darbuotojai galėjo atostogauti, mokėdami tik 10 procentų nuo faktinės poilsiavimo kainos. Teoriškai, kiekvienas darbuotojas galėjo taip vieną kartą atostogauti kievienais metais, tačiau realybėje atostogų kelialapių trūko ir juos dažniausiai gaudavo tik vadovaujantys darbuotojai.

36 Šešių dienų karas

pirmuosius smūgius Šešių dienų kare 1967 metų birželio 5 dieną smogė Izraelio karinė aviacija. Visas karas tęsėsi tik 132 valandas ir 30 minučių. Egipto pusės priešinimasis truko tik keturias dienas, o Jordano pusės – tris dienas. Nepaisant karo trumpumo, tai buvo vienas iš dramatiškiausių ir žūtbūtinių karų, kuriuos Izraelis kariavo prieš visas arabų tautas. Karas baigėsi krize, kuri dar ilgai tęsėsi. Šešių dienų karas sustiprino įtampą tarp arabų tautų ir Vakarų pasaulio, nes pakito arabų tautų galvosena ir politinės orientacijos.

37 Yom Kipuro karas

1973 metų arabų – Izraelio karas, dar žinomas kaip Yom Kipuro arba Ramadano karas, kuriame kariavo Izraelis iš vienos pusės ir Egiptas ir Sirija iš kitos pusės. Tai buvo ketvirtas didelis karinis konfliktas tarp Izraelio ir arabų valstybių. Karas tęsėsi tris savaites: jis prasidėjo 1973 metų spalio 6 dieną ir baigėsi spalio 22 dieną Sirijos fronte ir spalio 26 dieną Egipto fronte.

Isroel Lempertas

Isroel Lempertas
Vilnius
Lithuania
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: February 2005

I met Isroel Lempertas in the Lithuanian community where he agreed to give me an interview at once. He was very busy, so he could not pay me enough attention. I suggested interviewing him in his apartment, but he refused saying that his wife was sick and made an appointment with me at the community office at his earliest convenience. Isroel is an athletic man of short height, with a mop of grey hair. He is very modest. He looks serious, refined and intellectual. I can feel that the conversation is not easy for him. Isroel takes hard every reminiscence of his childhood, parents and brother, who perished in the lines. That is why he does not say much about his kin and I did not want to hurt his feeling with extra questions.

My family history 
Growing up 
During the War 
After the War 
GLOSSARY

My family history

I was born in a Lithuanian frontier town Mazeikiai, located 250 km from to the North-West from Vilnius, not far from the border with Latvia. The population of Mazeikiai was about 5-7 thousand people. Jews were about 700- 800 people. There is hardly anything I know about my ancestors. Like most adolescents, when I was young, I was not interested in my past as I had to think of my education, work and family. Now, I would like to get the information on my lineage, but there is nobody I can ask about it. As far as I know my maternal kin was born in Mazeikiai. I remember my maternal grandfather Faivush Levinson. I reckon he was born in 1860s. Grandfather was melamed in cheder. As I was later told by his students he was a very advanced person and a teacher. He gave not only traditional knowledge in cheder, but he also tried to tell more about nature, birds and flowers, read unreligious books of modern authors. As far as I know, grandfather Faivush Levinson was not truly religious man. I do not recall him in kippah or with a hat on. Judging from the pictures, his head never was covered.

I do not know anything about my maternal grandmother. She died long before I was born. I do not remember any tales about her. I do not even know her name. When the World War One was unleashed, Jews from frontier territories, namely Kaunas province, including Mazeikiai which was part of that province during Tsarist times, were exiled to the remote districts of Russia. Anti- Semitistic tsarist military authorities deemed that propinquity of Yiddish and German and vast difference of Jewish appearance and mode of life from the rest of peoples, inhabiting that territory, would incline Jews to the espionage. Many Jewish families from Baltic countries turned out be exiled. My mother's family was exiled to Berdyansk, warm Ukrainian town on the coast of the Sea of Azov [1000 km to the south from Kiev]. When Lithuania gained independence 1 almost all Jews came back to the motherland. The family of Faivush Levinson also returned. I cannot say whether my grandmother was alive. As far as I remember grandfather Faivush lived in the house of one of my aunts. He died in 1933. He was buried in Mazeikiai Jewish cemetery in accordance with the Jewish rite. I was not present at the funeral. It was not customary for Jews to take children to the funerals of the relatives.

Faivush had many children. My mother's brothers left for America in early 1920s. All I know is their names - Louis and Beniamin and that they had wives and children. I do not know what happened to them. There were 5 daughters, including my mother born in 1897. The eldest sister, who was couple of years older than my mother, had a double name Rosa and Shifra. She was called Shifra in our family. Her husband Aba Mets did not have a permanent job. He got by odd jobs. Shifra and Aba had two sons- Rafael, 4 years older than me and Nahman, who was my age. When the Great Patriotic War 2 was unleashed, we fled with the family of aunt Shifra. Her husband Aba was in the labor front first 3. He worked at some military plant in Siberia. Then he was drafted in the army and served in Lithuanian division #16 [the battalion is called Lithuanian because it was formed mostly from the former Lithuanian citizens, who were volunteers, evacuated or serving in the labor front]formed in 1943. Aba was killed in action in 1943 shortly after he had been drafted. He was not a young man at that time. Shifra and the boy came back to Lithuania and settled in Vilnius. About 20 years ago, she and her children left for Israel. Shifra had lived a long life and died in early 1990s. Her sons are doing well in Israel now.

Two of my mother's sisters lived in the USSR. Elder sister Liya, who was one or two years older than my mother, left for Baku, Azerbaijan, where her husband lived. I do not know how they met. They loved each other passionately. Liya's husband was Russian and it was one of the reasons why she left Lithuania. But at that time marriages between people of different nationalities were not acceptable. When Liya got married her name was Zimnikova. She was a housewife and her husband, whose name I do not remember, was assigned to different positions in the government of Azerbaijan. They had an only daughter Victoria. After moving to the USSR, Liya stopped corresponding with the kin in Lithuania, as it was considered dangerous and was persecuted in the USSR [Keep in touch with relatives abroad] 4. Moreover, Liya's husband was in the government. I do not remember where Liya and her daughter Victoria were during WW2. After war Victoria was married to my friend. They moved to Vilnius. When Liya and her husband got old, they moved to their daughter Victoria in Vilnius and lived there till the end of their days. Aunt Liya died in late 1970s.

Before departure for Russia, my mother's second sister Anna (it was the name she was called during the soviet times, and her original Jewish name is unknown), who was 2 years younger, worked as a child-minder in the Jewish kindergarten in Mazeikiai. In early 1920s Anna illegitimately ran away from Moscow, USSR with her Jewish husband Kabo. Before Lithuania was annexed to USSR in 1940 5 mother did not keep in touch with the sisters. Then she began corresponding with them. In autumn 1941, when fascist troops approached Moscow, Anna and her daughter Rina decided to get evacuated and came to us in Kirov oblast. After war Anna and Rina came back to Moscow. Anna died in the 1980s and Rina lives in Moscow now.

The fate of my mother's youngest sister, born in 1910, can be called tragic. Rahil married a pampered loitering Jew Jacob Rier from Riga. When WW2 began, Rahil's daughter Rosa turned 3. Rahil, Jacob and their daughter fled Mazeikiai on the second day of war. When our family got to Riga, Jacob insisted that his family should go to his relatives in the town of Salaspils 'to take a rest' in his words. We moved on, but Rahil's family was in occupation. In accordance with archival data, which I found after war, Rahil's family died in one of the most dreadful extermination camps in Salaspils. 6.

My mother Luba Levinson was educated at home. I do not remember her saying that she went to lyceum. Grandfather Faivush taught his children himself. Yiddish was my mother's native language. Born in Tsarist Russia and having spent her adolescence there, she was well up in Russian, both written and oral. As for Lithuanian, she spoke with a heavy accent like most of Jews. Like many Jewish ladies, mother did not work when she was young. She lived in her parental house and helped grandmother with chores. I do not know how my parents met. Maybe it was a pre-arranged Jewish wedding. They got married in early 1920s.

I know hardly anything about my father's family. I remember grandfather David Lempert lived in Latvia, in the town Daugavpils, but I do not know if he was born there. In my father's words David was born in the middle of 19th century. Father said that grandfather David dealt with timber trade and was a rather well-off. Judging by the portrait hanging in our house, where David is with beard, with a kippah on his head and from the scares tales of my father I can say that grandfather was a religious Jew. During World War One, father's family was also exiled. In my father's words grandfather refused to live in Kharkov [Ukraine, 440 km from Kiev], where he worked in some offices of the Soviet Army. When the war was over, the family returned to Lithuania. I cannot say when grandfather David died. I think it happened before the family came back to the Baltic country. Maternal grandmother, petite lean woman, with her head always covered, lived with us. I do not remember even her name. Her health was very poor and she mostly stayed in her room in bed. We just called her grandmother. I remember her lighting candles on the Sabbath eve. She read her thick shabby prayer book while she was able to see. When I was five, i.e. in 1930, grandmother died. She was buried in accordance with the Jewish tradition in the Mazeikiai Jewish cemetery. I do not know anything about father's siblings. I think he was an only son. At least I do not remember any talks about siblings.

My father Itshok Lempert was born in 1887. I do not know where he was born. Father was a very educated man. He finished lyceum and most likely some other education. Apart from mother tongue Yiddish, he was fluent in Russian. I cannot say how good was his Lithuanian, but it was definitely better than mother's. Father was exempt from the service in the tsarist army as he had myopia alta. Father was much respected in Mazeikiai. He worked as a chief accountant at the Jewish bank in Mazeikiai. He was a highly skilled accountant. He even had students. They came home to my father and he gave them private lessons in book-keeping. Apart from book- keeping and teaching, father was also involved in some social work.

My parents got married in Mazeikiai. I do not know if their wedding was Jewish as both of them, especially father, were unreligious. They might be married under chuppah out of mere respect for the relatives in order to observe the tradition. In 1923 my elder brother was born. He had a double name Mikhl-Duvid. He was named Duvid after grandfather, but I do not know the reason for his second name Mikhl. At home brother was called Duvid. I was born on the 17th of November 1925. I was named Isroel after one of my great grandfather, I do not know paternal or maternal. The surname of my father and grandfather was Lempert. I was born in independent Lithuania, so a Lithuanian version of my Jewish name was written in my birth certificate, namely Lempertas [Lithuanianization of names] 7 I still carry that name.

Growing up

Our family did not own any property and our parents always rented an apartment. I do not remember the peculiarities of our apartments. Usually these were 3-room apartments with a kitchen, without conveniences (there was an outhouse). Father was busy with his work and social activity and could not spend a lot of time with his children. Mother mostly took care of us. The air in our house, and conversations of our guests, mostly Yiddishists, affected our upbringing. Mother was a housewife, but she just ran the house,while others did all the chores. We always had a maid- a Lithuanian tacit and hard-working woman. As per order of my mother she cooked dinner, cleaned the apartment and did the laundry. My parents were not religious. They tried to observe Jewish traditions while grandmother, who lived with us, and grandfather Faivush, were alive. At least most kashrut rules were observed during cooking. There were separate dishes for milk and for meat in the house- from the set of china up to pots, pans and cutting boards. Meat was bought in a special Jewish store, where only kosher meat was on offer. One of the apartments where we stayed for a long time, belonged to the owners of the kosher store. There were three owners of the store - two brothers Glik and their widowed sister Mendelevich. Poultry was purchased in the store and taken to shochet. In my early childhood mother took me to shochet. I remembered his small house with a shed in the yard. There was always a line of Jewish ladies with cackling fowl. There was no pork in our house when grandmother was alive. On Friday she or mother lit Sabbath candles. That was it, there was no other preparation for Sabbath- no cooking of tasty things, baking challahs. There were no things in our house as compared to other Jews. On Sabbath father did not work. Jewish bank like other Jewish educations was closed on Saturday. Father kept late hours at his desk reading and writing and I think he was violating Sabbath traditions.

We did not mark Jewish holidays. Grandfather Faivush came over to us and carried out Paschal seder. Grandfather reclined at the head of the table clad in festive apparel and kippah. A piece of matzah -afikoman' was hidden under his pillow. I was to look for it. Usually Duvid was the one who asked grandfather traditional four questions about the origin of the holidays. [Editor's note: It is always the youngest son that is supposed to ask the questions, so according to the tradition it should have been Isroel.] I also remembered Chanukkah. Potato fritters were usually cooked in our house. The children usually played with a whipping top. Grandfather Faivush gave us Chanukkah money. I do not recall celebration of other holidays. When grandfather Faivush died, we stopped marking even those holidays. It was not because we were lazy. It was because of my father's atheistic principles. Because of that neither I nor my brother? Duvid went through bar mitzvah.

Neither father nor mother went to the synagogue. A big two-storied synagogue was not far from our apartment. Rabbi Mamjoffe was a very respectable man. He got along with father and he called on us. Father and rabbi had long conversations over a cup of tea. I do not know the subject of their conversations. I assume those were theological and philosophic topics. The surname of Mamjoffe was written on my birth certificate and I remembered his ornate signature very well. Rabbi Mamjoffe was atrociously slaughtered by Hitler's soldiers during the first days of occupation. When I worked with the historic archives after war, I came across that signature once again and I was concussed by my reminiscences from childhood. I knew a lot of people who were murdered- my classmates from lyceum and pals of my parents. But these were casual acquaintances and I was not touched to the quick. The preserved signatory of Mamjoffe really touched my soul. When I remember that man, tears come to my eyes.

Apart from the synagogue there were couple of more Jewish institutions. There was a mikveh not far from the synagogue, but our family did not go there. There were charitable organizations, such as Jewish kindergarten, canteen for the indigent. Our family was middle class, it was not rich. Books, papers, father was subscribed for, were the priority in our house. Since childhood we used to read them. We had radio in the 1930s. It was rather rare and expensive back in that time. My brother and I were given a bike. There were few Jewish children who had a bike and it was a kind of luxury. In summer we went to dacha [summer house], which parents rented in a small Lithuanian hamlet. Mother made us take a stroll in the forest for a long time, but brother and I were homesick and wanted to see our friends. We felt tedious in a hamlet. The living wage of our family was pretty decent. The majority of Jews were much poorer. There were a lot of rich people among Jews. Usually these were businessmen, owners of the stores, Jewish doctors and lawyers. I do not remember their names. All I know that the stores in the downtown mostly belonged to the Jews.

One of the local Jews Tulia, owned a house. The first apartment we rented was in his house. Tulia had large egg storage. He dealt with wholesale of eggs and even exported them to England. I did not enter the lyceum because of one of his daughters. My elder brother Duvid went to Ivrit lyceum. Gradually the number of students was cut and it was in the wane. Brother did not finish that lyceum and lately studied in the working school of the labor organization in Kaunas. There was an elementary Jewish school in Mazeikiai. I had studied there for couple of months and got ill. I was taught by my father and crammed for the lyceum by a tutor who came to us. I entered the 3rd grade of Lithuanian elementary school. Having finished it, I took entrance exams to the state Lithuanian lyceum. One of the entrance exams was Bible study. I practically flunked it, having got a satisfactory mark. The teacher, who took the exam on Bible, was the daughter of rabbi Mamjoffe. When I was not in the list of the admitted, Mamjoffe's daughter ran to my mother, repenting and blaming herself. She thought I was not admitted because she gave me a low mark. Two of Tulia's daughters were in the list of the admitted to the lyceum. They did not have brilliant knowledge and given satisfactory marks for the entrance exams. Tulia just bribed the director of the lyceum having arranged parties in his honor. I had studied in the 4th grade of Lithuanian elementary school and the year after I succeeded to enter the second grade of the lyceum. Thus I turned out to be in the same grade with Tulia's daughters. They were good girls. I made friends with them and helped them with homework. In general, mostly Jews, my classmates, were my friends, I remember Borya Mendelevich, son of the owner of butcher store, Jacob Gusev, Meishke Mitskievich. All of them perished during occupation.

There were Lithuanian guys in the class up till 1938. We got along with them. In general, there were very few anti-Semitists in Lithuania. I think, Lithuania was one of those countries, there anti-Semitism was rather weak as compared to the other countries, especially by the middle 1930s. Before 1924 there was a 'golden age' for Jews in Lithuania. Jews were not oppressed in any way. There were Jews in parliament 8, when in 1926 there was a coup d'etat in Lithuania 9 Tautininki came to power, there was an end to democracy. Communist party, 60% consisting of Jews, was banned. Jews were driven out from parliament and from leading positions in the state. But, that was not it. Dictator Smetona 10, came to power and he thought that Lithuanians should be leaders and the rest should keep quiet and help Lithuanians make a happy state. Though, Smetona treated Jews pretty well and we practically felt no anti-Semitism. Of course, in every day life anti- Semitism was displayed in different ways. I remember that once Lithuanian guys in elementary school tried to put some pigs fat on the lips of Jewish guys. But it was childish unmalicious prank. It was as if guys did not understand what they were doing. I came across with a real anti-Semitism in late 1930s. By that time I did not have any particular political interests. I paid attention to the conversations of my father and friends and later on I understood that father belonged to any party- neither communist, nor any other. He had his own views, 'left' views. There were Zionist organizations in the town, including Betar 11 and Maccabi 12. I did not go deep in the politics I joined «Maccabi», where I played ping-pong and communicated with people of my age.

In 1938-39 pro-Nazi public opinion was streamlined in Lithuania. The teacher of arts, a Lithuanian, called upon fascism among youth. I do not know who of them did it, but each morning there were anti-Semitist posters in the lobby of lyceum, namely a Jew with a 'snoot', plaits, distorted appearance and clothes, with a humped back. Those posters were removed, but next morning they appeared again. I know for sure that two guys from that circle shot Jews, including their classmates in 1941 during one of Hitler's actions. There was a very beautiful girl in our class, the daughter of the director of Jewish bank, Kock Glikman. Many guys wooed her, including one of those guys. She did not want to go with him and he shot her with his own hands during one of the actions in 1941. Many people, at least our family, understood, that fascism would bring calamity to our country and many people looked up to USSR. I am not sure if my father knew about political processes and repressions carried out by Stalin in USSR [Great Terror] 13. He had never talked to me about it.

During the War

When soviet soldiers came in our town in June 1940 many people welcomed them hoping for a better life. [Editor's note: In reality probably it was rather few people who welcomed the occupying Red Army in Lithuania. This is more than 50 years of Soviet propaganda, that regarded the occupation of the Baltic states as 'Liberation', that makes itself felt at this episode.] There was a train with soviet militaries and couple of tanks. I remember I and other boys rushed there, encircled the soldiers and tried to speak Russian to them, though we hardly knew anything in Russian. Many guys boasted on stars from the fore-and-aft caps the soldiers gave them. First there was a state of all-in-all euphoria. During the first day there was a meeting on the central square. My father took the floor. He welcomed soviet soldiers in his mother tongue-Yiddish. For the first time within many years Yiddish was heard from tribune in Mazeikiai. Then meetings were held almost every week and almost the whole town got together to listen to the speakers. Euphoria gave way to disillusionment. Many products vanished from the stores. Only one sort of bread remained and it was low-grade. There were hardly any manufacture goods, including soap and napkins. Nationalization was commenced. The bank where father was employed, was nationalized, but father kept on working there. People who owned any type of property or hired workers, were arrested and exiled to Siberia [Deportations from the Baltics] 14. Tulia and his family were exiled and many other. Tulia died in Siberian camp. His wife died in exile, but his daughters managed to come back to their native town in middle 1970s at an adult age. They did not stay in Lithuania long and left for Israel.

Our lyceum was declared a secondary school and the 7th grade of lyceum was the 9th grade at school. Other than that things were the same. I entered Komsomol organization 15. I was rather active- conducted meetings, called upon people to support soviet regime, drew wall posters. One year with the Soviets went by very quickly. On the 21st of June 1941 we had school- leavers party at school. I came home late and did not stay in bed for a long time. Early in the morning we heard the roaring of the planes. The town was bombed. The Great Patriotic War was unleashed. People were panicking, trying to escape, abandoning their houses. Some Jews thought that Germans would do them no harm and decided to stay. Our family did not have a dilemma- to stay or not to stay. By the evening of the Sunday, 22nd of June we left the town on foot. There were four of us - the families of aunt Shifra and mother's younger sister Rahil. People were fleeing. There were crowds of fugitives on the road with suitcases, rucksacks and bales. The road was bombed and I saw death for the first time. Not all people got up after the bombing was over. Retreating units of the Soviet Army walked along with us. We had walked for couple of days until we reached Latvian border and stayed for couple of days at some train station in Latvia waiting for a train. We had a problem with food. We did not take much with us and we ran out of food pretty soon. Father and uncle Aba Metz exchanged our things with products and our family managed to get by couple of days. Then we managed to get on the train heading to Riga. Upon our arrival we were placed at some school, where evacuation point was organized. We slept in a large hall on the floor. In the afternoon all evacuees were given some soup or porridge and bread. The situation was rather unusual mildly to say. By 1940 we had lived in bourgeois Lithuania and were used to relative comfort. We decided to stick together as it was easier to overcome trouble with the support of kin, which was really precious under those circumstances. In a day or two Jacob Rier, husband of aunt Rahil insisted that we should stop by in Sauspils and take a rest in the place of his relatives and wait for the stir to end. He was not used to the complications and aunt Rahil obeyed her husband. We said goodbye to her and their little Rozochka. At that time we did not know that we would never see them again.

We moved on in about ten days. We took a train, which was supposed to evacuate some plant. Couple of empty platforms were attached to the trains so that the fugitives could get on them. There was barely any room. The train started. We had been on the road for no less than 3 weeks. Before we got on the train, father got some [food] products in exchange for some things. At the evacuation point we were given dry ration- rusks. At first, we did not starve. When the products were over, we felt famished. During stops father and elder brother got off to look for food. Sometimes we got some food from the local people by exchanging them with what they had and at times they managed to get a pot of soup given to the evacuees at the stations. The road was being constantly bombed and the train made frequent stops. Then evacuees scattered in different directions hiding in some natural shelters. I saw a lot of deaths, but it was impossible to get used to it.

We arrived in the town of Kirov [850 km to the east from Moscow]. First we settled at the evacuation point. We were kept there for couple of days. The so-called 'buyers' - the chairman of kolkhoz 16 and construction supervisors came there. As a rule they selected young people. In a while we and the family aunt Shifra were sent to some kolkhoz in Kirov oblast. First I was involved in agricultural works and then in carpentry. Father was confined to bed because of illnesses and hunger and died in late 1941. At that time aunt Anna and Rina came from Moscow. She also went to work at kolkhoz. All of us lived in one room in the house of the local kolkhoz people. They treated us really well, but the food was catastrophically scarce though I got trudodni 17 and ration and mother received tiny dependent's ration. I dreamt of studies in spite of the war. I still thought of entering the institute. When Moscow Teachers' Training Institute was evacuated in Kirov, I was enrolled for the first course of Physics and Mathematics department. I was not exactly what I was dreaming about- to become a historian or a philosopher, but I was not to choose. I lived in the hostel of the institute in Kirov. Mother really suffered when father died. She often was unwell. I managed to make arrangements for my mother to have a room in my hospital. She was hired as a cleaner in the hostel and was given a room there. She also was on duty in the hostel. My student life went by very fast. It was easy for me to study and I did well. We lived in a cold hostel like one family, we shared everything we had. Everyday with bated breath we listened to the round-ups from the lines. Guys of all kinds of nationalities studied with me, but our friendship was cemented because of our common grief. There were no discords. I had studied only for a year and a half. At the beginning of 1943 my brother and I were drafted in the front-line forces. My brother worked at some military plant all the time and he came to the military enlistment office on numerous occasions, but he was not drafted, and now was the time.

We were sent to the newly-formed Lithuanian division # 16, 18 positioned in the town of Balakhna, Nizhniy Novgorod. Mother stayed in Kirov and we agreed that she would stay by the institute all the time so it would be easier for us to find her after war. By that time the situation in the lines was considerably different - after defeat of the fascists in the vicinity of Stalingrad [Stalingrad Battle] 19, nobody questioned the victory of the Soviet Army. My brother and I were in the different places. I had spent couple of months training and was sent to the front shortly afterwards. Unfortunately, my brother was not in the lines for a long time. He was killed in action shortly after he was drafted in the front-lines.

In the summer of 1943 I turned out to be on the leading edge. I was a private in the infantry. It was the hardest and most dangerous military profession. We always were the first to confront the enemy face -to-face. Our division was the part of the First Baltic front 20. We swiftly moved along the territory of Russia, then Ukraine and further to the West. We were fed well in the army. It was the first time during the war times when I was full with the food. Of course, living conditions were much to be deplored. We slept in the dugs-out. Sometimes we settled in the houses of the liberated hamlets so that we could sleep in a warm place and take a bath. But it happened on very rare occasions. I was not a coward. I was one of the first who rushed in the attack. Before one of the fiercest battles I joined the Communist party. I did it consciously and deliberately. In the lines all those who wished were admitted in the party, without any bureaucratic routines. So I was admitted in the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. I remember that often we darted in assault with the Stalin's name and we did it willingly. We thought he was the one who encouraged us and assured us in the victory. It was the way we were brought up. During one of the most serious battles I was ahead of everybody. I jumped in the enemy's trench and killed the fascists who were there. As it turned out my deed turned out to be decisive in liberation of the village we were attacking. I do not remember its name now, but it was somewhere on the border of Russian and Belarus. After that battle my commander included me in the list of the awardees. I felt strange. I was a modest guy and I did not think my action to be extraordinary. Soon there was a resolution and I was conferred with the Order of Fame 21. Soon I was elected a Komsomol organizer of the squad and became the aide of the political officer 22. I was to follow the rounds-up of the fronts, estimate political situation. By the way, news- paper were delivered daily and had political classes with the soldiers when they were not in the battles. The war was about to end and the front was advancing to the Western borders of the USSR.

In the summer of 1944 my motherland Lithuania was liberated. I always corresponded with mother. As we agreed, she kept on working in the hostel of the Teachers' Training School. She was evacuated in Moscow with that institute. Mother asked me to be cautious not to be hit by the bullet, but I was never a coward. Strange as it may be the most difficult for me at the front was the lack of the conveniences, the chance to wash my face, take a bath and put clean clothes on, not fascist bullets and the fear of being killed at any moment. Marshes, filth, gnats and not getting enough sleep desponded me the most. My character did not fit the military service, though I was quite good in the battles being a brave soldier. At the end of 1944 the invitation for the officers' courses was sent to our regiment. It was suggested that I should go there. I did not want to be a career soldier as I did not like military service. I wanted to continue my studies at the institute. I understood that the war was winding up and it would be difficult for me to be demobilized at the rank of an officer. But still, I agreed. I even do not know why. Probably, because I was highly responsible. I left for the courses, which were to last for 3 months. These were officers' courses of the First Baltic Front. It happened right after Lithuania had been liberated. We settled in Riga. The war was about to end and the courses were constantly prolonged to save as much officers as possible. When the war moved to Eastern Prussia, we were sent to the former German Kaliningrad region 23, having been liberated by soviet troops. We met victory here. We were exulting. We were so happy to know that the war was over and now it was the time to think of our future.

After the War

We had been already conferred the officers' rank and I became a junior lieutenant. Shortly after our victory we were allocated to different military units. I was sent Vilnius and assigned Komsomol organizer of regiment # 249, where I used to serve. First I lived in the barracks with everybody. Our regiment was in Severny Gorodok, it was the name of one of the outskirts of Vilnius. Mother stayed in Moscow for a while. She was supposed to have a permit to come to Vilnius. When I managed to get a permit for her, I went to Moscow to take mother in Vilnius. In Moscow I saw aunt Anna and cousin Rina. By that time they came back from Kirov oblast, where they stayed during war. First mother and I rented our lodging in Vilnius. It was a small room without conveniences. In 1946 many people left Vilnius for Poland and many apartments were empty. [In 1946 soviet authorities permitted to leave the territory of the USSR to all people, who were born on the territories annexed to the USSR in the period of 1939- 40s.] I was given a small two-room apartment with a kitchen, but without conveniences. Finally, we had our own house and we settled there with mother. I had been writing the requests on demobilization, but they were returned to me unsigned.

I was demobilized only in 1947. I was happy. The only thing for me to do was to find a job and go to the institute. The real hardship in my life started. At that time in Lithuania, as well as in the rest of the USSR, anti- Semitism [Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'] 24 was thriving. I came across it when I was seeking a job at the institute. I finished one year and a half in the period of time when most people did not even manage to finish 10 classes. It was enough to find a job. Besides, I was born in Lithuania, a front line soldier with the awards, the member of Communist Party, which was rare. I wanted to be a lector. I had that experience in the regiment and got along with people. Nothing happened. First, I addressed the "educational agency" Znaniye [Znaniye all-Union society, a public educational agency supporting spread of political and scientific knowledge.]. I was offered a job as an accountant. I had not experience in that. Then, the second secretary of the Central Komsomol Committee of the Republic, the fellow soldier, recommended me for a position of the aide of the first secretary of the Central Komsomol Committee. Of course, I did not succeed. I addressed other organizations. First I was welcomed as I did not look like a typical Jew, but when it was the time to see my last name during processing of my documents, the head of HR department found any reason to refuse me. Of course, they never said that the true reason was my Jewish origin. Finally one good fellow soldier helped me get a job as a literary worker at the paper 'Sovietskaya Litva'. [Russian language Lithuanian newspaper. Between 1944 and 1990 it came out six time a week in 70,000 copies daily (1975)]

The same year- 1947 - I submitted the documents to the Vilnius university, Physics and Mathematics Department. The pro-rector, responsible for academic studies, an inveterate anti-Semitist, told me: «you studied at the Teachers' Training Institute. Take another attempt». But I was helped by the party organizer of the university, who was from Mazeikiai. He knew my father very well and insisted that I should be admitted to the second course as I was the member of the party and a front-line soldier. Students of those years did not look like modern students. At that time we were adults having gone through war. I was also responsible for my mother. She could not work, so I was the only bread-winner. When I was in the third year I was employed by Chair of Marxism and Leninism as teachers' assistant. There was a lack of teachers in social studies Lithuania, who were fluent in Lithuanian and Russian languages. On the third course I was appointed as an assistant to the teacher in Marxism and Leninism. There were 3 students-teachers in the entire university, including me. Upon graduation I successfully defended my diploma and I was not to worry of the mandatory job assignment 25. They even did not ask what I would like to do. I remained teaching at the university.

I did not associate state anti-Semitism, commenced with the assassination of the great Jewish actor Mikhoels 26, extermination of Jewish Anti- fascist Committee 27 and ended with the preposterous so-called 'doctors' plot» 28 with Stalin's name. I thought there were the willingness of the local state activists to outdo others in front of all-union dignitaries. I should say that I personally was not touched by anti-Semitistic campaigns. I kept on teaching successfully. Judging by the way tutors and students treated me, I can say I was respected. I took hard Stalin's death in 1953. Gradually I came to understanding his true role and the resolutions adopted at divulging the  Party Congress 29 were taken by me as logical and necessary. The truth was revealed. Only now, after perestroika 30 we came to know almost everything about transgressions of the soviet régime and gangster leader Stalin.

I had worked in the university by 1989, before the outbreak of perestroika. I had defended candidate theses [Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees] 31. When the independence of Lithuania was restored 32 I confirmed my title. Now I am the doctor of History. I should say I did not accept perestroika at once. It was hard for me to object all those ideas I was sincerely devoted to- the ideas of socialism and communism. Being the nee of Lithuania I understood very well that Moscow was alien in our country. Now I completely agree with the term 'soviet occupation, when it goes about soviet regime. I support the independence of my country, its membership in European Union. I hope that Lithuania will overcome temporary obstacles and become a flourishing European country.

I am happy in my private life. I met a wonderful Jewish girl at the university. Polina Aibinder was the student of the medical department. We had a lot in common. Both of us were born in small Lithuanian towns. She was born in Kupiskis in 1930. Her father Zelik Aibinder was a tailor and mother was a housewife. Polina had a sister Rosa Aibinder. In 1941 she did not manage to get evacuated and had to go through all the horror of Vilnius ghetto 33. Rosa survived. Shortly after war was over she left for Israel. She is still living there. In 1941 Polina and her parents left the town and were evacuated in Chuvashia. Upon return Polina's family settled in Vilnius. Polina and I started seeing each other. In 1951 we got married. We had a very modest wedding. We registered our marriage in a regional marriage registration office and had a small party with closest people in my aunt's apartment as there was no room in our apartment. We moved in my mother's place. In 1952 our elder son came into the world. We named him David after my brother. Our second son Ilia was born in 1957.

Our family lived the way all common families lived by the soviet regime- from check to check. We did not have any riches, but our life was pretty decent. My wife worked as a doctor. Children, like others, went to the kindergarten, then to school. Mother helped us the best way she could. In early 1960s she was getting more and more unwell. She took to her bed and in died in 1965. She was buried in the Jewish sector of the cemetery 34, but without any Jewish rites being observed. We went on vacation every year, sometimes with children. Like most people from Vilnius we went to the spas [Recreation ?enters in the the USSR] 35 in Palanga [popular resort in Lithuania on the coast of the Baltic Sea]. We got trade-union travel vouchers and had to pay only 30% of the trip, so we could afford to take a vacation every year. Children went pioneer camps on the territory of Lithuania. In early 1970s I bought a car and we took an interest to travel around Lithuania. We went to Crimea and the Carpathians [Ukraine]. In couple of years I got a land plot for my orchard. At that time there collective horticulture was developed and workers were given land plots of 600m2. The land plot was small and the cottage built could not exceed 30 square meters. We enjoyed taking care of our garden, orchard and flowerbeds. All could fit in our house- we, our children and grandchildren. When the restrictions as for the size of cottages were cancelled, I expanded my cottage. Now we have a pretty decent heated dacha [summer house].

David graduated from the Mathematics Department of Vilnius University. He was an excellent student, but still he had problems with a job. He was given a mandatory job assignment teach mathematics at the elementary school, though he ranked the 2nd of the 3rd best student and was dreaming of scientific work. Finally I managed to find a place for him - to perform research at the University, but David was dissatisfied: the salary was skimpy, there was no way for the growth and he could not work on his own. He had a family - his wife Liza, a Jew, who worked as an accountant and two daughters, Elena and Anna born in a row in 1982 and 1983 respectively. In early 1990s David and his family left for Israel. There he does well. He is a mathematician/programmer. His wife is working as an accountant. My favorite granddaughters served a full term in Israel army. Now both of them study at Haifa University. My son's family lives in Petakh Tikvah. I visited him for couple of times. I am happy he managed to achieve what he sought.

My younger son Ilia also finished Vilnius university. He is a historian. His wife Larissa is a Ukrainian Jew. During soviet regime she came to Vilnius to enter the institute like many Jewish young people as it was much easier in Lithuania as compared to other republics. [There was rerlatively less discrimination against Jews upon entering higher education in Lithuania than elswhere in the Soviet Union.] Larisa finished university, Russian philology department, defended candidate theses. She is the candidate of science now. Larisa is currently dealing with Judaic. Ilia has two children- the elder Olga, born in 1986, entered Moscow university, Judaic department. She studies Jewish philology. My only grandson Alexander, whom I call Sachenka - I call all my grandchildren tender names: Lenochka, Anechka, Olenka - [Russian diminutives for Elena, Anna and Olga] born in 1989 is finish Vilnius Jewish school this year. By the way, Jewish school in Vilnius is not private, but state.

Another, probably the most important thing for the Jews is the revival of Jewish life, which became possible with perestroika and independence of Lithuania. Now I came back to the life I used to have so many years ago. In the period of time when the state of Israel was founded, when it was at war - six-day war 36, Yom-Kippur war 37 etc., I, like many other people could not help, but admire Israel. Many people displayed solidarity with Israelies. I kept silent at the party meetings, when my peoples was stigmatized. Now I am proud of Israel and I am happy that my son lives there. I do not think of immigration. I cannot split myself for each of my sons and for each of my motherlands. Let things remain the way they are. Besides, my Polina is very sick. Couple of years ago to had to retire because of her poor health. Now, she rarely leaves the apartment.

When I resigned from the university I was employed at psychological laboratory by the university dealing with research of educational issues. At the same time I was offered to teach Jewish history at the Jewish school, which was recently open. It turned out, that I was learning together with my students, being one class ahead of them. In my childhood and adolescence I did not study Jewish history and now I opened that wonderful history world for me. I had worked by 2004 and now I am taking a rest for a year. Though, I cannot call it a rest. Earlier, when my younger son took a keen interest in Holocaust, I started collecting materials on that horrible page in the Jewish history and understood that Jewish life and community appealed to me. Probably it was an inner need to do possible and impossible for the Jewry to be revived. Now I am a member of the Board of the Community of Lithuanian Jews. Now I have the chance to do my best for the community. I did not become religious; my family marks Jewish holidays and mandatory fasts on Yom Kippur to commemorate my ancestors and millions of those who perished.

I dote on Lithuania. Now I like things, which I could not accept at once- crushed communistic regime was like a breath of fresh air, something which was necessary for our country to exist, but there are things in Lithuanian politics, which I disapprove, i.e. getting away with everything, connected with the USSR. I do not think it is the right thing to do. I do not like a negative attitude toward the victory over fascism. Here many people think that we should have fought with Hitler against USSR. I am strongly against it! Hitler captured half of Europe, enslaved and exterminated millions of people. I was in the lines and I know: because of our combined efforts we gained a victory over fascism and we should always keep it in mind. I hope that my country would get over the difficulties with growth.

GLOSSARY:

1 Lithuanian independence

A part of the Russian Empire since the 18th Century Lithuania gained independence after WWI, as a reason of the collapse of its two powerful neighbors, Russia and Germany, in November 1918. Although resisting the attacks of Soviet-Russia, Lithuania lost to Poland the multi-ethnic and multi-cultural city of Vilna (Wilno, Vilnius) in 1920, claimed by both countries, and as a result they remained in war up until 1927. In 1923 Lithuania succeeded in occupying the previously French- administered (since 1919) Memel Territory and port (Klaipeda). The Lithuanian Republic remained independent until its Soviet occupation in 1940.

2 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

3 Labor army

it was made up of men of call-up age not trusted to carry firearms by the Soviet authorities. Such people were those living on the territories annexed by the USSR in 1940 (Eastern Poland, the Baltic States, parts of Karelia, Bessarabia and northern Bukovina) as well as ethnic Germans living in the Soviet Union proper. The labor army was employed for carrying out tough work, in the woods or in mines. During the first winter of the war, 30 percent of those drafted into the labor army died of starvation and hard work. The number of people in the labor army decreased sharply when the larger part of its contingent was transferred to the national Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian Corps, created at the beginning of 1942. The remaining labor detachments were maintained up until the end of the war.

4 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

5 Occupation of the Baltic Republics (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania)

Although the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact regarded only Latvia and Estonia as parts of the Soviet sphere of influence in Eastern Europe, according to a supplementary protocol (signed in 28th September 1939) most of Lithuania was also transferred under the Soviets. The three states were forced to sign the 'Pact of Defense and Mutual Assistance' with the USSR allowing it to station troops in their territories. In June 1940 Moscow issued an ultimatum demanding the change of governments and the occupation of the Baltic Republics. The three states were incorporated into the Soviet Union as the Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian Soviet Socialist Republics.

6 Salaspils

The biggest concentration camp in Latvia, located on the railway near Riga. All together over 53,000 people were killed there from various countries. The killed were placed in pits in several layers, occupying about 2600 square meters. Inmates were also used as workers at peat bog, lime factory and others. Now there is a memorial ensemble and the museum "Road of Ordeal" on the place of the former concentration camp.

(http://www.logon.org/_domain/holocaustrevealed.org/Latvia/Latvian_Holocaust .htm)

7 Lithuaniazation of names

Voluntary Lithuanization of family names was intruduced during the First Lithuanian Republic, banned during the Soviet occupation (1939-1991) and reintruduced in the Second Republic. Often it involves the attachment of the characteristic Lithuanian '-as' ending after the family name.

8 Jews in the Lithuanian parliament

After Lithuania gained independence (1918) in the Seim (Parliament) about 30% of the representatives were Jewish. After the 1926 coup the Seim was dissolved, authoritarian rule was introduced and there were no longer Jewish representation in the government.

9 Coup d'etat in Lithuania in 1926

According to the Lithuanian Constitution of 1920 the country was declared a democratic republic. Conservative and liberal factions were predominant in the Seimas (parliament) in the following years. On 17th December 1926 a conservative coup was engineered, led by the conservative leader Atanas Smetona. All liberals and leftists were expelled from the Seimas, which then elected Smetona president and Augustinas Voldemaras as premier. In 1929 Smetona forced Voldemaras to resign and assumed full dictatorial power. He was reelected in 1931 and 1938. (Source: http://www2.omnitel.net/ramunas/Lietuva/lt_history.shtml)

10 Smetona, Antanas (1874-1944)

Lithuanian politician, President of Lithuania. A lawyer by profession he was the leader of the authonomist movement when Lithuania was a part of the Russian Empire. He was provisional President of Lithuania (1919-1920) and elected president after 1926. In 1929 he forced the Prime Minister, Augustin Voldemaras, resign and established full dictatorship. After Lithuania was occupied by the Sovit Union (1940) Smetona fled to Germany and then (1941) to the United States.

11 Betar

Brith Trumpledor (Hebrew) meaning the Trumpledor Society. Right- wing Revisionist Jewish youth movement. It was founded in 1923 in Riga by Vladimir Jabotinsky, in memory of J. Trumpledor, one of the first fighters to be killed in Palestine, and the fortress Betar, which was heroically defended for many months during the Bar Kohba uprising. Its aim was to propagate the program of the revisionists and prepare young people to fight and live in Palestine. It organized emigration, through both legal and illegal channels. It was a paramilitary organization; its members wore uniforms. Its members supported the idea to create a Jewish legion in order to liberate Palestine. From 1936-39 the popularity of Betar diminished. During the war many of its members formed guerrilla groups.

12 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

13 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

14 Deportations from the Baltics (1940-1953)

After the Soviet Union occupied the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) in June 1940 as a part of establishing the Soviet system mass deportation of the local population begun. The victims of these were mainly but not exclusively those unwanted by the regime: the local bourgeousie and the previously politically active strata. Deportations to remote parts of the Soviet Union were going on countinously up until the death of Stalin. The first major wave of deportation took place between 11th and 14th June 1941, when 36,000, mostly politically active people were deported. Deportations were reintroduced after the Soviet Army recaptured the three countries from Nazi Germany in 1944. Partisan fights against the Sovet occupiers were going on all up to 1956, when the last squad was eliminated. Between June 1948 and January 1950 in accordance with a Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR under the pretext of ' grossly dodged from labor activity in the agricultural field and lead anti-social and parasitic mode of life' from Latvia 52,541, from Lithuania 118,599 and from Estonai 32,450 people were deported. The total number of deportees from the three republics amounted to 203,590. Among them were entire Lithuanian families of different social strata (peasants, workers, intelligentsia), everybody who was able to reject or deemed capable to reject the regime. Most of the exiled died in the foreignland. Besides, about 100,000 people were killed in action and in fusillade for being members of partisan squads and another about 100,000 were sentenced to 25 years in camps.

15 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

16 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

17 Trudodni

a measure of work used in Soviet collective farms until 1966. Working one day it was possible to earn from 0.5 up to 4 trudodni. In fall when the harvest was gathered the collective farm administration calculated the cost of 1 trudoden in money or food equivalent (based upon the profit).

18 16th Lithuanian division

It was formed according to a Soviet resolution on December 18th 1941 and consisted of residents of the annexed former Lithuanian republic. The Lithuanian division consisted 10.000 people (34,2% of whom were Jewish), it was well equipped and was completed by July 7th 1942. In 1943 it took part in the Kursk battle, fought in Belarus and was a part of the Kalinin front. All together it liberated over 600 towns and villages and took 12.000 German soldiers as captives. In summer 1944 it took part in the liberation of Vilnius joining the 3rd Belarussian Front, fought in the Kurland and exterminated the beseaged German troops in Memel (Klaipeda). After victory its headquarters were dislocated in Vilnius, in 1945-46 most veterans were demobilized but some officiers stayed in the Soviet Army.

19 Stalingrad Battle (17 July 1942- 2 February1943) The Stalingrad, South- Western and Donskoy Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad

On 19-20 November 1942 the soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330 thousand people) in the vicinity of Stalingrad. The Soviet troops eliminated this German grouping. On 31 January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91 thousand people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

20 First Baltic front

'Front' is the largest Soviet military formation during WWII; all together 52 'fronts' were established, each bearing the name of a region, city, or other geographical term of their location. The First Baltic Front was established in October 1943 to support operations aimed at the liberation of the Baltic Republics and Belarus, it existed till March 1945.

21 Order of Fame

Order of Fame is of three classes. It was established by the Order of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of USSR as of the 8th of November 1943. Privates and sergeants were awarded with that order in Soviet Army, and in aviation- junior lieutenants, who displayed courage, bravery and valor in the battles for the Motherland.

22 Political officer

These "commissars," as they were first called, exercised specific official and unofficial control functions over their military command counterparts. The political officers also served to further Party interests with the masses of drafted soldiery of the USSR by indoctrination in Marxist-Leninism. The 'zampolit', or political officers, appeared at the regimental level in the army, as well as in the navy and air force, and at higher and lower levels, they had similar duties and functions. The chast (regiment) of the Soviet Army numbered 2000-3000 personnel, and was the lowest level of military command that doctrinally combined all arms (infantry, armor, artillery, and supporting services) and was capable of independent military missions. The regiment was commanded by a colonel, or lieutenant colonel, with a lieutenant or major as his zampolit, officially titled "deputy commander for political affairs."

23 Konigsberg offensive

It started on 6th April 1945 and involved the 2nd and the 3rd Belarusian and some forces of the 1st Baltic front. It was conducted as part of the decisive Eastern Prussian operation, the purpose of which was the crushing defeat of the largest grouping of German forces in Eastern Prussia and the northern part of Poland. The battles were crucial and desperate. On 9th April 1945 the forces of the 3rd Belarusian front stormed and seized the town and the fortress of Konigsberg. The battle for Eastern Prussia was the most blood-shedding campaign in 1945. The losses of the Soviet Army exceeded 580,000 people (127,000 of them were casualties). The Germans lost about 500,000 people (about 300,000 of them were casualties). After WWII, based on the decision of the Potsdam Conference (1945) the northern part of Eastern Prussia including Konigsberg was annexed to the USSR and the city was renamed as Kaliningrad.

24 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

25 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

26 Mikhoels, Solomon (1890-1948) (born Vovsi)

Great Soviet actor, producer and pedagogue. He worked in the Moscow State Jewish Theater (and was its art director from 1929). He directed philosophical, vivid and monumental works. Mikhoels was murdered by order of the State Security Ministry

27 Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC)

formed in Kuibyshev in April 1942, the organization was meant to serve the interests of Soviet foreign policy and the Soviet military through media propaganda, as well as through personal contacts with Jews abroad, especially in Britain and the United States. The chairman of the JAC was Solomon Mikhoels, a famous actor and director of the Moscow Yiddish State Theater. A year after its establishment, the JAC was moved to Moscow and became one of the most important centers of Jewish culture and Yiddish literature until the German occupation. The JAC broadcast pro-Soviet propaganda to foreign audiences several times a week, telling them of the absence of anti-Semitism and of the great anti-Nazi efforts being made by the Soviet military. In 1948, Mikhoels was assassinated by Stalin's secret agents, and, as part of a newly-launched official anti-Semitic campaign, the JAC was disbanded in November and most of its members arrested.

28 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

29 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

30 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

31 Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees

Graduate school in the Soviet Union (aspirantura, or ordinatura for medical students), which usually took about 3 years and resulted in a dissertation. Students who passed were awarded a 'kandidat nauk' (lit. candidate of sciences) degree. If a person wanted to proceed with his or her research, the next step would be to apply for a doctorate degree (doktarontura). To be awarded a doctorate degree, the person had to be involved in the academia, publish consistently, and write an original dissertation. In the end he/she would be awarded a 'doctor nauk' (lit. doctor of sciences) degree.

32 Reestablishment of the Lithuanian Republic

On 11th March 1990 the Lithuanian State Assembly declared Lithuania an independent republic. The Soviet leadership in Moscow refused to acknowledge the independence of Lithuania and initiated an economic blockade on the country. At the referendum held in February 1991, over 90% of the participants (turn out was 84%) voted for independence. The western world finally recognized Lithuanian independence and so too did the USSR on 6 September 1991. On 17 September 1991 Lithuania joined the United Nations.

33 Vilnius Ghetto

95 % of the estimated 265,000 Lithuanian Jews (254,000 people) were murdered during Nazi occupation, no other communities were so comprehensively destroyed during WWII. Vilnius was occupied by the Germans on 26th June 1941 and two ghettos were built in the city afterwards, separated by Niemiecka street that was outside both of them. On 6th September all Jews were taken to the ghettoes, at first randomly to either Ghetto 1 or Ghetto 2. During September they were being continuously slaughtered by Einsatzkommando units. Later craftsmen were moved to Ghetto 1 with their families and all others to Ghetto 2. During the 'Yom Kippur Action' on 1st October 3,000 Jews were killed and in three additional actions in October the entire Ghetto 2 was liquidated and later another 9,000 of the survivors were killed. In late 1941 the official population of the ghetto was 12,000 people that rose to 20,000 by 1943 as a result of further transports. In August 1943 over 7,000 people were sent to various labor camps in Lithuania and Estonia. The Vilnius ghetto was liquidated under the supervision of Bruno Kittel on 23rd and 24th September 1943. On Rossa Square a selection took place, those able to work were sent to labor camps in Latvia and Estonia and all the rest to different death camps in Poland. By 25th September 1943 only 2,000 Jews officially remained in Vilnius in small labor camps and more than 1,000 were hiding outside and were gradually hunted down. Those permitted to live continued to work at Kailis and HKP factories until 2nd June 1944 when 1,800 of them were shot and less the 200 remained in hiding until the Red Army liberated Vilnius on 13th July 1944.

34 Jewish section of cemetery

In the USSR city cemeteries were territorially divided into different sectors. They often included common plots, children's plots, titled militaries' plots, Jewish plots, political leaders' plots, etc. In some Soviet cities the separate Jewish cemeteries continued to be maintained and in others they were closed, usually claimed to due to some technical reasons. The family could decide upon the burial of the deceased; Jewish military could be for instance be buried either in the military or the Jewish section. Such division of cemeteries still continues to exist in many parts of the ex-Soviet Union.

35 Recreation Centers in the USSR

trade unions of many enterprises and public organizations in the USSR constructed recreation centers, rest homes, and children's health improvement centers, where employees could take a vacation paying 10 percent of the actual total cost of such stays. In theory each employee could take one such vacation per year, but in reality there were no sufficient numbers of vouchers for such vacations, and they were mostly available only for the management.

36 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Isroeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Isroel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

37 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Isroeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Isroel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Isroel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

Renée Molho

Renée Molho
Thessaloniki, Griechenland

Renée Molho ist 83 Jahre alt. Trotz kleiner Gehprobleme ist sie eine schöne und elegante Dame. Sie wohnt allein in einer großen Wohnung, die sie früherer mit ihrer Familie teilte. Sie hat einen großen Balkon und ist sehr stolz auf ihre Blumen. Blumen sind überall, fast in jedem Bilderrahmen. Sie erklärte mir, es ist eine Art Anerkennung für den Mann, der ihr das Leben rettete. Sie war während des Interviews sehr emphatisch und klopfte auf dem Tisch. Sie bemühte sich, Griechisch zu reden, aber sie spricht auch Ladino und verwendet nach Belieben englische und französische Wörter. Sie erzählt mit Leidenschaft – sie flüstert vor Angst und wird angespannt vor Wut. Vor nur zwei Jahren hörte sie im Alter von 81 auf, in der Buchhandlung zu arbeiten, die sie zusammen mit ihrem Mann verwaltete. Sie arbeitete seit der Befreiung dort. Sie war für die französischen Bücher zuständig, weshalb der Laden in ganz Griechenland bekannt wurde.

Familienhintergrund

Ich bin Renée Molho; mein Mädchenname ist Saltiel Abravanel. Ich wurde am 9. August 1918 in Thessaloniki geboren. Während der deutschen Besatzung wohnte ich in Israel. Ich spreche Griechisch, Französisch, Englisch und Spanisch [Ladino] und ich verstehe Italienisch.

Ich habe zwei Schwestern: Matilde Dzivre wohnt in Athen und Eda Saporta wohnt in Paris. Matilde wurde 1917 und Eda 1921 geboren. Sie sprechen dieselben Sprachen wie ich.
Alle Familienmitglieder waren spanische Staatsbürger. Wir stammen ursprünglich aus Spanien, aber wo genau weiß ich nicht.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Mazaltov Saltiel (nee Saporta) und mein Großvater hieß Samuel Saltiel. Großmutter Saporta wohnte allein in einer Wohnung in einem zweistöckigen Wohnhaus. Im ersten Stock wohnte mein Onkel Sinto und im Erdgeschoss wohnte meine Großmutter. Sinto war der älteste von Omas Söhnen.

Die Geschwister meines Vaters, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, waren: Sinto, dann mein Vater Joseph, dann Onkel Avram, Onkel Mentesh, Ongel Sabetai und dann Tante Sol, die mit [Vidal] Amarilio verheiratet war, Tante Julia, Tante Berta und Tante Bellika.

Onkel Sinto war mit Bella Malah verheiratet. Ihre Kinder waren Samuel, Mathilde, Linda, Rosa, Renée und Alice.

Onkel Avram war mit Regina verheiratet – Tante Regina, wer weiß wie sie mit Nachname hieß. Sie hatten zwei Kinder, Leilia und Mathilde.
Onkel Mentesh hatte mit Rachelle Pinhas zwei Söhne, Samiko und Moris.

Onkel Sabetai war mit Rene, Tante Rene, verheiratet, und hatte Samiko und Julia. Sie waren alle spanische Staatsbürger.

Mein Großvater mütterlicherseits wurde früher Nadir genannt, aber eigentlich hieß er Shabetai. Sie nannten ihn Nadir, weil er ein sehr beharrlicher und intelligenter Mann war. Er stand früher immer um vier Uhr morgens auf, um französisch zu lernen. Immer wenn die Türken eine Rede halten mussten, musste er sie vorbereiten. Er war ein guter Mann und sie haben ihn so gerne gehabt, dass sie ihn Nadir genannt, was auf Hebräisch und Türkisch ‚selten’ heißt. Sie haben ihn immer gemocht und geschätzt. Ich weiß nicht was er beruflich machte, da er schon tot war, als meine Mutter, Stella Abravanel, heiratete. Ich wusste nur von ihm.

Meine Großmutter mütterlicherseits hieß Rikoula Abravanel, geboren Tsinio. Sie wohnte mit ihren Kindern, die Geschwister meiner Mutter. Sie waren David, Pepo, Leon und Mario - alle hießen Abravanel – sowie Rachelle, die mit Avram Haim, der Waschtuchverkäufer, verheiratet war. Sie hatten zusammen fünf Kinder: Lina, Elio, Renée, Nadir und Silvia.
Onkel Pepo heiratete Mitsa Rosengrad. Sie wohnten hier in Thessaloniki und hatten eine Tochter, Rena Abravanel, jetzt Greenup, die heute in Amerika lebt.

Onkel David war ein ehrlicher und wichtiger Mann. Der war Geschäftsführer bei einer großen Tabakfirma, „The Commercial“. Er war nie verheiratet, also war seine ganze Liebe an seine Schwestern, meine Mutter und Tante Rachelle und ihre Kinder gerichtet. Er besuchte uns oft und interessierte sich für uns; er wollte unsere Schulnoten sehen und wissen, wer von uns gut in der Schule war, wer nicht, und warum.

Als der Laden meines Vaters im Brand zerstört wurde, war es Onkel David, der neben ihn stand und ihn unterstützt hat. Er hat ihm sogar das Geld für einen Neustart gegeben. Gleichzeitig hat er für meiner Mutter ein Bankkonto eröffnet, so dass sie sich keine Sorgen mehr machen musste. Natürlich habe ich deswegen ein Faible für ihn. Er war immer für uns da.
Onkel Leon war mit Nini Nahmias verheiratet und hatte zwei Töchter, Riki – Rikoula – und Victoria. Sie waren 5 Jahre alt als der Krieg ausbrach. Er arbeitet auch bei „The Commercial,“ der Tabakfirma, unter der Führung seines älteren Bruders David.

Onkel Mario heiratete Ida. Ihr Vater war Arzt und er hatte in den Pariser Krankenhäuser studiert. Als sie heirateten, gingen sie nach Paris, um mit ihren Eltern zu leben. Doch sie schafften es nicht und kamen nach Thessaloniki zurück. Als die zurückkamen, kamen Idas Eltern nach. Der Vater, der unser Familienarzt war, erklärte uns alles. Ich weiß nicht was Onkel Mario in Frankreich machte. Hier war er Tabakexperte. Sie hatten einen Jungen, Edward, und zwei Mädchen, Renée und Lily Abravanel.

Während der Besatzung versteckten sie sich in Athen und wurden nicht deportiert. Edward war schon tot, weil er während der Eleutherias-Platz-Versammlung Meningitis bekam und daran starb.
Nach der Befreiung flüchteten sie versteckt auf einem Schiff nach Israel. Doch der Onkel Mario hatte kein Glück: er starb auf dem Schiff und wurde über Bord geschmissen. Seine Töchter heirateten in Israel und lebten im Afikim Kibbutz.

Mein Vater, Joseph Samuel Saltiel, wurde [am 5. Juni 1881] hier in Thessaloniki geboren. Er hat Spanisch und Deutsch und selbstverständlich auch Griechisch gesprochen. Er war schön, groß, dunkelhaarig und gutaussehend. Er war nicht sehr lustig; er war ernst, bestimmt ernster als er hätte sein sollen, da er drei Töchter hatte, was ihn störte. Er trug immer Anzug mit Krawatte, Hut, natürlich, und Handschuhe. Er kümmerte sich sehr ums Aussehen und war immer sehr gut angezogen. Ein sehr eleganter Mann.

Mein Vater war nicht besonders mutig und auch wenn er politische Überzeugungen hatte, hätte er sie nie öffentlich preisgegeben. So war er nicht. Doch er war sehr weise. Stellen Sie sich vor, zwei Menschen hätten sich gestritten. Er hätte sich eingemischt und den Kompromiss gefunden, weil er ein sehr gerechter, korrekter und weiser Mann war. Alle hatten Vertrauen in seine Ernsthaftigkeit und Logik. Ein Vermittler war er, kann man sagen. Er hätte gefragt: Inwiefern unterscheiden sie sich voneinander? Warum nicht dies oder jenes machen? Er hätte versucht, ihnen den Sinn zu zeigen und eine akzeptable Lösung zu finden, egal was für ein Problem.

Zuhause wurde nicht diskutiert – nicht über Nachrichten, Aktualitäten, Politik, Gerüchte, was auch immer. Er war nicht für lange Gespräche. Er kommunizierte nicht viel. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob ich ihn einmal beim Lautlachen gesehen hätte. Er war immer ein bisschen kühl, auch mit Freunden! Er war nicht leicht zu erreichen, doch war ich das Hauptobjekt seiner Liebe.
Er schüttelte niemandem die Hand, nur mit mir hatte er es gemacht. Wenn er musste und es nicht vermeiden konnte, kam er schnell nach Hause, um sich die Hände zu waschen und sie mit Alkohol zu reinigen. Er hatte große Angst vor Mikroben und Verseuchungen aller Art; schließlich starb er an Krebs.

Er war sehr streng. Er wollte gerecht sein und deswegen war er in sich selbst eingeschlossen. Er zeigte selten Zuneigung – an kaum jemanden, ob an seine Frau, weiß ich nicht. Er war introvertiert.
Er war nicht bei der Armee. Damals war die Armee türkisch. Erst 1912 wurde Thessaloniki griechisch. Während der türkischen Zeit musste man nur einen bestimmten Geldbeitrag bezahlen, um den Wehrdienst sicher zu entkommen.

Beruflich verkaufte mein Vater Holz für die Bauarbeit. Er importierte Holz aus Rumänien. Ich erinnere mich noch daran, wie er nach einer Berufsreise wiederkam – er trug hohe Stiefel und einen Mantel mit Pelz drin. Einen Hut aus Pelz hatte er auch. Als er zurückkam, schien er mir – ich war damals noch sehr klein – so groß wie die Tür zu sein. Dieses Bild von ihm trage ich noch; Mein Vater als groß, stark und schön.

Meine Mutter dagegen war einem ganz anderen Charakter. Tante Rachelle, ihre Schwester, war groß und dick, meine Mutter dagegen klein, dünn und sehr intelligent mit einer fröhlichen Ausstrahlung. Sie war immer elegant, immer sehr gut angezogen. Sie war sehr vorsichtig, wurde nie dreckig und trug immer die neuste Kleidermode. Meine Großmutter Abravanel war einmal sehr schockiert, weil sie ein sehr kurzes Kleid trug. Kurz heißt: knapp über den Knie! So war die Mode, also trug sie es.

Sie war sehr klein. Sie hatte eine Schuhgröße von 34. Damals waren Schuhe immer maßgefertigt. Man kaufte keine Schuhe im Laden, stattdessen ging man zum Handwerker. Oft passten die Schuhe nicht so ganz – zu eng oder kurz – und man hatte Hornhaut überall auf den Füßen. Sie war eine glückliche Person und sang viel. Immer war sie am Lachen oder Witze erzählen. Sie las auch gerne.
Weder Kosmetik noch Lippenstift trug sie, doch sie benutzte Gesichtspuder. Ich habe noch eine kleine Kiste davon, gut versteckt, nur um meine Mutter noch riechen zu können.
Ich weiß, dass die Ehe meiner Eltern durch einen Heiratsvermittler arrangiert wurde. Die Heiratsvermittler kannte die Familien und suchte die passenden Töchter oder Söhne im Heiratsalter aus. Kontakt lief natürlich über die Eltern, nicht die Kinder. Man hat damals mit 18, 19, 20 geheiratet. Wenn eine Frau mit 29 unverheiratet blieb, war sie schon eine alte Jungfer.

Damals war es den Neuverheirateten üblich, die ersten Jahre bei der Familie der Frau zu wohnen. Doch meine Eltern machten das nicht, weil meine Mutter keinen Vater mehr hatte und Oma wohnte mit ihren noch unverheirateten Söhnen. Damals war es selten, aus Liebe zu heiraten. Ich kenne keine solchen Ehen. Damals hing es davon ab, was für eine Person dein Gatte oder Gattin war.
Zu dieser Zeit gab es wenige Mischehen. Sehr, sehr wenig. Bei uns sind die Schwestern von Tante Mitsa, Ida Margariti und Silvia, in gemischten Ehen großgeworden und ihre Kinder sind alle Christen. Ich weiß nicht, was die Familie dazu sagte, da ich damals noch sehr klein war.

Familienleben

Als ich klein war, wohnten wir in einem Haus mit großen Garten. Im Garten war das Haus, wo mein Onkel Sinto mit seiner Familie im ersten Stock wohnte und meine Großeltern mit Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai, die noch nicht verheiratet waren, im Erdgeschoss wohnten. Unseres Haus war klein und stand am anderen Ende des Gartens. Da war ein Wohnzimmer beim Eingang, zwei Schlafzimmer und eine Küche. Im Wohnzimmer und in der Küche wurde mit Holz geheizt; die Schlafzimmer waren kalt. Ein Schlafzimmer war für die Eltern, das andere für die drei Mädels. Matilde hatte ihr eigenes Bett, während Edi und ich zusammen im selben Bett schlafen mussten.

Eda war viel jünger als ich und eine Person voller Freude. Sie war nicht so pessimistisch wie ich. Ich war immer viel zurückhaltender. Eda war immer bester Laune – wie Mutter. Sie hat gerne und viel getanzt – sie tanzte auch diesen russischen Tanz im Sitzen, den Kalinka.

Im Haus hatten wir fließendes Wasser, doch im Hof stand noch eine Handpumpe, die wir fürs Pflanzengießen benutzten. Damals hatten wir auch eine Badewanne – damals nicht üblich. Strom hatten wir auch. Im Garten wuchsen nichts Essbares – kein Gemüse, nur Blumen und grüne Pflanzen. Wir Kinder spielten immer im Garten: fünf Kinder von Onkel Sinto und wir drei. Doch ich saß immer am Zaun und schaute was sie alle machen, weil sie sehr wild waren. Tiere hatten wir keine.
Als wir im Garten spielten, saß mein Opa immer vorm Haus um uns zu beobachten. Da gab es einen kleinen Granatapfelbaum mit zwei Blumen. Er hat gewartet und gewartet, bis die Früchte zeigen. Eines Tages merkte er, wie eine der Blumen anfing zu verblassen. Nachdem Eda eines Tages die Blume abschnitt, merkte sie, was sie getan hatte, und klebte sie mit einer Stechnadel wieder an den Baum. Opa sah alles und war von der Geste bewegt, deswegen wurde sie nicht von ihm bestraft.

Opa hatte eine Hernie und einen riesigen Bauch, deshalb konnte er nicht mehr gehen. Also saß er immer vorm Haus. Er trug immer Andari, weil er wegen seines großen Bauches sonst nichts tragen konnte. Kippa trug er nicht, trotzdem war er religiös. Jeden Freitag versammelte sich ein Minjan bei ihm zuhause, um dort, statt in einer Synagoge, die traditionelle Lektüre zu machen. Ich weiß nicht in welche Synagoge sie sonst gingen.

Mein Vater war nicht dabei. Er bekam nicht von der Arbeit frei. Zuerst wurde am Schabbat nicht gearbeitet, aber später, in 1934, machte die griechische Regierung ein neues Gesetz bekannt, das Sonntag zum offiziellen Feiertag erklärte. Also mussten sie arbeiten, auch wenn sie nicht wollten.

Meine Großmutter war so angezogen wie wir heute. Sie trug nichts von den traditionellen Klamotten der jüdischen Frauen. Ich kenne solche Klamotten nur aus Fotos.
Es waren viele Juden in unserer Gegend. Doch war die Familie so groß, dass wir keine Freundschaften außerhalb dessen suchten. Eigentlich waren alle Juden. Der Lebensmittelhändler, der Gemüsehändler. Sie gingen alle durch die Gegend, um ihre Waren anzukündigen.

Immer als der Gemüsehändler bei meiner Großmutter vorbeikam – bei Großmutter gab es zwei Fenster an der Straße – stand Großvater am Fenster und fragte, „wie viel kostet eine Tomate heute? Ah, zu teuer, kauf ich nicht, verkaufen Sie sie mir für einen billigeren Preis?“ – „Was kann ich für Sie tun, Herr Samuel, wieviel möchten Sie bezahlen?“
Dann sagte mein Großvater den Preis und meine Großmutter, am anderen Fenster, winkte den Mann zu und sagte, „Sagen Sie ja, ja.“ „Ach, was mache ich mit Ihnen, Herrn Samuel? Ich gebe sie Ihnen, aber nur weil Sie es sind.“ Dann nahm Großvater die Waren und Großmutter bezahlte die Differenz vom anderen Fenster, nur um Großvater eine Freude zu machen und ihm die Genugtuung zu geben, er hätte was erreicht.

Durch die Straßen gingen wir nie. Ich glaube die waren alle noch unbefestigt, mit Erde aber keinem Asphalt bedeckt. Ein Auto hatten wir nicht, aber damals gab es schon welche. Pferde hatten wir auch nicht. Wir sind immer mit dem Bus oder Tram gefahren. Eher Tram als Bus.
Wir waren noch sehr jung, als wir das Haus verließen. Wir verließen es als wir zur Schule mussten. Immer als die Schule umzog, zogen wir auch um. Zuerst Konstandinidi, dann Gravias, dann... wir verfolgten die Mission Laique Française.

Im neuen Haus waren wir immer noch nicht ganz allein – das Haus war in einer Straße, in einer Umgebung, voller Juden.

Unser Glaubensleben

Meine Eltern waren gläubig aber keine Fanatiker. Mein Vater ging während den hohen Feiertagen vom Neujahr [Rosch ha-Schana], Pessach, Jom Kippur usw. in die Synagoge. Damals gingen keine Mädchen in die Synagoge, nur Männer. Wir blieben mit Mutter zuhause.

Kaschrut [die jüdischen Speisegesetze] nahmen wir insofern wahr, dass der Metzger Jude und das Fleisch dementsprechend koscher war. Jeden Freitag kam der Metzger zu uns nach Hause und nahm unsere Bestellungen entgegen.

Jeden Freitag las mein Vater Kiddusch [Segenspruch]. Er schnitt uns auch Stücke gebackener Eier [huevos encaminados] und, nach dem Kiddusch küssten wir ihm die Hand und er segnete uns. Das war jeden Freitag. Das Brot kauften wir beim jüdischen Bäcker.

Für Rosch ha-Schana machten wir alles was man dafür machen sollte. Wir aßen das von der Religion vorgeschriebene Essen. Wir machten alles und ich kann mich noch an ein paar Sachen erinnern, die mein Vater immer auf Hebräisch sagte. Die bleiben noch mit mir, obwohl ich kein Hebräisch kann. Mein Vater sprach kein Hebräisch, doch lesen konnte er es. Die Feierlichkeiten für Rosch ha-Schana sind genau wie heute.

Jom Kippur nahmen wir auch wahr. Immer als mein Vater an dem ersten Jom-Kippur-Abend nach Hause kam, mussten wir schon bereit, gewaschen und ruhig sein. Fasten machten wir auch mit. Am Ende des Fastens aßen wir zuerst Süßigkeiten, um uns ein süßes neues Jahr zu wünschen. Danach tranken wir Limonade und aßen dazu Kekse, die wir beim jüdischen Konditorei, Almosnino, kauften. Dann Suppe mit Pasta und am Ende Hühnchen mit Tomatensauce. Limonade trinken wir am Jom Kippur, weil sie anscheinend gut auf leeren Magen ist. So war es in jedem Haushalt. Das war Standardmenü – man findet alles im Buch „Les Fētes Juives“ [Die jüdischen Feiertage]. Niemand hat mir das Kochen beigebracht. Man lernt alles nur beim Zugucken.

An Pessach erinnere ich mich nicht mehr. Wir aßen das Traditionelle. Am ersten Abend Pessachs waren die Brüder meiner Mutter, Onkel David und Onkel Pepo, bei Tante Rachelle und am zweiten Abend waren sie bei uns. Wir feierten dann alle zusammen und lasen Haggada, wie am ersten Abend. Den Seder lasen wir auf Spanisch, da wir unter uns immer auf Spanisch sprachen.
Am Pessach aßen wir Mazze, weil wir kein Brot essen. Mazze ist Brot, das nicht treibt. Jetzt kaufen mir Mazzen von der Gemeinde. Als ich noch ein Kind war, gab es Bäckereien in Thessaloniki, die Mazze machten. Nicht wie heute. Damals war die Juden so zahlreich, dass die Mazze hier hergestellt wurden. Die wurden von den Bäckereien an die Häuser geliefert und die Stücke waren so groß – ungefähr 40x40 cm – dass wir einen speziellen Schrank dafür hatten. Und acht Tage lang – während der ganzen Pessach-Zeit – gab es kein Brot zuhause.

Während Pessach wurde auch Eier gebacken [huevos enchaminados]. Es war damals Tradition in Thessaloniki, Verwandten vor der Pessach-Feier zu besuchen. Die Taschen der Besucher waren schon so voll mit Eiern, dass sie am Ende des Abends mindestens 15 hatten. Wir besuchten die anderen Häuser nicht. Mädels dürften nicht, nur Männer.
Dafür bereiteten wir das Haus mit schönen Sachen vor. Meine Mutter trug ihren Schmuck und die Besucher kamen in ihren Abendkleidern. Das Haus glänzte. Alle hatten Eile, weil sie noch jemanden und noch jemanden und noch jemanden besuchen mussten. Aber zumindest kamen sie und wir sahen uns und verloren nie den Kontakt.

Über die hohen jüdischen Feiertage gibt es viele Bücher. Das, was ich habe, erklärt die Unterschiede zwischen dem Essen der Sephardim und dem der Aschkenasim. Die Aschkenasim essen Gefiltefisch, wir nicht. Stattdessen essen wir „Sasan“ – Fisch mit Sauce.

Während des Laubhüttenfestes [Sukkot] hatten wir natürlich eine Laubhütte. Onkel Sinto, der Bruder meines Vaters, hatte einen großen Balkon, fast wie ein Raum. Dort baute er die Laubhütte und wir gingen alle hin. Da saßen wir, aßen wir, es wurde geredet und war ganz schön.

Mein Vater war bei jeder Feier in der Synagoge. Wir warteten darauf, bis er mit Süßigkeiten wieder nachhause kam und zum guten Glück alle Lichter im Haus anmachte. Er brachte immer ‚baissées’, eine komplett weiße Süßigkeit, die er beim jüdischen Bäcker Almonsnino kaufte, mit. Dann gingen wir alle zu Oma um sie zu küssen und ihren Segen zu bekommen.

Beim Hanukkah-Feier zündeten wir die Channukia an und das war’s. Wir sangen noch und das war’s.

Bat-Mitzwa für Mädchen hatten wir nicht. Aber Bar-Mitzwa für Jungen gab es: unsere Cousins feierten ihre in der Synagoge. Wir waren alle dabei, auch die Mädchen. Wir waren in unterschiedlichen Synagogen, doch es gab eine hier in der Gegend, genau dort, wo wir den Bus nehmen. Bet Schaoul hieß sie. Da, wo wir jetzt hingehen, die Monastiriotin, war bei Vardari und weit weg von uns. Damals gingen wir nicht dahin.

Bis auf die Bet Schaoul, kann ich mich an keine anderen Synagogen erinnern, da die Mädchen nicht sehr oft dahingingen. Für Hochzeiten oder andere Arten Feier gingen wir hin. Es war nicht so wie heute.

Frauen waren auch nicht bei Beerdigungen. Im Friedhof auch nicht.

Meine Jugend

Wir waren ziemlich wohlhabend. Wir hatten ein Dienstmädchen. Wir hatten Dienstmädchen, die bei uns im Haus wohnten. Alle Jüdinnen. Später, kurz vor dem Krieg, war bei uns eine Christin aus Ai Vat. Sonst hatten wir nicht so wirklich Fremde bei uns. Eine namens Sternia mochte mich sehr. Sie verließ uns schon lang vor dem Krieg und ging nach Israel, wo sie heiratete. Während der Besatzung, als ich in Israel war, kam sie mich mit ihren Kindern besuchen.

Mein Vater, wie ich erzählte, war sehr streng und erlaubte uns nicht, das Haus zu verlassen. Ab und zu im Sommer, wenn wir ins Kino wollten – und wir konnten ihn nicht wirklich anlügen – sagten wir ihm: „Wir gehen mit Herrn Saporta ins Kino.“ Herr Saporta war Raf, der Bruder meiner Freundin Tida. Er war jünger als wir! Wir gingen ins Apollon, ein Freiluftkino. Aber nur die Mädchen gingen zusammen ins Kino. Es gab keine Jungen in unserer Gruppe. Wenn mein Vater wüsste, dass Herr Saporta Raf war, hätte er uns nie erlaubt, dahin zu gehen.

Meine Mutter hatte Probleme mit ihren Beinen und ging deswegen im Sommer nach Laganda, ein Dorf nordwestlich von Thessaloniki, wo es eine Thermalquelle gab. Sie fuhr mit der Pferdekutsche dahin und blieb bis sie komplett erholt war. Manchmal ließ sie uns alleine, manchmal brachte sie eine von uns mit. Generell blieb ich zuhause, da mein Vater ein Faible für mich hatte. Alles war ruhig und ich stritt mich mit niemandem. Meine Schwester Matilde und Eda stritten sich immer. Sie waren sowieso leichter aufzureizen, während ich dagegen sehr ruhig war. Doch manchmal streitet man sich trotzdem.
Bis auf die Aufenthalte meiner Mutter bei der Thermalquelle fuhren wir nicht in Urlaub. Unser Haus stand am Meer, deswegen hatten wir nie das Bedürfnis, irgendwo anders hinzufahren.

Ich ginge in die französische Schule – die Lycée Française – hier in Thessaloniki. Ich absolvierte die Mission Laïque Française und ging dann in die amerikanische Schule, Anatolia College. Ich war nie an einer jüdischen oder griechischen Schule. Meine Schwester war an einer griechischen Mädchenschule – die Cschina – deswegen kann sie besser griechisch als ich.

Dann gab es ein Gesetz, das sagte, wir durften so mit der Bildung nicht weitermachen. Alle nicht-griechischen Staatsbürger durften nur zu griechischen Grundschulen gehen. Da wir spanische Staatbürger waren, mussten wir die Schulen wechseln. Matilde war kurz davor, die französische Schule zu absolvieren.
Das hätte auch für mich gelten müssten, doch, weil ich im Verhältnis zu meinem Alter mit meinem Studium schon so weit war, wollte mein Vater sich nicht einmischen, und ich durfte wie geplant weiterstudieren. Ich war in allen Fächern eine gute Schülerin. Ich konnte sie alle sehr gut, doch hatte ich sie weder gemocht noch gehasst.

Eda war dagegen noch sehr jung und immer noch an der Grundschule, also wurde sie sofort an die griechische Schule geschickt. Sie war, wie an der französischen Schule, in der 5. Klasse, doch konnte sie kein Griechisch. Mein Vater fragte bei der Lehrerin, Fräulein Evgenia, und sie bekam von ihr Nachhilfe in Griechisch. Bis Mitte des Schuljahres war sie die Klassenbeste.

Von anderen Religionen wussten wir immer schon. Von ihnen wussten wir, wir sahen sie, hörten sie, sogar im Viertel. An der Mission Laïque Française waren nicht nur Juden.

Wir hatten mit Christen keine engen Verhältnisse. Natürlich gab es christliche Schüler bei mir und ab und zu trafen wir uns außerhalb der Schule, aber keine engen Freundschaften. Nichtdestotrotz hatten wir keine äußeren Merkmale, die uns vom Rest der griechischen Bevölkerung unterscheiden könnten – weder an Klamottenstil noch an Verhalten. Sie konnten uns nicht unterscheiden.

Nach der Schule waren wir auf eine fünftägige Exkursion mit der Anatolia College. Wir waren ungefähr 12-14 Mädchen, drei von uns waren jüdisch. Wir fuhren nach Olympia [bedeutender archäologischer Ort] und dort sah ich wunderschöne Sachen, die ich sonst nicht hätte sehen können, da mein Vater so streng war.

Bücher, die nicht für die Schule gelesen werden mussten, lasen wir nicht. Mein Vater las Bücher über Religion, doch er war kein Fanatiker. Er wollte nur gut informiert sein. Abends saßen wir immer zusammen – jeder bei seiner eigenen Beschäftigung, sei es lernen, sei es lesen oder nähen.

Zuhause hatten wir kein Grammofon. Meine Großmutter Abravanel hatte eins und wir besuchten sie fast jeden Samstag. Dort hörten wir Musik – klassische Musik und was damals sonst en vogue war. Dort waren auch Zeitschriften, weil mein Onkel David nur ernstzunehmende Zeitschriften abonnierte. Bei Oma war immer gutes Essen, Musik, Zeitschriften und Wärme. Wir besuchten Großmutter sehr gern.

Damals waren die Träume ganz einfach – die Träume eines jungen Mädchens. Es war normal, dass man heiratet und eine eigene Familie gründet. Doch ich konnte nicht verstehen, wie wir heiraten werden, weil dafür eine Mitgift nötig war. Ich weiß nicht, ob mein Vater sich drei leisten konnte. Auch weiß ich nicht, ob ich hätte heiraten dürften. Es gab eine Reihenfolge – Matilde zuerst, da sie die älteste war, danach ich und Eda. Deswegen stand Matilde im Fokus. Sie musste immer gut angezogen sein und gut gepflegt aussehen. Das Heiraten hatte damals nichts mit persönlicher Präferenz zu tun – das gibt’s nur ohne Mitgift. Ich kenne niemanden, der vor dem Krieg ohne Mitgift heiratete.

Da wir keine Brüder hatten, hatten wir wenig Kontakt zu Jungen. Erst später, am Anfang des Krieges, als wir im selben Haus mit Tante Rachelle und ihren Söhnen, Nadir und Elio, wohnten, hatten wir das erste Kontakt zu Jungen, ihren Freunden.

Ich wollte unbedingt arbeiten und besuchte nach der Schule einen Kurs zur Stenographie. Dann bewarb ich mich bei einer Ölfirma. Die Aussichten waren gut und ich hätte die Stelle bekommen, wäre der Krieg nicht gekommen.

Mein Vater wollte nicht, dass ich arbeite, doch machte er nichts dagegen, weil wir das Geld brauchten. Sein Laden ist runtergebrannt. Nicht nur sein Laden, sondern auch die ganze Gegend. Das war in der Santaroza-Straße – wo sich all die Holzgeschäfte befanden. Es war mein Eindruck, dass alle dort Juden waren. Das Holz wurde von Juden verkauft. Dort arbeitete auch Onkel Sinto, Onkel Daniel und Onkel Avram. Eigentlich kenne ich keinen Beruf, der nicht von Juden ausgeübt wurde. Sie haben alles gemacht. Nachdem der Aufruhr hier stattfand und sie die Häuser im Campbell-Viertel niederbrannten, gingen diejenigen, die dort am Hafen lebten und arbeiteten, nach Israel. Dort arbeiteten sie am Hafen Haifas mit und sind für seine Entwicklung mitverantwortlich.
Um das Campbell-Viertel zu erreichen, musste mein Vater mit zwei Bussen fahren. Sein Laden war sehr weit weg von zuhause. An dem Tag ging er wie immer sehr früh und meine Mutter stand am Balkon und sah zu, wie er wegfuhr bis er endlich verschwand. Irgendwie spürte ich schon, dass etwas war. Alle hatten damals Angst und der Beweis dafür ist, dass sie endlich weggingen. Zuhause redeten wir nie darüber.

Während des Krieges

Als der Krieg mit Italien deklariert wurde, zogen wir zu meiner Tante Mitsa in der Gravias-Straße. Ich weiß nicht mehr, warum wir dorthin zogen – mein Onkel Pepo und Tante Mitsa waren aus irgendwelchen Grund in Athen. Bei ihnen zuhause waren Okel Leon und die Schwestern von Tanta Mitsa, Silvia, mit ihrem Mann, Herr Margaritis, meine Tante Rachelle mit ihrer Familie, und wir.
Unser Beitrag an den Krieg war das Stricken. Mir machten Socken und Handschuhe für die Soldaten. Wir strickten Tag und Nacht, doch weiß ich nicht an wen die schließlich verteilt wurden. Ich, meine Schwestern, meine Freunde – wir saßen alle rum und strickten für die Soldaten in Albanien. Dort froren sie und als sie zurückkamen, hatten sie gefrorenen Finger und Ziehe. Ich kannte einen namens Saqui, der mit gefrorenen Beinen zurückkamen. Ich weiß nicht ob die amputiert wurden, aber das war damals Thema. Nach dem Krieg ging er nach Israel und kam nie wieder her.
Wir strickten und sangen das patriotische Lied von Vembo : „Blöder Mussolini, keiner bleibt, du und dein lächerliches Land haben Angst vor uns und unseren Khaki-Farben [griechischer Militäruniform].“ Wir glaubten an diese Lieder, sie beeindruckten uns. Vembo war toll und wir sangen mit Leib und Seele.

Nachdem Italien von den Griechen besiegt wurde, kamen die Deutschen, ihre Alliierte, um das Problem zu lösen. Um das Gesicht zu retten! Daran kann ich mich noch dunkel erinnern. Doch weiß ich noch, dass wir bei Tante Mitsa wohnten, als die Deutschen in Salonica eintrafen. Sie nahmen das Haus weg. Alle hatten Angst. Wir mussten ausziehen und schnell ein neues suchen. Als sie das Haus wegnahmen, hatte ich große Angst. Dazu beschlagnahmen sie mein Vaters Geschäft. Dafür bekam er einen Beleg – doch weiß ich nicht mehr, wo er zu finden ist. Wir enthielten niemals eine Entschädigung dafür. Sie beschlagnahmen alle wichtigen jüdischen Läden. Sie waren bei Alvo und entleerten alles. Er verkaufte Badewannen, Fliesen, Sanitärartikel und Drahte. Tagelang wurde alles von deutschen LKWs entleert.

Wir zogen nachher hierhin, in dieses Viertel, direkt gegenüber von da, wo wir jetzt sind. Damals hieß die Straße Mizrahi und nicht Fleming wie heute. Wir mieteten ein großes Haus – gegenüber von Solono, den ich zu der Zeit nicht kannte. Selbstverständlich gab es Essensrationen. Beim Bäcker bekamen wir ein Stück saftiges „Bobota“ [Brot aus Mais; während des 2. Weltkriegs war es das einzige erhältliche und daher Teil der Essensration]. Jedem ein Stück, nicht ein Leib. Die uns verteilten Portionen entsprachen der Anzahl der Familienmitglieder.
Später, als wir im Ghetto mit Tante Rachelle und ihrer Familie waren, machten wir unser eigenes Brot. Ich weiß nicht, wo das Mehl herkam. Die Jungen, Elio und Nadir, kümmerten sich darum.
Wir wussten vom Radio was passiert. Wir hatten ein tolles Radio und konnten alles hören, auch die Vembo-Lieder.

Mit den Deutschen hatten wir keinen Kontakt. Irgendwie, weil wir spanische Staatsbürger waren, fühlten wir uns geschützt. Spanien war schließlich Alliierte von Deutschland. Das erste Mal, das ich einen Deutsche sah, sah ich nichts Böses. Sowas sehe ich nicht beim ersten Blick. Sie sahen alle normal aus. Wie normale Menschen von keiner besonderen Bedeutung. Sie hatten nichts an, was einem zwingen könnte, den Kopf wegzudrehen. Sie waren nicht besonders furchterregend.

Von den KZs wussten wir nichts, weil sie das sehr gut versteckten. Unser Rabbi, der aus Deutschland kam, vielleicht wusste er etwas. Vielleicht wusste er von den Geschehnissen und entschied sich dagegen, darüber zu sprechen. Rabbi Koretz hieß er. Wir dachten, wir gehen nur arbeiten und, dass wir wiederkommen. Die Menschen wurden so getäuscht. Als sie deportiert wurden, gaben sie den Deutschen ihr letztes Geld und nahmen dafür polnisches Zloty oder einen Rückzahlungsbeleg entgegen. Was wussten wir? Von den Konzentrationslagern hatten wir keine Ahnung. Keine Ahnung! Es gab Leute, die aus dem Ausland herkamen, außerhalb von Griechenland, und sie sagten Einiges, doch wir konnten es uns nicht vorstellen. Es war noch alles unfassbar. Wir dachten, sie erzählen Märchen.
Eine Meinung konnten wir uns nicht bilden, weil wir nicht genug wussten, um zu verstehen. Wenn die Mächtigen dich täuschen wollen, machen sie es sowieso. Sie haben die Mittel dazu. Wir wussten nichts und glaubten den Menschen nicht, die zu uns kamen und erzählten. Es war einfach unfassbar. Was sie uns erzählten war schwer zu verstehen, es war nicht echt, es hätte nicht echt gewesen sein könnten. Sie logen nicht, doch wir dachten, sie würden stark übertreiben.

Eine Schulfreundin von mir, Bella, heiratete in Jugoslawien und, als die Deutschen in Jugoslawien einmarschierten, kam sie zurück nach Salonica, zu ihrer Mutter. Sie kam mit ihrer Familie – mit ihren kleinen Tochter Ettika, die sehr schöne rote, sehr rote, Haare hatte – und sie hatten nichts zu essen. Ihr Mann fing an, kleine Sachen wie Knöpfe, Nadeln, Halstücher usw., zu verkaufen. Er ging von Tür zu Tür, um Geld zu verdienen und Brot zu kaufen. Sie hatten kein Brot, aber Bella rauchte weiter. In Israel fing ich auch an zu rauchen und plötzlich dachte ich an Bella und wie sie kein Brot hatte, aber noch rauchen musste. Ich fragte mir, bin ich verrückt? Ich hörte sofort auf.

Bella erzählte uns, dass als die Deutschen kamen sie alles wegnahmen. Sie erzählten uns von Gräueltaten, aber sie erschienen uns damals noch als reine Vorstellungen. Dann kam der Befehl, dass man den Stern zu tragen hatte. Danach trugen alle den Stern. Ich weiß nicht was passiert wäre, wenn man den Stern nicht getragen hätte. Ich trug keinen. Ich war Spanierin.
Dann erteilten die Deutschen den Befehl, dass die Juden in die Ghettos ziehen mussten. In Thessaloniki gab es noch niemals ein Ghetto. Wir zogen wieder um, diesmal mit der Schwester meiner Mutter, meiner Tanta Rashel, und ihren Kindern. Wir gingen ins Ghetto, mit unseresgleichen, doch weiß ich nicht mehr, ob wir als spanische Staatsbürger überhaupt mussten. Wir fühlten uns deswegen mehr geschützt. Als sie anfingen, die anderen zu sammeln, wagten sie nicht, die Spanier anzufassen.

Nina Benroubi war wohl auch nicht im Ghetto. Sie hieß mit Nachname Revah – der spanische Konsul war mit einer Revah aus derselben Familie verheiratet. Der Konsul hieß Ezrati und war auch Jude. Ich habe noch Briefe mit seinem Namen drauf. Manchmal frage ich mich, wie wir das alles schafften – Briefe schreiben, den Konsul und Botschafter besuchen usw.
Am Anfang hatten wir nicht so viel Angst. Nur danach fing es an – als Menschen plötzlich anfingen, zu verschwinden, als wir ins Ghetto mussten, als wir uns nicht mehr frei bewegen durften. Wie kann man keine Angst haben, wenn mein nicht weiß, was am nächsten Tag oder mit einem passieren wird?

Im Ghetto war mein Vater schon krank und meine Mutter schon gestorben. Meine Mutter hatte eine kleine Operation gehabt – ein Polyp musste entfernt werden. Da es während der Besatzung war, brachte sie mein Vater für die OP zu einer Privatklinik. Er war sehr vorsichtig und wollte nicht, dass ihr was passiert, also wusch er sich immer die Hände mit Alkohol, bevor er ins Zimmer ging. Jeder musste sich vorher die Hände mit Alkohol desinfizieren.

Die Operation war ein Erfolg, trotzdem starb die Patientin. Die OP fand während der deutschen Besatzung statt, also kümmerte sich niemand um sie. Niemand kam, um sie zu pflegen oder nach ihr zu schauen, ihr zu helfen oder überhaupt irgendwas zu tun. Sie zog sich also eine Lungenentzündung zu und starb.
Es gab eine Beerdigung, aber ich war nicht dabei. An dem Tag gab es einen schrecklichen Schneesturm. Es schneite ganz viel und war bitterkalt. Die Männer nahmen sie weg und ich konnte sie gar nicht sehen. Sie nahmen sie weg – schnell, weil sie es vor Sonnenuntergang zum Friedhof und zurück schaffen mussten. Sie begruben sie dort. Die Männer der Familie kümmerten sich um solche Sachen. Wir Frauen durften nichts – wir waren nicht bei Beerdigungen oder im Friedhof. Erst heute ist es üblich, dass Frauen bei Beerdigungen sind. Nach der Beerdigung gab es die kria - wir machten alles nach Tradition, weil wir noch eine gewisse Freiheit hatten.

Als die Deutschen uns den Friedhof wegnahmen, musste meine meine Mutter umgebettet werden, indem sie ihre Überreste aus dem Grab rausholten und sie in den neuen Friedhof brachten. Alle waren sehr wütend und hatten Angst. Aber was konnten wir machen? Wir hatten keine Macht, nichts, keinen Weg, um uns zu verteidigen. Wir hatten wirklich Angst, als sie dann anfingen, Menschen zu verschleppen und sie verschwinden zu lassen, sowie die Bewegungsfreiheit zu begrenzen.
Ich musste eh bleiben. Meines Vaters wegen – er war krank. Er hatte Krebs. Es gab eine Periode, wo er jeden Abend Fieber hatte. Als der Krebs schließlich diagnostiziert wurde, war es schon zu spät.
Während dieser Zeit mieteten wir zusammen mit Tante Rachelle ein Haus in der Broufa-Straße. Das war im Ghetto. Ich weiß nicht, wie die Grenzen des Ghettos bestimmt wurden. Wir Mädchen verlassen niemals das Haus. Das Essen kauften wir immer vom Laden im Ghetto.

Die anderen Juden mussten den gelben Stern tragen, aber ich nicht. Ich war spanische Staatsbürgerin und als solche wurde nicht verfolgt. Keiner in meiner Familie trug den Stern, obwohl wir innerhalb des Ghettos wohnten. Ich war ans Haus – an meinen Vater – gebunden. Ich hatte sowieso kein großes Bedürfnis, rauszugehen.
Also mussten Freunde uns besuchen kommen. Eine Gruppe kam jeden Abend rum. Es wurde viel diskutiert, gesungen, gespielt – wir hatten Spaß. Ab und zu spielten wir auch Karten. Wir spielten auch mit dem Nachbar von unten, Isaac hieß er. Während sein Siegeswille sehr stark war, war es uns egal. Einer von uns schaute über seinen Rücken und gab uns ein Zeichen, woraufhin Herr Isaac verlor. Ich glaub wir hänselten ihn nur deshalb, weil uns die Beschäftigung als Ablehnung von all den grausaumen Sachen, die wir derzeit leiden mussten, diente.
Zuhause hörten wir Musik und es kann sein, dass wir dazu auch tanzten. Wir hatten eine Nachbarin mit deutschen Wurzeln und ständig sie beschwerte sich und schrie uns wegen der Musik an. Sie wollte immer, dass wir leise bleiben.

Damals hatten wir Angst, weil man jederzeit weggetragen werden könnte. Ich kenne niemanden, dem das passiert ist. Aber es gab Gerüchte darüber, wen sie erwischt und aus dem Ghetto wegtransportiert hatten. Niemand wusste, was ihnen letztendlich passierte. Einige Tage nach dem Tod meiner Mutter kam die Idee, eine nichtvollzogene Ehe zwischen unserem Vater und Tante Rachelle, der Schwester meiner Mutter, zu schließen, so dass sie die spanische Staatsbürgerschaft bekommt und dadurch geschützt wird. Die Hochzeit fand nicht in der Synagoge statt. Ich weiß nicht mehr wo, wahrscheinlich zuhause. Ich habe noch die Urkunde vom spanischen Konsulat. Niemand wäre wegen einer solchen Ehe in die Synagoge gegangen. Mein Vater war schon sehr krank und lag im Bett. Er tat all das, was ihm gesagt wurde. Also wurde Tante Rachelle Spanierin, aber ihre Kinder nicht. Eine zweite Ehe war damals sehr selten. Die Menschen schieden sich nicht. Sie akzeptierten alles Mögliche, um sich nicht zu scheiden. Nicht wie heute. Damals, wenn eine Ehefrau starb, die eine Schwester hatte, wurde versucht, die Schwester mit dem Ehemann zu verheiraten. Das waren Maßnahmen damit die Familie eng bleibt und niemand allein sein muss.

Das war alles während der Zeit des Freundeskreises, als wir jeden Abend zuhause blieben und die Gruppe zu uns kamen. Nadir und seine Freunde, Solon, Totos und die anderen, waren jeden Abend da. Sie bemühten sich, uns zum Lachen zu bringen. Nadir war von Natur aus ein lustiger Kerl. Sie spielten auch Theaterstücke für uns und wollte uns die Laune heben. So freundeten Solon und ich uns an und später wurde aus unserer Freundschaft Liebe.

Dann sahen wir, wie die Menschen Thessaloniki verließen: Die Menschen, die gesammelt wurden, gingen mit einem kleinen Koffer oder Tasche. Sie gingen los, ohne zu wissen wohin. Als sie zum Bahnhof kamen – wie wir später erfuhren – wurde ihnen gesagt, sie müssen dort ihr Geld lassen, da es am Ankunftsort nicht gültig sein würde. So klauten sie ihnen das Geld. Das erfuhren wir nur aus Erzählungen anderer, da wir zuhause waren und nichts erster Hand erfuhren. Wir wohnten in einem leeren jüdischen Bezirk. Als sie die anderen Juden sammelten, blieben wir in diesem Haus.
Die Italiener waren, im Gegensatz zu den Deutschen, uns gegenüber viel menschlicher. Zu dieser Zeit halfen sie uns. Sie erstellten uns die Scheindokumente, um nach Athen fahren zu dürfen, das zu dem Zeitpunkt unter italienischer Besatzung war. Tante Rachelle entscheid sich dazu mit Elio und dem Rest ihrer Kinder nach Israel zu gehen. Das tat sie in zwei Schritten. Zuerst gingen drei der Kinder – Nadir, Silvia und Rene. Später ging der Rest der Familie – sie und Elio.

Alle unserer Verwandten waren spanische Staatsbürger. Es war den Deutschen also nicht erlaubt, spanische Staatsbürger ins Konzentrationslager zu schicken. Sie wurden trotzdem gesammelt und ins Konzentrationslager geschickt. Später waren sie in einem Lager in Spanien, später in einem in Nordafrika – in Casablanca, Marokko. Dann in Israel. Alle, bis auf meinen Vater, meine Schwestern und ich, weil wir bei dem deutschen Kommandanten um eine Ausnahme baten, da Vater unter Krebs litt. Irgendwie ließen sie uns in Ruhe.

Ein Italiener namens Neri half uns, weil er, als sie für uns kamen, meine kleine Schwester Eda mit Vater in einen Zug nach Athen setzte. Ein paar Tage danach kamen Matilde und ich.
Wir entschieden uns dafür nach Athen zu gehen, als klar wurde, dass wir uns nicht mehr ordentlich um Vater kümmern konnten. Neri arbeitete bei dem italienischen Konsulat und bereitete uns die passenden Dokumente vor. Das machte meine Schwester Matilde mit ihm aus. Laut diesen Dokumenten waren wir italienische Staatsbürger. Die mussten wir sofort an dem Kommandanten des Zuges überreichen.

So fuhren Eda und Vater nach Athen. Nachdem sie wegfuhren, verließen wir die Wohnung und waren dann bei einem Mädchen. Sie hieß Angela und war Nagelpflegerin. Sie bot uns ein Schlafzimmer an und wir waren dort Tag und Nacht mit geschlossenen Fensterläden. Sie war Christin und ihr Vater, der im selben Haus wohnte, wussten nichts von uns. Sie brachte uns Essen und wartete darauf, bis wir auch nach Athen fahren konnten. Wir waren länger als eine Woche da.

Endlich durften Matilde und ich fahren. Wir mussten an einem gewissen Tag und Uhrzeit am Bahnhof erscheinen. Die Italiener waren für den Zug zuständig. Papiere hatten wir nicht mehr, da wir sie dem Kommandanten des Zugs gaben. Der Zug hätte wohl in Plati anhalten sollten, doch hielten die Deutschen den viel früher an, um den zu kontrollieren. Sie hatten wohl Ahnung, dass etwas im Zug passiert. Wir wussten nichts – nicht mal unsere Namen oder Geburtsdaten auf den Scheindokumenten.

Als die Deutschen in den Zug kamen, schliefen wir. Anscheinend kümmerte sich der Kommandant um die Deutschen, gab ihnen die Dokumente. Dann stiegen sie aus. Der Zug fuhr mit einem Waggon voller Juden weiter. Unter uns war auch Rosa, die jetzt in Athen lebt. Ihre ganze Familie war in diesem Waggon. Es waren im Zug junge italienische Soldaten. Einer mochte mich und wollte mich danach in Athen treffen, doch wegen Angst gab es keinen Platz zum Flirten.

Wir kamen in Athen an und gingen in ein Haus in Magoufana, heute Lefki – ein Vorort von Athen. Ein Mönch von dem Heiligen Berg Athos bot uns das Haus an. In der Gegend waren viele kleine Bauernhöfe; der Mönch kam wöchentlich und, während er betete, machte er alle Türe auf, so dass alle in der Gegend ihn hören könnten.
In diesem Haus in Magoufana waren wir nicht allein. Dort war auch Toto und zwei seiner Schwestern. Eine von ihnen wurde später deportiert und kam nie wieder. Die andere heiratete einen Christen namens Mikes, dessen Kinder noch in Thessaloniki wohnen. Toto hatte noch eine Schwester, die eine leichte geistige Krankheit hatte. Sie war nicht mit uns in Athen. Sie wurde auch deportiert und kam nie wieder.

Wir blieben eine Weile in Magoufana. Wir hatten kein Geld. Später bezahlte Paul Noah meinen Beitrag an den Partisanen. Das Haus in Magoufana musste auch wohl bezahlt werden. Aber ich weiß nicht mehr von wem. Normalerweise gingen wir zu Fuß von Magoufana nach Kifissia, eine Strecke von 13km, um Medikamente für meinen Vater zu kaufen. Wir gingen im Dunkeln, mit bellenden Hunden um uns herum und ohne Papiere. Aber bei der Apotheke bekamen wir was wir brauchten.
Der einzige Kontakt außerhalb des Hauses war mit Elios, meinem Cousin, der mit seiner Mutter, Tante Rachelle, in einem Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers wohnte. Als sie nach Israel gingen, verloren wir eine Weile den Kontakt.

In Magoufana war es ziemlich einsam, deswegen fuhren wir, nachdem Elios und Tante Rachelle gegangen waren, nach Athen in ihr Zimmer in der Straße des 3. Septembers, was jetzt leer war. Zuerst wurde Vater dahingebracht und wir liefen die ganze Nacht von Magoufana nach Athen. Gott sei Dank passierte uns nichts!
Dann waren wir in Athen mit Vater. Vater saß immer in einem Sessel und wurde zwischen diesem Sessel und seinem Container im Zimmer transportiert, was als Klo benutzt wurde. Wir drei Schwestern mussten die Toilette im Haus teilen, die einer anderen Familie gehörte.

Eines Abends kam eine Gruppe Verräter mit den Deutschen – ein Quisling-Jude und drei Deutsche – um Elios festzunehmen, der früher dort wohnte. Nicht ihn, sondern uns – spanische Staatsbürger – fanden sie dort. Zu der Zeit wurden alle Spanier schon abgeschoben. Als unsere Situation mit Vater und seiner Krankheit ihnen klar wurde, entschieden sie sich dafür, nur zwei Töchter zu nehmen und eine da zu lassen, so dass sie sich um ihn kümmern könnte.

Da ich mehr Geduld mit ihm hatte, musste ich mit ihm bleiben, während meine Schwestern weggenommen wurden. Sie meinten, sie wollten nur die Papiere kontrollieren. Während solchen Momenten kann man weder denken noch fühlen. Man wird mit dem Schicksal konfrontiert – alles wurde schon entscheiden und man kann nichts mehr machen. Ich hatte den Eindruck, meine Schwestern kommen wieder. Stattdessen, nach einem kurzen Besuch bei der Gestapo, waren sie in den Militärbarracken in Haidari – ein Gefängnis für alle Typen – interniert. Das erfuhr ich erst nach dem Krieg.
Als wir noch alle zusammen waren, kam oft eine Dame – Frau Lembessi – die Ehefrau eines Luftwaffenoffiziers, um uns zu helfen. Sie kümmerte sich auch um Vater und täglich meldete sie seinen Zustand dem Arzt. Am Tag seines Todes war Frau Lembessi 8 Uhr morgens bei uns, weil der Arzt ihr mitteilte, er hielt es wohl nicht länger aus. Er starb genau 13 Tage nachdem meine Schwestern weggeschleppt wurden. Es passierte früh am Morgen, während ich ihm sein Essen im Bett gab. Er wollte den Mund nicht aufmachen. Er drehte seinen Kopf zur Seite und starb.

Frau Lembessi war da. Sie sagte, ich sollte mir keine Sorge machen. Sie informierte den Arzt und kam kurz darauf wieder, um sich um alles zu kümmern. Sie reinigte und bekleidete den Körper. Dann rief sie die spanische Botschaft an. Irgendwann später kamen ein paar Männer im Auftrag der Botschaft. Sie befahlen uns, den Körper zu entkleiden, reinigen und in ein Betttuch zu wickeln. Frau Lembessi versuchte mich nochmal zu beruhigen und ging allein, um das zu machen was sie von uns wollten. Dann warteten wir und sie nahmen den Körper. Sie teilten uns nicht mit, wo sie mit ihm hinfuhren.
Frau Lembessi übernahm schon wieder die Kontrolle und nahm mich mit zu ihr – fast gewaltsam, da ich nicht denken konnte – und sagte mir, dass ich nie wieder in die Wohnung wo mein Vater starb gehen sollte. Am selben Abend kamen die Deutschen für mich – doch ich war schon geflüchtet.

Die Tochter von Frau Lembessi schlief am Boden und ich bekam das Bett. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wir lange ich da war. Sie kümmerte sich sehr gut um mich. Ihr Mann wollte auch, dass ich jenen Mittag einen Wein mit ihm trinke, da ich sehr schwach war. Frau Lembessi ist jetzt eine von den Gerechten unter den Völkern.

Danach ging es darum, wie man das Land verlassen könnte. Toto kümmerte sich darum. Als ich noch bei Frau Lembessi war, war ihr klar, dass Toto mit mir sein wollte, in mich verliebt war. Sie riet mir, ihn nicht zu heiraten, denn für sie schien es als sei er nicht so wertvoll wie ich. Eine solche Liebe fand sie unanständig. Frau Lembessi wusste nichts von Totos Schwester und ihrer geistigen Krankheit.
Toto erhielt Anweisung und wir gingen Karfreitag, nach Ostern, am Abend zu einem Ort, wo von den Widerstandskämpfern ein LKW, organisiert worden war, um uns abholen und nach Evoia bringen. Toto machte alles mit den Partisanen ab.

An diesem Ort kamen alle diejenigen an, die Griechenland verlassen wollten: Unter ihnen war Paul Noah, seine Frau Rita und ihre Tochter Lela Nahmias, die Ehefrau von Moise Nahmias, und noch viele mehr, deren Namen ich schon vergaß. Wir waren alle verstreut; unser Treffpunkt war an einem Kaffeeladen, wo der LKW uns hätte abholen sollten. Ich saß mit Toto in diesem Kaffeeladen und wir warteten und warteten und warteten, doch niemand kam. Irgendwann wurde es klar, dass niemand kommt. Wir waren sehr, sehr enttäuscht und mussten zurückgehen.

Später erfuhren wir, sie hätten es nicht geschafft, alle abzuholen. Die Hälfte ließen sie stehen. Dann erhielten wir die Mitteilung, dass der LKW uns am kommenden Freitag am selben Ort abholen wird. Nochmals gingen wir zum selben Ort, wir trafen dieselben Menschen und endlich stiegen wir in den LKW ein.

Mit dem LKW fuhren wir von Athen bis aufs Land gegenüber von Evoia. Wir fuhren im Dunklen los und es war Nacht als wir ankamen. Alles war sehr dunkel und um nach Evoia zu kommen, mussten wir über das Meer. Die Deutschen hatten einen großen Scheinwerfer und patrouillierten das Meer. Wir stiegen in kleine Boote und mussten sehr still halten und sehr leise paddeln. Endlich kamen wir in Evoia an. Wir kamen im Frühsommer an und es war noch recht dunkel. Mir mussten einen großen Berg besteigen um dort anzukommen, wo die Partisanen waren. Während ich eine gefühlte Ewigkeit laufen musste, bekam ich Blasen an den Füßen, weil ich Sandalen anhatte.

Oben kamen wir in einen großen Raum. Der Boden wurde mit Mosaik oder sogar Marmor gelegt. Es gab stinkende Decken und dort mussten wir schlafen. Es war voll mit Menschen. Alle waren Juden. Juden, die wir kannten und Juden, die wir nicht kannten. Wir versuchten zu schlafen und um 4 Uhr morgens fingen sie an zu schreien, dass das Boot, das uns mit rüber in die Türkei bringt, da ist. Andere mussten schon drei Wochen dort warten und das Boot kam am Abend unserer Ankunft!

Da wir oben auf dem Berg waren, bekamen wir Maultiere, die uns runtertrugen. Natürlich nicht für alle – manche waren zu Fuß mit den Anderen auf den Maultieren. Wir wussten nichts von Maultieren. Die Frauen, die nach „Cowboy“-Art auf dem Maultier saßen, bluteten vor Reibung als wir unten ankamen. Zum Glück saß ich seitlich – im Damensitz mit beiden Füßen zusammen. Ich litt weniger.
Als wir ans Meer kamen, waren zu unserer Überraschung noch mehr Menschen anwesend, bestimmt aus anderen Heimen, und Kinder und alte Menschen – alle Juden. Die Partisanen trugen lange Bärte und ich hatte viel Angst. Sie sammelten uns und wollten uns etwas „beibringen.“ Sie erzählten uns, dass sie einen beim Lügen erwischten und ihm gleich einen Messer durch das Hals zog. Sie sagten uns, „Falls Sie sich überlegen, zu lügen, überlegen Sie lieber zweimal.“

Selbstverständlich waren die Partisanen bewaffnet; und dazu hatten sie noch große lange Bärte und Schießkugeln um den ganzen Gürtel und die Brust herum. Am selben Abend standen wir um 3 oder 4 Uhr morgen auf. Sie riefen uns, weil das Fischerboot kam. Wir waren kaum auf dem Berg. Wir schliefen nur in einer kleinen Decke auf dem Boden. Wir hatten keine Zeit uns Sorgen darüber zu machen, was oder wo wir essen, wie oder wo wir uns waschen oder organisieren können. Wir gingen sofort los. Wir blieben nicht, wie die andere, drei Wochen lang dort.

Sie wollten Geld von uns. Sie sagten, alles, was wir haben, sollten wir dort lassen, weil das Geld von nun an für uns keinen Wert mehr hat. Das stimmte nicht, aber die Menschen ließen ihr Geld dort. Ich hatte nichts, was ich dort lassen konnte. Mein Beitrag wurde von Paul Noah bezahlt. Er gab mir auch ein bisschen Geld, weil ich nichts hatte. Ich überhaupt hatte kein Geld, kaum etwas anzuziehen und keine Verwandten bei mir. Ich hatte nichts, gar nichts.

Ich weiß nicht, wie Paul es schaffte – wie er die Partisanen bezahlte. Aber ich weiß, dass er bezahlte und für Toto auch bezahlte. Ich weiß nicht, wie viel das kostete. Toto war derjenige, der sich darum kümmerte. Ich weiß nur, dass ich in Pauls Schuld stehe.

Mit mir im Fischerboot waren Toto und Mois Nahmias. Rita, Paul Noah und ihre Tochter waren nicht bei uns. Sie fuhren früher und alles geschah sehr, sehr schnell. Als wir in der Türkei ankamen, wurden wir schon erwartet.

Schon vor uns hatten meine Cousins und Cousinen – Nadir, Silvia, Rene – sich dazu entschieden, eine eigene Gruppe zusammen mit zwei der Kinder von Noah zu bilden. Sie gingen ebenso mit den Partisanen mit, kamen aber nie an. Wir wussten nicht, ob sie verraten wurden, ob das Boot unterging, wann oder wie sie starben, wer sie erwischte und so weiter, und so fort. Bis heute weiß niemand, was tatsächlich passierte.

Auf dem Boot waren wir im Laderaum eng zusammengepackt. Wir waren ungefähr 30. Als das Boot losfuhr, fing die Menschen an, wegen des stürmischen Wetters am Meer, sich zu übergeben. Wir hatten Eimer und wenn sie voll waren wurden sie ins Meer geleert und wieder zu uns gestellt. Ich hielte es nicht mehr aus. Ich konnte nicht atmen. Ich war nicht seekrank und ging aufs Schiffsdeck, wo ich in einer Ecke saß. Der Kapitän – ein Mann von ungefähr 23 Jahren – damals war ich 20 – fand mich und sagte, dass er seine eigene kleine Kabine hatte, wo ich mich erholen durfte. Dafür musste ich mich gar nicht bemühen. Deshalb reiste ich mit einem bisschen Abstand von den anderen Passagieren. Ich hatte meinen eigenen Raum. Toto war auch nicht mehr im Laderaum und der junge Kapitän erreichte erfolgreich die Küste der Türkei.

Früh am Morgen kamen wir in einem Ort namens Tsesme an. Der Kapitän nahm jeden von uns und trug uns nacheinander zum trockenen Boden, indem er durch die See lief. Als er den letzten von uns darüber trug, erklärte er uns, dass wir 10 Minuten in einer bestimmten Richtung zu einem Ort laufen mussten, wo sie uns abholen werden. Die Sonne war noch nicht auf, als er und sein Boot schon wieder losgefahren waren.

Später kamen griechische Menschen in Namen des griechischen Staates und kauften uns Frühstück in einem Café. Sie waren vom griechischen Konsulat und dort, um uns zu unterstützen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, ob wir überhaupt Türken kennenlernten. Nach dem Frühstück brachten sie uns zum Zug. Ich erinnere mich noch sehr deutlich an den Zug. Sie brachten uns in eine Art Lager, wo Soldaten, Griechen und andere waren. Natürlich waren auch viele Juden dort.

Wir nahmen uns vor, Paul und Rita zu suchen, die auf einem anderen Boot waren. Wir fragten nach ihnen, aber sie erzählten uns, dass sie noch nicht angekommen waren, obwohl sie Griechenland eine Woche früher verlassen hatten als wir. Wir machten uns schon viele Sorgen. Doch eine Woche später waren sie da. Anscheinend hatte deren Kapitän eine Freundin auf einer Insel und fuhr mit dem Boot und Passagieren dahin. Um mit seiner Freundin zu sein, blieb er eine Woche oder zehn Tage auf der Insel, während die Passagiere mit mangelnden Wasser und Essen im Laderaum versteckt blieben. Unser Kapitän war dagegen viel effizienter und sogar tapfer.

Ich glaub der Lager hieß Halep. Beim Ankunft mussten wir duschen und wurden desinfiziert. Die hatten Angst davor, dass wir Flöhe oder sonst was hätten. Vielleicht hatten sie sogar Recht. Dort warteten viele andere Juden darauf, mit der Bahn nach Israel geschickt zu werden.

Kurz nach der Ankunft war da eine rumänische Familie, die mit dem Auto nach Israel fahren wollte und ich wurde gefragt, ob ich mitfahren will. Obwohl ich die Familie nicht kannte, entschied ich mich dazu. Ich dachte: die anderen fahren wohl mit Güterzügen – ich nehme das Risiko an. Also fuhr ich mit ihnen und war in kurzer Zeit in Haifa und dann Tel Aviv. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange wir fuhren. Ich weiß nur noch, dass wir früh morgens losfuhren und dass sie untereinander auf rumänisch sprachen und ich nichts verstand. Als wir in Haifa ankamen, übernahm Sochnut [Jewish Agency for Israel – israelische Einwanderungsorganisation] und brachte uns nach Tel Aviv. Wir waren dort acht Tage mit Sochnut. Ein Neffe meiner Großmutter Saporta wohnte in Tel Aviv. Er hatte dort eine Bücherei. Er hieß Albert Alcheh. Endlich, nach acht Tage Warten, war ich dann bei Lina, einer Cousine.

Nach einer Woche bei Lina kam Samuel Molho mit einem Antrag. Er war irgendwie mit mir verwandt, da eine Schwester meines Vaters mit einem Molho verheiratet war. Er schlug vor, dass ich ihm bei einziehe, da er auf dem obersten Stockwerk ein Zimmer gebaut hatte, wo Paul, Rita, Totos, Mimi Nahmias, und Pauls Mutter und Vater waren. Er meinte, „da dein ganzer Freundeskreis bei mir wohnt, solltest du auch kommen, um Lina nicht zu belasten“. Und so entschloss ich umzuziehen und bei Samuel Molho zu wohnen.

Dort schlief ich im selben Zimmer mit Frau Noah und ihrem Mann und Mimi. Mein Bett lag unter einem anderen und wurde zum Schlafen rausgezogen. Vier Menschen in einem kleinen Zimmer war nicht einfach. Die arme Frau Noah konnte nachts nicht schlafen und weinte wegen ihren zwei verlorenen Kinder, die mit Nadir, Rene und Slyvia verschwanden. Den Verlust konnte sie nicht akzeptieren.
In Tel Aviv gab es einen Thessaloniki-Club, „Le Club des Salonciens,“ und nahmen auf, wen immer sie konnten. Frau Angel, ein Mitglied des Clubs, sagte, dass sie gerne bei ihr zuhause ein Mädchen aus Thessaloniki, die ungefähr so alt wie ihre Tochter wäre, unterbringen würde. Obwohl ich nie bei diesem Club gewesen war, kamen sie mit dem Antrag zu mir. Sie meinte zu mir, dass es dort viel bequemer und ruhiger und was weiß ich noch wäre. Ich dachte, drei wären schon zu viel für dieses Zimmer. Weil ich die Chance hatte, in diesem neuen Ort zu leben – obwohl es weg von Freunden und mit fremden Menschen war – entscheid ich mich dafür und ging dahin. Bei Frau Angel hatte ich mein eigenes Zimmer. Da gab es eine Couch, die zu einem Bett wird. Die Tochter von Frau Angel hieß Nora. Sie war sehr sympathisch und wir verstanden uns schon gut.

In Tel Aviv wollte ich so schnell wie möglich einen Job finden. Ich habe alle möglichen Bewerbungen rausgeschickt. Ich schrieb, dass ich Französisch, Englisch, Spanisch und Griechisch konnte. Ich bewarb mich bei der Post, beim Militärlager, bei der Bank, zu der alle Juden Thessalonikis gingen, die Tida Saportas Cousin gehörte, sowie bei der Zypries-Bank. Der Militär-Lager bot mir eine Stelle an, also fing ich an, beim britischen Militär zu arbeiten. Ich musste 5 Uhr morgens aufstehen, um in einen Militär-LKW zu steigen, der mich ins Lager brachte. Es war weit weg von der Stadt und ich wusste nicht mal in welcher Richtung. Dort tippte ich den ganzen Tag auf einer Maschine. Ich schrieb das, was ich bekam. Ich weiß nicht mehr, worum es in den Briefen ging. Damals trug ich im Gegensatz zu allen anderen im Lager noch Zivilkleidung. Ich weiß auch nicht mehr, wann wir wieder zurück von der Arbeit kamen. Ich weiß nur, dass es extrem erschöpfend war.

Nicht lange nachdem ich beim Militär anfing, erhielt ich eine Zustimmung von der Post und später auch von der Bank. Deshalb kündigte ich den Job beim Militär – und auch weil es so erschöpfend war. Ich hatte die Gelegenheit, dass alles zu ändern. Die Post erklärte im Brief, dass sie mich für die Zensur wollte. Ich hätte die Briefe von anderen lesen und mich melden müssen, falls ich etwas Unangemessenes finde. Ich wusste, dass sowas nicht für mich wäre, und sobald ich das Angebot von der Bank erhielte, ging ich dahin. Die war die Zypries-Bank.

Bei der Bank war ich Sekretärin der Bankgeschäftsführer. Da waren zwei – ein britischer Geschäftsführer und ein zyprischer. Ich hatte einen eigenen kleinen Büroraum neben den Geschäftsführern. Der Rest der Mitarbeiter war in einem Großraumbüro. Der englische Geschäftsführer schrieb die Briefe, ich tippte sie und brachte sie ihm zu unterschrieben. Das und die passenden Akten ablegen gehörten zu meinen Hauptaufgaben. Der zyprische Geschäftsführer beriet mir darin, was ich machen sollte und wie ich mit dem britischen Typ umzugehen habe.

Ich hatte keine festen Arbeitszeiten, da ich immer dann ging, wenn ich mit meinen täglichen Aufgaben fertig war und alles in Ordnung hatte. Das war manchmal um drei oder drei Uhr dreißig, oder vier, je nachdem wie viel ich zu tun hatte. Nach der Arbeit ging ich nicht sofort zu Frau Angel zum Mittagessen, stattdessen ging ich in ein sephardisches Restaurant in der Nähe. In diesem Restaurant konnte ich alleine essen. Er kochte auch wie bei uns. Der Besitzer machte auch gefüllte Tomaten, weil er aus Thessaloniki war, und die Menge und Qualität war immer zufriedenstellend. Dort traf ich mich mit vielen anderen wie wir.

Da ich kein Geld hatte und Paul den Partisanen für mich bezahlte, suchte ich einen zweiten Job. Nach dem Essen im Restaurant ging ich zum Import-Export-Händler, an dessen Name ich mich nicht mehr erinnern kann. Da nahm ich seinen ganzen Schriftverkehr auf. Er erzählte mir was er wollte, dann musste ich es umformulieren und die Briefe ordentlich schreiben. Ich musste mich um alles kümmern.
Normalerweise war ich um 20 Uhr fertig, war aber bis dahin so müde, dass ich keine Kraft mehr für etwas hatte. Deswegen lernte ich niemals Hebräisch. Ich lernte mal eine Woche als ich ankam, aber hörte sofort auf, nachdem ich zur Arbeit ging.

Eines Tages kam der Geschäftsführer zu mir und fragte über meine zweite Beschäftigung. Er fragte, ob es mir schon bewusst war, dass ich für eine zweite Beschäftigung nicht genehmigt war, da ich mit Bankbewilligungen involviert bin. Ich hatte Zugang zu allen Akten und hätte Informationen rausgeben könnten. Ich sagte dem Geschäftsführer, dass, obwohl ich keine Familie hatte, mein Gehalt nicht ausreichend war. Deshalb musste ich eine zweite Stelle suchen. Daraufhin sagte er mir, dass er offiziell nichts über meiner zweiten Beschäftigung wusste. Er war mit der Qualität meiner Arbeit so zufrieden, dass er dafür bereit war, in der Hinsicht die andere Wange hinzuhalten. Später, als ich mit meinem zukünftigen Ehemann verlobt war, weinte er, weil ich gehen musste.

Mit den zwei Jobs waren meine Tage verplant und ich hatte keine Zeit für mehr. Während dieser Zeit ging ich nirgendwohin. Ich ginge nicht in die Synagoge, nicht einmal, und während den Hohen Feiertagen war ich bei Frau Angel. Diese Familie, in der der Mann ein entfernter Verwandter meiner Mutter war, war nicht sehr religiös. Sie spielten immer Karten und ich blieb bei ihnen.
Es gab zu meiner Zeit in Thessaloniki keine „traditionelle“ Juden. Erst in Israel sah ich Juden mit langen Bärten, runden Hüten und schwarzen Gewändern mit vielen Fettflecken. Solche Juden hatten wir auch nicht auf Fotos gesehen. In Thessaloniki war es uns nicht bewusst, dass wir anders vom Rest sein könnten.

Mein Eindruck von den Menschen in Israel war, dass sie aggressiv sind. Wir waren daran gewohnt, dass Menschen sich mehr Aufmerksamkeit geben. Sie kümmerte sich auch nicht um ihr Aussehen. Sie trugen Kurzhosen, die bis zum Knie ging, was wir in Thessaloniki noch nie sahen. Auch die Offiziere trugen solche Kurzhosen. Man gewöhnt sich irgendwann daran und ich muss gestehen, dass sie schon sehr praktisch für das Klima sind. Aber zuerst schien sie mir sehr schäbig zu sein. Manche aus Thessaloniki trugen am Ende solche lumpigen Klamotten, ich nie. Ich hatte ein Kleid und dies war immer sauber und gebügelt. Ich war nie schlecht angezogen. Ich war allerdings nur im Sommer da und ging, bevor der Winter kam.

Mit Israelis hatten wir keinen Kontakt – weder mit Männern noch mit Frauen. Alle unserer Kontakte dort waren mit Menschen aus Thessaloniki, vor allem als ich bei der Bank arbeitete und ein Büro für mich allein hatte – ohne Kontakt zu den anderen Mitarbeitern im Großraum.

Meine Freunde fehlten mir auf jeden Fall, doch waren alle damit beschäftigt, mit Fabrikarbeit o.ä. sich übers Wasser zu halten. Meine Verhältnisse waren zum Vorteil, aber nur dank meinen Kenntnisse der englischen und französischen Sprachen und von Tippen.

Bei der Befreiung war ich noch in Israel. Später erfuhr ich über meine Schwestern. Da ich nicht in Griechenland war, weiß ich nicht wie die Befreiung hier war. Ich erinnere mich noch an freudiges Schreien: „der Krieg ist vorbei! Der Krieg ist vorbei!“ Ich erinnere mich an sonst keine Feier. Wenn man den ganzen Tag arbeitet, weiß man nicht immer was passiert.

Nach dem Krieg

Die erste Änderung war, dass sofort wieder Kontakt mit Thessaloniki entstand. Ich erfuhr, dass Onkel David und Tante Mitsa noch am Leben waren. Briefe waren die einzige Form von Kommunikation. Sie wussten, ich war in Israel und schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh.

Zuerst stellte ich Kontakt mit denjenigen her, die in Griechenland blieben – nämlich meinen Onkeln Pepo und David. Der Rest der Familie wurde von den Konzentrationslagern nach Spanien, nach Casablanca und danach nach in ein Lager in Israel gebracht. Als sie ankamen, ging ich sie dort besuchen.

In Israel mieteten Onkel Mentesh und Onkel Sabetai eine kleine Wohnung. Doch gab es kein Platz für ihre Mutter, meine Großmutter, die dann im Altersheim war. Während des Krieges war Großmutter zusammen mit den ganzen spanischen Staatsbürgern und Rosa, die Schwester von Alice und Linda, kümmerte sich um sie. Das Leben im Altersheim war nicht schön für Oma. Sie war fast taub und machte Geräusche mit den Metalltöpfen beim Toilettengang in der Nacht und die andere „Gäste“ beschwerten sich. Sie konnte nicht genug hören, um vorsichtiger zu sein. Einmal kamen sie zu ihr und fragten, ob sie sich die Haare schneiden lassen mag. Weil sie ihnen weder hörte noch verstand, schnitten sie ihr die langen Haaren ab, die sie ihr ganzes erwachsenes Leben in einem Chignon trug. Als Großmutter ihr Frisur zum ersten Mal sah, fing sie an zu weinen. Sie starb sehr, sehr traurig.

Das einzige, worüber ich nachdachte, war zu meinen Menschen zurückzukehren. Ich sehnte nach der Wärme meiner Familie. Ich wusste, dass Onkel David und Pepo noch lebten. Onkel David heiratete nicht und wohnte mit seinem Bruder Pepo und seiner Frau, Tante Mitsa. Die drei hatten vor sich auf einer kleinen Insel zu verstecken und dort mit ihrer jungen Tochter Rena zu leben. Leider wurden sie auf Lesvos von den Deutschen erwischt und inhaftiert. Doch Tante Mitsa, die aus Wien kam, konnte Deutsch und deswegen kamen sie und ihre Tochter nicht ins Gefängnis. Später auf der Insel verdiente Tante Mitsa ihren Lebensunterhalt damit, Kaffeesatz zu lesen. Ihre Kunden bezahlten sie mit einem Hühnchen oder einigen Kartoffeln, etwas, womit sie überleben konnte.

So war es bis zur Befreiung, als alle nach Athen und später nach Thessaloniki zurückgingen. Da ich während der Zeit noch in Israel war, weiß ich nicht so viel, doch weiß ich, dass sie danach nie wieder mit Kaffeesatz zu tun hatte.

Sie schickten mir Briefe über Albert Altcheh. Sie konnten mich erreichen. Auch die spanische Botschaft in Athen konnte mich erreichen; meine Reisepapiere schickten sie an Ida Arouesti, eine Freundin meiner Schwester Matilde. (Vor dem Krieg hatte Ida eine Cousine, die Selbstmord beging, in dem sie vom Balkon sprang. Um sie zu ehren, ließ sich ihr Vater eine Synagoge bauen, die heute Monastirioton heißt und die größte Synagoge Thessalonikis ist.) So lernte ich, dass meine Schwestern noch leben – wir fingen einen Briefwechsel an. Ich arbeitete zu dieser Zeit noch. Trotz meiner Lust zurückzugehen, wusste ich, dass es meinen Schwestern an Ressourcen mangelte und sie dementsprechend so lebten. Sie waren beide in Athen bei Ida Arouesti und hatte zwischen sich nur einen Mantel. Sie hatten gar kein Geld. Später bekam Eda eine Stelle bei der griechisch-britischen Handelskammer, während Matilde noch arbeitslos war.

Einige meiner Verwandten die nach Spanien gegangen waren, waren schon wieder in Thessaloniki. Onkel Sinto, der Vater von Rene, schrieb mir einen bewegenden Brief, in dem er fragte, ob ich nicht mitkomme und sagte, dass er auf mich aufpassen würde, „Als wärst du meine eigne Tochter.“ Doch seine Frau, Tante Sol, die Schwester meines Vaters, war dagegen. In einem Brief von ihr, schrieb Tante Sol, dass sie vier Söhne hat – Davi, Sumuel, Joseph und Marcel – und sich deswegen nicht um uns kümmern kann. Onkel Pepo und Onkel David meinten, wir durften zu jeder Zeit bei ihnen einziehen.
Zu dieser Zeit zog Solon Molho von der Insel Skopelos, wo er während des Krieges versteckt war, wieder hierher und ging zu Onkel David, um ihn zu erklären, dass er mich liebt und heiraten möchte. Onkel David schrieb mir in Israel und ich sagte seinen Antrag zu. Warum nicht?

Ich kannte Solon aus der Zeit der Besatzung. Wie ich schon erzählte, waren in der Zeit Solon, Totos, Bob und andere Freunde jeden Abend bei uns. Ich hatte deswegen noch Erinnerungen an Solon. Ich stimmte also zu ich bereitete mich vor, nach Thessaloniki zurückzukehren.

Solons Eltern kannte ich sogar vor dem Krieg. Sie hießen Mair und Sterina Molho. Mair war Buchhändler und Sterina war Hausfrau. Ihre Kinder, außer Solon, waren Victoria und Yvonne. Beide Schwestern heirateten und hatten schon Kinder vor dem Krieg. Yvonne, die älteste, war mit Henry Michel verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Daviko. Victoria war mit Youda Leon verheiratet und hatte einen Sohn, Niko, und eine Tochter, Nina.

Im Gegensatz zu meiner Familie, waren die Molhos nicht spanischer Herkunft. Die Molho Familie wohnte in einem Haus uns gegenüber. Also kannten sie uns auch. Sterina war auch dafür, dass wir heiraten. Sie war sehr entspannt und gutartig, doch dazu noch eine Realistin. Solon Molho war als Kind sehr gemocht. Er hatte eigentlich einen älteren Bruder, den er nie kennenlernte, da er eines Tages unter dem Bett mit Streichhölzer spielte, sich dabei in Brand steckte und starb. Ich glaub er wurde zwischen den beiden älteren Schwestern geboren.

Als junger Mann war Solon ziemlich sportlich. Er war draußen viel unterwegs – Berge steigen, angeln usw. Er war auch Pfadfinder. Deswegen waren unsere Kinder später Pfadfinder. In seiner Nachbarschaft war der Laden von Thomas, eine Fahrradwerkstatt, wo man Fahrräder ausleihen oder reparieren lassen konnte. Solon war immer dort. Jahre später kam in einer Bäckerei eine ältere Dame auf mich zu und fragte nach Solon. Sie war die Schwester von Thomas und erzählte davon, wie, nachdem Solon ein Fahrrad nahm und los radelte, Sternia immer hinterherkam um Thomas darum zu bitten, auf Solon aufzupassen.

Solons Vater, Mair Molho, war ein ziemlich strenger Mann. Nachdem seine Tochter Victoria verheiratet war, nahm er den 16-jährigen Solon mit in die Buchhandlung, um ihn auszubilden. Der war der einzige Buchladen Thessalonikis mit internationalen Angebot, d.h. englischen, französischen und deutschen Büchern.

Das einzige was ich zu der Zeit seines Heiratsantrags wusste, war, dass er aus einer anständigen Familie kam, die eine berühmte Buchhandlung hatte, und dass er ein enger Freund von Nadir, meinem Cousin, und noch ein Mitglied unserer Gruppe war. Dazu wusste ich, dass er Jude war, von guter Humor zu sein schien und das war’s. Obwohl wir zunächst nichts hatten, kämpften wir zusammen und hatten gemeinsam ein schönes Leben.

Als ich Solon kennenlernte, war er schon mit einem Mädchen namens Dolly Modiano verlobt, aber anscheinend war seine Mutter damit nicht einverstanden. Dolly war später mit jemanden anders verlobt – mit Mardoche. Er hatte viel Geld und sie ging mit ihm weg, so hatte sie das Konzentrationslager vermieden.

Solon war bei der griechischen Armee. Er leistete seinen Militärdienst mit Nadir; deswegen wurden sie Freunde. Er war immer noch bei der Armee als die Deutschen kamen. Ich glaub er war in Sidirokastro [Sidirokastro war eine Festung an der bulgarisch-griechischen Grenze. Sie wurde am 6. April 1941 von den Deutschen angegriffen und drei Tage später eingenommen] Davon ging er zu Fuß zurück nach Thessaloniki.

Solon war damals für die Militärkasse verantwortlich und seine Aufgabe bestand darin, die Inhalte zu vorzuzeigen. Er ging mit anderen Soldaten zu einem Hafen wo sie ein Boot nahmen, das von Flugzeuge verfolgt wurde, dann liefen sie, um nach Thessaloniki zu kommen. Diese Kasse machte ihn sehr nervös, da sie nicht ihm, sondern der Armee gehörte. Er schaffte es, die Kasse an jemanden anderen zu übergeben und kam als Zivilbürger und nicht mehr als Soldat in Thessaloniki an.

Währenddessen waren die Deutschen schon in die Stadt angekommen. Als sie da waren, beschlagnahmen sie sofort den Buchladen. Sie schmissen alle raus – die Besitzer sowie das Personal – ohne die Erlaubnis zu geben, ihre Sachen, gar ihre Jacken, mitzunehmen. Mair Molho schickten sie ins Exil. Ich weiß nicht wo sein Exil war. Vielleicht auf der Insel Ios. Kurz danach wurde er zurückgebracht und gezwungen, sein ganzes Geschäft an einen Kollaborateur der Deutschen, ein Buchhändler namens Vosniadis, für insgesamt drei Pfund zu verkaufen. So „wechselte“ die Geschäftsführung.
Solon blieb in Thessaloniki bis die Deutschen anfingen, Maßnahmen gegen Juden durchzuführen. Direkt nach der Versammlung am Eleutherias-Platz in Thessaloniki, fuhr er in einem Ruderboot weg. Er ruderte nach Evoia und war am Ende in Athen, was unter italienischen Besatzung war. Unter diesen Maßnahmen waren alle Juden im Ghetto und später in den Lagern interniert. Unsere Beziehung war plötzlich zu Ende.

In der Zwischenzeit – als er von der Armee wieder da war und bevor er nach Athen ging – war er jeden Abend bei uns. Zu der Zeit waren wir mit Tante Rachelle, die zwei Jungs und ein Mädel hatte. Mit uns zusammengezählt waren es fünf Mädchen. Die Jungen freuten sich, bei uns zu sein. Da unsere Mutter vor kurzem gestorben war, kamen sie immer zu uns. So lernte ich Solon erst kennen. Er verhielt sich sehr gut!

Nachdem Solon wieder da war, dachte er wohl unbewusst, dass ich schon seine Frau wäre. Wahrscheinlich wegen seiner Mutter, die ihm immer sagte: „Dieses Mädel ist für dich.“ Als er von der Insel zurückkehrte, ging er zu meinem Onkel David, um zu sagen, dass er mich heiraten wollte. Und Onkel David schrieb mir, wie ich schon erzählte. Ich wollte ihn heiraten, weil ich ihn und seine Familie schon kannte und nicht woanders suchen wollte.

Während dieser ganzen Zeit wusste ich ganz klar, dass Toto in mich verliebt war. Also wie hätte ich Solon zusagen könnten? Nachdem ich zusagte, bereitete ich mich vor, zurückzukehren. Es ist auch bemerkenswert, dass mich zu diesem Zeitpunkt ein Cousin von mir in Israel, Leon, auch heiraten wollte - geschweige denn Toto! Aber Solon war meine Wahl.

Wir fanden das ganze Leben in Israel damals etwas eintönig. Der ganzen Zeit gingen wir nicht einmal tanzen! Auf den Straßen sangen wir die griechischen Lieder, die wir kannten. Wir sangen mit viel Nostalgie für Griechenland und in dieser Stimmung sagte ich mir, „Ich werde zurückgehen.“ Ich ließ mich deswegen von niemanden beraten, weil ich schon wusste, was ich wollte. Ich schickte also die Zusage an Onkel David.

Ich freute mich nach der Befreiung sehr darüber, dass Briefe nach und nach ankamen; diese habe ich noch. Briefe von und zu meinen Schwestern, Briefe von Onkel Pepo und, natürlich, die Briefe von Solon. Ich war glücklich. Ich stand davor, meine eigene Familie zu haben und nicht mehr in einem fremden Land oder fremden Haus leben zu müssen. Ich freute mich wahnsinnig auf meine Rückkehr.
Danach besorgte ich die entsprechenden Papiere und fuhr mit Charles Joseph und seiner ersten Frau, Nini, der Tochter eines Cousins meines Vaters. Alle Mitglieder der Familie Saltiel. (Auch seine zweite Frau, Rosa, war Saltiel.) Wir kamen zuerst in Piraeus an und fuhr von dort aus nach Thessaloniki.

Als wir in Thessaloniki ankamen, kam Victoria zu mir, da Solon krank war. Er wurde kurz vor meiner Ankunft wegen einer Hernie operiert. Die hatte er vom zu viel Schreien beim Yachtturn bekommen. Also erholte er sich im Bett.

Die ganze Familie Molho wurde nach Deutschland deportiert: Solons Vater und Mutter, seine Schwester Yvonne und ihr Mann und Kind. Das gilt auch für den Rest der Familie. Victoria und ihre Familie waren die einzigen, die noch da waren.

So wurden sie gerettet: Eines Tages waren sie in der Apotheke und da war zufällig Dr. Kallinikides, der über die furchtbaren Sachen, die den Juden derzeit passieren, erzählte. Dazu sagte er, dass er dazu bereit war, eine jüdische Familie zu retten. Sie hörten diese Ansage und obwohl sie ihn nicht kannten, gingen sie auf ihn zu. Frau Kallinikides ging dann zu ihnen zuhause um die Kinder zu holen und brachte sie mit zu ihr nachhause. Später hatte er Kontakt mit denjenigen, die direkt vor den Augen der Deutschen Juden illegal nach Athen schleppten. So rette Dr. Kallinikides ganz unauffällig die ersten Kinder; später stellte er jemanden dafür an, die Erwachsene abzuholen und organisierte alles für die sichere Fahrt nach Athen. Sie hatten viel Glück und Frau Kallinikides wurde für immer Freundin der Familie.

Solon war schon in Athen. Als sie sich wiederfanden und um zu überleben, stellten sie Seifen her – Solon half Youda, der eine Seifenmanufaktur in Thessaloniki hatte. Sie gingen von Haus zu Haus, um das tägliche Brot zu verdienen. Später wurde Athen von den Deutschen besetzt und sie mussten sich woanders verstecken.

Sie gingen also nach Glossa Skopelous. Giorgos Mitzilotis, der Bürgermeister des Dorfes, war einer der Zulieferer für Onkel Youdas Manufaktur. Sie lieferten ihm Olivenöl – ein Rohmaterial für seine Seife. Die ganze Familie Leon, die Großeltern, Maurice, Jackos, Youda und seine Familie und der Bruder Victorias, Solon, eine Gruppe 14 Personen, wurden von ihm nach Glossa gebracht. Dort blieben sie der ganzen Besatzung bis zur Befreiung Thessalonikis.

Girorgos nahm ein großes Risiko auf sich. Nicht nur für sich selbst und seine Familie, sondern auch die ganze Gemeinde. Menschen aus dem Dorf halfen ihm – sie gingen mit Girorgos Bäume abfallen, Holz sammeln, sie passten auf die Tiere auf usw.

Die Deutschen kamen erst noch nicht in Glossa Skopelous. Aber nachdem sie da waren, musste die Familie von Ort zu Ort ziehen, um nicht von den Deutschen entdeckt zu werden. Das war ganz viel Aufregung! Zu der Zeit ging Solon immer wieder zur Werft um mitzuhelfen. Er war noch jung und voller Kraft und Vitalität. Er arbeitete auch mit einem gefälschten Ausweis mit dem lokalen Eisenschmied.
Die Familie hörte auch heimlich Radio, also wusste sie von den ganzen Geschehnissen. Als der Krieg vorbei war, kehrten sie nach Thessaloniki zurück. Giorgos Mitziliotis und sein Bruder Stephanis wurden als Gerechtete unter den Nationen geehrt.

Nachdem sie wieder in Thessaloniki angekommen waren, ging er zum Buchladen und ein paar Tage später hatte er ihn wieder. Die erste Etage war vom britischen Geheimdienst übernommen und als ein „Vorlesungs- und Übungssalon“ benutzt worden. Natürlich wurden alle Bücher von Vosniades genommen. Später brachten sie all die Bücher, die nicht von Vosniades verkauft wurden, wieder in den Laden. Diese erste Etage war jeden Tag voller Menschen, weil die Briten oben eine große Karte hatten und markierten auf dieser die Bewegungen der Armeen, wie die Deutschen den Rückzug antreten usw. Die Briten blieben im Laden bis jeder Ort befreit wurde. Später eröffnete sie ein British Council, wo sie u.a. eine Bibliothek hatten, wo sie Englischunterricht anboten. Genau wie heute.
Als die Buchhandlung wieder aufgemacht wurde, kamen sowohl griechische Bücher als auch Bücher aus dem Ausland. Ich habe den Eindruck, dass wir die älteste Buchhandlung Thessalonikis, wenn nicht ganz Griechenlands, sind – älter als Elefteroudaquis [Anm. eine der ältesten Buchhandlungen Griechenlands, in Athen beheimatet. 2016 geschlossen.].

Solon wohnte bei seiner Schwester Viktoria und ihrem Mann Youda in der Karolou-Deal-Straße während ich bei Tante Mitsa wohnte. Bei unserem ersten Treffen waren wir sehr emotional. Er war bewegt, ich auch, also weinten wir und küssten wir uns. Wir dachten nicht, wir fühlten und agierten nur. Es ist oft so, dass Tränen erstmal kommen und danach folgt das Lachen.
Ich kehrte in ein befreites Thessaloniki zurück. Das war 1944 oder 1945. Ich hatte gar keine Probleme. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wo ich meine Schwestern zum ersten Mal wieder traf. Ob es in Thessaloniki oder Athen war. Eda war noch beim griechisch-britischen Handelskammer und Matilde war bei Tante Mitsa. Matilde heiratete David Dzivre. Das war durch eine Heiratsvermittlung. Sie hatten zusammen zwei Kinder, Nico und Yofi (Joseph). Nico ist schon tot.

Eda war zuerst mit Albertico Abravanel verlobt. Da sie sich doch nicht sehr gut verstanden, trennten sie sich. Raf war heimlich in sie verliebt. Rafael Saporta war Tidas Bruder und einer unserer besten Freunde. Ihre ganze Familie wurde mit den spanischen Juden deportiert. Nach dem Krieg wohnte er erst in Paris. Als Tida ihn besuchte, vermittelte sie die Verlobung. Ich schaffte es nicht zur Hochzeit. Sie hatte eine Tochter namens Sylvie.

Meine Schwestern wurden nicht viel über mein Leben in Israel informiert, genauso wie ich nicht viel über ihr Leben im Haridari-Gefängnis berichtet bekam. Ich weiß nur, dass die Deutschen ab und zu Gefangene vom Appellplatz aussortierten und zum Erschießungskommando schickten. Da meine Schwestern spanische Staatsbürgerinnen waren, waren sie vom Erschießungskommando geschützt. Der spanische Botschafter, Herr DeRomero, sorgte für ihr Überleben. Jede Woche schickte er ihnen ein Paket voller Essen.

Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie lange nach der Wiedervereinigung Solon und ich heirateten. Frau Margaritis, die Schwester meiner Tante Mitsa, gab mir mein Brautkleid. Sie war Musikerin und trug dieses auf Konzerten.

Die Hochzeit fand am 17. März 1946 in der Monastirioton-Synagoge statt. Tante Mitsa und Onkel Pepo kümmerten sich um die Vorbereitungen und alles war in Ordnung. Wir waren ganz glücklich. Nach der Hochzeit gingen wir zu Tante Mitsa.

Das Haus, in dem wir noch heute wohnen, war das von Solons Eltern. Solon wurde hier geboren und kam wieder hierher, nachdem er bei Victoria wohnte. In diesem Haus fand er andere Menschen drin wohnen. Sie waren Flüchtlinge und natürlich wollten sie nicht ausziehen. So war es mit allen jüdischen Häusern, die im Krieg „leer“ standen. Menschen zogen ein und wollten nach dem Krieg nicht wieder gehen. Ich weiß nicht mehr, wie Solon das Haus zurückkriegte. Thomas, der vom Fahrradladen, unterstützte ihn dabei. Als wir heirateten, stand für uns das Haus schon bereit. Solon kümmerte sich gut ums Haus. Er baute meinetwegen auch ein Kaminfeuer. Er wollte mich glücklich machen.

Unsere Flitterwochen waren eine Bootsfahrt nach Athen. Wir waren in Kifissia, ein Vorort Athens, und verbrachten ein paar Tage dort im Hotel. Dann fuhren wir zurück nach Thessaloniki, wonach wir anfingen zu arbeiten... und arbeiten und arbeiten und nur noch arbeiten.

Also waren wir verheiratet. Er war Buchhändler und ich versuchte, Vorhänge aus Mücken-geschützem Stoff zu machen, die ich auch in einer fröhlichen Farbe färbte. Ich hängte sie an die Fenster auf der Straßenseite. Nur so konnten wir unsere Privatsphäre sichern. Unsere Sachen wurden von dem Mann geklaut, der auf sie aufzupassen hatte. Wir hatten eine schwierige Zeit.
Ich war unglücklich, weil ich einem Haus wohnte, wo ich keinen Ausblick vom Meer hatte. Zuerst dachte ich, es wäre eine Art Gefängnis, da ich immer in Häuser neben und mit Ausblick des Meeres wohnte.

Solon und ich entschieden als Nächstes, Kinder zu bekommen. Also wurde ich schwanger. Ich war dann sehr, sehr glücklich. Ein Kind in der Familie! Es waren Jahre seitdem wir Kinder überhaupt sahen. Mein erstes Kind war ein Junge! Ein sehr glücklicher Moment. Das war mein erstes Kind, meine erste Freude. Als wir die Brit Mila organisierten, sah er so schön aus und viele Leute waren dabei. Der Athener Mohel war da. Ich genieß die ganze Stimmung – die Süßigkeiten, die Menschen, die Musik, die Tchalgin – sehr. (In Thessaloniki in der Zeit vor dem Krieg und kurz danach, hießen die jüdischen Musiker, die bei Hochzeiten, Verlobungen und andere Feiern waren, Tchalgin.)

Als der zweiter Junge geboren wurde, war ich enttäuscht, da ich eine Tochter wollte. Und schon wieder die Brit Mila, die Feierlichkeiten usw. Aber ich wollte ein Mädchen. Ich betete zu Gott und es klappte! Das dritte Kind war ein Mädchen.

Nie hatte ich eine Fehlgeburt, doch als ich zum vierten Mal schwanger wurde, wollte ich die Schwangerschaft abbrechen, weil alles in der Zeit sonst so schwierig war.

Als die Kinder noch zur Schule gingen, hatten wir zwei Damen – beide namens Olga – bei uns zuhause. Sie kümmerten sich ums Haus und die Kinder. Die ältere – „Olga Mama“ – war vor dem Krieg jahrelang das Dienstmädchen meiner Schwiegermutter. Sie war ein paar Jahre älter als Solon und er war die einzige Familie, an die sie sich erinnern konnte. „Olga Mama“ arbeitete nach dem Krieg erst bei Victoria und danach bei uns, nachdem wir Kinder bekamen. Sie sprach auch Spanisch wie der Rest der Familie. Spanisch war die Sprache, die wir mit meinem Mann sprachen. Mit den Kindern sprachen wir auf Griechisch und manchmal auf Spanisch, so dass ihre Ohren sich daran gewöhnen.

Wir gingen nicht sehr oft in die Synagoge. Manchmal ging ich freitags, um eine Kerze anzuzünden und zu beten. Die Hohen Feiertage feierten wir zuhause. Doch weiß ich nicht, ob ich meine Kinder das Judentum beibrachte. Ich glaube an Gott, bin aber keine Fanatikerin hänge nicht an den Regeln fest. Ich weiß nicht, wie meine Kinder sich zu Religion verhalten.

Mein Mann arbeitete Tag und Nacht. Um das Geschäft wiederaufzumachen, musste Solon Kredit von der Bank leihen. Er fragte nach 150.000 Drachmen und erhielt doppelt so viel. Mit dem Geld konnte Solon die Bücher zum ersten Semester bestellen. Ich fing irgendwann auch an im Buchladen zu arbeiten. Ich arbeitete sehr intensiv. Zuerst kümmerte ich mich um aktuelle Probleme – zum Beispiel die Bestellung der angefragten internationalen Zeitschriften für diversen Fakultäten an der Aristoteles-Universität. Wir konkurrierten mit einem anderen Buchhändler und wir ließen die Bücher per Flugzeug liefern, um die ersten zu sein. Auch Einzelhändler kamen ständig in den Laden – auch um Mitternacht, um die Bücher früh morgens in ihrem Laden zu haben. Ich hatte das Gefühl, dass wir nie aufhörten zu arbeiten.

Im Laden hatte wir alle Zeitschriften und wir lasen sie auch. Ich las die griechischen Zeitungen nicht sehr viel, da es mir einfacher war, die englische oder französische Zeitungen zu lesen.
Wie gesagt, wir fingen mit keinem Kapital an. Als die Buchhandlung von den Deutschen zugemacht wurde, gab es noch offene Rechnungen mit Zulieferern im Ausland. Als wir nach dem Krieg wieder aufmachten, um Geschäftsbeziehungen mit unseren Hauptzulieferern wiederanzufangen, mussten wir diese alten Beiträge noch bezahlen, obwohl es ganz klar war, dass wir für die Umstände nicht verantwortlich waren. Doch versprachen wir, alles vor dem Krieg trotzdem zu bezahlen. Und alles bezahlten wir, auch wenn wir dafür nicht schuldig waren.

Die Jahre gingen langsam vorbei und in 1988 erreichten wir das 100. Jubiläum der Buchhandlung, da sie 1888 offiziell gegründet wurde. Also wollten wir feiern. Wir veranstalteten einen sehr schönen Empfang und der französische Staat verlieh Solon die Auszeichnung „Chevalier des Lettres et des Art.“ Es ist gar nicht so einfach, so eine Auszeichnung von der französischen Nation zu bekommen. Viellicht nach 100 Jahren Geschäftsbeziehungen mit französischen Verlagen.

Für die 100. Jubiläumsfeier druckten wir ein kleines Gedenkheftchen mit der Geschichte der Buchhandlung. Dazu war der Empfang. Wir hatten auch ein Gästebuch, in dem Professuren der Aristoteles-Universität, Kunden und Freunde ihre Gedanken und Eindrücke von uns schrieben.

Ich weiß nicht, in welche Richtung mein Leben hätte führen könnten, hätte es kein Krieg gegeben. Vielleicht wäre ich mit einer anderen Person verheiratet – doch ich glaub es hätte keinen so wirklichen Unterschied gemacht, solange ich ihn liebte. Ehen aus Liebe waren sowieso selten.

Die äußere Seite der Stadt sah unverändert aus, doch ohne die Präsenz der Menschen, die wir kannten. In all den Gegenden, wo die Juden früher wohnten, gibt es heute keine Juden. Ihre Häuser werden von Christen bewohnt. Ganze Straßen – wie die Misrahi oder Fleming, wo wir jetzt leben – waren nur von Juden bewohnt. Wir sind jetzt die einzige jüdische Familie in der Straße, während es damals nur eine christliche Familie gab. Nicht nur in dieser Straße, sondern auch in anderen Gegenden wie „151“ oder „Vadaris“ – doch kannte ich mich dort nie sehr gut aus. Wir fühlten uns sehr isoliert und versuchten den Kontakt mit allen noch lebendigen Verwandten zu behalten.

Die Christen waren uns sehr, sehr neutral gegenüber. Wenn wir uns auf der Straße begegneten, sagten sie uns mit ihrem Blick: „ah, sie haben überlebt“ – ein bisschen überrascht, aber eine Reaktion die weder den Anschein von Freundschaft noch Feindschaft zeigte.

Irgendwie wussten Victoria und Solon, dass ihre Eltern nie zurückkommen werden. Sie wusste es nur aufgrund der Aussagen von denjenigen, die zurückkamen – die Überlebende der Konzentrationslager. Ich hatte nie die Gelegenheit, mit solchen Menschen zu sprechen. Darum redeten wir nicht. Auch nicht mit engen Freunden. Niemand wollte das Thema ansprechen. Selbst die Menschen, die zurückkamen, wollten nicht über ihre Erfahrungen reden. Sie wollten sich nicht daran erinnern. Dazu wurden sie auch mit dem Nichtglaube von anderen konfrontiert. Es war erst später, nach fünfzig, sechzig Jahre, dass sie darüber reden konnten.

Da ihre Erfahrungen mit extremen Fällen zu tun hatten, Fälle die wegen ihrer Bösartigkeit über die Grenzen des menschlichen Verstands springen, wollten die Menschen nicht zuhören und sie konnten nicht glauben, dass solche Sachen tatsächlich passierten. Nur als die Überlebende am Ende des Lebens waren und dieses näher rückende Ende spüren konnten, schrieben und erzählten sie über ihre Erfahrungen, so dass die Menschen wissen können.

Mit Solon redeten wir auch nie darüber. Da wir nichts hörten, nahmen sie es stillschweigend hin, dass die Eltern nicht zurückkommen. Weder seine Eltern noch Yvonne, die andere Schwester. Das erfuhren sie nie offiziell. Natürlich gab es keine Todesurkunde.

Mit meinen Kindern diskutierte ich nie solche Themen, da sie nie genug Geduld dafür hatten, sich hinzusetzen und zuzuhören. Wäre ich nicht gefragt worden, hätte ich nie davon erzählt, wie ich aufwuchs, was ich erlebte und wie mein Leben sonst so war.

Normalerweise gehe in den Friedhof in Thessaloniki, wo eine Mehrheit meiner Verwandten begraben sind. Ich fange mit dem Grab meiner Mutter an, die mit meinem Großvater begraben ist. Dann besuche die Gräber von Onkel David, der zuerst starb, dann Onkel Pepo Abravanel und danach Tante Mitsa Abaravanel. Dazu auch die von Onkel Sinto und Tante Bella Saltiel, dem Bruder meines Vaters und seiner Frau. Das nächste Grab ist das von meinem Mann, Solon Molho. Dann geh ich zu Jeannette Bensousan, die Mutter von Rena Molho, meine Schwiegertochter, die mit meinem Sohn Mair verheiratet ist. Danach ist Renée Avram an der Reihe, die zweite Frau von Joseph Avram, ein Freund, der in seiner ersten Ehe mit meiner besten Freundin, Tida Saporta, verheiratet war. Dann zu Mme. Gentille Saporta, die Mutter von Tilda, dessen Grab neben dem meiner Mutter liegt.

Zunächst besuche ich das Grab von Maurice Haim. Er war ein Angestellte im Buchladen und wurde von den „Rebellen“ umgebracht als er im Bürgerkrieg zur Armee eingezogen wurde.
Dann gehe ich zum Denkmal zu den Opfern der Konzentrationslager und sage ein Gebet.

Mein Vater wurde in Athen beerdigt. Lange wusste ich nicht wo, da ich nach seinem Tod schnell gehen musste. Als ich aus Israel wiederkam, lernte ich, dass er im jüdischen Teil des 1. Athener Friedhofs – ein christlicher Friedhof mit einem kleinen jüdischen Teil – begraben wurde. Natürlich besuchte ich ihn dort.

Immer am Todestag meines Vaters und meiner Muter rezitieren wir Kaddisch. Ich weise erst auf sie hin, dann habe ich eine Liste von allen Namen der Männer und Frauen, die meines Erachtens nach erinnert werden sollten. Vor ein paar Jahren ging ich für solche Jahrestage in die Synagoge. Jetzt ruf ich den Rabbi und rezitiere zuhause.

Mein Sohn Yofi übernahm die Buchhandlung und mein Sohn Mair machte einen Schreibwarenladen auf. Meine Tochter arbeitet ab und zu im Buchladen und ab und zu im Schreibwarenladen – nicht Festes.

Yofi heiratete Yolanda Papathanasopoulou, eine Christin die zum Judentum konvertierte. Sie studierte Judentum und als wir in Jugoslawien für die Hochzeit waren, gab ihr der Rabbi eine Menge Prüfungen über Glaubensfragen, konvertierte sie und dann wurden sie verheiratet. Obwohl sie keine gebürtige Jüdin ist, zieht sie die Kinder ganz ordentlich groß. Ihr Sohn hatte eine schöne Bar-Mitzwa und ihre Tochter Renee, die nach mir genannt wurde, hatte ihre Bat-Mitzwa. Sie verfolgen die jüdischen Traditionen, doch wer weiß wie es in der Zukunft wird.

Ich habe sechs Enkelkinder. Ich habe drei Kinder und jeder hat zwei Kinder – ein Junge und ein Mädchen. Mein ältester Sohn Mair heiratet Rena Bensousan und ihre Kinder heißen Solon und Milena. Mein zweiter Sohn heiratet Yolanda Papathanosopoulou und ihre Kinder heißen Sami und Renee. Meine Tochter Nina heiratete Maurice Carasso und ihre Kinder sind Naomi und Dov. Sie ist jetzt geschieden. Sie sind alle Juden, aber keine Fanatiker diesbezüglich.

Ich habe heute viele Wünsche, doch hängen die von den Wünschen anderen, mir zu helfen, ab. Als mein Mann noch lebte, kamen sie an Feiertagen immer zu uns. Wir saßen immer rum, aßen, spielten Karten, sangen, lachten – alles war in bester Ordnung.

Heute sieht es anders aus. Meine Tochter Nina versucht es, uns bei ihr zusammenzubringen. Aber es ist nicht dieselbe Stimmung. So ist es, wenn das Familienoberhaupt fehlt. Dank Nina kommen wir immerhin zusammen.

Ich bin Gott dafür dankbar, mir einen guten Mann, der mich liebte und mir half, gegeben zu haben. Ich habe drei Kinder, deren Gesundheit und Wohlbefinden ich mir im tiefsten Herzen wünsche. Ich bete zu Gott, mich auf nette Weise zu nehmen. Das ist mein Gebet.

Pavel Sendrei

Pavel Sendrei
Subotica
Serbia
Interviewer: Klara Azulaj

Growing up
During the war
Post-war

Growing up

My name is Pavel Sendrei. I was born on August 18, 1922 in Zilina
(Czechoslovakia). My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, was born on August 28,
1888 in Krivosud Bodovska, Slovakia. He was killed on March 15, 1945 in the
concentration camp at Bergen-Belsen. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei (maiden
name - Holzmann) was born on October 31, 1893 in Stari Bistira, and she
died on December 2, 1981 in Subotica.

I grew up in a middle class Neolog Jewish family. We did not go to
synagogue everyday, but we observed the big holidays. We lived in a rented
apartment. Hungarian was my mother tongue, because my father had finished
his studies at the university in Budapest and my mother went to a Hungarian
school during the time of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. I had a governess
who taught me German. I only began to learn Slovakian when I started the
first grade of primary school. After elementary school I enrolled in a
secondary school. I didn't have any problems with Slovakian. I graduated on
May 25, 1939.

As a young boy I was a member of the Makabi where we practiced
gymnastics and athletics and which was part of the Zionist society Makabi
Hazair. The members of this organization went on picnics, and camping trips
where we were taught dances, songs, Hebrew language and history. In 1937 I
participated in the Makabiada in Zilina and every year I went to the Makabi
Hazair camp. After 1940 this was interrupted because of the German
occupation of Slovakia.

Zilina had about 25,000 residents of which about 6,000 were Jews. One
of the deputy mayors was a Jew. During the war Zilina was a big camp. It
was a gathering camp where people were put into wagons and transported to
other camps.

My father, Aleksandar Sendrei, spent all day in his drugstore. He was
a big fan of football. He was a member of the ESKA ZILINA football club and
one of its big donors. This football club was once one of the leaders in
Slovakia. My mother, Adolfina Sendrei, was a classical housewife. She made
really tasty meals, but her cuisine was not kosher.

I do not remember either my maternal or paternal grandfathers, as they
died when I was quite small. I met my grandmothers, but I do not remember
them too clearly because they had both died around 1930.

My family gathered around my grandmother's sister Hermina Glazel. She
was a housewife, very communicative and always willing to make the best
reception for her guests. She was in fact the head of our family. She had
two married daughters in Zilina. Hermina had a big house with a huge garden
in which there were all kinds of fruits. All of our relatives would gather
here during the summers. We loved gathering in her garden in the summer
time. In the shade of the trees we used to drink cold drinks and talk about
everything. Those were moments of real relaxation.

I socialized exclusively with Jewish children. In my class in school
there were about 40 children, 11 of which were Jews. I was happy that there
were no arguments in my class between the Jewish pupils and the others. We
spent seven years together and were good friends all that time. My best
friend, Kornil Verthajn, and I sat on the same bench. We went together to
the Makabi Hazair. Kornil was deported together with his parents and
returned, but his parents did not survive the Holocaust. After the war I
helped him make aliyah from Czechoslovakia through Yugoslavia.

During the war

I remember that in school every week we had lessons with Rabbi Dr.
Fridman. He taught Hebrew language and the history of the Jewish people.
After graduation I worked in the drugstore until its "aryanization." Then I
got fired, and like many Jewish children, I attended an agricultural course
in the Jewish community. The course took place on rented agricultural
property. We cultivated the land ourselves, and sold everything that grew,
and that is how we survived. This lasted about a year. On that farm, we
worked for a living, but it wasn't in preparation for aliyah to Israel,
only for survival.

During that time my father, Aleksandar Sendrei, as a former member of
the social democratic party was imprisoned. My father wasn't an active
member of that party. He had a very good friend, who was a secretary in the
social democratic party and he persuaded my father not to register for the
party. So, my father was more like a passive member. From prison he was
taken to a concentration camp where he remained until the Slovakian
uprising in 1944, when he was liberated. After that he joined the
partisans, but quickly in one of the actions he fell into the hands of the
Germans and was deported to Bergen Belsen where he died on March 15, 1945
of typhus.

I was taken into forced labor until September 20, 1944. Then I saw
Jews being taken to the train station for deportation, and I decided to go
into hiding. My mother refused to go with me because she wanted to live in
her apartment and wait for father to come home. However, in October 1944
she was taken to Auschwitz and from there she was taken to a factory where
they made parts for airplanes in Sakis-bat-kudove, and from where she was
liberated on May 8, 1945. (Editor's note: Sakis-bat-kudove was in Germany,
5 kilometers from the border with the Czech Republic; the nearest town to
it was Nachod.)

Post-war

Immediately after liberation, I was employed at the repatriation
office in Bratislava. The Jewish community in Bratislava had started its
work, and I was informed that the repatriation office needed employees.
Thanks to the fact that I speak several languages, Hungarian, German,
Slovakian and Czech, I was engaged in April 1945. The office belonged to
the Czech Office of Internal Affairs. I met my wife, Judita Bruck, and her
family while I was working in Bratislava. They went from the Strashov camp
to a work camp in Austria, where they were held until the war ended. They
went to Bratislava on foot and in a wagon and they ended up in the
repatriation office where I worked.

I liked Judita immediately, and because she was hungry most of the
time, whenever I could I took her to restaurants, sometimes three times a
day. Wishing to do something in return, Judita's father Matija invited me
to visit the family in Subotica (Yugoslavia). When I could, I accepted his
invitation and visited them in 1946. The love between Judita and me was
mutual, and we agreed to get married. We married in May l947 and went to
Czechoslovakia. On April 24, l949 Sonja, our daughter, was born.

After the war I worked for a short period in a drugstore, but when it
was nationalized I got work as a photoreporter in Czech TANJUG. I worked
there until the "Slansky trial." In Czechoslovakia antisemitism was
reestablished, and because of that I and another seventy Jews were expelled
from our jobs. In 1950 I was a member of the three-member presidency of the
Jewish community of Zilina. In 1956 the Jewish community received an
invitation to a reception with the Israeli ambassador in Prague. I went
with my wife Judita. We were the only members of the entire Jewish
community in Czechoslovakia who accepted the invitation, the rest were too
scared of the communists to go.

At the reception I met the secretary of the embassy who made aliyah
from Czechoslovakia in 1938 and whom I knew from our days back in Makabi.
He told us that the JOINT was helping as much as it could old Jews who had
survived the Holocaust, but that it was not something that was going
through the Jewish community rather through individuals who were willing to
help. Judita and I accepted this work and we worked until the end of March
1959 when we were arrested by the Czech government for allegedly "spying."
Later, we were accused of undermining the Republic of Czechoslovakia
because the JOINT were sending the money anonymously to survivors of the
Holocaust. Judita was imprisoned from March 29, 1957 to November 29, 1957
and I was incarcerated from March 29, 1957 until March 29, 1959.

After fulfilling my sentence, I could not find work and life was very
hard. Finally, we packed our things took our daughter, Sonja, and in
October 1962 we moved to Subotica, Yugoslavia where we live today.

In Subotica I was employed in the "Slavica" cosmetic factory where I
worked for a year. After that I was employed at the "Sever" electro-motor
factory as an export representative. I worked there for ten years. From
1974-1984 I worked as the head of international transport in "Dinamo
trans." I retired in 1984 with 43 years and 12 days of work experience. All
during this time I was very active in the Jewish community. From 1992-1993
I was secretary of the community. And now, my wife, Judita, and I enjoy
going to the community to celebrate the holidays and to participate in
cultural events.

Sarra Eidlin

Sarra Eidlin 
St. Petersburg 
Russia 
Interviewer: Inna Gimila 
Date of interview: April 2002 

Sarra Eidlin is a short woman, very compact and dexterous, with lively, kind eyes and a very active face mimicry, which allows one to read emotions that she experiences as she tells her life story.

Her hands gesticulate earnestly when she describes this or that scene from her life.

She is friendly and hospitable and possesses an open soul and a warm heart.

It was a real pleasure for us to have this interview, because we established contact and understanding easily.

  • My family background

I was born in 1914 in the town of Kherson in Ukraine, into a religious family. A beggar Jewish woman, called Sarra Leya, when she was dying, asked my grandmother to give a girl born in our family her name in her honor. My parents gave me the name Sarra in her honor.

Almost only Jews lived in our district. My mum lived with her parents, so during my childhood I learned all the Jewish traditions: I knew that nothing should be done on Saturdays; I knew how to behave on holidays and what traditions to observe.

My maternal grandparents were born and lived in the first half of the 19th century in Kherson. Grandfather Gersh Levit, born in the 1840s was a melamed, a teacher, and that's how he earned a living. He had a big thick beard and he was almost bald. He wore a high hat, a skull-cap and dark long clothes. I remember Jewish boys coming to our house and studying in a separate room. I could hear Jewish words and prayers. Grandma Feiga Leya Levit, who was also born in the 1840s, was a housewife. She was a very hospitable and kind woman. I don't know her maiden name or her background, she never told me and I never asked.

My paternal grandfather, born in 1840, lived in our house for several years. His name was Zalman Eidlin. There was a Jewish colony not far from Kherson, it was called Lvovo, near the small town of Kalinindorf in Kherson region. My grandpa and father came from that place. Grandpa Zalman lived with us after his wife died. I don't know anything about her. He was kind, did nothing, prayed a lot and read Jewish books. He was very old, and mum and grandma took care of him. He died aged 80 when I was four or five years old, in 1918 or 19. Our family had no pictures of him.

The elder generation and my parents spoke Yiddish to each other, but lived among Russians and Ukrainians, so they knew Russian pretty well, and spoke in Russian to the children as well. In 1920 my maternal grandparents celebrated their golden wedding anniversary. They had lived together for 50 years. All relatives, even poor ones, came to the celebration, collected some money and presented an expensive golden watch to grandpa and a black silk skirt to grandma.

My grandmother died in Kherson in 1922. My grandfather lived another 10 years after. Before he died he had made a voyage to several cities and visited his children, who lived in Odessa, Leningrad and Moscow. He was very proud of that trip of his. He died in Moscow at his daughter Khaya's place in 1932.

While Grandpa Gersh was alive, Jewish traditions were preserved in our family, but later on it slackened a lot: we celebrated holidays less frequently, forgot the prayers and the language. We weren't able to demonstrate our religious predilections under the Soviet regime [during the struggle against religion] 1. Religious people were persecuted; Russian Orthodox churches were blown up; economic warehouses were arranged in the Catholic cathedrals, and synagogues were shut down. People were intimidated.

We could gather in the family circle at home, but we couldn't openly advertise the celebration of Rosh Hashanah, for instance. I remember how, in 1923-1924 in Kherson, we placed and decorated a tent with branches in our yard and our family had lunch and dinner in it. It was Sukkot, the fall holiday.

Grandma and grandpa Levit had six children: Khaya, Volodya, Sonya, Boris, Fanya and Maryasya - my mother.

Their elder daughter, my aunt Khaya, was born in the 1860s. She lived for 94 years, married a native of a Lvov Jewish colony in the 1880s, a religious man called Gersh Kart. He was a sewing cutter and lived in Kherson by that time. Khaya was the most religious of all her sisters and brothers. While grandpa was alive she celebrated all the holidays with us. I remember it because my mum as the youngest daughter lived at grandpa's after she got married.

Aunt Khaya and Gersh Kart had four children: Bella, Vladimir, Boris and Malka. Their elder daughter Bella was born in 1904. Bella is my eldest cousin. She was born in Kherson, as were all Khaya's and Gersh's children. She left for Odessa in the 1920s to study at the Chemical and Pharmaceutical Institute. She didn't graduate from the institute because she married a native of Odessa from Peresyp 2, David Lvovich Katz. He was a commissar in the Kotovsky 3 division, which was located in Odessa after the Civil War 4.

After some time David was transferred to Berdichev, a town with a lot of military units. Bella had no complete higher education at that time, though she was rather well-read and was a good orator. Several years later David retired and was sent to one-year courses to become a construction company manager. After these courses he was assigned to Moscow in 1930. He worked in the defense narkomat [people's commissariat] and supervised the construction of defense fortifications in the east of the country. It was a secret construction.

Bella worked as an instructor at one of the Moscow party raykoms [district party committee]. She graduated from Mendeleyev Institute in Moscow and after that worked at Narkompischeprom [People's Commissariat of Food Industry] as Glavmargarin Manager, that means she supervised all the plants that produced margarine. When the war broke out David became head of a big construction trust, which was evacuated to Tashkent. Their family also moved there, they already had two children: a son and a daughter.

At the beginning of 1945 after the war ended their family returned to Moscow and David was designated a commander of a brigade, which dismantled electrical power stations in Germany under the Reparation Agreement 5. The dismantled parts were sent to the Soviet Union. Reparation meant something that the Germans, as the defeated, were supposed to deliver to our country under the Agreement. A lot was removed from Germany as the country, which lost the war.

Bella worked at the Promenergomontazh Scientific Research Institute as an engineer and retired after some time. She died at the age of 84 in Moscow in 1998. She was an atheist and a Soviet person, regardless of the fact that her mother Khaya was a religious woman. Bella's and David's son Marlen graduated from the Moscow Aircraft Institute and worked at Baykonur 6 during the time when the space-vehicle launching site was under construction and the first space flight took place.

He was irradiated severely and died of sarcoma in 1963 at the age of 40. He was my grand- nephew. Marlen's daughter Lina graduated from the Pedagogical Institute in Moscow and works as a mathematics teacher at school. She still works, though she is already retired. Her daughter Sonya, after graduating from the institute, also works at the same place. She also lives in Moscow with her husband Vladimir and daughter Sofia, who is fifteen years old. Both Lina and her daughter Sofia married Jews and remained Soviet non-religious women.

Khaya's and Gersh's second child, Vladimir, was born in 1906. He studied at the Odessa University. He died at an early age, approximately in 1922, during an appendix operation.

The third child was Boris. He was born in 1908. He was a construction engineer. He married a Russian woman in Kherson during his studies. His wife was considered the most beautiful woman in town. He had a daughter. Her name was Zoya. Before the war Boris was head of a construction trust in Stalingrad, where he was assigned after he had graduated from the Odessa Construction Institute.

Boris evacuated his trust from Stalingrad to the town of Yurga in the east of the country. An artillery plant, a whole town and a railroad station, Yurga-2, were constructed near that city under Boris's supervision. He was an important person, respected by everyone. After the war Boris worked in the town of Gorky at a plant in the position of head of a construction department. Later he worked at the staff of the Gorky gorispolkom [municipal administration, executive committee], supervising a construction department. In 1972 he was recommended for a State Prize with a group of engineers for the invention of unique construction tiles. He obtained the prize, which was very honorable. Boris died in 1990.

Khaya's fourth child is her daughter Malka, born in 1919. She finished a construction technical school in Kherson and moved to Moscow, where her parents had lived since 1930 with their elder daughter Bella. Malka, Malla in Russian [common name] 7 graduated from the part-time department of the Construction Institute and worked as a principal engineer at the Stalproyekt Institute until retirement.

After the war everyone had to exchange passports and the office employee offered to write Malla instead of Malka in her passport. Thus she became Malla. Malla lives with her daughter Tanya in Moscow, who is also a pensioner, and her husband Ilya. He is a Jew too. Tanya also graduated from the Construction Institute with an excellent certificate. She worked at a construction company too. They live a non-religious secular life.

Khaya's husband, Gersh Kart, died in Moscow after the war in 1949 or 1950. They were in evacuation in the Urals during the war. He didn't participate in the war, as he was too old. He worked at the Klara Tsetkin sewing factory as a trimmer. He cut out patterns. He was a wonderful tailor. He sewed a perfect coat for his daughter from a soldier's blouse pattern. They lived in Izmailovo district in Moscow.

It is so called because when Jews were allowed to live in big cities after the [Russian] Revolution of 1917 8 mostly Jews inhabited this district. When Tanya married Ilya, they exchanged their two-bedroom apartments for one four-bedroom apartment. Now they live near Rizhsky Railroad Station.

My uncle Volodya, mum's elder brother, was born in Kherson in the 1860s. He was married to a Jewish woman. Their whole family starved to death in 1921 in Kherson during the famine in Ukraine 9. They had an apartment in the center of the city and lived moderately, but his wife was a 'stinker,' as everyone called her, she was a bad housewife. It was always very dirty in their apartment and everybody blamed her for that. It was a real shame to have such a wife.

Volodya came to us and told my grandma and his mother and said, 'Bathe me, mum.' We had a zinc bath, into which we placed a samovar and the water was heated. Vladimir and his wife had four children. They all starved to death, except their elder daughter Sonya.

Sonya was born in 1900. She lived at our place in Kherson and studied at the medical school. Sonya stayed with our family. She had a wedding, which was called 'Schwarze Hipe' [chuppah]. There was a canopy; everybody walked around it, but there was no music, since Sonya was an orphan and an orphan was not allowed to have a merry wedding with music. At the end, though, a violinist was invited.

Everything was exactly as a Jewish wedding means it to be: everybody was dressed beautifully. However, later on Sonya and her husband didn't observe the Jewish traditions, deviated from religion and led a life of secular Soviet people. Sonya moved to Moscow from Kherson and got married there. She died in the 1950s in Moscow. She worked at a newspaper stand. She could not work as a physician because during her first operation she felt unwell at the sight of blood and ran out. Her husband was a Jew and worked as an engineer at a plant. He died in Moscow of an illness at the beginning of the war. They have a son, Vladimir.

My mum's next sister, Sonya, was born in the 1880s. She married Gersh Kontsevoy in Kherson. He worked as a seller in a kerosene-store. Sonya and Gersh had four sons and they were all born in Kherson: Motya, Isaac, Iosif and Zalman. After 1930 they all moved to Moscow. Actually, the whole Kontsevoy family left Kherson. Their elder son Motya, married a native of Moscow, Rosa, a Jewess, and lived with his family in the suburbs, at Udelnaya station.

Now this station is part of the city. They had two daughters, Valya and Sonya. Valya graduated from the Planning Economic Institute in Moscow and worked at the Gosplan of the USSR. Then she married a Jew whose name was Boris and moved to Kishinev [Moldova] with him, where he worked as a dispatcher at the railroad.

They have a daughter, Maya. Later Motya and Rosa moved to their daughter in Kishinyov. Motya died at the age of approximately 90. Rosa died in Kishinyov in the 1980s, several years before her husband. Currently Valya and Borya live in L.A. in America; they are retired. Their daughter finished a technical school and travels a lot: she has been everywhere in California and visited Ireland and Spain, too. She has been living in America for five years already.

Sonya, Motya's second daughter, graduated from the Pedagogical Institute in Moscow as a teacher for handicapped children, but never worked as such a specialist. She married a Jew, his name is Alexander, and moved to Lvov. She worked at a library there and retired there. Her husband had higher education, was in charge of an electricians' team, which put electrical power stations into operations. He worked in this position all his life. They have recently left for Germany for permanent residence. They don't know Jewish customs. They have a daughter who lives separately. They wrote to me that everything became more expensive with the introduction of the euro. However, she visited Venice, Italy, with her husband Sasha and were present at a carnival. It's almost impossible to describe their impressions! She wrote to me that she liked Venice but wouldn't like to live there. This is how she spends time in contrast to us, Russian pensioners. I, personally, as a war participant, have a high pension. But a lot of people, for instance, my daughter Maya, have a pension of $50 only, though she worked as a principal engineer all her life. We cannot go anywhere with this pension.

Lena, daughter of Sonya and Alexander, attends computer courses. She is an adult already and a mother of two children. Her wedding took place in Lvov in the palace of Earl Potocki. [Editor's note: Potocki, Valentine (d. 1749): Polish count martyred as a proselyte. According to legend, during his studies in Paris count Potocki once went to a tavern with a friend of his, also a young Polish aristocrat, and they noticed that the owner of the tavern, an old Jew was studying the Talmud. They asked him to teach them the principles of Judaism. Potocki converted to Judaism in Amsterdam and settled as a Jew near Vilna in Lithuania. He was reported as a proselyte to the authorities and was arrested. As he refused to recant, he was burned at the stake. So far no historical evidence for the story has been discovered, although it is generally believed to have been true.] Her mother had been saving money for a year to celebrate the wedding. The wedding was splendid. Not a Jewish one, but secular. She had such a magnificent wedding dress, that some rented it for their weddings later. She had two children, but she divorced this husband and left for Germany with a different man.

Yura, son of Sonya and Alexander, graduated form Nuremberg University in Germany, works now, and acquired German citizenship. The rest in the family were not able to receive citizenship. They still have Ukrainian passports and citizenship.

The second son of Sonya and Alexander, Iosif, lived in Moscow, where he moved as a boy. He married a Russian woman there. She was run over by a tram and died. Iosif worked as an electrician in Moscow. He wrote poems and some of them were published in Ogonyok magazine. When the war broke out, he moved to Yurga, to the north and joined his cousin Boris there, son of Khaya and Gersh Kart, in evacuation. Iosif worked there for the Svet Ilyicha newspaper and continued writing poems. When he retired he continued to contribute to this newspaper. He died in Yurga in the 1980s. He has a son, Volodya, who lives in Yurga. He works in oil fields now.

Sonya's and Alexander's third son, Isaac, was born in Kherson in 1910. He lived in Moscow, took part in the war and returned disabled. He lived in a communal apartment, since his relatives had left already. He got acquainted with a woman and raised her children. He didn't have children of his own. He died in Moscow in the 1990s.

Their fourth son, Zalman, was born in Kherson in the 1910s. He worked as an editor-in-chief for a newspaper, a House Organ at the Moscow watch plant. [House Organ: an informational newspaper, published at the enterprise for the purpose of keeping the employees informed about the life and events of their organization]. His wife was Russian. He didn't get evacuated during the war and perished there. His wife didn't want to deal with our family. I don't now why.

My mum's brother Boris, the fourth son of Gersh and Feiga Levit, was born in Kherson in 1885. His wife Klara was a Jewess. He sold quilted jackets from a tray at the market place. They lived in a rented apartment in a three-story house, as many of my relatives did. They moved to Rostov-on-Don [a city in the south of Russia] in the 1930s, as it was difficult to live in Kherson, and Rostov was a more lucrative and populous city. Boris went out of his mind in the 1930s and died.

Everyone lived on starvation rations. I remember how Volodya, who died, came to Aunt Khaya. He was a big guy but he was crying and it was a pity to see it: he had got the bread ration and had carried it under his arm. Some hooligans had robbed him of it and he couldn't protect himself. Everyone was starving then. I remember how we three children sat on the bed.

My parents were suffering from jail-fever or spotted fever, and they were under quarantine. They survived. My mother's brother Boris got ill before the war in 1941. He had some sanity problems and he died before the war. He and Klara had a daughter and three sons: Iosif, Vladimir and Mayorka. They remained in Rostov and didn't get evacuated. To be more precise, Klara and her daughter Manya stayed.

The Germans were in Rostov twice during the war. When our forces kicked them out the first time, the citizens threw flower pots on their heads from the windows. So when the Germans conquered Rostov the second time, they were very angry with the city. Klara, Manya and two children were put into a truck, which was called the 'mobile gas chamber.' People were murdered in this truck with gas. No one ever saw them again.

The two sons of Boris and Klara, born one after another, graduated from Rostov-on-Don University. The elder, Iosif, was assigned to a metallurgical plant in Nizhny Tagil. He had been working there as an engineer for many years. He died in 1992. The second son, Volodya, was drafted to the army in 1940. He was married to a Don Cossack woman, Alexandra. She is still alive and lives with her daughter in Moscow.

Volodya returned from the war holding the rank of colonel. He returned to Moscow and worked there at a military organization until he died. Their daughter Klara was named in honor of her mother. Klara is in Moscow. She married a Russian. His name is Alexander Mokhov. He is a colonel. He works now at the Ministry of Health. He has a very warm and kind attitude to our Jewish family. Klara works at the State Library.

The third son of Boris and Klara, Mayorka, graduated from an institute in Moscow and worked as a teacher in a technical school. He died at an early age. He had a Russian wife and had a daughter, Marina. She is very nice to us. She works now for the tax authorities in Moscow.

My mother's sister Fanya Georgiyevna, or Fani, was born in 1891. Fani finished a school in Kherson before the Revolution. They lived poorly. She even had to ask her rich classmates for the textbooks and they sometimes didn't let her in, asking to wait outside. After the Revolution she went to Odessa to study at the institute with her niece Bella. They were almost of the same age. Unlike her niece she graduated from the Chemical and Pharmaceutical Institute, married a Jew, Nisya Zelmanov. This aunt was very much respected. She wasn't extremely religious, but followed the kashrut, prayed, knew and tried to observe all Jewish traditions as far as possible. Her husband Nisya was in charge of a grain-collecting station; later it was called grain procurement station, 'zagotzerno'. The station was located in the suburbs of Odessa and Nisya started an apiary, a bee-garden, there.

Obviously, the famine wasn't as severe in Odessa as in Kherson, where we lived, because Aunt Fani sent us parcels with cereals. Nisya's brother lived in St. Petersburg. At the beginning of the 1930s Aunt Fani and Uncle Nisya moved to his place in St Petersburg. By that time she only had one son, Vladimir. They lived in a communal apartment 10 in the center of the city.

Their room was next to Nisya's brother in the apartment. Fani worked as a pharmacist in a drugstore and combined her job with managing a hospital-car, which checked the quality of food products at each station on the Murmansk railroad. She even planned to write a thesis. I keep a brochure of hers. This brochure was published by the Higher Medical Courses in 1935, called 'Sanitary analysis of foodstuffs and food.'

After Kirov 11 was killed in Leningrad in 1934, Nisya's brother - I don't remember his name - was put into prison as a Trotskyist 12. Then Feiga's son Volodya, who was a YCL [Young Communist League] member, went to the party organization and stated that his uncle had been arrested as an enemy of the people 13. However, he himself was exiled from Leningrad to timber- felling sites in the north, as a nephew and relative of an enemy of the people.

Volodya's mother solicited for her son's release, but as soon as she got a permit for Volodya's release, signed by Kalinin 14, she received a message that said that Volodya had perished in an accident: he had been hit by a log in the process of timber loading. This happened at the end of 1938.

Fani and Feiga died in 1958 in Leningrad. Fani's husband Nisya Zelmanov died in 1955. Nisya's brother disappeared in the place he was sent to. We never saw him again.

My mother, Maryasya Gershevna Eidlin, was the youngest among her brothers and sisters. She was born in 1895 in Kherson. My mother gave birth to me when she was nineteen years old. She finished four years at a Jewish school in Kherson. She liked to read. Her sister Fani hired a teacher for her, who came home and taught her. My mother was the favorite child in the family. She assisted her mother, with the household duties. Later she was a housewife. My mother was very religious, read prayer books aloud at home, attended the synagogue on holidays, observed all ceremonies. She didn't mix dairy and meat utensils, and she kept kosher.

My mother was a sick person. She had heart problems. She suffered a lot of miscarriages because of her health condition. When she was in hospital she was treated by a German physician called Berbayer. He wasn't able to cure her. Later this physician worked for the Germans during the war as a mayor. He appeared to be a bad person, tried to save his own skin. My mother died of loss of blood in Kherson in 1929 at the age of 39, when I was 15. Four children remained after her death.

  • Growing up

My father, Yerakhmil Zalmanovich Eidlin, was born in 1880 in Lvovo Jewish colony near Kherson. However, this is not precise information. There was a time when my father worked as a handicraftsman. He was the only child in the family. My father walked on foot from his village to the synagogue in Kherson. He studied at cheder and left his village for Kherson to look for a job.

He was engaged in trade, but later on, when Uncle Gersh Kart taught him, he became a trimmer. My father rented a corner in a big four-bedroom apartment of my mother's parents. This was how dad met mum. They got married in 1913. They had a wedding with a Jewish chuppah. My mother took her husband's last name. I was born a year after they got married, in 1914.

I finished a seven-year Ukrainian school in Kherson. During the first two years of studies I had a private teacher, Olga Richardovna. She supplied us with writing-books, taught us to read and to count. My parents paid her for that. She was a secular woman. In 1923 I went to a Ukrainian national school and studied there until 1928.

I remember from my childhood how we celebrated all Jewish holidays at home: Purim, Pesach, Chanukkah and Rosh Hashanah. I lit lamps on Sabbath, I was a shabesgoy, as grandma called me and I was forgiven because I was just a small child. I remember how I lit candles with grandma. Grandma always cooked food for Sabbath in a stove, covered up the stove door with clay to prevent food from getting cold, and everything was served hot on Sabbath. We always had clear soup and peas, which were cooked separately. Stuffed fish was cold. It was before the famine [in 1930], and during the famine we ate porridge on holidays and on common days.

Besides this, I remember how grandma prepared for Pesach, how she burnt all breadcrumbs in the stove in a wooden spoon, everything was burnt together with the spoon. We also had Pesach utensils. A stone was made red-hot, we threw it into hot water to purify it, and thus utensils were prepared for Pesach. We only had a few special utensils at home. All the rest were baked [burnt].

We bought milk from a Jewish woman for Pesach. I remember how we hid matzah under grandpa's pillow. It was the custom [The interviewee is referring to the afikoman]. One of the boys was supposed to take it out, when he turned away. I remember Pesach 'fir kashes' [Yiddish], the 'four questions.' Certainly our boys, my brothers, did that. I was only present.

One had to drink four glasses of wine. Each time one took the glass, a little had to be poured out into the plate. We had six glasses on the table for five members of the family. The sixth glass was poured for Elijah the prophet 15 and the door was left open. The chicken was cut by a shochet at the synagogue.

We never had any Jewish pogroms 16 in Kherson. The Civil War didn't affect us. I only remember how we children were led to the cellar because of some military operations nearby. All grandfathers were buried according to Jewish customs. I don't remember how grandma Feiga was buried, but mum told me that grandpa endured starvation, kept the whole fast. I don't remember any other holidays, because it was a very long time ago. Some things I still remember and they appear in my memory like separate pieces of past reality, not like precise clear stories.

I remember how Feiga, my younger sister, was born. She was born at home in 1926. A midwife came to help my mother. She was paid for it. It was a custom in Kherson to give birth to babies at home. Nobody took a woman in childbirth to a hospital. I don't remember if there were gynecologists or maternity hospitals. I remember how my brothers were circumcised. There was a whole ceremony, but I don't remember it in detail.

Some people came. I also remember how at one of the cousin's, uncle Boris's son, Mayorka, a minyan was collected, for ten people to be present. I remember that there was a huge fish on the table prepared for stuffing to feed to the guests after the ceremony.

In 1928 I entered the Jewish Industrial Special School, but lessons were in Yiddish, so I wasn't able to study there. My mother tongue is Russian. I also know Ukrainian perfectly, I learnt German, but I don't speak it freely. I wasn't able to study at the Jewish school because I didn't understand many terms. I remember, when I was a pioneer, there was a Zionist organization in Kherson.

Our neighbor lived across the street. We were taken there for a meeting and were lectured - I don't remember about what. I attended this meeting maybe twice. They were children of approximately YCL members' age, and I was younger. There were Zionists in Kherson but I didn't participate in their activities.

In 1929, after my mother died, my father got married a second time. Aunt Khaya in fact married him off. Father remained alone with four children: Mordekhai, born in 1917, Volf, born in 1920, my sister Feiga and me. Mum's sister, Aunt Fani, was a very smart woman; she wrote letters to father after my mother's death: 'Don't seek a mother for your children, you won't be able to find any. Better look for a wife, you are to live with her!' But aunt Khaya found a woman. I don't know how she managed to do it. Her name was Anna Lazarevna. She was a Jewess. She took my father's last name. She gave birth to two children: Lena and Ilya. Their whole family perished during the war in Kherson.

Anna Lazarevna was able to tell my younger brother Volf, 'Go buy some bread in the store, school can wait.' She never loved us, father's children. They lived in dad's apartment and their life wasn't going right. Dad started to drink, though he had never drunk before. He was at the head of a sewing workshop at the Society of the Blind in Kherson. He was the only person with eyesight there.

He worked in administration and wasn't able to get evacuated when the war broke out. Their neighbor wrote to me later; her signature was crossed out, I think, by the military censorship: the signature and last line were snipped off. She wrote that 9,000 Jews and 6,000 Russians had perished. It wasn't possible to leave Kherson: the railroad was cut off and the ships weren't able to carry everyone, so father remained there. All citizens were taken out of the city, a ditch was dug out and people were executed. They all perished. My father perished too. It happened at the end of 1943 or the beginning of 1944.

I studied at the road construction school between 1929 and 1931. After finishing the school I was assigned to work as a foreman at the Jewish Kalinindorf district. A position of a foreman is much lower than a technician, who supervises the works. I worked at the administration of the executive committee and supervised the construction of bridge roads. In 1932 a party central committee resolution was introduced for all officials in charge to move to agricultural districts. I was authorized by the YCL and worked in a kolkhoz 17.

We got a message that Voroshylov 18 was planning to visit us. I was urgently summoned to Kalinindorf and we constructed pavements and decorated the city hastily. There was this drunkard technician, who was responsible for the sinking of the ferry that I was supposed to use for loading planting seeds. I was urgently summoned because of that accident. I had to figure out how to drag out the ferryboat. We pulled the ferry out and restored it. I was so nervous that I came to the rayispolkom [District Executive Committee] chairman and told him that I was leaving for home. I left for Kherson and finished short-time courses for estimators at a canned food plant. I counted how many cans the workers made, thus calculating their salaries.

Working at the plant, I simultaneously studied at the workers' faculty of the Odessa Water Resources Institute. This faculty assisted those who had no education to enter a higher school. We studied in the evening after work. Jewish traditions were out of the question - I was a YCL member, and religion was alien to YCL members.

In fall 1933 I was assigned to work at the machine-tractor station [MTS] according to the mobilization program of the YCL obkom [regional committee]. The Komsomol 19 members were summoned and informed about the necessity to participate in works for a year. I had this stepmother, Anna Lazarevna, so I left without demur. Total collectivization 20 was carried out and the kolkhozes were to be strengthened. I visited various villages, conducted seminars and taught people how to arrange Komsomol meetings. I was always an active member. I was also sent as an authorized member for sowing grain crops.

There was the editor-in-chief of a house body for the political department of the MTS, Weisman. He entrusted me with the production of Komsomol pages and dreamed about making me his secretary. But he was soon transferred to Kiev. I was left almost alone. The newspaper was signed by the political department deputy head; all the rest was done by me: I collected materials and printed everything. The newspaper was called 'For Bolsheviks' Kolkhozes.' In 1935 these political departments were shut down.

At the beginning of 1935 I moved to the town of Gayvoron in Odessa region. From then on I worked for the district newspaper, Put Communy. Later its name was changed. At first I supervised the mass department in the editorial office: wrote articles, taught new employees, rural reporters and conducted meetings. Reporters went to kolkhozes and brought me material for publication. Later I became the executive secretary for the newspaper.

In 1939 I became deputy editor-in-chief and in 1940 I was approved editor-in- chief for the same newspaper. I worked there until 1969, and then retired. There was no Jewish employee with the newspaper except for me. Everyone knew I was a Jewess, but I didn't feel any anti-Semitism at that time.

  • During the war

My younger brother Mordekhai finished several grades in a Ukrainian school and worked in Kherson as a car and tractor re-fueller. When I started to work I took both my brothers to live with me in Gayvoron. Mordekhai worked at a machine-tractor station as a mechanic. He moved to Nikolayev in 1939 according to mobilization. He worked as a mechanic at the Andre Marti ship- building plant. [Andre Marti: leader of the French sailors' rebellion at the Black Sea; Secretary of the Comintern Executive Committee.]

Later the plant was renamed. Andre Marti seemed not to satisfy communists anymore. He worked as a foreman and had a reservation, which kept him away from the army, in spite of his call-up age. The country needed him at the home front. However, in 1940 he voluntarily joined the army and served in Roven region and in western Ukraine. In 1941 when the war broke out, they were bombed on the first day. The first and last message about him was that he was in Kiev in 1941. Mordekhai perished at the front.

My other brother, Volf, came to stay with me in Gayvoron in 1936. He finished a Russian secondary school there, left for Moscow and entered the Moscow Transport Engineering Institute. He was a final-year student when the war broke out. The institute was evacuated and he stayed in Moscow to participate in the defense.

When, in December 1941, the Germans were driven away from Moscow, he was sent to a tank school in the town of Vetluga in Gorky region to become an officer. He finished that school in 1943, studied for two years, and fell ill with meningitis. He was allowed vacation and came to visit me in Podolsk, near Moscow, where I was in evacuation. He stayed with me for a month. I insisted that he continue his studies at the institute. There was a Party and Government Resolution introduced regarding recalling final-year students from the front for the purpose of continuing studies.

His institute was in evacuation. I asked him, 'Did you write an application to say that you want to leave the front and continue studying?' He replied, 'What? How can I, a Jew, ask to be released from the army during the war?' He felt uneasy writing such an application, as he was a man of honor.

I remember how one man, standing on his knees, asked my Russian husband to go to the front instead of him. After some time Volf returned to school and visited the combatant department. He was told that there was a detachment being formed and he was supposed to accompany it to the front. The studies office offered him a teaching job, since he had completed three years at the institute. But he refused, and in several days left for the front with the detachment. I keep one of Volf's last letters, which he sent to me from the front.

He perished in January 1944 in Dnepropetrovsk region in Ukraine. I was looking for my brothers in order to find out what had happened to them. A notification about Volf's death arrived after some time: 'He perished, burnt in the tank on 11th January 1944'; and the place was indicated. I heard a lot of conversations about Jews not participating in the war, 'resting in Tashkent.' But I don't understand it, both my brothers perished at the front.

When mum died my younger sister Feiga was three-and-a-half years old. Aunt Fani, mum's elder sister, adopted her and took her to Leningrad. Feiga is still alive and lives in Leningrad. She finished a secondary school in Kherson and graduated from the Faculty of Biology of Leningrad University. Being a final-year student she got married and thus acquired a free certificate, without any assignment. Formerly, the Party assigned all institute graduates to workplaces prepared in advance for young specialists. It was called 'the assignment.' Feiga worked for a long time, all her life, at a laboratory of a children's hospital. She is retired now, but continues to work. She is 73.

Her husband, Berg Zvyagin, a Jew, is a candidate of physical science. Feiga took his last name. Berg was in the army during the war and had been to many fronts. After the war he defended a thesis and taught physics at the Leningrad Institute of Mines. Now he is an activist at the synagogue, attends it and observes all Jewish ceremonies. He and his wife are present at all Jewish events. They have a daughter, Marina. She graduated from university, became a candidate of mathematical science and works as a teacher. However, neither I, nor Feiga have grandchildren any more, but I'll come back to that later. We meet every weekend and visit each other.

I married a Ukrainian, Kuzma Yefremovich Zelinsky in 1938. He was born in 1911 in the village of Salkovo in Gayvoronsky district. It is a Russian territory. I worked in Gayvoron at that time. There was a township nearby, which was called Khaschevataya. There was a Jewish school, a Jewish kolkhoz 'Progress' [the district leader] and the Jewish town council before the war. [Village (town) council -self-government body in kolkhozes and small inhabited localities of rural type]. I know that because I worked there and knew the territories around. It was Odessa region.

The town council was also a progressive one. After the war there was a Russian town council established, but the chairman of the council was a Jew, Yakov Izrailevich Vinokur. My husband Kuzma was raised in a big family with nine children. He went to the town school and later joined the army. Their family was very nice to me, and his mother said that I was her best daughter-in-law. His father came from the village of Polish settlers, which was formed during World War I.

My husband's parents were common peasants and worked in the kolkhoz. His mother remembered the serfdom times. His father's name was Yefrem, and his mother's Natalia Danilovna Melnik. His mother stayed with me in evacuation during the war in Podolsk.

Kuzma returned form the army and worked in DOSAAF [Voluntary Society of Assistance to the Army, Aircraft and Navy]. They taught the youth and prepared them for service in the army. We got acquainted at a Komsomol meeting when he came back from the army. We knew each other for about two years, and then he proposed to me. He knew that I was a Jewess. I accepted his proposal and didn't discuss it with anyone; I had become a rather independent person by that time.

There was no wedding; we just registered the marriage at the ZAGS [civil marriage registry office], which was located in a room in the rayispolkom building. Kuzma didn't even have three rubles to pay for the registration. We were registered on credit, since it was in rayispolkom [District Executive Committee] and everybody knew us as active YCL members. Later our friends came to celebrate the wedding, and his mother also visited us to take a look at me.

We lived together and rented an apartment at first, later we got an apartment from the state. I didn't take his last name: there was a boy in my class at school who told me that my last name was sonorous. I remembered it and didn't want to change my last name. Later during the war when Kuzma was at the front, I regretted that very much, because we had to show our documents everywhere to prove that we were husband and wife. Kuzma's mother tongue was Ukrainian, but he also spoke Russian. He worked in DOSAAF, later as a secretary at the rayispolkom. We had a Russian housemaid, whom we paid some money and we provided her with food. We actually had several at different times.

They helped me all the time. I kept housemaids while the kids were small because the working hours were irregular; we had to work a lot during the evenings: I never got home until I completed the newspaper, so I could come home from work at 12 at night or at 6 in the morning. The children had to stay with someone. I worked at the editorial office. Even my baby Maya was brought to me there, so that I could feed her. My elder daughter Maya was born in Gayvoron in 1939.

When in 1941 the war broke out I was evacuated with my daughter Maya and my husband from Gayvoron. We were escaping from the approaching front line in whatever possible way: on horses, on trains, on passing cars. Trains didn't leave on schedule. There were lice on the walls in the railroad cars. The train traveled for two weeks and nobody washed himself. I never thought that the Germans might reach so far because we had such a strong army. We had been traveling 400 kilometers in the train for two weeks.

We made a stop at a kolkhoz. I found out that my cousin Boris was in Stalingrad and we left for Stalingrad. But by that time dreadful battles took place there. Then we began to find a way to Pyatigorsk, where my husband served. We reached the place in summer 1942. I met my husband in Pyatigorsk. I worked there for several months as a radio broadcasting editor and got an apartment.

In fall 1942 the Germans landed at Mineralnye Vody station not far from Pyatigorsk. The military artillery school, with which Kuzma was evacuated to Pyatigorsk, was the only one that defended Pyatigorsk. When the Germans retreated, we were provided with a train and on that train we went to Podolsk. It was a one-month journey! It happened at the end of 1943. At the end of 1944 Kuzma joined the front-line forces and appeared in Germany, in Leipzig. When he came back, we went to Gayvoron at the end of 1945.

  • Post-war

After the war, when the Party Schools 21 were first organized, I sent him to study to Odessa in a Party School and he became a party supervisor. I started to work for a newspaper. In 1947 our second daughter Yekaterina, or Katya, was born. Kuzma never came back to me from Odessa. There was a trial and my friends persuaded me not to divorce my husband. So we remained non- divorced.

He didn't want to live with me because he'd found a new wife. I knew about his life, and he about my life. He assisted our daughters, paid the alimony until Katya came of age. He died in Odessa in 1970. My husband didn't have any problems about me being a Jewess. He simply fell out of love with me and abandoned me with two children.

In 1969 I defended a thesis at Kirovogradsky Pedagogical Institute for the specialty of 'Ukrainian Language and Literature.' I worked for the newspaper before moving to Leningrad. I retired in 1969 when my grandson, Katya's son, Volodya was born. I took care of him for a year, then exchanged my apartment and left for Leningrad. I continued to work in Leningrad. When my seniority was calculated, it came to 52 years. I didn't work at the editorial office any more, though I was a member of the Journalist's Guild. There was no job for my profession and I worked as a typist for a housing trust. I enjoyed my life. I went to all the theaters with my daughter and watched the best performances.

I thought that my life in Leningrad was something that God had rewarded me with in exchange for all my suffering. I went on tourist trips to Volga, in Leningrad region, organized trips for the party cell and party committee. Life was wonderful. We had a friend who worked at the theater ticket office. We overpaid a ruble for each ticket but always got the best tickets for the best performances. I've seen all the famous actors. If there was a 'burning' ticket at the Trust for a tourist trip, they gave it to me and I went on the trip. The Trust had a good trade union.

My elder daughter Maya worked in Leningrad. Her friends helped her to find a job. She lived with temporary registration in the city for eight years and rented corners. She was registered in the region; she had paid for it. I exchanged my 'villa' for a garden, and a vegetable garden in Gayvoron for a room of 12 square metres.

My daughter found an old woman who had come to Leningrad in 1926 to participate in a construction project. So I obtained a room in an apartment located in Vasilievskii island [one of the disctricts of St. Petersburg]. It had a very small kitchen and three neighbors. My daughter wasn't able to get registration with me. They told her that she had to get registration from her employer otherwise it wasn't possible to get registration in a big city.

Maya graduated from the Leningrad Institute of Mines as an electrician, mechanical engineer. After graduation she worked at the Graphite Combine. Later on an incident happened with her. She worked as a foreman at the mechanical shop in Zavalye in Gayvoron district and simultaneously was the secretary of a YCL organization.

Maya is a very well-educated girl. She had practical work in the mines and the miners never cursed in her presence, she couldn't stand it. Katya, for example, could say a swear word, but Maya was a very delicate person. She listened to the radio and concerts very attentively and liked classical music very much. Later she moved to Leningrad to study.

A worker came to her mechanical shop looking for a part. She told him, 'Go to the Komsomol meeting!' And he replied: '...you - he used some dirty words - I cannot finish this part and you make my head spin with your Komsomol meeting!' She held a piece of cloth in her hand and slapped it across his face for those swear words. A huge thing was stirred up out of it: the foreman beat the worker. She wasn't invited to party plenary sessions anymore. When my daughter was summoned to the party committee, she was asked, why she had hit the worker. She told them that he had cursed. And they said to her, 'Well, well, what a pampered young lady we have here!' I wrote an article to the central newspaper Izvestiya. I called the article 'In defense of a pampered lady.' I received a lot of responses and comments. It was a huge story. In short, my daughter had to leave Gayvoron.

She went to Murmansk region where a friend of hers worked; they studied together at the Leningrad Institute. He wrote a letter to her saying that she could come; get a job and a room after a year of work. She left for Murmansk but never reached it. With her railway ticket it was possible to make a stop. She made a stop on her way from Gayvoron to Murmansk in Leningrad for ten days. My younger sister Feiga lived there. Besides, a lot of friends, who studied with her at the institute, lived there, too. They helped her to find a job at the Heavy Machinery Central Design Office in Metallostroy, near Kolpino, in the suburbs of Leningrad. She worked there for many years and became principal engineer.

Later she was transferred to the Electrosila plant and worked there until she retired. Maya had a fiancé, his name was Lyonya Weissman. His mother was Russian and his father was a Jew. They planned to get married. She wanted to stay in the city, but his parents worked somewhere in the North. His mother arrived and she didn't like my daughter at all. After that Maya never got married.

My younger daughter Yekaterina [Katya] finished a secondary school in Gayvoron and went to work in Kirovograd. She worked as a laborer in a vinegar shop at the foodstuffs plant. Later she was appointed foreman. She got married in 1976. Her husband was a Ukrainian. His name was Pyotr. He still calls me mother. He now lives near Kiev. He was a musician in the army. She worked at the plant at that time and was on duty 24 hours every day. They got acquainted on the phone. He was on duty in his unit and the soldiers were entertaining themselves, calling girls on the phone. They got married and in 1969 their son Volodya was born. He was born in the town of Kirovograd. After he finished a vocational school he was drafted to the army.

Volodya joined the army in 1988 and served in the town of Kaunas in Lithuania. In 1990 two months were left before his demobilization. The soldiers were driving in a car, 15 of them, and sang songs. The driver wasn't very well trained. The car turned over at a sharp turn and 12 people were killed. Katya fell ill from grief and died in a year. During the year that Volodya perished and Katya was still alive, she adopted two kids at the boarding school, a girl for herself and a boy for Maya. This boy lived with us for six years and perished, too. He was riding a bicycle at our summer house near Moscow, fell into a pit, smashed his head badly and died. When Katya died, a childless newly wedded couple adopted the girl. Thus we remained with Maya.

I never wanted to emigrate to Israel. I liked it here, in this country and I didn't want any changes at my age, so the constitution of that country didn't influence me in any way. My parents' graves are here. I was at the burial place, but couldn't find mum's grave. There is a memorial at the place of my father's execution. 15,000 were executed there.

Meetings are held there annually on 9th May, Victory Day 22. I wrote to the Kherson Rabbi and asked him to send me the lists of the executed and information about my parents, if possible. A woman from the Rabbi's office called me and asked me, 'Where was your father born?' It happened five years ago. I replied that I didn't remember where he had been born for sure, but I was certain that he had perished there. Later I lost contact with the Rabbi. But I visited the place on my own, when I came to see my daughter Katya in Kirovograd.

When Hesed was set up in 1993, the Warm House program was the first to be arranged. My friend invited me there. We got together and listened to lectures about customs and holidays. I celebrated Pesach according to what I remembered from my childhood. In a year or a year and a half when that woman left I began to conduct the Warm House myself. Food products are delivered to us. I don't cook lunch, only starters and desserts. I get accustomed to this tradition and try to introduce others to it, telling my recollections at these meetings. I have 13 people at my Warm House. There are very interesting people, even a candidate of science, so there is a lot to talk about and to recall.

I turned back to my Jewish origin, when the situation in the country started to change. We celebrate all Jewish holidays, get acquainted with the Jewish customs, talk about our current business, about our families and celebrate birthdays. We always have refreshments on the table during such meetings and everybody is happy. People say that as soon as they leave, they begin to wait for the next Friday to come. Sometimes women fall ill and we call them and visit them in hospitals.

So we have a very friendly and united family. There are two lonely women among my visitors who still live in communal apartments. In the near future they will supposedly get separate apartments in a social house, which is already built, though something needs to be completed in order to let people move in. As they say, I combine jobs: I'm also a member of the War Veterans Council. I'm a war veteran myself, I have eight medals and recently received a 'front-line soldier' medal. But I'm not as strong as I used to be, so I'm now impatiently waiting for the re-elections in order to be free of this position. However, I'm not planning to get rid of the Warm House.

Hesed delivers food products permanently and there is enough strength so far for cooking and keeping in touch with people. Seminars are held for volunteers, as well as boat trips on the Neva River and trips outside of the city, which helps to regain vitality. I also attend concerts, which the Jewish community arranges in honor of Jewish holidays. I didn't really become a very religious person. I don't pray every day, but I celebrate the Sabbath with the first star every Friday and wait for every Jewish holiday with pleasure.

  • Glossary:

1 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

2 Peresyp

An industrial neighborhood in the outskirts of Odessa.

3 Kotovsky, Grigory Ivanovich (1881-1925)

Russian hero of the Civil War. He worked as an assistant to a manor manager. He was arrested several times over the years and was even sentenced to death, but this was later changed to penal servitude for life. In 1917 he joined the leftist Socialist Revolutionaries. He carried out a heroic campaign from the river Dnestr to Zhitomir in 1918 and took part in the defense of Petrograd in 1919.

4 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

5 Reparation Aggreement at the Yalta Conference

British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, US President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin met at Yalta, Crimea, USSR, in February 1945 to adopt a common policy. Most of the important decisions made remained secret until the end of World War II for military or political reasons. The main demand of the 'Big Three' was Germany's unconditional surrender. As part of the Yalta Conference an agreement was concluded, the main goal of which was to compensate Germany's war enemies, and to destroy Germany's war potential. The countries that received the most reparation were those that had borne the main burden of the war (i.e. the Soviet Union).

The agreement contained the following: within two years, removal of all potential war-producing materials from German possession, annual deliveries of German goods for a designated amount of time, and the use of German labor. Fifty per cent of the twenty billion dollars that Germany had to pay in reparation damages was to go to the Soviet Union.

6 Baykonur

Situated in Karaganda region in Kazakhstan, it was one of the biggest space vehicle launching sites in the USSR, which carried out an extensive program of space research. The first artificial satellite was launched from Bayknour; the first human astronaut, Yury Gagarin, as well as the first woman astronaut, Valentina Tereshkova, was also launched from Baykonur.

7 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda).

When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

8 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

9 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

10 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

11 Kirov, Sergey (born Kostrikov) (1886-1934)

Soviet communist. He joined the Russian Social Democratic Party in 1904. During the Revolution of 1905 he was arrested; after his release he joined the Bolsheviks and was arrested several more times for revolutionary activity. He occupied high positions in the hierarchy of the Communist Party. He was a member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, as well as of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee. He was a loyal supporter of Stalin. In 1934 Kirov's popularity had increased and Stalin showed signs of mistrust. In December of that year Kirov was assassinated by a younger party member. It is believed that Stalin ordered the murder, but it has never been proven.

12 Trotsky, Lev Davidovich (born Bronshtein) (1879-1940)

Russian revolutionary, one of the leaders of the October Revolution of 1917, an outstanding figure of the communist movement and a theorist of Marxism. Trotsky participated in the social-democratic movement from 1894 and supported the idea of the unification of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks from 1906.

In 1905 he developed the idea of the 'permanent revolution'. He was one of the leaders of the October Revolution and a founder of the Red Army. He widely applied repressive measures to support the discipline and 'bring everything into revolutionary order' at the front and the home front. The intense struggle with Stalin for the leadership ended with Trotsky's defeat.

In 1924 his views were declared petty-bourgeois deviation. In 1927 he was expelled from the Communist Party, and exiled to Kazakhstan, and in 1929 abroad. He lived in Turkey, Norway and then Mexico. He excoriated Stalin's regime as a bureaucratic degeneration of the proletarian power. He was murdered in Mexico by an agent of Soviet special services on Stalin's order.

13 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

14 Kalinin, Mikhail (1875-1946)

Soviet politician, one of the editors of the party newspaper Pravda, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of the RSFSR (1919-1922), chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1922-1938), chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1938-1946). He was one of Stalin's closest political allies.

15 Elijah the Prophet

According to Jewish legend the prophet Elijah visits every home on the first day of Pesach and drinks from the cup that has been poured for him. He is invisible but he can see everything in the house. The door is kept open for the prophet to come in and honor the holiday with his presence.

16 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

16 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

17 Voroshylov, Kliment Yefremovich (1881-1969)

Soviet military leader and public official. He was an active revolutionary before the Revolution of 1917 and an outstanding Red Army commander in the Russian Civil War. As commissar for military and naval affairs, later defense, Voroshilov helped reorganize the Red Army. He was a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party from 1926 and a member of the Supreme Soviet from 1937.
He was dropped from the Central Committee in 1961 but reelected to it in 1966.

18 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

19 Collectivization in the USSR

In the late 1920s - early 1930s private farms were liquidated and collective farms established by force on a mass scale in the USSR. Many peasants were arrested during this process. As a result of the collectivization, the number of farmers and the amount of agricultural production was greatly reduced and famine struck in the Ukraine, the Northern Caucasus, the Volga and other regions in 1932-33.

20 Party Schools

They were established after the Revolution of 1917, in different levels, with the purpose of training communist cadres and activists. Subjects such as 'scientific socialism' (Marxist-Leninist Philosophy) and 'political economics' besides various other political disciplines were taught there.

21 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

Jerzy Pikielny

Jerzy Pikielny
Warsaw
Poland
Interviewer: Kinga Galuszka
Date of interview: February-June 2005

My interviewee lives with his wife, Nina Barylko-Pikielna, in a beautiful apartment, full of light and filled with books. I recorded Mr. Pikielny's story in the course of four meetings. Later we met another couple of times to put the tale together. Fortunately, Mr. Pikielny found the time for reminiscing, although he's still an active and constantly busy person. Throughout our conversations he would modestly maintain his stories were not going to charm anyone. Everything he'd say, however, would form a surprisingly considered history of the Drutowski and Pikielny families of pre-war Lodz. I'd like to emphasize, in accordance with Mr. Pikielny's wish, that he gathered much of the information given here from other people, and that he never met some members of the family he talks about.

I remember Grandma and Grandpa Drutowski, my mother's parents, well. I was their single, beloved grandchild and that gave me, of course, many privileges. I often went to see them and stayed the night. Grandma and Grandpa were wholly assimilated. I don't recall them observing the Jewish traditions.

Grandpa's name was Maurycy Drutowski, son of Samuel. He was born in 1869 in Czestochowa as Moszek, but he always used the name Maurycy. He went to a Russian school. His hometown, Czestochowa, was under Russian rule at the time 1. It wasn't a Jewish school but a state-run one, and with a classical curriculum, with Greek and Latin classes. Grandpa, according to his own words, was, however, a very good mathematician. After graduation he studied in Zurich, Switzerland, at the technical university there, and graduated as a mechanical engineer. It was there he met his future wife, my grandmother, who lived in Zurich at a boarding school for young ladies. When he arrived in Lodz Grandpa started work at Rosenblat's Cotton Garments Factory on Karol Street, now Zwirki [the building still exists, at no. 36], as head of the mechanical department.

In 1908 Grandpa Maurycy and his brother-in-law Jozef, whom he'd had come to Lodz, opened the Drutowski & Imass Mechanical Repair Workshop at 255 Piotrkowska Street. On 11th April 1924 the company was renamed the Drutowski & Imass Electric Appliances Factory. They manufactured things including electric meters, which were widely used in Lodz. That I can confirm myself, because I worked as an electrician in the ghetto, and while it was usually repairing engines in the workshop, I did sometimes find those meters in people's apartments. At the 1929 Universal National Exposition in Poznan the company received two silver medals. Simultaneously the partners ran a technical office at 111 Piotrkowska Street. Following some arguments with his brother-in-law Grandpa left the company in March 1931.

As far back as I can remember, Grandpa never actually had a job. He was, however, an active expert for the Polish Mechanical Engineers' Association [SIMP], an expert legal witness in the fields of mechanics and technical appliances, and a member of that Association [details taken from the biographical dictionary Zydzi dawnej Lodzi (Jews of Old Lodz), Lodz 2004, vol. 4].

Grandpa was quite tall, and he had a moustache. He was often mistaken for a nobleman because of his dignified appearance, that and his name of course. Grandpa liked to play bridge very much. He used to go to a café next to our house at 8 Nawrot Street. The café was located on the corner of Piotrkowska and Nawrot streets and was the property of Mr. Piatkowski. Grandpa had a seat kept for him there. Everyone knew you could always meet him there, or telephone and ask the waiter, 'Is Mr. Drutowski there?' I remember going there with him. He'd drink his small latte and I'd have a cream filled meringue. Grandpa was always spoiling me and was very proud of me. Grandpa also had good relations with the streetcar drivers. A streetcar would approach the house on Radwanska Street, slow to a stop, and Grandpa would step out. He knew how to talk with the drivers.

Grandpa had a brother, Emanuel, who lived in Lodz, too. Emanuel was a banker, and he lived in a residential quarter of Lodz which was called Jordanow in pre-war times and Orchideen Park under the Germans. He had a son and a daughter; she did a degree in hotelliery. I don't remember their names. I don't know what happened to any of them. We heard, but I don't know if it's true, that Emanuel's son was in Lwow as the Germans marched in. Someone told us he leaped from the column and started to shoot at the Germans. And so they killed him. I didn't know any other relatives from my grandfather's side.

Grandma's name was Aniuta, nee Imass. She was from Chisinau [now the capital of Moldova]. She was born in 1877 - she was eight years younger than Grandpa. My grandparents settled in Lodz after they got married. Their last apartment was at 25 Radwanska Street. They had two children: a daughter named Czeslawa, my mother, born in 1897, and a son named Leon, born in 1899.

Grandma was rather small, quite thin, you could call her petite. Perhaps it had something to do with the angina pectoris she suffered from. Apart from the education she'd earned in Switzerland she didn't go to any school. She never worked. She told me that in 1905 2 there was a great demonstration in Lodz which the Cossacks were dispersing, and so Grandma went there to take part in it, against the Cossacks naturally. She didn't have to go, her status did not force her to fight and protest.

Grandma Drutowska had a heart condition all her life and for that reason I didn't have such good relations with her as with Grandpa. She had a brother named Jozef, whom Grandpa had come to Lodz from Chisinau. I remember I met him once at an ice-skating rink. We even talked. I see the way he looked as I close my eyes. He was a bit younger than Grandma, not too tall, plump. As for Grandma, I cannot say anything more about her.

I don't know if my grandparents spoke Yiddish. They were a wholly assimilated, non-religious family. I know for sure that in the ghetto Grandpa would still recite Greek poems he'd learned at school. I never heard them speak Yiddish, though. We never used that language at our home either.

I only remember one of my grandparents' apartments, the last one, on Radwanska Street. They'd lived on Andrzeja Street before that. Tuwim 3, whom my mother knew personally, lived nearby. The last house was new, they had radiators there, which was a sign of modernity. There was a sizable collection of books at Grandma and Grandpa Drutowskis'. They had the collected plays of Fredro [Aleksander Fredro (1793-1876): author of comedies of manners depicting the life of Polish provincial gentry]. They had a dog for a while, a German shepherd called Lot. But later Grandpa gave it to some forester.

Grandpa died in the Lodz ghetto 4 on 1st April 1942 and was buried in the Jewish cemetery on Bracka Street. Ghetto Jews were buried in a specially allotted part of the cemetery but my grandparents are buried outside that area - I don't know why. I don't remember the cause of his death but he'd probably got pneumonia, and he also suffered from Graves-Basedow disease [overactive thyroid]. The more important cause of his death was, however, the fact Grandma had died a year earlier and he couldn't bear it.

My grandparents' son Leon we nicknamed Lolek. He was two years younger than my mom. He was born in 1899 in Lodz. As soon as the Legions 5 were formed, Lolek, who was still underage, ran away to the army and so Grandpa went to look for him. He found him brushing horses in some unit. Lolek was a co-founder of the Polish scouting organization in Lodz. The troop was named after Tadeusz Kosciuszko 6 and Lolek was its scoutmaster. He probably served in the army in the 1920s.

First he studied at Warsaw University of Technology and later at the mechanical and electrical faculty in Liege, Belgium. After graduation he returned for a short time and started to work at his father and uncle's factory. But, just like his father, Lolek didn't get on well with Uncle Jozef and soon went back to Belgium.

In Belgium he met his first wife, Dennise. At first he worked in Cologne, Germany, and commuted there from Liege by motorbike every week, coming back home for Sundays. Every time he crossed the German-Belgian border the Germans would halt him and order a personal search. He said that later he'd head straight for the control point himself. Later on Lolek owned an oil boiler factory in Belgium.

After the outbreak of the war he left Belgium and lived somewhere in France, in the unoccupied zone [central and southern France, including the Mediterranean coast, was unoccupied]. His departure was partly caused by the fact that Dennise's family strongly opposed their marriage, mainly because of his Jewish origins - something which I learned of from Uncle Lolek's second wife. Lolek was only intending to be away for a short time. Apparently, when he returned in 1944 or 1945 Dennise was already with someone else. He remarried upon returning to Poland in 1947. His wife's name was Maria Kazimiera, nee Kuras. That aunt is not Jewish either. She was born on 7th May 1914. Now she's partly paralyzed and lives in the Matysiaki Old People's Home in Warsaw.

After returning to Lodz, Lolek started work at the Military Automotive Works. A few years later he was transferred to the Ministry of Light Industry and Crafts. That's when he and his wife moved to Warsaw. Later he worked in one of the Ministry's institutes. He died in 1964.

My mother, Czeslawa, was born in 1897. She went to a girls' gymnasium in Lodz. She wanted to enroll in a university but Grandpa wouldn't allow it. I know Mom was musically gifted, she used to sing and play the piano back before her marriage.

My mom loved traveling. She went to Palestine with my father in 1930- something, I'm sure she went to Venice as well. She led quite an active life. Mom told me an anecdote once: apparently I told a teacher I had to be independent, because if I waited for Mom to get home and help me do my homework, I'd never do anything. She had her favorite café - on the corner of Piotrkowska and Moniuszki streets - which she used to go to almost everyday. She'd meet her friends there, but unfortunately I don't remember any of them.

My paternal great-grandfather was called Todres Pikielny. He apparently lived in Navahrudak [now Belarus]. He had six sons and three daughters. The sons were called Abram, that's my granddad, Izaak, Jochel, Tobias, Mojzesz, and Markus. The daughters were Rachela, Merka, and Sara. I didn't know most of that family before the war. The information I'm giving here was gathered later.

All I know about Izaak is that all of his family perished during the Holocaust. Jochel was born in 1886. He owned a factory. His wife's name was Chaja Cyrla, she was born in the same year as her husband. They had three children. The daughters were Mina, born in 1896, and Erlora, born in 1898. Their son, Symcha, was born in 1892. They were all killed in the Holocaust.

Abram, my grandpa that is, and his brother Jochel launched a manufacturing company, which operated in Lodz up till 1927 under the name Jochel Pikielny & Heirs to Abram Pikielny. That same year, the A. & J. Pikielny Textile Industry Joint-Stock Company was established in Lodz. It was to incorporate all the assets and debts and continue the first company's operations. A branch of the company was opened in 1928 in Zdunska Wola [50 km south of Lodz]. My father's brother Henryk was the manager of that factory.

Mojzesz was born on 25th May 1869 in Yeremiche. He had a twin brother, Tobias, who died before the war. In 1889 Mojzesz settled in Lodz, where he and his brother-in-law manufactured part-silk handkerchiefs, and after that he founded a wool weaving mill with Tobias, which was later transformed into M. & T. Pikielny, Inc. His grandson, Henryk, the son of his son Maks, known in the family as Henio, a citizen of Brazil, recently filed a lawsuit against the Polish state to reclaim the factory. [Editor's note: Jews of Polish descent have the right to seek restitution of property nationalized by the Polish state after 1945.]

Mojzesz had two sons and two daughters. The elder son, Maks, was born on 22nd January 1899 in Lodz. His wife, Fryda - I don't remember her surname - came from Riga [today Latvia]. Maks and Fryda had two sons, Henio and Serge. Before the war we lived in the same house, at 8 Nawrot Street, us on the third floor and them on the fourth. I was very good friends with Henio. Mojzesz' other son was called William. He was born in 1903 and he died in a bombing in eastern Poland in 1939. His daughters were called Betty and Hala.

Tobias had three children; two sons: Jozef, who emigrated to Argentina, and Herman. His daughter's name was Frania. She married Izaak Hochmann. Shortly before the war the Hochmanns moved to Brazil. Frania had a daughter, Iza, and a son, Aleksander.

My grandparents' other son was Markus. He and his wife were in the Warsaw ghetto 7. They had two children. The son, Robert, was a painter. He lived in Paris from 1923 and he also died there after the war. The daughter's name was Lili. She was in the ghetto with her family and they managed to get through to the 'Aryan side.' They moved to the USA after the war and later to France, where they died.

I learned from Iza de Neyman, my Grandpa's niece, whom I met after the war, that Merka, her mother, married Aron Lusternik. They had several children. Their son Lazar was a famous mathematician. Some of that family left Lodz and moved to Russia during World War I. Lazar stayed there, and lived in the Soviet Union all his life. The other sons were called Anatol and Maks. The daughters were Roma, Roza, Helena, Iza, and Anna.

Iza's married name after her first marriage was Klein. She was an actress, performing under the stage name Iza Falenska. During the war she was in hiding in Warsaw on the so-called 'Aryan side.' After the war she moved to France; she lived in Paris at first and later moved to Nice. There she met and married Stanislaw de Neyman, who'd been the Polish representative in the League of Nations 8. Iza died in Nice around 1990.

Anna lived in Lodz before World War II. During the war she was in the Warsaw ghetto with her family, but they managed to get out to the 'Aryan side.' In January 1945 they moved to Lodz. In 1968 they emigrated to France, where they died.

Sara, another of my great-grandparents' daughters, had three children. Her eldest son, Jozef, emigrated to France in the 1920s. After World War II he married Merka's daughter Roza, and after her death they left for Israel. They couldn't emigrate before that because Roza couldn't bear the climate. Jozef died in Israel. Sara's second child, a daughter, Ala, moved to France in the 1920s just like her brother and died there, long after the war. Sara's youngest son was called Moniek, he lived and died in Israel.

My [paternal] grandfather was called Abram. He was born in 1865 in Yeremiche [today Belarus]. Grandpa Pikielny died in 1923, that is, before I was born. From what I've heard he had his brothers come from the Navahrudak area to Lodz. Grandma's name was Sara. As far as I know she was the only one in our family to observe the kosher rules. I remember going with her at the high holidays to the synagogue on Kosciuszki Street - the Germans burned it down immediately after taking Lodz - to the women's part of it of course. I don't know how Grandma died. I was only told she sold cookies in the streets of the Warsaw ghetto, just to get by.

My grandparents had at least three daughters and at least three sons. They were all married and had children. One daughter, my father's sister, was called Estera. She was born in 1893. She lived in Paris back before the war. Her husband was Mané-Katz 9. They didn't have kids, and parted back before the war.

Estera's second husband was an art critic named Pawel Barchan. He died in a concentration camp during the war. She survived. I kept in better contact with her after the war than before it. Estera was a painter. She was known as Estera Barchan. Unfortunately, she lost her sight later. She died in November 1990. She was buried in the cemetery in Levalois near Paris.

My father's second sister was called Raja. She married Leon Szyfman, who was a doctor in Lodz. He was drafted into the army in 1939. He was held POW in an Oflag 10, and that probably saved him his life. After the war he moved to Paris for some time but soon left for Israel. He was a Zionist even before the war.

Raja and Leon had two daughters, Niusia and Inia. They were slightly older than me. In 1962, Szyfman published a book in Israel, in Hebrew: 'Got My Whole Life Ahead.' It contained translations of the letters his daughters wrote him during his Oflag imprisonment. Leon had suffered from depression before the war, and they tried to lift his spirits by writing him. There's a Xerox of one of the letters and a card sent from Poniatow [about 35 km from Warsaw]. Here's a fragment of a letter written 9th August 1940: 'We're sending our beloved Daddy a photo of us playing volleyball. My face is in the shadow, and Inia is standing in the middle. We kiss your little nose, moustache and those sweet eyes of yours. We're outside our house on the corner of Zielna and Chmielna.' That means they certainly were in the Warsaw ghetto by then.

The last letter was sent from Poniatow, I guess. Szyfman's daughters wrote: 'Dearest, beloved Daddy, we received a card from you yesterday, and a letter a couple of days ago. I haven't written from here yet as we didn't have the forms, and it's forbidden to write too much anyway. We live in a room together with Stefania [a lady whom the girls knew].' I don't know who this Stefania was. Not everything in these letters is clear to me anyway. 'We have very good conditions here. Stefania is very kind to us, she's really sweet. We'd love it if you could drop her a line or two. We're healthy, we work, and it's really very good here. The countryside is beautiful, woods, fields, and meadows. We hope for the best and we're filled with faith, just hold on, Daddy, and believe we're going to be together, all of us. Lots of kisses, your longing Inia.'

'Beloved, sweetest Daddy-pie, today I got yet another letter from you. Sending letters is a bit tricky here. So don't you be upset by the frequent lack of news. It's much better for us here than in Warsaw. The living conditions are great, we're very well fed. Trust us, we're strong, and hope for the best. Our health is good and spirits high. Daddy, I'm not making this up just to put your mind at ease, promise. I've got my whole life ahead. I have lots of energy today to fight and the health to enjoy it. I want to get letters from you that are not sad, that are full of anxiety, but also of strength and hope. We'll build us a life, come what may. Waiting for your letter, your N.' [Mr. Pikielny knows the letters from the book 'Got My Whole Life Ahead.' There were facsimiles of the Polish originals in it, too.]

Iza de Neyman, whom I've already mentioned, told me about Niusia and Inia. She said there was a chance to get them out of the camp. Someone who came to take them decided he could only get one of them out, otherwise the risk would be too great. They refused. And they both died. One of my cousins reported that to Yad Vashem 11, told them about their solidarity. He informed them that the girls were killed in the Lodz ghetto and that's not true. They'd never been there. I don't know where Raja and her daughters died.

My father's sister Frania was born on 8th September 1894, and her married name was Stuczynska. She lived in Vilnius with her husband. They had a daughter, my age, called Lidia. She was probably born in Vilnius, on 15th December 1926. All of Frania's family was in the Vilnius ghetto 12, from where they were transferred to one of the camps in Lithuania and were killed there.

One of my grandparents' sons was called Henryk. He lived in Zdunska Wola, he ran the A. & J. Pikielny factory founded by Grandpa. His wife's maiden name was Mazo. I don't remember her first name. They had two sons. Romek, who was older than me, went to a Hebrew gymnasium in Lodz; he commuted there every day from Zdunska Wola. All of Henryk's family was killed. They say Romek was in a camp somewhere. He went outside a building and there was standing an SS-man who said he had to kill the first Jew he saw. And unfortunately Romek was that first one.

My grandparents' third son was called Maks. He had two sons. The elder one's name was Alek. I remember him being unhappy with the fact he'd been born during the summer vacation and so couldn't throw a birthday party. He had his bar mitzvah in 1939. I think the second son was called Bronek. I've heard Maks's family was in the Warsaw ghetto at first. They all died.

My father's name was Lazar. We called him Ludwik at home. He was born in 1890. He was very musically gifted and even wanted to become a conductor, but for sheer practical reasons ended up a doctor. I think he studied in Vienna, Austria. He worked at the Poznanskich Hospital on the street that's nowadays called Szterlinga. He was a urologist but since there was no separate urology ward at the time, his patients were treated in the surgical ward.

Some of the information I have about my father comes from the book 'The Martyrdom of Jewish Physicians in Poland,' published in the USA by the doctors Malowist, Lazarowicz, and Tennenbaum. The authors say my father got his diploma in 1925. Father used to write articles on medical issues for various magazines. He worked mostly in a Jewish environment so I'm pretty sure he spoke Yiddish.

Father met my mother thanks to his cousin, whom Mother went to school with and was close to. The young couple lived in Lodz on 8 Nawrot Street. That's the fourth house counting from Piotrkowska Street [Lodz's main street]. There were five rooms in the apartment. Father had his office there and he saw his patients in it. All the rooms were so spacious I could ride my bike indoors.

I was born in 1926. I didn't go to school until third grade because I was always ill, I often had bronchitis. At first I went to a private co- educational school called 'Our School.' Most of the students were Jewish. Two Jewish women ran it. We had teas with our class tutor in her apartment. We spoke with her about almost everything. I don't remember her name, unfortunately. At 'Our School' we spoke freely with the teachers about the opposite sex, something unthinkable at the all-male school I later attended.

Naturally, the classes at 'Our School' were given in Polish. There were religion classes, which dealt mainly with Jewish history. I don't remember the names of the teachers. I do remember some of my classmates, though. One of them, younger than me, was Tadeusz Noskowicz. We didn't know each other while at school, it was only after the war that we met and realized we'd attended the same school. Tadeusz emigrated in 1968 13, he settled in Sweden and worked as a doctor there.

Another one was called Manfred Sawicki. He was born in Germany but in, I think, 1938 the Germans deported all the Jews with Polish citizenship to Poland 14. He came to Poland with his whole family. Manfred moved to South America after the war. We had a classmate we were all in love with, Jola Potaznikow. I know she was in the ghetto and then probably in Terezin 15, where she met a boy, a Czech, whom she married after the war. Unfortunately, she died giving birth to her child shortly after the war. There were also this brother and sister, Zosia and Michal Linde. She was in my class and he was a grade higher. They both survived in the USSR.

From sixth grade on I attended an elementary school which was part of a boys' gymnasium. It was known as 'The Communal Gymnasium.' The school was located at 105 Pomorska Street. Boys of different denominations attended it. I was already aware of the differences between that and my former school. The main one was the relationship between teachers and students, which was not as casual at the gymnasium.

I remember a classmate from that school, Tadzik Tempelhof, who lives outside Poland today. He spent the war in the USSR. After finishing his studies he moved to Australia with his wife and son, but they couldn't settle in. The Polish community wouldn't talk to her because she had a Jewish husband and the Jewish community wouldn't talk to him because he had a Polish wife. As a result they returned to Poland and then moved to Germany, where they live to this day.

We didn't observe any religious rituals at home. Grandma Pikielny's was the only place we had some contact with the Jewish traditions. We had holiday dinners there. Although my father was the eldest it was usually his brother Maks who led the prayers. Alek, his son, was a year older than me and had had a bar mitzvah. I didn't have one, because in October it was already war. I guess if I'd been supposed to have one I would've had to be prepared for it earlier, and there'd been none of that. I did have Jewish religion classes at school though, because they were compulsory.

I knew we were Jews. I felt it was a strange thing to be. During a stay at the Rabka sanatorium I shared a room with a boy and I told him I was Jewish. I don't recall having any trouble because of that. I didn't speak of it the next time I was there, though. During another stay, I don't remember what year it was, I met a boy, older than me. His father was an officer of some kind, or maybe even the deputy mayor of Warsaw. The boy told me the Germans would do us [Poles] no harm, and if war broke out, we would win it of course, and we would drop Jewish heads on Berlin from airplanes. Such were the moods at the time.

A seamstress used to come to our house sometimes. She lived somewhere near Lodz. She was German and a Baptist. She wouldn't refer to Hitler by any name other than 'the Antichrist.' She had a son, older than me, who used to come and teach me carpentry, because I had a carpenter's workbench at home, which I 'inherited' from Uncle Lolek. When the war broke out it turned out the Baptist youth organizations were part of the Hitlerjugend 16.

In 1937 I went to Sopot [Sopot was part of the Free City of Danzig] 17 for the summer vacation, with a friend of a friend of my mother's to take care of me. I don't remember her name. There were lots of people at the beach who had flags with 'Hakenkreuze' [Ger.: swastikas]. They also organized a 'Blumenkorso' [Ger.: a sort of parade]. I remember a very pretty young woman riding a horse at the head of the procession. She had a 'Hakenkreuz' armband. I met that woman in Lodz after the holidays. There were no major anti-Jewish incidents at that time, just these demonstrations.

In 1938 we went to Orlow [now a district of Gdynia]. We went to Sopot to see the people we had stayed with a year earlier. They already had very few guests. Jews were only allowed to use the part of the beach right next to the toilets. It was an area the size of an average room. There were 'Juden verboten' [Ger.: Jews forbidden] signs everywhere.

In 1939 Lodz was taken in seven days. Following the order of Col. Umiastowski 18, men marched east. There was no military protection. Near Brzeziny [a town 10 km from Lodz], where the road was full of people, German planes would fly over and shoot at them with machine guns. There was no way through. My father went there as well, but seeing what was going on he returned to Lodz. There was a rumor my uncle Leon Szyfman was lying wounded in a ditch somewhere. My aunt went to look for him, but didn't find him. All that happened during those first couple of days. Later we lost touch with our family, except for my father's brother Henryk. My mother kept saying we ought to go east, do whatever it takes not to be under German rule. Both Grandpa and my father thought it was exaggerated out of all proportion, though, and that the Germans wouldn't do anything bad, because they're such a cultured nation. But Grandma Sara left, and so did Raja with her two little daughters, Niusia and Inia, and probably also Maks, my father's brother, with his wife and kids. They must have got stuck in the Warsaw ghetto.

In 1939 I was due to start gymnasium. But the Germans closed all the schools. They also banned Jews from crossing Piotrkowska Street, except at the two ends [Piotrkowska Street is Lodz's longest street, 4 km long]. Later there was a school in the ghetto for some time, but my parents wouldn't let me go there. I was home schooled.

At the end of November or early in December 1939 the Germans told us to leave our house. There were just the three of us at the time - Grandma, Mom, and me. Suddenly around twenty SS men in black uniforms and some Volksdeutsche 19 entered our apartment. We had two hours to leave it. We were only allowed to take with us what the Germans threw out of the closets onto the floor. It later turned out a German doctor took our apartment, one of those so-called 'Baltdeutsche' [people from the Baltic states who voluntarily accepted German citizenship]. There was an agreement between Germany and the Baltic states that the Germans from those countries would be resettled on the territory of the Reich. Lodz was part of the Reich...

Before the ghetto was closed my father decided to go to our apartment. He spoke with the German, I think the German let him take some tools. There'd always been a picture of me on my father's desk and it was still standing there after we'd moved out of the apartment. That stuck in my mind because it was incredible.

We spent a night at my classmate Rutka's parents'; they were neighbors from the house opposite. They were called Zylberberg. Later we moved to my uncle Henryk's parents-in-law, who lived in Lodz on Pomorska Street. They were called Mazo. My uncle and his family moved in as well, from Zdunska Wola [50 km south of Lodz].

At that time I became close friends with my cousin Romek and two non-Jewish girls living in the same house. One was older and the other younger than me. We wrote rhymes. I remember the first lines of one: 'On the third floor, by the sewer pipe, at the very top, live the Wysockis - quite a lot...,' I don't remember the rest of it. One of the girls wrote this rhyme: 'And that Mazo, that 'avant,' was such a bon vivant.' Those were still sort of carefree days. We stayed at that house until my father was assigned an apartment in the area it was already known would be in the ghetto. The address was 40 Zgierska Street.

We moved in in January 1940. It was a two-room apartment with a kitchen. The house had its own running water supply from a well. The house was connected to the mains sewage system. Those were luxurious conditions, considering the time and place. In Lodz there was running water and a sewage system downtown only, and not in every building at that. Unfortunately, the water-pipes stopped working in the winter of 1939/40 as there wasn't enough heating to keep the water running.

For some time three families occupied the apartment. Ours, Grandma and Grandpa, and the Zylberbergs we'd stayed with after being thrown out of our apartment. They lived in one of the rooms with their daughter, and I slept there, too, while my parents and grandparents lived in the other. They got an apartment afterwards and we stayed there. There were heating problems in the winter, so later we generally used only one room.

Grandma Drutowski died on 7th November 1940 and was buried in the cemetery on Bracka Street, the same one where we later buried Grandpa. Her funeral was my first exposure to the cemetery and the ceremonies. I don't recall any prayers being said. I remember how amazing the way people were buried seemed to me. The body is wrapped in a white shroud and put straight into the ground.

I already said my parents didn't let me go to the only school, which was on the other side of the ghetto. At first I went to my teacher's apartment. He tutored me through the gymnasium curriculum. Neither I nor Mom worked at that time. It was only later that we all had to have jobs to be safer. [Editor's note: having a job was protection from being deported from the ghetto.]

I started to work in a company collecting and recycling rags. It was 1941 I think. At that time Jews deported to the ghetto from the Sudety region [now the Czech Republic] had set up a workshop by the 'Sortierungs- und Verwertungshalle f. Abfälle' [Ger.: waste processing plant], producing artificial jewelry. These were brooches cut out of metal plates. I began to work with them. We spoke to each other in English, which I had apparently learned earlier, because we did somehow communicate. Later I worked at an electrical and mechanical workshop, 'Betrieb 39 Elektrotchn.-Abtlg.' [Ger.: Plant no. 39, Electrical and Mechanical Branch], repairing electric motors. I worked there until the ghetto liquidation. [Editor's note: when the Lodz ghetto was liquidated 80,000 people were sent to Auschwitz and about 800 stayed].

My mother worked in a workshop producing slippers, 'Hausschuh-Abtlg.' [Ger.: Slipper Branch]. The establishment was located on the ground floor of our house. It wasn't a particularly hard job, there was no harsh discipline enforced, Mom didn't have to go there at a particular time. All the workshops were registered and managed by the community administration [the Jewish Council]. We got wages and also ration cards, but I don't remember any shops. I think you could go to the baker's and ask for bread. You needed both the card and the money.

There was a black market in the ghetto but I remember going for coal and food to the other side of Zgierska Street. Zgierska Street was divided - both of the sidewalks and the houses were in the ghetto, but not the roadway. You crossed it using a footbridge. All of the food was transported via Zgierska. The staples were rutabaga and kale. Mom also started to make chulent. Before the war I didn't know such a dish existed. In the ghetto it had the advantage that you gave it to the baker on Friday and took it back ready to eat on Saturday.

In the workshop where I was employed most of the workers were intellectual youth, mostly leftist. Leftist ideas were attractive at the time, because they promised to solve all the problems which had led to us being in a ghetto and which we'd been more or less aware of before the war. I hadn't experienced anti-Semitism personally but I'd started to read the papers before the war and knew what was happening.

I soaked up those left-wing ideas in the ghetto. We arrived at work one morning and they wouldn't let us in. Apparently something was missing and they wouldn't let us in until it was found. After some time they pointed to the ones who could go in and the ones who could not. We told them none of us had stolen anything and there was no reason for some of us to be let in and some not. And so the fuss started, we were accused of mutiny and they wanted to fire us. That could be dangerous, because you had to work somewhere. I didn't tell anyone at home, especially in view of my father, who had typhoid fever, and I left home every morning as if nothing had happened. One of the foremen, a turner called Kolerszejn, accused us of propagating communist ideas, which according to him was unacceptable. Finally the argument was settled and we went back to work.

There was an underground youth organization in the ghetto 20. I was not a member myself but I did co-operate with its members. It was a conspiratorial group operating around the workshops I worked in. The group consisted mainly of young people, whose task was to spread leftist ideas and distribute the works of the Marxist classics [Friedrich Engels, Karl Marx, Rosa Luxemburg]. I know the organization had contacts with other such groups outside the ghetto. Thanks to that they had information on camps such as Chelmno 21 or Auschwitz. At some point they tried to spread that knowledge among the ghetto inhabitants. It wasn't perceived as credible, though. It's psychologically justified to some extent, that people wouldn't exactly embrace the news that their relatives were being killed or had already been killed.

The Germans, while preparing the liquidation of the ghetto, launched a special propaganda campaign, wanted to calm us. They tried to make us believe we were to be transported to another town, where we would carry on working. They encouraged us to take along everything we needed.

During the liquidation of the Lodz ghetto some 800 people were given the task of clearing the area. Some people went into hiding. Most of them were found. I know a tragic story, which I learned about a relatively short time ago from Dr. Mostowicz 22. Three young men were in a hideout and one of them caught typhoid. He had a very high fever. The others killed him, fearing his moans would lead to the discovery of their hideout. I knew the parents of the dead man, because his father was a doctor as well. They survived the war.

We stayed in the ghetto until the very end [August 1944]. Doctors were the last group to be deported. We were transported to Auschwitz in cattle cars, loaded in the morning. We saw Polish railroad workers along the way gesturing at us that we were heading for death. We reached the destination in about 24 hours, before dawn.

As we reached the ramp in Auschwitz-Birkenau we were told to leave everything in the cars. Men and women were separated. Afterwards both groups went through a selection, conducted by three or four SS men. They judged by people's appearance if they were fit to work. Both my father and I passed the selection. It later turned out Mom did, too. My father found that out when he started carting trash in Auschwitz, because people with a university degree were given that job. I was assigned to a different block.

They soon started to 'buy,' as it used to be called at the time, metalworkers [they were needed to work in the German workshops] in that block. They carried out a selection among those claiming to be metalworkers. The ones looking fit were picked out and sent to a different labor camp. You had to take off all your clothes.

I met a friend then, Bialer, who worked with me in the ghetto and was a member of the organization I spoke of. We started to hang out together and we were both 'bought,' to go to the AL Friedland camp [a subcamp of Gross Rosen] 23, where 500 people were transported. That was a place designed primarily as a labor camp. The conditions were rather harsh. Some of us went straight for factory training.

We worked in a plant owned by VDM, I think it was called Hermann Goering Werke, which manufactured plane propellers, and we also did some earthworks, or 'Stollenbau' [Ger.]. We dug large recesses in the slopes; I still don't know what they were for. It was a very hard job, the mountains were rocky and we had no special tools. We had a German foreman, an old man, who was rather decent but had no influence whatsoever. We were guarded by SS men, Germans, but also Ukrainians and Latvians, who were often worse than the Germans.

When the Soviet offensive reached Silesia, the death marches 24 began, which of course weren't called that at the time. All the camps were being moved further west. The people marched on foot, and had to stay somewhere for the nights. Our camp was one such place, along with the nearby unused Hitlerjugend camp.

On one such occasion, when I was lying ill in the infirmary, some fellow inmates rushed in to tell me my father was among the newly arrived. I asked the doctor, a Slovak, to let my father see me. He came and stayed with me overnight. Unfortunately, next morning he had to return to the group he'd come with from the camp in Kaltwasser [now Zimna Wódka]. In the middle of March 1945 he died in Flossenburg camp 25. He was probably killed.

A man called Abram Kajzer kept a diary during his stay at Kaltwasser camp and particularly during the march. He hid his notes in toilets. After the war he traveled the whole route again and collected them all. He wrote in Yiddish, because he didn't speak Polish, but in 1947 he asked Adam Ostoja of the Wydawnictwo Lodzkie publishing house to help him with the translation. The book was translated and published under the title 'Za drutami smierci' ['Behind the Wires of Death,' edited and prefaced by Adam Ostoja, Wydawnictwo Lodzkie 1962]. Kajzer wrote of being in Zimna with my father. He had fond memories of him.

Shortly after my meeting with my father I had an accident at work. A milling cutter injured two fingers on my left hand. The wounds wouldn't heal throughout the war, mainly because of malnutrition. Consequently, I was unable to work at all. It was sometime in March or April. I have some doubts regarding the exact date as we had no sense of time in the camp. We just knew if it was winter or spring.

Anyway, I spent the rest of the time in the infirmary. I came outside one day to chat with some friends. Suddenly someone came running to fetch me, as they were looking for me in the infirmary. I entered the room and saw all the patients standing naked before some Germans. One of them, uniformed, was collecting all the patients' charts. Behind him stood our 'Lagerältester' [Ger.: a prisoner in charge of all the others in the camp], a Jew from Lodz called Herszkom, and he gestured me to drop my chart on the floor and cover it with my clothes. So I did and stood naked, too. As soon as the Germans made sure they got all the charts, they left. A couple of days later a truck came and took all the people they'd taken away the charts from. I stayed. I guess Herszkom saved my life.

On 8th May 1945 at noon the SS guards ordered a roll-call. The weather was beautiful. The commandant of the Friedland camp, a captain, I think, said they were leaving, but not for long, and so they were leaving us there. They would know how we'd behaved as they returned. If we misbehaved, they'd punish us. A member of the German citizens' committee which had assembled in Friedland spoke next. He spoke in a different tone. He asked us not to leave the camp, so that we'd all be handed over to the Soviet authorities together. We were asked if we held any grudges against the leaving SS crew.

In the morning of 9th May it turned out the members of the committee had fled; the camp was situated next to a road leading to the town. We concluded we had to hide as well, because otherwise the retreating German troops could kill us. We ran uphill, into the woods. There were uniformed Germans there, very close to us, firing machine guns at the advancing Soviet troops. Later the German units moved away and the Soviets marched in.

That's how I made it through till 9th May. When the Russians entered, my friend Jakub Litwin and I left the camp. We had our camp clothes on. We were infested with lice. And in that state we went to the town next to our camp. It was called Friedland, currently Mieroszow [95 km from Wroclaw]. The town was already partially deserted, because the Germans had started to leave somewhat earlier. We found ourselves in a German woman's apartment, who welcomed us with open arms, although she hadn't been all that friendly towards us at the factory, where she'd worked as a nurse. We burned our clothes and took a bath.

We left her place the next day and eventually settled in the guards' room at the linen factory. A coachman working there lived in a two-story house by the gates. There was a room for the guards on the second floor, with a couple of beds. My friend Jakub and I moved in and dined downstairs. The coachman's wife cooked and we provided the supplies, which meant going over to the Soviet army cooks and asking them to give us something.

We became friends with a Tajik from the Soviet troops. I honestly don't know how we managed to communicate. He was a very nice guy. He asked us to pay him a visit, said if we came we would do nothing but lie back and eat water melons.

Soon Jakub's brother somehow learned of his lot and sent a car for him. Jakub was later to get a degree and become a professor of philosophy. He died of Alzheimer's five years ago. I was left alone. I heard my mother was in Lodz. It was May or June. So I went to Lodz and met my mother, but I don't remember how that was possible as I didn't know her address after all. Mom was staying with some relatives, who'd been in the Warsaw ghetto and later on the so-called 'Aryan side.' Because I didn't have a place to stay in Lodz, after a few days I returned to Friedland.

When she returned to Lodz, Mom went to our pre-war apartment, but the people who occupied it wouldn't even let her in. Mom filed a lawsuit and sent for me only after getting a court order that she was to get three rooms in the apartment. I came to Lodz sometime in August.

Mom started to work as a secretary in the Health Protection Society [TOZ]. Later she got a job at a textile industry export center, because she knew three languages - English, German, and French. She got married for the second time. She took her second husband's last name - Tikitin. My step- father was a doctor, Mom met him at the TOZ. She died in 1972.

After my return to Lodz I began to work at the Widzewska Manufaktura factory as an electrical mechanic. I enrolled in a school for adults. I went in at the fourth grade of gymnasium. I passed the lowers [Pol: mala matura] first and then the higher standard exams. [Editor's note: in the regular school system, examinations taken at age 16 and 18, respectively. The latter are school-leaving examinations at pre-university level]. I decided to become an electrical engineer. After graduating from school I moved with a schoolmate to Gdansk.

I began my studies at Gdansk Technical University in 1947. That's where I met my wife, Nina. Nina was born in 1930 in Warsaw, where she lived until the war. She did an engineering course, then a master's degree, then a PhD and a postdoctoral degree. The University of Helsinki awarded her a honorary doctorate.

My wife's brother was called Mieczyslaw. He was born in 1923 in Siedlice. He was a painter. He died in 2002 in Sopot. He had a wife, Eleonora, nee Jagaciak, and two children: Malgorzata and Mikolaj.

After graduation I lectured at Gdansk Technical University. I started a PhD at Warsaw Technical University. I never finished it. From 1956 until my retirement I worked in the Industrial Telecommunications Institute. Our son was born in 1953. He graduated from the Popular Music Department in Katowice. He has a son, Jakub.

My upbringing, but also my wartime experiences have made me a man who unequivocally declares not to believe in God. I think if God was truly the one to take care of justice, then what I've seen - and I'm not even speaking of what I've come through myself - cannot have been punishment for any kind of sins. And babies have nothing to be punished for. But in the Lodz ghetto the Germans would drop babies from the third floor straight onto the back of a truck, arrange them into an even layer, and then trample on them and lay a second layer... It's impossible to still have faith.

I didn't and still don't have any contact with the Jewish traditions. I'm a member of the Jewish Veterans and World War Two Victims Association 23, but that's an absolutely non-religious organization. I had a feeling I ought to get involved in social work, it's a kind of obligation that older people feel towards the young. I agreed to take part in the work of a welfare committee. That committee consists of representatives of various Jewish organizations. Recently I even joined the Association's Central Board.

I don't have any Jewish friends in Poland. I don't know if that's good or bad. Or what others think of it, either. I don't think only religious people can be Jewish, but maybe that is so to some degree.

Glossary:

1 Partitions of Poland (1772-1795)

Three divisions of the Polish lands, in 1772, 1793 and 1795 by the neighboring powers: Russia, Austria and Prussia. Under the first partition Russia occupied the lands east of the Dzwina, Drua and Dnieper, a total of 92,000 km2 and a population of 1.3 million. Austria took the southern part of the Cracow and Sandomierz provinces, the Oswiecim and Zator principalities, the Ruthenian province (except for the Chelm lands) and part of the Belz province, a total of 83,000 km2 and a population of 2.6 million. Prussia annexed Warmia, the Pomerania, Malbork and Chelmno provinces (except for Gdansk and Torun) and the lands along the Notec river and Goplo lake, altogether 36,000 km2 and 580,000 souls. The second partition was carried out by Prussia and Russia. Prussia occupied the Poznan, Kalisz, Gniezno, Sieradz, Leczyca, Inowroclaw, Brzesc Kujawski and Plock provinces, the Dobrzyn lands, parts of the Rawa and Masovia provinces, and Torun and Gdansk, a total of 58,000 km2 and over a million inhabitants. Russia took the Ukrainian and Belarus lands east of the Druja-Pinsk-Zbrucz line, altogether 280,000 km2 and 3 million inhabitants. Under the third partition Russia obtained the rest of the Lithuanian, Belarus and Ukrainian lands east of the Bug and the Nemirov- Grodno line, a total area of 120,000 km2 and 1.2 million inhabitants. The Prussians took the remainder of Podlasie and Mazovia, Warsaw, and parts of Samogitia and Malopolska, 55,000 km2 and a population of 1 million. Austria annexed Cracow and the part of Malopolska between the Pilica, Vistula and Bug, and part of Podlasie and Masovia, a total surface area of 47,000 km2 and a population of 1.2 million.

2 1905 Russian Revolution

Erupted during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904- 05, and was sparked off by a massacre of St. Petersburg workers taking their petitions to the Tsar (Bloody Sunday). The massacre provoked disgust and protest strikes throughout the country: between January and March 1905 over 800,000 people participated in them. Following Russia's defeat in its war with Japan, armed insurrections broke out in the army and the navy (the most publicized in June 1905 aboard the battleship Potemkin). In 1906 a wave of pogroms swept through Russia, directed against Jews and Armenians. The main unrest in 1906 (involving over a million people in the cities, some 2,600 villages and virtually the entire Baltic fleet and some of the land army) was incited by the dissolution of the First State Duma in July. The dissolution of the Second State Duma in June 1907 is considered the definitive end to the revolution.

3 Tuwim, Julian (1894-1953)

Poet and translator; wrote in Polish. He was born in Lodz into an assimilated family from Lithuania. He studied law and philosophy at Warsaw University. He was a leading representative of the Skamander group of poets. His early work combined elements of Futurism and Expressionism (e.g. Czychanie na Boga [Lying in wait for God], 1918). In the 1920s his poetry took a turn towards lyrism (e.g. Slowa we krwi [Words in blood], 1926). In the 1930s under the influence of the rise in nationalistic tendencies in Poland his work took on the form of satire and political grotesque (Bal w operze [A ball at the opera], 1936). He also published works for children. A separate area of his writings are cabarets, libretti, sketches and monologues. He spent WWII in emigration and made public appearances in which he relayed information on the fate of the Polish population of Poland and the rest of Europe. In 1944 he published an extended poem, 'My Zydzi polscy' [We Polish Jews], which was a manifesto of his complicated Polish-Jewish identity. After the war he returned to Poland but wrote little. He was the chairman of the Society of Friends of the Hebrew University and the Committee for Polish-Israeli Friendship.

4 Lodz Ghetto

It was set up in February 1940 in the former Jewish quarter on the northern outskirts of the city. 164,000 Jews from Lodz were packed together in a 4 sq. km. area. In 1941 and 1942, 38,500 more Jews were deported to the ghetto. In November 1941, 5,000 Roma were also deported to the ghetto from Burgenland province, Austria. The Jewish self- government, led by Mordechai Rumkowsky, sought to make the ghetto as productive as possible and to put as many inmates to work as he could. But not even this could prevent overcrowding and hunger or improve the inhuman living conditions. As a result of epidemics, shortages of fuel and food and insufficient sanitary conditions, about 43,500 people (21% of all the residents of the ghetto) died of undernourishment, cold and illness. The others were transported to death camps; only a very small number of them survived.

5 Polish Legions

A military formation operating in the period 1914-17, formally subordinate to the Austro-Hungarian army but fighting for Polish independence. Commanded by Jozef Pilsudski. From 1915 the Legions came under German command, but some of the Legionnaires refused, which led to the collapse of the organization.

6 Kosciuszko, Tadeusz (1746-1817)

General, Polish national hero. Born in Poland, studied military engineering in Paris and later moved to America, where he joined the colonial army. Gained fame during the American Revolution for his fortifications and battle skills, especially during the siege of Saratoga. Returned to Poland in 1784. In 1794 he led a rebellion against occupying Russian and Prussian forces, known as the Kosciuszko Uprising (Powstanie Kosciuszkowskie). Jailed in Russia from 1794 to 1796, later left for France, where he continued efforts to secure Polish independence.

7 Warsaw Ghetto

A separate residential district for Jews in Warsaw created over several months in 1940. On 16th November 1940 138,000 people were enclosed behind its walls. Over the following months the population of the ghetto increased as more people were relocated from the small towns surrounding the city. By March 1941 445,000 people were living in the ghetto. Subsequently, the number of the ghetto's inhabitants began to fall sharply as a result of disease, hunger, deportation, persecution and liquidation. The ghetto was also systematically reduced in size. The internal administrative body was the Jewish Council (Judenrat). The Warsaw ghetto ceased to exist on 15th May 1943, when the Germans pronounced the failure of the uprising, staged by the Jewish soldiers, and razed the area to the ground.

8 League of Nations

League of Nations: international organization founded in 1919 under the Treaty of Versailles, which marked the end to World War I. Its chief aims were the prevention of wars and the promotion of international co-operation. In case of aggression the League of Nations had the power to impose sanctions on the aggressor. In 1939 it numbered 57 member states; a conspicuous non-participant was the USA. Germany and Japan withdrew in 1933, Italy in 1937, while the USSR was expelled in 1939. In practice, the League's activities made no impact on the political conflicts of the interwar period. It was formally disbanded in April 1946, though some of its programs were taken on by the United Nations.

9 Mané-Katz (real name

Emanuel Katz, 1894-1962): a painter, sculptor and graphic artist. He was born in Kremenchuk (Ukraine). He studied at fine arts schools in Vilnius, Kiev, and Paris. He spent World War I in Russia. After the Russian Revolution of 1917 he was appointed professor at the Charkiv Arts Institute. He left for Paris in 1921. His style was that of the Ecole de Paris. He maintained links with Russia, however: he exhibited there and was a member of artists' associations. At first his principal themes were scenes from the Jewish folklore, later also landscapes and still lives. In 1958 he settled in Israel.

10 Polish Jews in Oflags

Among the 420,000 soldiers of the Polish Army taken prisoner in September 1939 there were ca. 60,000 Jews, while among the 17,000 Polish officers there were 600-700 Jews (defined according to the Nuremberg laws). They were put in more than a dozen POW camps along with their Polish comrades. In the spring of 1940 the Germans registered all the Jewish officers in Oflags and transferred them to Stalag II B - Hammerstein, planning to send them home, that is, to ghettos in the General Government. After a few weeks the Germans changed their minds: the Jews were sent back to the Oflags. Officers were protected under the 1929 Geneva Convention, which guaranteed decent living conditions, and the right to send and receive letters and parcels and to participate in educational and cultural activities in the camp. Prisoners of war were under the power of the Wehrmacht. The Convention was breached by the Germans, as they created ghettos (separate barracks) in four Oflags: Woldenburg, Murnau, Neubrandenburg, and Dossel, despite protests from the Polish officers and the Red Cross delegations. Living conditions in the 'ghettos' were worse than those in the Polish barracks, and Jews were also temporarily deprived of the right to receive Red Cross parcels. It is known that Himmler was trying to deprive Jews of prisoner-of-war status, but was blocked by Oberkommando Wehrmacht. The Jewish commissioned officers generally survived the war in the Oflags. Jewish soldiers and non-commissioned officers were treated completely differently: most of them perished in the Holocaust.

11 Yad Vashem

This museum, founded in 1953 in Jerusalem, honors both Holocaust martyrs and 'the Righteous Among the Nations', non-Jewish rescuers who have been recognized for their 'compassion, courage and morality'.

12 Vilnius Ghetto

95 percent of the estimated 265,000 Lithuanian Jews (254,000 people) were murdered during the Nazi occupation; no other communities were so comprehensively destroyed during WWII. Vilnius was occupied by the Germans on 26th June 1941 and two ghettos were built in the city afterwards, separated by Niemiecka Street, which lay outside both of them. On 6th September all Jews were taken to the ghettoes, at first randomly to either Ghetto 1 or Ghetto 2. During September they were continuously slaughtered by Einsatzkommando units. Later craftsmen were moved to Ghetto 1 with their families and all others to Ghetto 2. During the 'Yom Kippur Action' on 1st October 3,000 Jews were killed. In three additional actions in October the entire Ghetto 2 was liquidated and later another 9,000 of the survivors were killed. In late 1941 the official population of the ghetto was 12,000 people and it rose to 20,000 by 1943 as a result of further transports. In August 1943 over 7,000 people were sent to various labor camps in Lithuania and Estonia. The Vilnius ghetto was liquidated under the supervision of Bruno Kittel on 23rd and 24th September 1943. On Rossa Square a selection took place: those able to work were sent to labor camps in Latvia and Estonia and the rest to different death camps in Poland. By 25th September 1943 only 2,000 Jews officially remained in Vilnius in small labor camps and more than 1,000 were hiding outside and were gradually hunted down. Those permitted to live continued to work at the Kailis and HKP factories until 2nd June 1944 when 1,800 of them were shot and less than 200 remained in hiding until the Red Army liberated Vilnius on 13th July 1944.

13 Anti-Zionist campaign in Poland

From 1962-1967 a campaign got underway to sack Jews employed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the army and the central administration. The background to this anti-Semitic campaign was the involvement of the Socialist Bloc countries on the Arab side in the Middle East conflict, in connection with which Moscow ordered purges in state institutions. On 19th June 1967 at a trade union congress the then First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], Wladyslaw Gomulka, accused the Jews of a lack of loyalty to the state and of publicly demonstrating their enthusiasm for Israel's victory in the Six- Day-War. This address marked the start of purges among journalists and creative professions. Poland also severed diplomatic relations with Israel. On 8th March 1968 there was a protest at Warsaw University. The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded by launching a press campaign and organizing mass demonstrations in factories and workplaces during which 'Zionists' and 'trouble-makers' were indicted and anti-Semitic and anti-intelligentsia slogans shouted. After the events of March, purges were also staged in all state institutions, from factories to universities, on criteria of nationality and race. 'Family liability' was also introduced (e.g. with respect to people whose spouses were Jewish). Jews were forced to emigrate. From 1968-1971 15,000-30,000 people left Poland. They were stripped of their citizenship and right of return.

14 Restoration of Polish citizenship

According to § 2, Article 8 of the Polish Citizenship Act (5 February 1962) foreigners may be granted Polish citizenship at their own request in justified cases, even in case they have not been resident in Poland for longer than five years. In 2000 the Polish Sejm (Parliament) issued an act specifying that this article is applicable to former Polish citizens forcibly resettled abroad or who emigrated during the Communist period (including, for instance, Jews forced to emigrate to Israel in 1968). Interest in restoration of Polish citizenship among Israelis increased most recently, following Poland's accession to the European Union.

15 Terezin (Theresienstadt)

A ghetto in the Czech Republic, run by the SS. Jews were transferred from there to various extermination camps. The Nazis, who presented Theresienstadt as a 'model Jewish settlement,' used it to camouflage the extermination of European Jews. Czech gendarmes served as ghetto guards, and with their help the Jews were able to maintain contact with the outside world. Although education was prohibited, regular classes were held, clandestinely. Thanks to the large number of artists, writers, and scholars in the ghetto, there was an intensive program of cultural activities. At the end of 1943, when word spread of what was happening in the Nazi camps, the Germans decided to allow an International Red Cross investigation committee to visit Theresienstadt. In preparation, more prisoners were deported to Auschwitz, in order to reduce congestion in the ghetto. Dummy stores, a café, a bank, kindergartens, a school, and flower gardens were put up to deceive the committee.

16 Hitlerjugend

The youth organization of the German Nazi Party (NSDAP). In 1936 all other German youth organizations were abolished and the Hitlerjugend became the only legal state youth organization. At the end of 1938, the SS took charge of the organization. From 1939 all young Germans between 10 and 18 were obliged to join the Hitlerjugend, which organized after-school activities and political education. Boys over 14 were also given pre-military training, and girls over 14 were trained for motherhood and domestic duties. In 1939 it had 7 million members. During World War II members of the Hitlerjugend served in auxiliary forces. At the end of 1944, 17-year-olds from the Hitlerjugend were drafted to form the 12th Panzer Division 'Hitlerjugend' and sent to the Western Front.

17 Free City of Danzig

According to the Versailles Treaties the previously German Danzig was declared to be a free city under the mandate of the League of Nations in 1920; it did not belong to either Germany or Poland; however both countries had access to its port. Danzig (and the surrounding area) had a population of approximately 367,000 people, mostly Germans; Poles made up about 10 percent of the inhabitants. The Polish government was represented in the FCD by the General Commissioner of the Republic of Poland. Hitler's demand (1939) for the city's return to Germany was the principal immediate excuse for the German invasion of Poland and thus of World War II. Danzig was annexed to Germany from 1st September 1939 until its fall to the Soviet army in early 1945. The Allies returned the city to Poland, and it was renamed Gdansk.

18 Umiastowski Order

Col. Roman Umiastowski was head of propaganda in the Corps of the Supreme Commander of the Polish Republic. Following the German aggression on Poland, and faced with the siege of Warsaw, on 6th September 1939 he appealed to all men able to wield a weapon to leave the capital and head east.

19 Volksdeutscher in Poland

A person who was entered (usually voluntarily, more rarely compulsorily) on a list of people of ethnic German origin during the German occupation was called Volksdeutscher and had various privileges in the occupied territories.

20 Leftist Organization in the Lodz Ghetto

Anti-Fascist Organization - Lewica Zwiazkowa (Union Left). The name 'lewica' (left) began to be used in the 1930s, because the communist party was illegal. Lewica consisted mostly of young people, organized in so-called fives (five-person groups). Zula Pacanowska directed Lewica until 1942, later Hinda Barbara Beatus took over. Other well known members include Samuel Erlich (Stefan Krakowski), Natan Radzyner, Arnold Mostowicz. Their actions consisted mostly of sabotaging labor for the occupant.

21 Chelmno Upon Ner (German

Kulmhof): The first German death camp, created in December 1941, initiated by Artur Greiser, administrator of Warthegau (Warta Land), located in a palace surrounded by a park; people were murdered in trucks, mobile gas chambers. The bodies were buried in mass graves in a nearby forest and since summer 1942 burned in crematoria. 700-1000 people were murdered each day. The staff of the camp consisted of 20 SS-men and approx. 120 policemen led by SS-Hauptsturmführer Herbert Lange, and later Hans Bothmann. Physical work, especially the burial of bodies, was performed by a group of 50 constantly changing Jewish prisoners. The camp existed until April 1943 and was reactivated for a short time in August 1944. Most of the murdered Jews came from the Lodz ghetto, Warthegau and Germany, Austria, Czech lands and Luxembourg - approx. 180-200,000 people and approx. 4,000 Roma people, several groups of Poles and Soviet POWs.

22 Mostowicz, Arnold (1914-2002)

Writer and cultural activist. Born in Lodz into a Jewish family; his father was an industrialist but also a cultural activist and theater director. Mostowicz studied medicine in Toulouse, and returned to Poland shortly before the outbreak of World War II. He worked in the Lodz ghetto as a doctor. He was imprisoned in Auschwitz. He did not return to medicine after the war, turning instead to writing. He wrote science fiction novels and popular science books. He was also a journalist and publicist. He is the author of the novel 'The Ballad of Blind Max,' and the volume 'Lodz My Forbidden Love,' in which he revealed his ties with his native city. He was the president of the Monumentum Iudaicum Lodzense Foundation.

23 Gross-Rosen camp

The Gross-Rosen camp was set up in August 1940, as a branch of Sachsenhausen; the inmates were forced to work in the local granite quarry. The first transport arrived at Gross-Rosen on 2nd August 1940. The initial labor camp acquired the status of an independent concentration camp on 1 May 1941. Gross-Rosen was significantly developed in 1944, the character of the camp also changed; numerous branches (approx. 100) were created alongside the Gross-Rosen headquarters, mostly in the area of Lower Silesia, the Sudeten Mountains and Ziemia Lubuska. A total of approximately 125,000 inmates passed through Gross-Rosen (through the headquarters and the branches) including unregistered prisoners; some prisoners were brought to the camp only to be executed (e.g. 2,500 Soviet prisoners of war). Jews (citizens of different European countries), Poles and citizens of the former Soviet Union were among the most numerous ethnic groups in the camp. The death toll of Gross-Rosen is estimated at approximately 40,000.

24 Death march

In fear of the approaching Allied armies, the Germans tried to erase all evidence of the concentration camps. They often destroyed all the facilities and forced all Jews regardless of their age or sex to go on a death march. This march often led nowhere and there was no specific destination. The marchers received neither food nor water and were forbidden to stop and rest at night. It was solely up to the guards how they treated the prisoners, if and what they gave them to eat and they even had in their hands the power on the prisoners' life or death. The conditions during the march were so cruel that this journey became a journey that ended in the death of most marchers.

25 Flossenburg

a German concentration camp, located in Bavaria and operating from 1938 to 1945. At first it was meant for the German criminal and political prisoners. Since 1940 citizens of the German-occupied Europe were held there, mainly Poles and Czechs, and since the middle of 1944 Polish and Hungarian Jews. About 60,000-70,000 people passed through the camp. Inmates worked at quarries for the company Deutsche Stein und Erdindustrie. Commanders of the camps were Jacob Weiseborn, Egon Zill, Max Koegel, and Karl Kunster. The camp was liberated by the American forces on 23rd April 1945.

26 The Association of Jewish War Veterans and Victims of Prosecutions during World War II (Stowarzyszenie Zydow Kombatantow i Poszkodowanych w II wojnie)

An organization of Jewish war veterans, who had taken part in armed struggle against Nazi Germany, and were victims of Holocaust persecution. The organization was founded in 1991. It has 13 sections throughout Poland, and 150 members. Its aims include providing help to Jews who were victimized during the war and spreading knowledge about the struggle and victimization of Jews during WWII. The Association established the Medal of the 50th Anniversary of the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising, which is granted to persons who have made important contributions to Polish-Jewish life and dialogue.

Arnold Fabrikant

Arnold Fabrikant
Odessa
Ukraine
Interviewer: Nathalia Rezanova
Date of interview: March 2004

Arnold Fabrikant is a very lively old man. He speaks excitedly while looking into his partner's eyes inquisitively. He lives in a two-bedroom apartment of an old house on a quiet street in the historical center of Odessa. There is a collection of embroidery with flower patterns on the walls in the bigger room - this is the hobby of Arnold's wife Nathalia Yakovlevna, a sweet short woman. The apartment is modestly furnished. There are lace covers on the floor lamp, table and shelves, which make for a cozy old-fashioned atmosphere. The small room where we had our first interview serves as a study. There are piles of manuscript folders with newspaper and magazine press clippings, document files and video cassettes. There are many books in the house. The spouses are very friendly and amiable. Though Arnold is a very busy man, he willingly agreed to talk to me.

​Family background
Growing up 
During the war
Post-war
Glossary

Family background

My maternal grandfather, Arnold Bluvstein, was born somewhere in Austria in the 1860s. He got a legal education in Vienna, and a corn merchant millionaire, a Greek by the name of Anatra, brought him to Odessa in the 1880s. My grandfather worked as a legal adviser for him at his mill. Anatra valued my grandfather so much that when pogroms happened in Odessa, he provided security to guard his home and family. In 1900 grandfather Arnold, his wife Gitlia and two daughters rented a four- bedroom apartment on Kniazheskaya Street. I am now living in two rooms of this very same apartment.

My grandparents were wealthy, but lost everything after the October Revolution [see Russian Revolution of 1917] 1. My grandfather was ill and bound to bed when revolutionary navies came to his home and took away everything of value. Miraculously of all family jewelry a golden brooch in the form of a safety pin with a square head with a few small diamonds in it remained with them. This was my mother's favorite and only piece of jewelry. Grandfather Arnold died in 1920, before I was born. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery.

My maternal grandmother, Gitlia Bluvstein, nee Kaplanskaya was born in Odessa in the 1860s. She had two brothers, Grigoriy and Yakov. Grigoriy Kaplanskiy, the older brother, was a popular lung-doctor. Before the Revolution he lived in Switzerland and they said he owned a health center there. He dealt in politics and came to Russia to 'do the revolution'. He didn't have a family. In the Soviet times Grigoriy was chief doctor in a town hospital in Odessa. He died in the middle of the 1930s. The other brother, Yakov Kaplanskiy, was born and lived in Odessa. He was an accountant. His wife Maria Kaplanskaya [nee Podrayskaya] was a professor at Odessa Conservatory. They had a son named Tolia. Yakov Kaplanskiy died in Odessa in the middle of the 1950s.

My grandmother told me that there were servants in the house, and during the Revolution a revolutionary navy was visiting their cook who was sleeping on the entresol. He had grenades and guns all over his body. He stayed with the cook overnight and everybody feared that those grenades would explode.

I remember my grandmother as a very thin and quiet woman, always busy with the housework. She cooked delicious food. I don't know where Grandmother Gitlia studied, but she had some education. She sometimes spoke Yiddish to my mother and she also knew Russian. I cannot say how religious Grandmother Gitlia was, but she always thoroughly prepared for Pesach and had special crockery for the holiday. She served festive food and bought matzah. She didn't go to the synagogue often. Once, when I was small, my grandmother took me to the synagogue to show me the place. My grandmother was very ill and we looked after her for many years. She died in 1939 and was buried near her husband. I don't know whether the Jewish ritual was observed. My grandparents had two daughters: Klara and Bronislava. Klara, the older one, died young before the Revolution, and Bronislava survived.

My mother, Bronislava Fabrikant, nee Bluvstein, was born in Odessa in 1896. After her parents had lost their older daughter they directed their attention on my mother. My mother finished a private grammar school. She loved theater since her childhood. The family often went to the opera and my mother, having a rather good voice, used to sing opera arias at home. In 1921 she entered Odessa Medical College, and in 1922 she got married.

My paternal grandfather, Naum Fabrikant, was born in the 1860s in Pinsk [today Belarus]. He received an elementary education. In the early 20th century my grandfather and his big family moved to the town of Voznesensk in Nikolaev region. He was a tailor and started his own business. The family legend says that he got the surname of Fabrikant, when he opened a garment store. Besides, my grandfather owned a wedding hall that he let on lease. I never met my grandfather Naum and that's all I know about him. My paternal grandmother Shifra Fabrikant - I don't know her maiden name - was a seamstress in the garment shop. My grandfather and grandmother died in Voznesensk before the Great Patriotic War 2. They had five children: three daughters and two sons, all born in Voznesensk.

My father's older brother, Shmilik, was born in 1888. He worked as a tailor in the family shop. In the early 1930s he arrived in Odessa and lived with us for some time before he married a woman named Genia. They received an apartment on Bariatievskiy Lane. Shmilik was a high-class fitter. He and his wife worked in the Odessa garment factory named after Vorovskiy 3. They had no children. They failed to evacuate during the Great Patriotic War. Shmilik was an invalid and was not subject to army service. Their neighbors told us after the war that when at the beginning of the occupation Soviet counterintelligence blasted the building of the commandant's office on Marazliyeskaya Street, Romanians issued an order to execute civilians for perished Romanian soldiers. They captured anyone they saw, regardless of nationality and hung them. Shmilik and Genia were among the captured and hanged.

My father's sister Klara was born in 1900. In her youth, Klara moved to Odessa. She married Grigoriy Gorodetskiy, a Jew. He was an accountant. In 1922 their daughter Nina was born. During the war the family evacuated to Central Asia and then returned to Odessa. Klara's husband passed away shortly after the war. Aunt Klara worked as administrator in the 'Krasnaya' [Red] hotel. My parents didn't keep in touch with this part of the family for some reason. All I know is that Nina finished a medical college and became a doctor. Aunt Klara died in Odessa in 1960 and was buried in the Jewish cemetery.

My father's sister Yekaterina was born in 1906. After she finished school my father brought her to Odessa. She lived in our family till she married Nathan Slepoy, a Jew. Her husband was a militia officer in Vapnyarka [near Odessa]. Their son Vilia was born in 1932 and their daughter Sveta [Svetlana] in 1936. Shortly before the war Nathan got a transfer to the Regional Prosecutor's office, and the family moved to Odessa. I remember that he had additional earnings by lecturing on espionage at enterprises. He had lots of brochures on this subject that I liked looking through. Aunt Yekaterina was a housewife. During the Great Patriotic War the family evacuated to Tashkent where Nathan had a high-level position as Prosecutor of the Republic. Upon their return to Odessa he was appointed chief of the investigation department of the Regional Prosecutor's office.

Vilia was fond of sports and finished the Faculty of Physical Education of Odessa Pedagogical College. He worked as a teacher of physical education at the medical school. He got married and had a son. Sveta finished a medical college and became an obstetrician. She got married and had a son. Nathan Slepoy died in 1980. In 1982 my aunt Yekaterina, her children and their families moved to Australia. She died in Melbourne in 2000. Her children and grandchildren are in business. They have their own houses. We correspond with them.

My father's sister Yevgenia was born in 1902. She married Yakov Bogomolskiy, a Jew. He was a cobbler and she was a housewife. Their daughter Nina was born in 1922. During the war the family evacuated to Tashkent and after the war they returned to Odessa. Nina graduated from the Philological Faculty of Odessa University and married Yefim Patlazhan. They had a daughter named Lena. Upon graduation from the Historical Faculty of Odessa University he defended his candidate of sciences dissertation and then a doctor's one [see Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees] 4, and was appointed chief of department in the Ivano-Frankovsk Pedagogical College. Nina worked there as a school teacher. Aunt Yevgenia and her husband moved to their daughter in Ivano- Frankovsk. She died there in 1990. Nina's daughter Lena and her husband moved to Germany in the late 1990s.

My father, Yefim Fabrikant, was born in Voznesensk in 1892. He studied in a grammar school. During World War I he was mobilized to the army where he was a hospital attendant. After the Revolution he joined the Red Army. He was doing well there and they sent him to study at Odessa Medical College. My father was lip-tight and didn't like to discuss his feelings, not even with the family, particularly regarding his past. All I know is that after finishing college my father stayed to work at the department with a popular Odessa physician, Buchstub. My father was his favorite student. When he was a student, my father was renting a room in my mother's parents' apartment, and that's where he met my mother.

My parents had their civil marriage in 1922 and lived with grandmother Gitlia. I was born in Odessa on 1st January 1923. When I was small, my father's sister Yekaterina, who was living with us at the time, was my nanny. Later I was taken to a teacher of the Froebel Institute 5, who lived a block away from our house. She taught me and a few other children music. There was nothing interesting about it and we could hardly endure it.

Growing up 

I learned to read before I started school in 1931. My parents consulted their acquaintances for a long time till they chose the best school #37 6, though it was not that close to where we lived, on 24 Korolenko Street. My parents gave me money to buy tickets for transportation, but keeping it a secret from them I instead sat on a buffer of tram #1 that almost took me to school. I was doing well at school, though I didn't have all excellent marks. I had many friends. We, boys, were fond of [James] Fenimore Cooper [(1789-1851): American novelist] and Alexandre Dumas [(1802-1870): French novelist and dramatist], and we played characters from their books. We had our coats of arms, swords and tomahawks and fought like musketeers and Indians. There were groups of children in each district. It happened so, that in my groups there were professors' children: Nadia Mayevskaya, Alla Gurchenko, Seryozha Avksentiev, I also had another friend: Anatoliy Irbin, a very smart guy. He moved to Kiev after finishing the 7th grade.

We didn't like some teachers, for example, Ksenia Ivanovna, nicknamed 'Ksendza'. We played ugly tricks on her as best we could. On the other hand, our physics teacher Anatoliy, whose patronymic I don't remember, was a very good man, on the contrary. We all looked for tricky questions in popular magazines to ask him. When he didn't know the answer, he said, 'Kids, I don't know, I shall look it up at home and explain it next time.' He did give us an explanation, but we already had another bunch of questions ready for him. However, we knew physics brilliantly.

We had an interesting Ukrainian teacher, a gorgeous big man with a round head. He translated Beranger [Beranger, Pierre Jean de (1780-1857): French poet] into Ukrainian and used to recite these poems to us in our classes, and at the end of each class he promptly gave us the homework. In the next class he asked us for ten minutes and then started reciting poems again.

We liked our geography teacher, Yelizaveta Konstantinovna Dikoina, so much that our whole class went to her birthday parties - 25 of us. We kept this tradition even after she went to lecture at university. After she died we visited her children. There are few of us left. This year only seven of us were there.

We hated the German language and didn't know it at all. Our teacher was a short German man who murmured something through his nose. Our teacher of mathematics was Pavel Ivanovich, an invalid of World War I: he had lost his leg, was short and old with a moustache yellow from smoking. He got angry with poor pupils and knocked on the table with his stick, exclaiming, 'You, dummy, you know nothing!' There were no demonstrations of anti-Semitism at school.

My mother worked as a cardiologist in two recreation centers in Odessa: Chkalov and one by the NKVD 7 named after Dzerzhinsky 8. There we got a room for the whole summer at the seashore and we lived by the sea. I remember my mother always complaining that she was made to provide political information for nurses and attendants in the centers. She learned the history of the All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks [since 1952 Communist Party of the Soviet Union] in the evening, read newspapers and made notes. Since my mother had a very serious attitude toward her work, she had very little free time left. My mother loved to have guests. She sang well and had a pleasant voice. She knew all arias from 'Eugene Onegin' [opera by Tchaikovsky, based on Pushkin's novel of the same name]. My parents had friends - representatives of the medical professorship of various nationalities. My father sometimes did private practice: he received patients at recommendations of his friends.

During the war

The arrests of 1937 [during the so-called Great Terror] 9 had no impact on my parents. They never discussed this subject with me. None of their acquaintances suffered either. Two families were arrested in our house. In 1938 Strazhesko, the greatest physician at the time invited my father to Kiev. In Kiev my father was awarded the title of professor. My mother and I stayed in Odessa, but I often visited my father in Kiev. We exchanged two rooms of the existing four rooms for Kiev so that my father had a place to live there. My father's friend in Kiev was another notable professor whose name I don't remember. He was arrested all of a sudden. My father went to the inquest body to give his guarantee that this professor was innocent. And strangely enough, they listened to him, and released his friend. My father and I visited him shortly afterward. This professor, a philatelist, gave me an album with stamps and I contracted from him the passion for collecting stamps for the rest of my life.

During any military campaign initiated in the USSR, my father was immediately taken to the army. He took part in the operations for the annexation of Western Belarus and Western Ukraine [see Annexation of Eastern Poland] 10, and Moldova 11 to the USSR and took part in the Finnish War 12. He was in the rank of colonel and had the position of chief physician of the army.

On 18th June 1941 we had a prom at school, and on 22nd June I was supposed to go to Kiev to enter a college. There were disputes in the family: I wanted to study script writing since I had liked writing in my childhood, and attended a literature club in the House of Pioneers [also see All-Union pioneer organization] 13, while my parents thought this was no good and wanted me to become an engineer. They chose Kiev Aviation College for me. My train was to depart in the evening, but my father called at 6 in the morning. We were the only family with a telephone: there were only few telephones at that time. All my father said was: 'Don't send Nolia [affectionate for Arnold] away. I cannot tell you why. Let him give back his ticket and stay at home.' At 10 o'clock in the morning I went to return my ticket to the railroad cashier box on Karl Marx Street. When I left, I saw a crowd gathering around a street radio. I stopped and listened to Molotov's 14 speech about the beginning of the Great Patriotic War.

My father was mobilized on the very first day of war. He was in the army troops defending Kiev. They were retreating to the town of Pyryatin where the headquarters of the Western Front got in encirclement and its commander perished. The survivors, including my father, found shelter in a deep ravine, but the Germans discovered and encircled them too. My father and a few other officers shot themselves to escape captivity. The witnesses, doctors, who had been captured then, told my mother and me about it. The Germans made them work for them as doctors and they managed to survive. We received a notification that my father 'was missing'. I have no official confirmation of my father's death. After the war and later I made inquiries at the Department of Medicine in Moscow, but they responded that Yefim Fabrikant 'was missing' and that they had no further information about him.

The recreation center where my mother worked was modified into a hospital on the first days of the war and my mother was staying there day and night. I went to excavate trenches, reinforce the basements, and glued paper strips on the windows to prevent glass from breaking during air raids. There were actually no air raids, but there were tracer bullets flying at night. Sometimes I went to see Nadia Mayevskaya who was my friend then. We went out on the balcony and saw flak cannons shooting.

On 3rd July the guys I knew began to receive subpoenas to the army. I also received one. On 22nd July, the day of the first bombing of Odessa, we, recruits, were gathered in a port club, lined up in columns at about 4pm and marched to the port. Our parents were seeing us off. I took with me what was included in the list of the military office: a spoon, a pot, a pair of underwear, a towel, soap and a toothbrush. I also had a few books on military subjects that I had bought on the first days of the war in a bookstore on Deribasovskaya Street. As it turned out later, they were for at least an army commander or commander of a division, and I threw them away.

In the port we boarded the 'Fabritsius' ship, which remained in the port till 8 in the evening. There was the 'Profintern' cruiser nearby that was supposed to escort ships from Odessa. All of a sudden German bombers began to drop bombs around us. I remember no particular fear. We just watched as it was happening. We saw bombs exploding on Primorskiy Boulevard. It happened so that I saw a bomb hitting the house of my future wife Nathalia Yampolskaya on 7 Gogol Street. Her father was at work and she and her mother were visiting their friends who were ill, but her mother's sister Mila and their housemaid were in the apartment at the time and perished. All their belongings were destroyed by fire. Natasha's father worked in the regional health department where they were provided with a few white robes, some hospital sheets and tickets for evacuation since they had nowhere to live.

The 'Fabritsius' with probably 200 of us aboard reached Kherson in one night. In Kherson we boarded another ship, a small one, and sailed up the Dnieper at night anchoring at daytime to not reveal our whereabouts. We had patriotic spirits: we were to fight and struggle. We reached Dnepropetrovsk where I was enlisted in the 56th artillery equestrian regiment. We got washed, changed into uniforms, packed our civilian clothes into rucksacks and handed them in for storage, and they told us, 'When it's time for you to demobilize, you will get them back'. They gave us scrapers and we went to clean horses. It was fearful - a mare kicking with her hind legs - I was afraid of getting closer. Our first sergeant was an uneducated man - one could tell he came from a village. We lined up in the evening and he said, 'I don't care that you have education! You will wash the mares' tails!' For several days we were cleaning the stables, and unloading barges in the port. Then we were sent to excavate trenches and tank ditches. Finally, though they had never trained us to shoot with rifles, they gave us rifles and sent us to the trenches in the direction of Dnepropetrovsk.

We never saw one German military in those trenches. We heard machine gun shooting, and bullets whining, and we looked out of the trenches, but didn't see anybody. We were ordered, 'Shoot there!' and we were shooting there. It hardly made any sense, all of this. Some and I saw this with my own eyes, attached a white towel to their bayonets and ran across the field to surrender! Our commanding officer told us they were deserters and we had to shoot them, but nobody was shooting at them. We were young boys, we didn't understand anything and besides, nobody had trained us how to shoot.

On 20th August we were gathered and ordered to march across Dnepropetrovsk to the rear. We marched throughout the night and in the morning we came to a forest. We didn't get any food or water during our march. There was a corn-field nearby. We baked corn and this was our food. Our officers, and we sensed this, didn't know what to do. At night we were ordered to get ready to leave. When we had gone quite far away, we saw that our camp was bombed: Germans somehow got to know that we had been there. We were retreating. At Lozovaya station we boarded a freight train heading south.

In Mariupol we were allowed to get off the train to exercise a little. We received a package of rationed food for the first time, and it was rather strange: herring and pork fat and this was all, no bread. At the railway station I met an acquaintance from Odessa. He said my mother was there in a train, but I didn't have time to go look for her. I was glad to know she had been able to evacuate. My mother and I had made an agreement back in Odessa that I would write to her acquaintance in Zlatoust in the Ural who would resend my letters to my mother.

I received the first letter from my mother this way at the end of December 1941. She wrote that she had left with her Uncle Yakov Kaplanskiy's family. When professors of the conservatory were to evacuate his wife Maria obtained a ticket for my mother and for aunt Bella, the former wife of my mother's cousin brother Roman Bluvstein, at my mother's request. He had left his wife before the war, and my mother, who liked Bella, decided to take care of her. Bella lived in our apartment and, naturally, my mother couldn't leave her behind. Roman stayed in Odessa and perished during the occupation of Odessa. My mother, Bella and Yakov's family lived in the town of Dzhalal-Abad, Kyrgyzstan, for some time. My mother went to work in a hospital. Uncle Yakov's family moved to Tashkent, as his wife got a job offer from the conservatory in Tashkent. Their son Tolia finished a tank school in Tashkent, went to the front and perished.

My military train arrived in the village of Abinskaya [town of Abinsk, Russia, since 1963]. We were accommodated on the football field of the stadium. There we were acquainted with Stalin's order to recall young men with secondary and incomplete higher education to send them to officers' schools. We were sorted out and I happened to be in the group that was sent to the town of Piatigorsk where the 68th separate Navy shooting brigade was being formed. I was enlisted in a mortar unit of a bombardment company of 50-mm mortars. This mortar has the shape of a big frog. It couldn't be disassembled, it was to be carried on the shoulder and it weighed twelve kilos. We also had to carry boxes with mines - eight mines weighing 800 grams each in one box. Our commanding officer was also carrying boxes with mines; we all did. Our unit consisted of five people: the commanding officer, three mine deliverers and a gun layer. I happened to be a gun layer. We began to learn the mortar discipline. The company deployed at the Mashu?k Mountain. [Editor's note: the Mashuck is a rather low mountain (993 m) near Pyatigorsk. It is known in Russian history as the place of the duel and death of the great poet Lermontov 15.] Winter started and we began to learn how to ski. We skied up to the hill where Lermontov had had a duel. Then we either skied, if we managed, or rolled down the hill.

In late December 1941 our brigade was sent to Rostov. There were 50 percent experienced navies there and the rest were inexperienced youngsters like me. The officers were former sailors. The commanding officer of the brigade was a submariner, who had only a vague idea about land operations. He didn't even care to train us to entrench and we had many problems due to this later on. At Bataysk station near Rostov, where our train stopped, somebody got to know that there was an echelon with spirit nearby. We took canvas buckets from which we gave water to the horses to get spirit that we drank. This happened to be poisonous technical spirit and many died from poisoning. I didn't drink at that time, and this saved my life. We went patrolling in Rostov, guarded the general staff of the regiment and dug trenches near Rostov.

We were in reserve of the 56th army till March 1942, when we were ordered to re-deploy. We marched at night, slept in stables or sheds or just on manure since it was warm. We reached the village of Kolesnikovo on the banks of the Mius River, 12-15 meters wide, but rather deep, up to 8-9 meters. It was covered with ice at the time. There were flood- lands in spring and farther there were hills where the Germans were in trenches. There was Hill 101 in front of us, the highest and the most important one, shielding the direction to Donbass [Donetsk].

The commander of the Southern Front, Budyonnyi, decided to make the Soviet people happy before 8th March, Women's Day. There was a tradition to have accomplishments coincide with holidays before the war, and they transferred this practice on military actions without giving it a second thought. They decided to attack and capture this Hill 101 on 1st March, the town of Matveyev Kurgan, Taganrog and approach the German grouping from the rear, from the sea. On 7th March we were ordered to start the attack. The artillery failed to catch up with us and there was no artillery preparation. We crossed the Mius River over the ice before dawn, came onto a field and began to move ahead slowly in a chain. The first was the infantry line, rifling units followed and our company with mortars was moving about 200 meters behind. We were about 400 meters from the slope of the hill, when the Germans started shooting. They hadn't seen us before since it was still dark. We didn't wear camouflage: officers wore sheepskin jackets, soldiers had their overcoats on and sailors in their black overcoats made perfect targets on the field covered with snow. Like many others I didn't have high boots, but ankle-high boots with leg-wrappings. The Germans fired mines at us and then started firing from machine guns. Later I got to know that in this battle the average density of rifle-machine gun firing was 10 bullets per each linear meter of the front line per minute. So we were moving through this wall of firing.

There was a small village - just a few houses at the bottom of the hill. We identified a machine gun nest and cannon by the houses and eliminated it with mortars. When we began to climb the hill, a sanitary instructor and two attendants were walking beside me. The attendants were taking the wounded down the hill. The sanitary instructor was wounded, and the commanding officer of my company ordered me to take his bag. At this instant a splinter of a shell hit my mortar and damaged it. The commanding officer ordered me to drop it and apply bandages on the wounded. There were many wounded, so I applied bandages while they were also helping each other. We managed to almost climb to the top, to the German communication passages. In a trench nearby a mine exploded and the splinters wounded my legs. The blood was coming through my leg wrappings. They applied a bandage and evacuated me down the hill to the houses. We were waiting for wagons from the sanitary company there. The Germans trapped us in mortar firing. I was shell-shocked. I started bleeding from my ears, nose, throat, and my teeth came loose. I almost fainted, but I survived. We were taken to the medical company on horse- drawn wagons. From there I was sent to a hospital in Rostov.

While in hospital I got to know that our troops failed to capture Hill 101 since the Germans used tanks and planes in their defense. Over half of the staff of our brigade perished then. There were 4,400 of us, and only about 2,000 survived. I stayed in hospital for a long time. I had blood transfusions and salt solution injections since I had lost a lot of blood. I was staying in bed and there were two rubber tubes with syringes on the ends through which the medication was injected into my legs, and they got swollen. I had a big problem with my teeth: my front teeth were loose and I had some metal splints installed to strengthen the gum, but the effect was very poor - my gum began to bleed and they had to remove the splints and my teeth never got stronger. When I got better, something happened due to which I almost got to the tribunal. The thing is there was a radio plate hanging right above me and it was always turned on. The noise drove me nuts. On the first day, when I managed to get out of bed, I just grabbed it and took it off the wall. The political officer came by and considered what I had done as a harmful and political act. I hardly managed to get rid of him.

When I recovered I rejoined my brigade. This happened in late April 1942, it was already warm. On my way I stayed overnight at some trans- shipment point. There were tents on a hill and two U2 planes nearby. There were girls from the medical battalion of our brigade in the tents. They were singing, 'Sweetheart, will you hear me,' with such lament that this song is imprinted in my memory. After the war I was trying to ask the women from our brigade at our veterans' meetings: Who sang this song then? But I never found those girls. Finally I got to my battalion and from there I was sent to be first sergeant in the battery of 120mm mortars. I got an intelligence unit in my command and received a stereo telescope. I was to sit at the observation point looking for targets and reporting to the commanding officer, who identified the coordinates, range, angle and other data. I had a stereo telescope throughout the war; when one broke down in a battle I got a new one.

We happened to be in defense at this same Hill 101, but behind the hill there was some smoke appearing every day. We discovered that this smoke was shooting. It turned out that the Germans were sending an armor train from Taganrog and it was firing periodically. We fixed it finally and covered it with our firing and it didn't reappear. In general it was quiet and the Germans left us alone. We lived in earth huts. There was no wood and we thought of heating the huts in the following way: we took a brick soaked in gasoline, burned it in an iron cast pot and it burned for a while heating the hut. We lit the earth hut with a makeshift lamp from flattened out shells. We made a hole on the side to pour in kerosene. We inserted a piece of cloth torn off our overcoats to serve as a wick in its narrow part. These lamps emitted lots of smoke, but served their purpose.

We were fed well: millet porridge, sometimes we got meat, and 150 grams of vodka every night, officially, but it was always more actually. It was believed to be a normal thing to cheat on the rear unit. Every day it was necessary to submit a report for meals for a specific number of people, because sometimes the deceased remained on the lists and their food rations were received and shared among the others. Officers received additional food rations. I was first lieutenant and received cookies, sugar and tobacco additionally.

Soldiers were given makhorka tobacco. We made 'goat leg' cigarettes from newspapers pieces. There weren't many matches and we lit cigarettes with fire steel. We borrowed cotton wool and manganese from nurses, absorbed cotton wool in manganese solution and dried it out. When a piece of such cotton wool was placed on the fire steel, the sparkle lit it instantly and then we lit cigarettes from it. At first I didn't drink or smoke and used to exchange my vodka for sugar, but I was freezing in the trench. The others smoked and had a drink and seemed to feel better. So I also began to drink my ration of vodka and smoke, and it became easier to endure the damp trench, but it was still cold.

We had warm flannel underwear: a shirt and underpants and a uniform shirt and trousers over them. We wore sailor caps at first, but later we got winter hats and wore knitted headpieces underneath. We also had sheepskin liners to wear underneath our winter coats; they warmed us well. The boots with leg-wrappings that I wore till 1943 didn't help against the cold. Those wrappings were a problem to me. You drop the end of a two-meter long belt, it rolls away and you have to crawl around looking for it and then roll it up again - a terrible nuisance. In our pastime everybody told stories. Older soldiers told fables of their frontline love adventures. Everybody boasted as much as he could. We often read letters from home aloud - everybody was interested what was going on in the rear.

When the Germans forced a crossing over the Don River and approached Stalingrad, we got the order to retreat in the direction of Rostov. We had to cover about 60-80 kilometers. The Germans were following us. A few kilometers away trenches had been dug for us and we had hardly managed to get there, when German tanks started to attack us. All of a sudden a pack of dogs with triton blocks attached to their backs ran past us. There was a starting lever sticking from their belts - they hitched the bottom of a tank to this lever and the tank exploded. Of 40 tanks 30 exploded, and the rest of them left. It turned out that there was a company of tank fighters behind us. The female trainers fed their dogs only under an operating tank and developed a trained reflex in them. We felt sorry for the animals, but what could be done about it, at least the attack was repelled.

When we came to Rostov to cross the Don, I saw an incredible scenario: vehicles, horses, wagons, tractors, combines, people, and cattle were moving along two crossing ways continuously bombed by Germans. They didn't just drop bombs, but shot through empty barrels whining so loudly that each barrel seemed to be falling on you. You press yourself to the earth to hide away, hear something falling nearby and wait for an explosion, but nothing happens. The main crossing was on a pontoon bridge. Everybody stepping on it began to run fast. There were bombs exploding on the right and on the left, raising fountains of water; some people fell into the water - a terrible sight. Somehow we managed to do the crossing.

On the opposite bank, walking a few kilometers in the direction of Bataysk, we took a defense position. My observation point was on the roof of a house in the nearest village. I was doing observation of the locality and at dawn I saw Germans marching in a row in a ravine from Bataysk. I reported to my commander of the battery about this and he reported to higher officers. At this time the Germans bumped into our outposts and exchange of fire began. Half an hour later a group of Germans on ten motorcycles arrived. There were two machine guns on each motorcycle. Our resistance didn't make sense any longer and we were ordered to retreat. Where to? The only possibility was to head to the flood-lands, and there were reeds, sedge and waist deep water. I was making my way through the reeds with my stereo telescope. All of a sudden I felt something hitting my arm. I dropped the telescope and somebody picked it. There was blood all over my hand; the bullet injured a tendon between my big thumb and forefinger. It was a trifling wound and under different circumstances I wouldn't have needed to go to hospital, but I had it bandaged in the water, probably with dirty bandages that caused festering. I had a lot of trouble with it for about a month and a half. We were retreating. Finally, I was sent to a hospital near Tbilisi [today Georgia]. They promptly treated my hand and from there they sent me to an artillery instrumental intelligence school in the town of Manglisi near Tbilisi.

This was a division of the Makhachkala town military infantry school training geodesists and survey engineers, i.e., those who could picture a location layout with theodolite and find orientation with the help of a stereo telescope. When I finished it in the middle of September 1943 I was sent to the front line in the 55th guard division, 66th guard rifling regiment under the command of Glavatskiy from Odessa. Our division was to head to the Taman peninsula [Western Caucasus between the Azov and Black Seas] to the Strait of Kerch [connecting the Black and Azov Seas]. There are many lakes, swamps, reeds and canals there. The firth Kyzyltysh [one of the numerous firths of the Azov Sea] was separated from the sea by a split where we were to land to cut a retreat for Germans. We landed successfully; the Germans didn't notice us and began to retreat along the split, when they bumped into us. During a battle something went wrong with the radio holding communications with the army headquarters. Then a plane dropped a message from the commander of the army, Petrov, for us: 'We don't know where you are. Make an identification sign on your front line.' We made a line from pieces of white cloth, whatever we had at hand, to show them the location we were at. We held the Germans back and stayed there quietly till late October.

On 4th November we were put ashore across from Chushka, a split at the end of the Taman peninsula; this area was called Malaya Zemlia. I stayed with the artillery on the main land. I began to send data about the targets and did it well. I don't know how I did it: we had learned calculations, but here intuition was more important. Our troops captured a part of the Kerch peninsula, but the Germans had a well fortified defense line and they stopped us after we had covered about twelve kilometers of the Kerch peninsula. Despite this we were in good spirits probably thanks to political work. There was a political officer in each company whose only mission was to trigger discussions telling us what we were to do and how, what we were fighting for and whom we were fighting - this wasn't a mere formality and it had its effect on soldiers, lifting their spirits and uniting them. We went into battles with the words 'For Stalin, for the motherland, straight on!' Of course, there were deserters. Once, when we were remanning, our brigade was ordered to line up in a U-order and two individuals were demonstratively shot for desertion. Once, additional staff of Azerbaijani arrived. They didn't know Russian and didn't want to fight whatsoever. They ate some herb on purpose, it caused diarrhea, and it was terrible and everybody wanted to get rid of them. They were sent to a medical sanitary battalion and I don't know what happened to them then. They never returned to us.

I took part in a landing operation. On the evening of 9th January we went into the Azov Sea. We had the so-called anti-yperit high boots. At night, all of a sudden a storm broke and our boats, long boats and schooners were scattered all around. Half of the landing troop disappeared, some drowned and some were dragged into the sea; they were found two weeks later. I fell into the water, my stereo telescope got wet and I got wet in the chest-deep water, the temperature of which was only four or five degrees. What saved us was that the seashore wasn't far away and the water was shallow. When I reached the seashore, the commanding officer yelled, 'Drop your stereo telescope, grab a machine gun - there are Germans moving along the shore, we have nobody to shoot back at them!' I grabbed a machine gun and joined the others. We managed to repel the attack. In this battle Nadia Leschina, Glavatskiy's wife, who served there with us, demonstrated heroism. Mariners were fighting with us and Germans sent tanks to where they were, and the mariners began to retreat. Nadia all of a sudden got to her feet and shouted, 'Guys, follow me! Go ahead!' The mariners felt ashamed that they got scared and the woman was not and they repelled this tank attack. For this battle Nadia was awarded an Order of the Combat Red Banner 16.

In those days I was thinking of joining the Party. I talked to Zakharov, the Party leader of our regiment. He talked me out of it, 'If you join the Party, they will send you to the hottest spot and you will perish for nothing. You are important for us and we need you to be here with us rather than somebody else.' Our division moved to the village of Varenikovskaya to relocate to a different front. There were many troops, tents, cannons, and lots of people taken to this railroad junction. All of a sudden somebody noticed a hare running from God knows where. Everybody went after this hare trying to throw an overcoat onto him. The hare escaped. It was a lot of fun, especially when an army newspaper wrote that the glorious 55th guard rifling division failed to catch a single hare.

Then we fought at the 1st Belarusian Front. I participated in the famous Bagration operation. [Editor's note: Belarus operation of the Soviet army in the summer of 1944. The invasion force consisted of 1,700,000 troops supported by 6,000 planes, nearly 3,000 tanks, and 24,000 artillery pieces. This attack cost the Germans more men and material than the defeat at Stalingrad.] Then we came to Brest and moved onto the territory of Poland. After Warsaw was taken, the advance was suspended. That was when I thought: We are advancing the war is coming to an end, it's time to think about peaceful life. During the war I actively corresponded with girls like everybody else. We often received letters at the front from girls, with photographs in them: 'I would like to meet a young soldier.' The girls didn't know any name and address at first, of course. All the action was organized by the military. I had a whole collection of photographs of different girls signed on the backside: 'May this still-imprint remind you of a living soul,' or 'don't think about me, when you look at the photo, but think - and then look!' There was one girl from the Far East, but this wasn't what I was thinking about. I wrote to the girl in Odessa whom I liked, but there was no response.

From Poland we returned to Belarus and then moved to Lithuania. Our division was one of the first to cross the border of Prussia and come to German land. [Eastern Prussia was bordering with Lithuania before the war. After the annexation of the Baltic States (1940) it became a German- Soviet border. After the war Eastern Prussia was divided up in between the Soviet Union and Poland.] At the border, there was a post with a sign reading 'Here it is - the fascist Germany!' Of course, that Europe was radically different from where we came from. I compared the houses in Prussia with the ones we had seen in Belarus. I even took a picture of one house in Prussia, so well-designed it was. When we entered Germany, we were allowed to send trophies home. Everybody looked for something to send home. I sent my mother a gown, fabric, some pieces of cloth. There were many abandoned houses. Our soldiers were particularly eager to get watches. Sometimes they would stop a German man asking, 'Uhr, Uhr [German for 'watch'] take it off!' I had about 16 watches. There was a popular saying: 'let's make an exchange without looking!' to swap watches. The watches were a kind of luxury in the USSR. Some didn't care about trophies and others were greedy - one could tell what people were like.

During the war relations between people were the same as in peaceful times. If a person was bad, he was not liked. We sensed what a bad commander was like when somebody named Alexandrov replaced our commanding officer, Glavatskiy. Everything changed in the regiment. Alexandrov had stayed in the rear forming marching companies, but at the end of the war there was no more need in doing this and he was appointed regiment commanding officer. He came to Prussia with his wife, but he turned out to be such a womanizer that he had several lovers. His wife made a scandal every day. We were allowed to lodge in apartments and my orderly found me one about one and a half kilometers from where our military unit was deployed. All of a sudden there was alarm every night. This Alexandrov had nothing to do in the evenings after the scandals with his wife, but raise alarms. Every night I had to jump out of my bed to run to the unit - this was painful! Everybody cursed him, and I still recall him with disgust.

At about the same time a woman doctor came to our regiment. Her name was Valia; I don't remember her surname. We all recall her with warmth. She was a dentist technician. She was a big fat woman. There were no trousers of her size, so she wore a long skirt. She had many patients, but no anesthetics. For anesthetization she would lie down on the patient with her big bust - this was her method. For a long time, and this made her different from other women, looking for men at the front, Valia was alone. Then she finally fell in love with the battalion commanding officer Petrus. One night they were making love in an earth hut and she began to groan loudly. The Germans heard it and started firing. This was the front line. Later there was an investigation: 'Who screamed? Why?' But we didn't give her away and the case was eventually dismissed.

In 1944 I got a letter from my mother from Odessa. She had returned home, but there were other people staying in our apartment. Before she managed to have them move out by a court's decision she lived in a small storeroom in the conservatory that Maria Podrayskaya helped her with. Then one room became available in our apartment and my mother moved in there. Everything was gone - our mahogany furniture, my grandfather's pieces, valuables. My mother only discovered a copper mortar and a bookshelf at our neighbors'. She bought a black plastic upholstery divan, when she received her first salary. She was assistant chief of the cardiology department of the Lermontov health center, headed by Professor Zhigalov, one of the most famous cardiologists in Odessa then.

In Eastern Prussia the Commander of the Western and 3rd Belarussian Front, Army general Ivan Cherniakhovskiy issued the only order throughout wartime: 'Save people!' Commanding officers were brought to trial for violation of the order for unjustified casualties. I had a good friend called Kostia Brovin, commanding officer of a rifling company, an accountant in peaceful life. A smart reserved guy, we had many common interests. A soldier from Kostia's group of combat security disappeared. Whether Germans kidnapped him or he surrendered - nobody could tell, but he had disappeared and that was a fact, and Kostia was brought to the tribunal because he was a commander, and sent to a penal battalion. [Penal battalions were subdivisions of the Soviet Army to which people were sent for punishment during the war. They were used at the most dangerous frontlines, basically sent to certain death]. He perished in the first battle. General Cherniakhovskiy was mortally wounded in Eastern Prussia in 1945. This was the most annoying thing: to perish at the end of the war.

On 13th January 1945 we got an order to attack, when we were not ready for it whatsoever. It turned out later that the Germans beat down the ally troops in Belgium and they asked Stalin to help them. [The last significant German counter-attack took place on 5th January 1945 in the Ardennes. It was not successful and the Germans were gradually retreating afterwards.] To save the situation we were made to attack, when we didn't have sufficient stocks of shells, when there were many wounded people and when no additional troops had been sent. It was hard to break through the German defense near Konigsberg. We couldn't avert the artillery firing of the Germans and had many injured people. When their artillery firing began, somebody shouted in the trenches, 'Hold on, Vanyka, it's beginning!'

By late March 1945, after hard battles in Eastern Prussia, we were sent to the rear for remanning and we thought the war was over for us. Our echelon reached the town of Lida in Belarus. We went to sleep and in the morning, when we woke up, it turned out we were moving across Poland. What happened was that we were transferred to the 1st Ukrainian Front moving to Berlin. On 22nd April we started our first battle near Zossen - the location of the underground headquarters of Hitler's land troops. After the battle we started looking for interesting trophies. I took a map of Berlin from the wall and I still have it.

In April we entered Potsdam and joined in the most horrible action - street fighting. I was in infantry troops since there was no artillery used in these operations, just machine guns and grenades. On 30th April 1945 we began our attack on the railway station, and this was also the Charlottenburg metro station in Berlin. This was a three-storied reinforced concrete building with big windows and doors. There was a big square in front of the building with a low steel fence with one entrance way. There was no other way and we had to send people through this small entrance, but German snipers were killing them one after the other. I requested artillery troops to somehow blacken the square with smoke and they did it. We rushed to the first floor, but couldn't even look out of there - the Germans were shooting and throwing grenades from the second floor. Then I did my most heroic deed during wartime: I requested artillery firing to my coordinates. The artillery troops started firing to the second floor - they killed the Germans, but we survived. We went around the station - there was nobody left!

We moved on. There were connecting underground passages in Berlin through a whole block - from one corner to another. There were a few steel doors leading to the basements. I tried to open one and heard a shot. I drew back in time - somebody shot from down there. If it hadn't been for the steel door, there would have been nothing left of me. On 1st May there was another dangerous moment. It happened in the basement of a house. When we arrived there we saw many people and then somebody fired a gun and the bullet went through my cap. We began to search people and one of them, a thin German guy, had a gun in his pocket. This was the only person throughout the war whom I was sure I killed. I also captured another soldier wearing a German uniform in this basement, but he happened to be a Vlasov 17 soldier. He was wounded and we left him in the basement till morning. In the morning we found him hanged on a beam on his own belt in a sitting position. Nobody felt sorry for him. We had a bad attitude toward Vlasov soldiers.

On 2nd May, at 12 o'clock, Berlin surrendered. The war was over for us. On this day I wrote to my mother after a long interval - since December 1944. I had thought to myself that I had survived for a long time and that I would probably be killed and that she had better get used to the thought that there was no me. So I lived through the last months of the war with this attitude, but then there was a turning point in my heart and I believed that everything would end well for me. After Berlin surrendered, our unit marched in the direction of Prague in Czechoslovakia. We were at the border of Czechoslovakia, when the war was over. At night we got to a mine field and our unit had to walk step by step to avoid the mines, when all of a sudden we heard shooting somewhere in the rear. We turned our heads and saw tracer bullets flying by. This was a sign that the war was over. This happened at midnight, on 8th May.

Post-war

We camped near the town of Ceska Lipa. We had a quiet, peaceful life there. We had artillery training nearby, where we actually just fooled around drinking beer. It was very inexpensive. The Czechs treated us well and shared food with us. We went to a bar where they gave us a barrel of beer, we went to the field, deployed the battery and ate and drank and then we returned with an empty barrel. We were allowed to take trophies from the Germans, but there was a special order issued that forbid us to take anything from the Czechs. We were bored and organized a dancing and singing group. We had a good accordion player and dancers. I sang and was the leader of the group. We rested in this manner till late May, when we got an order to march back home across Poland. There were other units moving back home. We, infantry, hardly had any trophies with us, but the others had bicycles, vehicles and even rode in coaches. However, there were special units deployed at our border. They checked and requisitioned everything. I brought home watches and stamps: I had found a few albums with stamps and taken them. A friend of mine brought a Telefunken [German firm] radio with him.

Till spring 1946 I continued my service in Grodno in Belarus, and in April I came to Odessa on leave. A fellow comrade, who was much older than me, went on leave with me. He was so determined to get married promptly that on the first evening, when we went for a walk on the boulevard he met a girl and they got married three days later. Six months later she gave birth to a baby, but he was such a duffer that it never occurred to him that he had married a pregnant woman.

I came to Odessa to meet with my future wife Natasha Yampolskaya. We had known each other since childhood. We studied in the same school where she was a Komsomol 18 leader, only she lived in a different district. Our parents were acquainted and had friendly relations before the war. Nathalia was born in Odessa in 1920. Her father, Yevgeniy Yampolskiy, was born into the family of an inn-owner in Odessa in 1891. He studied economics in Paris. Returning to Odessa, he worked in a bank. After the revolution he worked as an accountant in an insurance office, before the war he worked in the town health department and after the war he worked in the regional health department. His sister, Yekaterina Yampolskaya, was a revolutionary: in 1918 she worked in Lenin's secretarial office; she knew him personally. She was married to the chief editor of the Pravda newspaper [The paper of the Communist Party of the USSR]. She was arrested in 1937 as the wife of an 'enemy of the people' 19. She was kept in camps for 20 years, released in 1957 and rehabilitated later [see Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union] 20. She received an apartment in Moscow. My wife's mother, Olga Khariton, was born in Odessa in 1896. She was a housewife.

The Yampolskiy family was in evacuation in Stavropol [today Russia] and then in Stalinabad, in Tajikistan. In evacuation Nathalia studied three years at medical college. The Yampolskiy family was miserably poor after returning from the evacuation. They were allowed to live in the medical college, in a small room near the bacteriological laboratory in which they were breeding guinea pigs and where the smell was disgusting.

After demobilization I finally returned to Odessa in September 1946. Admission to colleges was over and I entered the spirit department of the Food Industry Technical School. When I finished it Nathalia was working on her mandatory job assignment 21 in a small mining town near Voroshylovgrad. When I was a last-year student I did my practical training at the vodka factory in Voroshylovgrad. We registered our marriage on the eve of 1st May 1948 and had a 'mayovka' wedding out of town with her friends. [Editor's note: The word mayovka is derived from the name of the month May when people organized picnics with family and friends. Schoolchildren, students and adults used to arrange such outings enjoying the food and drink.] We had a record player. My factory gave me ten liters of raw alcohol. We drank this alcohol, sang, danced and had lots of fun: we were young and full of hopes. Then I went back to defend my diploma and got a job assignment to the vodka factory in Odessa. Nathalia's father, who was working in the regional health department, pulled the strings for her to get a job in Odessa.

In 1949 our daughter Yelena was born. We lived with my mother. We installed a partition in her room to make a small room for ourselves. We were poor. Nathalia had makeshift shoes with a wooden sole. I wore my military uniform overcoat. I entered the Odessa College of Food Industry. I bought my first coat and a hat, when I received money for the development of a rum production line. Here is how it happened. During the war, when there was lack of sugar in the country, Stalin issued an order to organize a new zone of sugar production in Kazakhstan. They purchased sugar canes and established selection points, but the cane didn't grow. It only grew in one spot in the south of Uzbekistan and there were huge crops growing on about 400 hectares. They decided to process it to rum and addressed the Odessa College of Food Industry for help. I went home via Moscow where I bought a gray coat and a green hat in the GUM [abbreviation of Gosudarstvennyy Universalnyy Magazin, meaning State General Store] in Moscow. I also brought a few cuts of staple from Uzbekistan. My mother, wife and daughter had dresses made from this fabric. After finishing college I went to work in the Odessa liqueur and vodka factory.

I was quite indifferent when I heard about Stalin's death [in 1953]. I heard the news on the radio when I went to work in the morning. I knew that he was ill and there had been announcements that he was better and then worse and it was clear that he would die. I had seen so many deaths that one more or one less didn't matter... I wasn't critical about Stalin, but I didn't sympathize with him either. My mother believed in Stalin. She always kept a newspaper issued on the day of Stalin's death, with all the praises in his address. When the denunciation of Stalin's cult began, my mother didn't believe it. She said, 'How could this be?' She was and stayed loyal to Stalin till the end of her life. The Doctors' Plot 22 had no impact on her. My mother died in 1963. We buried her in the Jewish cemetery, next to Grandmother Gitlia.

My daughter went to school #101 in 1956. Though Yelena studied well, her teacher literally bullied her for nobody knew what reason. She was probably an anti-Semite. My wife and I were very wrong to not take our child to another school. We tried to talk to this teacher, but it didn't help. So our daughter suffered till she went to the fourth grade where they had different teachers and the situation improved, but this had its impact on her. In 1964 after finishing school she wanted to enter medical college, but I understood that being a Jew she had no chances there. I lectured part-time at the College of Food and Refrigeration Industry and decided to somehow help her to enter it. Though they knew me well in college and the rector knew me too, they had her flunk rudely at the exam. I went to the rector and made a scandal and then Lena [Yelena] took another exam and was admitted.

Though state anti-Semitism developed during the rule of Khrushchev 23, I held this man in high respect. He could be excused for many things for his denunciation of the cult at the Twentieth Party Congress 24. My wife and I often go to Moscow and visit her aunt Yekaterina Yampolskaya's grave in the Novodevichie cemetery [the Moscow cemetery where many famous Russians are buried]. And every time we go there we see fresh flowers on the grave of Khrushchev. On holidays and weekdays, in summer and winter people remember that he has done good. He released so many people. It's a different matter that he lacked education and culture.

I've never faced any anti-Semitism of a personal character. I am this kind of a person, who has had many friends and most of them were Russians. However, I did face it from state authorities. For example, in 1967, on the eve of the 50th anniversary of the Soviet power, the liqueur and vodka factory where I was working had to nominate two employees for the award of 'Honored Innovator of Ukraine'. There were two nominees: I and Ivan Dymchenko, a Ukrainian man. I had more innovative developments, but he was awarded the title and everybody knew why.

By the way, women appreciated one innovative proposal I made. There was a place for washing glass containers outside and women sitting by the conveyer in winter suffered from the cold a lot. I thought 'how do we warm them up?' And I figured we had to warm them up from beneath. We placed heaters so that they supplied heated air under their skirts and women stopped complaining about the cold in winter. For many years I consulted the liqueur and vodka factory in Varna, Bulgaria. They requested my approval of all technical issues. I provided numerous consultations to them, but I, a Jew and not a Party member, was never invited to the cruise ship to Varna on 9th September, the day of the liberation of Varna. Not one single time! Only in 1976, after a big scandal with the officials did I manage to travel to Bulgaria for two weeks.

In the 1960s and 1970s, during the Brezhnev 25 regime, there were numerous thefts at the liqueur and vodka factory. I was chief of the steam and power maintenance department at the factory. This was a responsible position and the department was often inspected by state authorities: power inspection, records inspection, maintenance, boiler, trade union audits, and sanitary inspection. We had to bribe all inspectors. They particularly came before holidays and each of them was to be given a bottle of alcohol or there would be problems. I went to the shop superintendents asking them for bottles of alcohol. Finally the director of the factory ordered them to supply the products to me for this purpose. But those people were stealing and had cars and dachas [summer houses], whereas I received a salary of 240 rubles. For additional earnings I worked part-time at the college starting in 1965, and did extra work preparing diploma theses and course theses for students. We bought our first TV set and furniture with the extra money I made this way.

My daughter Yelena finished college in 1969 and went to work as an engineer at the Avtogenmach plant where she worked for 25 years. In 1973 Yelena married Yefim Filurov. He is a hydraulic engineer. He worked as chief designer at the design office of the Yanvarskogo Vosstaniya plant developing hydraulic systems for unique load lifting cranes. They have no children. My daughter doesn't identify herself as a Jew. She is a believer, but she thinks that there is one God and there is one integral faith. She belongs to the Baptist community. There is a house in Odessa where she goes to pray.

In the 1980s regular meetings of veterans of the 68th Navy brigade began. In Odessa we keep in touch with Nadia Leschina who had raised the sailors in attack. In 1983 we took her to Matveyev Kurgan where Hill 101 used to be. A monument to the deceased land troopers of our brigade has been erected there. In the village of Kabardinskaya there is a museum dedicated to our brigade. We also traveled across the routes of our brigade in Lithuania and Belarus. These trips were organized by Party organs and administration of these areas as their propagandistic activities. Using the materials of these meetings and having worked with documents from archives I wrote a book about our brigade. At my request the veterans sent me their memorials. I realized there was nobody else to do this job and everything might have been forgotten. I need to give due to the Soviet times, saying that veterans were honored then. They were given awards annually on Victory Day 26 and other memorial dates.

In 1983, when I turned 60 [pension age], my colleagues in college and at the factory, relatives and veterans collected money and bought me a present: a camera and all accessories required for filmmaking. I even got angry then: who needs it? I had long forgotten the dream of my youth to become a script writer. Then I heard that the Odessa Palace of Students had formed a group of amateur filmmakers. My wife and I began to attend it. Our first experiments were successful and soon we began to shoot films regularly. We shot about 50 amateur films on different subjects: the history of Odessa, the story of our family, the Russian monuments of architecture. We were awarded prizes and diplomas at town and all-Union contests. Of course, I wouldn't have managed to accomplish this without my wife's help. She is a really creative person.

Nathalia worked at the department of organization of health care in the Medical College at first, but she found this job boring. She finished a course of rontgenologists and worked as a rontgenologist in the Jewish hospital, one of the oldest hospitals in town, built on the contributions of the Jewish community before the revolution, till she retired. She was a very good specialist, published her articles in the 'Rontgenology' magazine, but she didn't want to defend a thesis and remained a practicing doctor.

My wife and I were friends with Tolia Irbin, my schoolmate, for many years. During the war he was in intelligence. He worked as a servant in a cathedral in Finland collecting necessary information. After the war Tolia finished Kiev Pedagogical College and worked as head of the chief publishing house of political literature. We visited him in Kiev and he came to see us in Odessa. I regularly made reports about my scientific activities in the Imont society in the house of scientists. Imont is the abbreviation for Institute of Methodology, Education, Science and Technical Equipment. Its chairman was Igor Zelinskiy, a scientist, former rector of the university, and a respectable man. We were friends with him. My wife and I took part in all events organized by this institute.

I was satisfied with the results of perestroika 27. I personally don't criticize Gorbachev 28. I liked him. He was the youngest and most cultured and intelligent man of all Soviet leaders. I didn't feel ashamed when he represented our country abroad. His wife, Raisa Maximovna, held herself with dignity. Gorbachev did a great thing. He had the courage to do what nobody would dare to do. It is my opinion that the Soviet Union should have fallen apart a long time before. In my opinion Ukraine has to be independent. This is a rich country and it can manage by itself.

In the 1990s many of our friends moved to Israel, but neither my wife and I, nor our daughter or her husband, had any desire to emigrate. Besides, my daughter's friends wrote that they weren't doing very well there. Many of them still feel sorry that they have moved there. I think that the state of Israel was initially organized in a wrong way. The UN made this mistake. They shouldn't have created the state where the narrowest area is 16 kilometers wide. This strip can be fired through by a mortar. Israel was right to start fighting for land with Palestinians, because they cannot live like that.

There is no anti-Semitism, routinely or on state-level, as there used to be in the past. I know it. The Jewish life in Odessa is also very diverse. My interests are tied to the activities of Gemilut Hesed 29. There is a 'Front line brotherhood' group working there and I'm part of it. My wife and I go to concerts and often show our films there. We also receive charity assistance from Gemilut Hesed: monthly parcels and 30 hrivna once every quarter for medications. But the most important thing is that we can find our spiritual interests there. Nobody in our family can speak the Yiddish language and we've never observed Jewish traditions or celebrated Jewish holidays. I am an atheist and believe in human intelligence. I keep shooting amateur films. My wife and I are interested in all aspects of modern life: we read a lot and have many creative plans that we hope to carry out some day.

Glossary

1 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

2 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

3 Vorovskiy, Vatslav Vatslavovich (1871-1923)

a Soviet Party and state activist, publicist and one of the first Soviet diplomats. Grandson of a Polish noble man, son of a successful railway engineer, Vorovskiy was an intellectual rather than a typical Soviet revolutionary. In 1915 he emigrated to Sweden and was the representative of Soviet Russia in Scandinavia. Vorovskiy was killed in Lausanne, Switzerland, by a White officer; his death caused severance of all diplomatic relations between USSR and Switzerland for 25 years.

4 Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees

Graduate school in the Soviet Union (aspirantura, or ordinatura for medical students), which usually took about 3 years and resulted in a dissertation. Students who passed were awarded a 'kandidat nauk' (lit. candidate of sciences) degree. If a person wanted to proceed with his or her research, the next step would be to apply for a doctorate degree (doktarontura). To be awarded a doctorate degree, the person had to be involved in the academia, publish consistently, and write an original dissertation. In the end he/she would be awarded a 'doctor nauk' (lit. doctor of sciences) degree.

5 Froebel Institute

F. W. A. Froebel (1783-1852), German educational theorist, developed the idea of raising children in kindergartens. In Russia the Froebel training institutions functioned from 1872-1917 The three-year training was intended for tutors of children in families and kindergartens.

6 School #

Schools had numbers and not names. It was part of the policy of the state. They were all state schools and were all supposed to be identical.

7 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

8 Dzerzhinskiy, Felix (1876-1926)

Polish communist and head of the Soviet secret police. After the Revolution of 1917 he was appointed by Lenin to organise a force to combat internal political threats, and he set up the Cheka, the Bolshevik secret police. Lenin gave the organization huge powers to combat the opposition during the Russian Civil War. At the end of the Civil War, the Cheka was changed into the GPU (State Political Directorate) a section of the NKVD, but this did not diminish Dzerzhinskiy's power: from 1921-24 he was Minister of Interior, head of the Cheka and later the KGB, Minister for Communications and head of the Russian Council of National Economy.

9 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

10 Annexation of Eastern Poland

According to a secret clause in the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact defining Soviet and German territorial spheres of influence in Eastern Europe, the Soviet Union occupied Eastern Poland in September 1939. In early November the newly annexed lands were divided up between the Ukrainian and the Belarusian Soviet Republics.

11 Moldova

Historic region between the Eastern Carpathians, the Dniester River and the Black Sea, also a contemporary state, bordering with Romania and Ukraine. Moldova was first mentioned after the end of the Mongol invasion in 14th century scripts as Eastern marquisate of the Hungarian Kingdom. For a long time, the Principality of Moldova was tributary of either Poland or Hungary until the Ottoman Empire took possession of it in 1512. The Sultans ruled Moldova indirectly by appointing the Prince of Moldova to govern the vassal principality. These were Moldovan boyars until the early 18th century and Greek (Phanariot) ones after. In 1812 Tsar Alexander I occupied the eastern part of Moldova (between the Prut and the Dniester river and the Black Sea) and attached it to its Empire under the name of Bessarabia. In 1859 the remaining part of Moldova merged with Wallachia. In 1862 the new country was called Romania, which was finally internationally recognized at the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. Bessarabia united with Romania after World War I, and was recaptured by the Soviet Union in 1940. The Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic gained independence after the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and is now called Moldovan Republic (Republica Moldova).

12 Soviet-Finnish War (1939-40)

The Soviet Union attacked Finland on 30 November 1939 to seize the Karelian Isthmus. The Red Army was halted at the so-called Mannengeim line. The League of Nations expelled the USSR from its ranks. In February-March 1940 the Red Army broke through the Mannengeim line and reached Vyborg. In March 1940 a peace treaty was signed in Moscow, by which the Karelian Isthmus, and some other areas, became part of the Soviet Union.

13 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

14 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

15 Lermontov, Mikhail, (1814-1841)

Russian poet and novelist. His poetic reputation, second in Russia only to Pushkin's, rests upon the lyric and narrative works of his last five years. Lermontov, who had sought a position in fashionable society, became enormously critical of it. His novel, A Hero of Our Time (1840), is partly autobiographical. It consists of five tales about Pechorin, a disenchanted and bored nobleman. The novel is considered a classic of Russian psychological realism.

16 Order of the Combat Red Banner

Established in 1924, it was awarded for bravery and courage in the defense of the Homeland.

17 Vlasov military

Members of the voluntary military formations of former Russian prisoners of war that fought on the German side during World War II. They were led by the former Soviet general, A. Vlasov, hence their name.

18 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

19 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

20 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

21 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

22 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

23 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

24 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

25 Brezhnev, Leonid, Ilyich (1906-82) Soviet leader

He joined the Communist Party in 1931 and rose steadily in its hierarchy, becoming a secretary of the party's central committee in 1952. In 1957, as protégé of Khrushchev, he became a member of the presidium (later politburo) of the central committee. He was chairman of the presidium of the Supreme Soviet, or titular head of state. Following Khrushchev's fall from power in 1964, which Brezhnev helped to engineer, he was named first secretary of the Communist Party. Although sharing power with Kosygin, Brezhnev emerged as the chief figure in Soviet politics. In 1968, in support of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, he enunciated the 'Brezhnev doctrine,' asserting that the USSR could intervene in the domestic affairs of any Soviet bloc nation if communist rule was threatened. While maintaining a tight rein in Eastern Europe, he favored closer relations with the Western powers, and he helped bring about a détente with the United States. In 1977 he assumed the presidency of the USSR. Under Gorbachev, Brezhnev's regime was criticized for its corruption and failed economic policies.

26 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

27 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

28 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

29 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

Leonid Rozenfeld

Leonid Rozenfeld
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: June 2003

Leonid Rozenfeld lives in a nice two-bedroom apartment in a house built in the 1980s in the elite Pechersk district of Kiev. There is nice furniture, crockery and carpets in the apartment. The Rozenfelds bought these things when they were still working. Leonid makes the impression of a nervous person. One can hardly call him a sociable and easy-going man. He is a bit grumpy and repetitious. Every now and then he goes to the kitchen to ask his wife's advice about something in his story that arises his doubt. His wife is a very reserved and calm woman. One can tell that she is the head of the family.

My parents' families came from Boguslav, a small town in Kiev region, 120 kilometers from Kiev. This town, located on the picturesque banks of the Ros' River, is very beautiful. The Ros' River flows between the steep rocky banks. The town is especially beautiful in spring when it buries itself in the verdure of blooming white and pink gardens. The population of Boguslav in the early 19th century was about 10,000 people, the majority of whom were Jews. Jews lived in the central part of the town; they were mostly involved in crafts and commerce. There were shoemakers, tailors, joiners, carpenters, glasscutters, clock repairers and bakers. Ukrainians were farmers living in the suburbs and neighboring villages. Two or three times a week there was a market in the central square of Boguslav where farmers brought their products. The biggest market was on Sunday. Farmers sold poultry, dairy products, vegetables and potatoes. There were shops owned by local Jewish craftsmen who sold household goods, tools and haberdashery. There was a Christian church in the central square; this church is still there. The synagogue was closed in the middle of the 1920s during the struggle against religion 1. It became a normal house.

My mother's parents died long before I was born. My mother told me little about them. All I know is that my grandfather's name was Asriel Ozerianski and my grandmother's was Gita Ozerianskaya. I don't know her maiden name. They were born in Boguslav in the 1860s. I don't know what my grandfather did for a living, but they must have been wealthy since they provided education for all their numerous children. My grandfather and grandmother observed Jewish traditions. I have a photo from a visit to their relatives in Kiev on which they are dressed according to the Jewish requirements. My grandfather had a beard and wore a cap that was a little bigger than a kippah and my grandmother had a kerchief. I'm sure they were religious Jews and observed Jewish holidays. Anyway, that's only my best guess since my mother didn't like talking about her family. My grandparents died shortly before the [Russian] Revolution of 1917 2. They had many children, but I knew only three of them. The rest either died before I was born or moved abroad. I have a dim memory of Uncle Meishe Ozerianski, my mother's older brother who visited us occasionally. I know that he was married, but I don't know how he earned his living. My uncle died long before the Great Patriotic War 3.

We were very close with Aunt Etl Kozlova, nee Ozerianskaya, and Uncle Nuchim Ozerianski, my mother's younger brother who was called Hema in the family. Etl was older than my mother. She was born around 1890, finished a grammar school in Boguslav and got married. In the middle of the 1930s Aunt Etl, her husband and two sons, Yenia and Michael, moved to Kiev to be closer to us. During the Great Patriotic War, Yenia was at the front in Russia and Ukraine, and became a lecturer at the Irkutsk Military College after the war. After demobilization from the army he settled down in Kramatorsk with his wife. Michael stayed in Cheliabinsk where he lived the rest of his life. After the war Aunt Etl and her husband moved to Kherson. Aunt Etl wasn't religious, but in her family they observed all Jewish holidays paying tribute to traditions. Etl died in the early 1950s. Her sons died a long time ago, too.

Uncle Nuchim Ozerianski, born in 1900, lived in Boguslav and worked in commerce. Shortly before the Great Patriotic War he bought a house for his savings where he lived with his wife and two daughters, Gita and Manya. Gita was born in 1921 and was named after her grandmother and Manya was born in 1924. She was the same age as I. Nuchim's family wasn't religious. I liked to visit Uncle Nuchim and his daughters were my friends. We went to the cinema and discotheque together.

My mother Dora Ozerianskaya was born in 1893. The Jewish name she received at birth was Genia-Dvoira. My mother studied with teachers at home and then finished a grammar school in Boguslav. She studied well. She also learned to play the piano. I have no information about my mother's life before she met my father. All I know is that after she finished grammar school her parents sent her to Kiev where she studied at a private dentistry school and after finishing it she received a dentist license. Shortly after she returned to Boguslav, Grandfather Asriel and Grandmother Gita passed away. Then the Revolution took place in 1917 which lead to the Civil War 4 causing all horrors associated with this period: gangs 5 and pogroms 6 from which Jews had to hide in basements and attics. My mother met my father then. He was chief of the Jewish self-defense movement 7.

My paternal grandfather Michel Rozenfeld, born in 1852, owned a store in Boguslav. I don't know what he was selling, but it was a big store. He had a few employees. My grandfather had a house of his own. Once, when we were going for a walk in the town, my parents showed this house to me. I know that my grandfather went to cheder. I don't know whether he continued his education. He was an intelligent man. He read and recited verses well and did his own accounting in the store. He had a solid Jewish education. I remember that he had many Jewish books. He could read in Hebrew. He read the Torah and the Talmud. Before the Revolution of 1917 my grandfather was very religious. He wore a kippah and a big thick beard. In his family they observed all Jewish traditions, followed the kashrut, celebrated Sabbath and the Jewish holidays. My grandfather didn't work on Saturday.

After the Revolution my grandfather must have been under the influence of my father, who was his oldest son. My grandfather shaved his beard and only wore a moustache for some time. Later he grew a small beard. He wore a kippah at home and when he went to the synagogue. He sort of concealed his religiosity from the surrounding people. At home he continued to observe all traditions and holidays. My grandfather didn't work after the Revolution. I guess the Soviet power expropriated his store and house, at least I know that he didn't have a house after the Revolution. My grandfather and grandmother lived in a small room in the synagogue. In 1927 the synagogue was closed. My grandparents and our family settled down on the second floor of the former synagogue.

Grandmother Menie, born in the 1860s, was younger than my grandfather. I don't remember her maiden name. She was a housewife. I don't know how many brothers or sisters my grandfather and grandmother had. My father told me that during pogroms during the Civil War his two uncles and his aunt and her children perished, but I don't know whether they were my grandfather or my grandmother's brothers and sister. I knew my father's brothers and sister. My father had five brothers: Shymon, Alexandr, Yankel, David and Michael. His sister's name was Ania. The boys studied in cheder and were raised religiously, but they got under the influence of revolutionary ideas and became atheists.

Shymon Rozenfeld was born around 1893. After the Revolution he worked in commerce and in the middle of the 1930s he moved to Kiev with his family. My father helped him to get a job as the director of the canteen at the vocational school where my father worked. When the Great Patriotic War began Shymon joined the Territorial army [see fighting battalion] 8. He perished either during the defense of Kiev or in the city occupied by Germans. His wife Vera and daughter Ania evacuated to Astrakhan where they lived throughout the war. Ania lives in Kiev now. She is the only one of my cousins still alive.

The next child was Alexandr Rozenfeld, born in 1895/6. We called him Uncle Sasha. I don't know his Jewish name. He finished financial college in Rostov and worked there as chief of the financial department. Alexandr was arrested in 1938 and perished in Stalin's prisons [during the Great Terror] 9. In the middle of the 1950s his wife Tamara received documents about the posthumous rehabilitation 10 of her husband.

My uncle Yankel Rozenfeld, born in 1898, was closest to me. He finished a Jewish elementary school and this was all the education he got. He worked at a store during the Soviet regime. He lived in Boguslav with his wife Sarra and two children: Rachil - we called her Chilia - and Naum, whom we called Nyuma. Rachil died of a heart disease at the age of 16. Naum and I were friends and I often visited them in Boguslav.

Uncle David Rozenfeld was born around 1900. He received a higher education and lived his life in Moscow. He held high official posts. At the end of his career he was the capital construction manager at the Ministry of Transport of the USSR. David died in 1970. He had three children: Alla, Ania and Mark. Alla died recently and Ania and Mark live in Moscow with their families.

The youngest brother Michael Rozenfeld was born around 1903. I don't know where exactly he studied. He lived and worked in Rostov. He was the art director and producer of Rostov Drama Theater and in his last years became its director. Michael was a very sociable man. I met him on my way home from Middle Asia after demobilization in 1945. I stayed with him in Rostov for a few days. Uncle Michael died in 1961. His daughter Sophia, who was the director of a kindergarten in Rostov for many years, emigrated to the US with her daughter in the 1970s and we lost contact with her.

My father's sister Ania was born in 1905. She had the last name of Sychevskaya in her marriage. Her husband left her and my father took her and her son Mitia to Kiev in the 1930s. Aunt Ania died shortly before the war. Her son Mitia was recruited to the army. He went to the front and returned to Kiev after the war, got married and had children. Mitia passed away in 1980.

My father was born in 1891; his Jewish name was Mordko. After the Revolution he changed his name to the more common name 11 of Mark. After finishing cheder my father studied in a Jewish elementary school and then finished a secondary school for boys [a so-called Realschule] 12. He was good at music, learned to play the violin and dreamed of becoming a musician. After finishing school my father went to Astrakhan, where the cousin of my grandmother's sister lived, and entered the Conservatory.

Then World War I began. My father was on vacation in Boguslav and from there he was recruited to the army. His unit stayed in Boguslav, then they went to the front and returned to Boguslav for training. My father was promoted to the rank of ensign in the tsarist army. My father had many friends among the young officers. When they were in the rear they had a good time knowing that soon they were to go to the front. My father also served in a military unit near Chernigov. He was an enlightened young man for his time. After the Revolution of 1917, when propaganda of revolutionary ideas began in the tsarist army, he joined the Red army. My father struggled against the gang of ataman Zeleniy [the so-called Greens] 13 and Denikin 14 troops in Kiev and was at the front.

In early 1919 my father was sent to Boguslav where the power switched from one unit to another. There were gangs and pogroms and the Jewish population was on the verge of extermination, hiding in cellars and basements. My father's uncles and aunt and their families perished. Many other citizens of the town fell victim to the pogrom makers. My father spoke at a gathering to the young Jewish people appealing to them to organize a self-defense unit to struggle against the bandits. There were about 600 people in their units. They had 250 rifles, two automatic guns, bombs and grenades. I have no idea where they managed to get these weapons. The unit raided nearby villages and towns fighting the bandits. Boguslav became a center of self-defense in Kanev district, Kiev region. The local population sympathized with them and supported them with food and accommodation. They struggled for three years. At the third anniversary of their fighting unit my father made an ardent speech expressing his appreciation of their bravery. In summer 1923 the fighting unit of Boguslav was dismissed since there were no bandits left in the country and the country and its people were starting peaceful reconstruction work.

My father was already married by that time. My parents got married in 1920. They didn't have a traditional Jewish wedding since my father was devoted to communist ideas and rejected any Jewish rules or traditions. After finishing secondary school, my father graduated from the Higher Party School 15 in Kiev in 1920. He became the director of the power plant in Boguslav, was elected deputy of the town council more than once and was a well-known person in the town.

My older brother Israel was born in 1921. He was called Izia in the family. I followed on 27th May 1924. I was called Lyolia in the family and I still like it when close people call me so. It reminds me of my childhood. My memories date back to when I was four years old. Our family lodged in two rooms, the two other rooms belonged to my paternal grandparents'. Uncle Shymon and Uncle Yankel's families lived on the first floor. I have dim memories of this period of my life. I remember that my father went to work early in the morning and returned home late in the evening when I was already asleep. My mother was a housewife. Grandfather Michel spent a lot of time with us. He read us fairy tales and told us biblical stories. He prayed in his room every day with his tallit and tefillin on his hand and head. He insisted on observing the Jewish holidays, even though our father was against them. My grandfather invited us to his part of the house.

I remember Chanukkah when all the children - I, Naum and Rachil - sat at the table wearing our fancy clothes. We were given sweets and money. Every evening my grandfather lit another candle on the special candle stand [the chanukkiyah]. There were potato pancakes and delicious doughnuts on the table. There must have been other holidays, but I don't remember them. In 1929 my grandfather fell ill with cancer. He got worse and worse. He died in spring 1930. He was buried in accordance with Jewish traditions: grandfather was lying on the floor wrapped in a shroud and women were crying over him with their clothes torn. Men recited memorial prayers. I didn't go to the funeral, but later I was told that grandfather was taken to the cemetery on a barrow and buried in a semi-recumbent position. My grandmother continued living with us helping my mother about the house and playing with us, her grandchildren.

In early 1931 my father got a job offer to the Arsenal plant in Kiev - a military tool manufacturing plant. My father received two rooms in a communal apartment 16 in a two-storied building in Ulianov Street in the center of Kiev. The building was painted pale yellow. One of the rooms was a 30 square meters and the other one was smaller, about 15 square meters. My brother and I had our beds and a desk in the smaller room and our parents lived in the bigger room where they had their nickel-plated beds, a big dinner table covered with a velvet tablecloth, a wardrobe and a beautifully carved cupboard. There was a common kitchen. Another family lived in this apartment. I don't remember them well, but I do remember that there were no conflicts. Each family had a table with a Primus stove on it in the kitchen. There was running water and a toilet in the kitchen. There was no bathroom and my father, my brother and I went to the nearby sauna.

In this same year, in 1931, I started school. My parents spoke Yiddish with each other and Russian with us. There was a Ukrainian school near our house and my brother and I went there. I didn't have any problems with my studies since back in Boguslav, Grandfather Michel had taught me to read in Russian and Ukrainian. On summer vacation my mother and I went to Boguslav. Usually we stayed at Uncle Yankel's during the holidays. I spent that summer with my cousin Nuchim. We became friends. In fall 1932 the famine 17 began. We didn't suffer as much as other people. Since my father worked at one of the biggest plants, he received food packages. He had meals in the canteen at the plant. Of course, there was a strict distribution of food in our family, but we didn't starve. A few times I saw people dying in the streets. They were swollen from hunger. In the morning a truck picked up the dead bodies to transport them to the cemetery.

By the summer of 1934 life improved a little, and in fall that year, after the harvest, food products were supplied to stores: there were cereals and bread deliveries. My father got another job. He became deputy director of a training school at the machine building plant. In 1939 this school was given the status of a vocational school. My mother worked at the medical unit of this school housed in a separate building. It was like an independent clinic. Soon my father helped other relatives to move to Kiev: Uncle Shymon became the director of the school canteen, as I've mentioned before. Aunt Ania and Mitia also moved to Kiev. Our relatives often visited us and we went to see them, too.

We celebrated 1st May, October Revolution Day 18 and birthdays. I liked visiting Aunt Ania. She lived in Krasnoarmeyskaya Street in the center of the city. There were parades moving along her street on holidays and we could watch them from her balcony. In the evening we watched fireworks. I cannot remember any family gatherings to celebrate Jewish holidays. My parents' friends were Jews in their majority; they often came to visit us. Most of my parents' colleagues were Jews. My father got along well with Russians and Ukrainians, but he had no friends among them. My father's colleagues often came to celebrate holidays with us. They brought sausage, cheese, vegetables, fruit and lemonade and the women laid the table. They had fun and enjoyed these parties. I don't remember anybody getting drunk. My father loved music and sang beautifully. He was the life and soul of the parties. He sang Jewish and Ukrainian songs and Russian ballads. They also danced to music from our record player. Life was interesting and full of joy.

In the evening our father often took us to Proletarski Garden on the slopes of the Dnieper. There was an open-air stage called Zelyony [Green] Theater where a symphonic orchestra played every evening and on Sunday. Many Kievites remember those prewar evenings in the park with an orchestra playing. I liked theaters, too. My favorite was the opera. Time flew. My older brother went to study at a special artillery school after finishing secondary school. I became a pioneer at school. I was fond of photography. My father gave me a camera on my birthday and I became a photo correspondent for our school newspaper. Besides, I went in for sports: cycling, skiing and gymnastics. My prewar school years were bright and beautiful years of my youth.

In 1937-1938, during the period of arrests of numerous 'enemies of the people' 19, we couldn't understand where so many 'enemies' came from, but we believed everything that newspapers published and radio broadcast. We sincerely believed there were many enemies of communism and they had to be exterminated. My relatives didn't tell me that my uncle Alexandr was arrested and disappeared in Stalin's prisons. My parents never discussed these subjects with us. When I asked my father where all those enemies of the Soviet power came from, he kept silent.

We knew about fascism from newspapers and films. We knew that Hitler strained himself to seize power. We watched the film Professor Mamlock 20, which described Hitler's attitude towards Jews. We realized we were on the verge of war. Even though the Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact 21 was signed we couldn't help seeing that the country was preparing for war. There were military training sessions: test air raids or men gathering for military training terms. After finishing artillery school my brother Israel went to study at Kiev Artillery College from where he graduated in 1940. He got an assignment to serve in Western Ukraine. He served in Rovno and Lvov. He visited us for the last time in spring 1941.

In June 1941 I finished the 9th grade and was planning to spend my summer vacations in Boguslav. At 5am on 22nd June we heard the roar of planes and explosions. We ran outside and so did our neighbors. There were no planes in the sky and we returned home. The roar came from another part of Kiev and we decided this was some kind of military training. At 12 o'clock we heard Molotov's 22 speech on the radio. He announced that the war had begun. Germany was attacking our country. On the next day I ran to school. There was a hospital set up there. Beds were put into the classrooms and hallways and there were people in white gowns running to and fro with their faces expressing concern. All medical personnel was subject to military service and my mother was recruited by a subpoena from the military registry office on 25th June. On that same day she was sent to a front line hospital. My father was very busy preparing his school for evacuation. In early July 1941 he sent me to Boguslav. I stayed in Boguslav for about ten days.

In the middle of July teenage boys who were of under recruitment age were lined up at the order of the military registry office to march to Donetsk. The government needed recruits for the future. Naum and I said goodby to our family and joined the others for the march. We walked about 200 kilometers, as far as Kryukovo near Poltava. There was an air raid and German troops landed nearby. Our commanding officers ordered us to spread in the area hoping that it would be easier for us to survive if we separated. We already had an understanding what a war was like. There were people killed or wounded around us.

Naum and I decided to move in the direction of Chuguyev where our aunt lived. We walked several days. Sometimes we got a ride on a horse-drawn cart or a truck. We also boarded a train. We came to Kharkov dirty and hungry with our clothes torn. On the first day there I saw a young man wearing the uniform of a student of a vocational school with the abbreviation '1KRU', first Kiev vocational school, on his tab. This abbreviation stood for the school where my father worked. I stopped that boy and he told me that their vocational school along with my father had been evacuated to Kharkov. This boy took us to my father. We were so happy to see him.

Naum went to see his aunt in Chuguyev hoping to hear from her what had happened to his parents. On the next day my mother found us in the same way as I had found my father. Her hospital moved via Kharkov and she also saw a boy whose uniform indicated that he was a student of my father's school. On that same day the director of the hospital released my mother. She was almost 50 and he felt sorry for her. Kharkov military registry school sent my mother to Novosibirsk hospital behind the Ural. My mother and I left a few days later. We headed to Frunze where my mother's brother Nuchim was. We went on a passenger train. The trip was long since the train often stopped for a long while to let military trains pass.

We went to Novosibirsk and my father went to the town of Molotov [Penza at present] with his school. In Novosibirsk my mother got an assignment to the face injuries and stomatology hospital in Frunze. By late summer 1941 my mother and I arrived at Frunze [Kazakhstan], which was 3,000 kilometers from Kiev. We stayed with my mother's brother Nuchim who rented a room from a local family in Voroshylovka settlement in the suburb of Frunze. He was there with his wife Sarra and their daughters.

Frunze was a big town, but only in the center it had bigger multi- storied houses. There were small private pise-walled houses in Voroshylovka. Nuchim's family lived in a big room in one of those houses. There were no comforts in the house. There was a summer kitchen outside. My mother and I lodged in this room. My mother worked in the hospital and I went to the 10th grade at a local school, about three kilometers from where we lived in Lebedinka settlement. There were many other evacuated children at school. There were Jews among them. We got along well with the local children. I joined the Komsomol 23 in the 10th grade. We all wanted to become Komsomol members to be of use to our motherland. There was a ceremony in the conference room where we received our Komsomol membership cards.

In winter 1941 my father came from Molotov. His vocational school was dismissed. My father became the director of the garment factory evacuated from Kharkov. My mother spent days and nights in the hospital. She wanted to work as much as possible to distract herself from the big sorrow that fell upon us: in August 1941 my brother Israel disappeared. We received a notification about this in late December 1941. In spring 1942 I was recruited to the army. At that time my father received a two-bedroom apartment, but I didn't live one single day in it.

After two-month training in a military unit I was sent to the military infantry school in Frunze. I studied very well and was promoted to first sergeant. We were supposed to study six months, but a month before graduation we were demobilized to the army. We were sent to the vicinity of Bryansk near Sukhinichi [Russia], 1,500 kilometers from Frunze. I remember our train stopped in a field. We got off the train and marched to our military unit. We were distributed to various units. I was sent to rifle regiment 407 of the Central Front [it was later renamed Bryanski and then 1st Belarusian Front].

I became first sergeant in a rifle company. We were ambushed in our first battle. Our unit moved to the area where no German troops were left when all of a sudden we got under fire of German troopers hiding in the woods. My comrade cadet Sasha Andronnikov was wounded in his throat. He shouted something and died in my arms. Many of our military men were wounded or killed. We began to fire back and the fascists retreated. This first battle is still vivid in my memory. There were many more that were also terrible, but this one was the most horrific.

I wasn't a coward and was always among the first attackers. We drank one hundred milliliters of vodka before action on a battlefield and called it a 'frontline shot'. It inspired a feeling of courage. I must say here that bullets or bombs hit those that gave in to their fear. Sometime I was appointed commanding officer of a machine gun platoon and then I received the rank of junior lieutenant.

In late June 1943 we were moved to the vicinity of Orel [Russia] where our units were in defense in-depth near Kursk. Our commandment knew that the fascists were preparing for a massive attack and gathered the best units in this area. There were four defense lines. Our unit was in the second defense line. On 5th July operation 'Citadel' began. It is known as the Kursk battle 24. I participated in this battle. Fascists bombed our positions for several days. It was a non-stop bombing. They broke through our first defense line, but then our second line rose. My rifle unit was there, too. The Germans had their tanks moving ahead of the infantry, but we cut them off with aimed fire. We had lots of casualties, but we went into attack. This battle was a turning point in the Great Patriotic War. After this battle our army went into attack along the whole front line.

I wrote to my parents and Uncle David in Moscow every day. I knew how sad my mother's condition was after Israel perished. My uncle David received letters sooner than my parents did. Sometimes he resent my letters to my parents in Frunze. My parents wrote that Grandmother Menie, who was in evacuation with her cousin in Astrakhan, had died. I also knew that my uncle Yankel, my father's brother, his wife and their son Naum were evacuated to Frunze. My father helped them to find a job and lodging. My mother described their life in evacuation. I didn't write her that I took part in military action just for the sake of her peace of mind.

In September 1943 I joined the Communist Party. At the frontline the candidateship term was reduced to three months. I obtained recommendations from the commanding officer of our company and the political chief. In November I was sent to a military school in the town of Shuya near Moscow. There was a group of young people with secondary education and knowledge of German. This school in Shuya trained specialists of propaganda in the army of the enemy, but when we arrived at Shuya it turned out this school had been disbanded. We were sent back.

During my absence a bomb had hit the earth house of my platoon. My comrades perished. I was overwhelmed with the feeling of guilt, although it wasn't my fault. Our division was liberating Belarus at that time. After we returned our group was called to the army headquarters where we took a course of training. We were taught slogans to agitate against the war to convince fascists to drop their weapons and yield into captivity. German captives were teaching us. There were a few Jews in our group. They spoke Yiddish, which is close to German, and it was easier for them to learn and understand German. I still remember the slogans we shouted, 'Attention! Attention! German soldiers! Save your souls and go back to your families...! The Soviet troops crossed the Dnieper and liberated Dnepropetrovsk, Dneprodzerzhinsk, etc.' There was a ski battalion formed in our unit. I was good at skiing and was a member of this group. Other guys were mainly former partisans that were professional military. Before a battle we put on our camouflage cloaks. I sat in a trench on the very front shouting slogans in German. Then I went back to my unit to participate in action. I can't remember any fascists yielding into captivity in our area, but I think those slogans helped to break the morale spirit of our enemy.

In February 1944 after defense in depth we proceeded attacking. I was the commanding officer of a platoon in our ski battalion. We were ordered to settle down in Bykhov [Russia] double track station on 23rd February 1944, Soviet Army Day 25, where there were many trains with German military equipment. We proceeded into the rear of the enemy at night with our camouflage cloaks on. We covered almost 40 kilometers that night dragging our machine guns. We got stationed at the station without a single shot and began to wait for the rest of our units to join us. They were supposed to join us in the afternoon of 23rd February, but they weren't there on the 23, or the 24 or the following days.

The Germans in the end understood that there were actually only a few of us there. They started bombarding us from an armored train and bombers. What an ordeal that was! We suffered losses and there were hardly any of our troopers left. We kept the fascists back for ten days. On the tenth day other units arrived. When we got the order to retreat, a mine exploded at our commandment point. The commanding officer of the battalion was severely wounded and the deputy commander, major Zhys, a Jew, was killed. A splinter of a mine injured my jaw. I was taken to a field hospital where I stayed for two days. I needed surgery since my lower jaw was shattered, I lost all teeth, and, besides, I was slightly wounded in my stomach.

I was taken to hospitals in Bryansk and Penza where I had a surgery. After the surgery I was sent to a rear hospital in Novosibirsk and from there I went to the hospital in Frunze where my mother worked. She knew about my injury, but she didn't expect that I would come to Frunze. My mother wasn't at work when I arrived. I stayed there a few days until a medical nurse found my parents at my request. My father, mother, uncle Nuchim and Yankel's families came to the hospital immediately. They were so happy that I had survived and wasn't to go back to the front. I had complications - inflammation of marrow - and stayed in hospital for almost ten months.

After the war Yankel and his wife returned to Boguslav where Yankel continued to work in the trade business. He died in 1969. Naum went to Moscow where my father's younger brother David worked in the Ministry of Transport. Naum finished transport college and held official posts with the Moscow metro. Naum, as they said, 'was burning at work'. He died of an infarction in the early 1970s. He was single. After the war Nuchim's family returned to Boguslav. In 1947 they sold their house and moved to Kiev. Nuchim died in 1948. Gita and Manya died in the middle of the 1980s. They were single and lived their life together. They worked at a factory.

After Kiev was liberated in November 1944 my father tried to obtain permission for himself and my mother to return to Kiev for almost a year. He finally managed to obtain such a permission from the Ministry of Light Industry. After I recovered I was acknowledged to be fit for military service with some limitations. I was sent to a military unit in the town of Termez in Middle Asia [today Uzbekistan] and later I was transferred to Krasnovodsk near Ashgabad [today Turkmenistan]. I was commanding officer of a training platoon of the mountain skiing rifle battalion. This was probably the happiest time in my life. Although an invalid, I survived and could enjoy the beauty of snow-topped mountains and I liked mountain skiing.

In July 1946 I was demobilized and sent to Kiev military regiment. My parents looked forward to my coming back. They failed to get back our apartment. Some other tenants lived there. According to the law war veterans could have their prewar dwelling returned to them. When I arrived we managed to move into a smaller room. A partial was installed in the bigger room. My parents and those other tenants shared this room.

My father was the director of a construction trust for several years. After he retired he went to work at the trade union committee of the motorcycle plant. In 1960 my father fell ill with cancer. He died in 1961. My mother continued working as a dentist for some time. In 1950 she retired and was a housewife. She died in 1975.

In 1946 I became a 3rd-year student at construction college. After finishing it I entered the All-Union Extramural Engineering Construction College. There was an affiliate in Kiev. I worked as a foreman at a construction site and attended classes after work.

I had friends at the Construction College. We got together to celebrate holidays: 1st May, October Revolution Day and New Year's. At the New Year's party in 1949 I met Maria Lenkova, a Jewish girl. I liked Maria very much. She was a student of the Faculty of Geography of Kiev State University. She was born in Boguslav in 1928. We went for walks, to the cinema and theater together. Proletarski Park was renamed Pervomayski, there were brass and symphonic orchestras playing in the park.

I met Maria's mother Esther. She was a simple Jewish woman. She spoke Yiddish, but she wasn't religious. Maria's father, whose name I don't remember, had passed away. Maria's older sister Inna married a Jewish man before the war. He was a tailor. His last name was Tabachnik. They didn't have any children. Inna finished Kiev Pedagogical College and worked as a biology teacher in a secondary school. During the Great Patriotic War they were in evacuation in the Ural. Maria and I got married two years after we met, in 1951, before Maria's graduation. We had a wedding party in a restaurant. We didn't have a Jewish wedding. There were many guests: our relatives and friends. We didn't observe any Jewish traditions.

I worked in construction and studied. My first construction was in Mechnikova Street where we built huge apartment houses for construction workers. Later I was involved in the construction of Kiev Prosthetic Plant. After finishing college I went to work at a Design Institute called Ukrgiprotorg: it was responsible for the design and construction of trade agencies all over the country. I started my career as a technician there and was promoted to chief project engineer. I worked there for 50 years.

Upon graduation from university Maria got a [mandatory job] assignment 26 and went to work as a teacher of geography in a small village in Zhytomyr region. In a few months I made some arrangements to obtain a release for her and she came to Kiev. We lived in Maria's apartment in Saksaganskogo Street in the center of the city. Maria's mother and sister and her husband also lived in this apartment. Maria couldn't find a job for a long time. This was the period of the campaign against cosmopolitans 27 when Jews couldn't get a job or keep their previous employment. We were lucky in our institute. Our director Vassili Lukianchenko, a Ukrainian man, was very positive about having Jewish employees. He didn't care about nationality, but valued performance and personality. Many Jews were promoted in our institute, but such attitude was rare in those years.

Maria didn't work for several years. In 1952 our daughter Rina was born. Maria went back to work in 1955, two years after Stalin died and when state anti-Semitism mitigated. We didn't think that Stalin was to blame for the many misfortunes of our people. When he died I took it as a personal loss. Millions of Soviet people asked themselves, 'How are we going to live without him?' However, life went on and after the revelatory speech of Khrushchev 28 at the Twentieth Party Congress 29, 'The cult of Stalin and its consequences', we believed in the triumph of truth and humanity.

Unfortunately my marriage failed. Maria worked as a secretary at school and then, when she became a class tutor, she spent too much time at work forgetting that she had a husband and a daughter at home. We weren't hungry, of course. My mother-in-law cooked and served dinners for us, but I didn't like this situation at all. I didn't like visiting friends and going to celebrations alone. Maria spent all holidays at school. I went to theaters and cinemas with my former fellow students. We also went on tours together. Only once my wife, my daughter and I went on vacation to the Crimea or Caucasus together.

I understood that I had to change my life and find a woman that would dedicate her life to me rather than her work, but I just adored my daughter and couldn't stand the thought of leaving her while she was small and needed me. I created all conditions for her to have a happy and carefree childhood, but Rina understood that I lived with her mother only for her sake. Even when we received a new apartment from my institute Maria didn't want to spend time making it a cozy home. I could get a plot of land for a dacha, but my wife said she didn't want it. On weekends my friends worked in their gardens and built small cozy huts. My daughter and I visited them, but my wife couldn't care less. She was only interested in spending time with her schoolchildren.

My daughter finished secondary school and a higher music college where she learned to play the violin. She married Alexandr Buriakovski, a nice Jewish man. They met at their friends' party. They began to live in our apartment. At that time I became friends with my colleague Natalia Berzler. Natalia was born to a Jewish family in Minsk in 1933. During the war she was in evacuation in Cheliabinsk. After the war she finished Kiev Polytechnic Institute and worked in our institute. I always liked her. She is sociable and cheerful. I left my wife for Natalia in 1974, when my daughter turned 22. In the same year Rina's daughter Ilona was born.

Natalia and I had a civil wedding ceremony. We've been together privately and professionally for almost 30 years. I'm very happy with her. My second wife got along well with Rina. Rina couldn't find a job as a music teacher in the first years after my granddaughter was born. I supported her with money until she got a job as a teacher in a kindergarten.

My daughter was under the influence of her husband who became very fond of the idea of emigrating to Israel. I refused to sign her permission to leave. I told her I wouldn't allow her to leave. It wasn't because I didn't like Israel or something. Although I was very happy that Jewish people had their own country, I believed that it wasn't for my daughter to leave. I was a product of the Soviet epoch and Soviet time and couldn't imagine living in a different country. My daughter couldn't leave without my permission, even if she was married and had her own family. It was mandatory that she had my written permission validated by a notary stating that I released her from her duty to support me at my old age or in case of my illness. This was a legal requirement, but I wasn't giving it to her for almost a year.

She began writing anonymous letters to my workplace and letters of complaint to the party organizations. We became enemies with her. I could never imagine that my sweet girl, whom I loved dearly, could shout abusive words into my face hurting my wife and me. My director called me to his office. Our human resource manager and the secretary of our party organization were in his office. They convinced me to sign this permission of leave for her. Rina and Maria left in 1980. I was invited to the district party committee and reprimanded for letting my daughter emigrate. In their eyes she was a traitor and an alien element. However, I remained a party member since they were aware that I was against my daughter's departure. Frankly speaking I didn't care about my party membership. I've never been an active communist. I just paid my monthly membership fee regularly and got bored at the meetings.

Rina went to live in America in the late 1970s. She lives in Philadelphia. We parted as enemies, but later we began writing letters to one another as if nothing had happened between us. In 1990 I visited my daughter in Philadelphia. She has a good life. She works as a programmer. Ilona finished college and has a job. Rina left her husband and doesn't want to remarry. I often think about how wrong I was when I didn't allow Rina to leave. I don't think she has fully forgiven me.

Recently I've become involved in public activities: I'm the chairman of the association of veterans of the war at the Ukrainian Jewish Council, an active member of the Association of Jewish Culture and deputy chairman of the International Ukrainian Union of War Veterans. We take care of patriotic education of young people and arrange meetings with Jewish veterans of the Great Patriotic War. Recently I was awarded the title of 'Honored Activist of the Ukrainian Jewish Council'. I've visited Israel at the invitation of the veteran's association. I admired this country. I would certainly move to live there if I were younger.

In recent years I've felt more and more attracted to Jewish traditions. Perhaps, when one grows older one feels the need to go back to one's roots. Of course, I haven't become religious, but I enjoy going to the synagogue on Jewish holidays, Pesach and Simchat Torah. We observe Jewish holidays at home and in Hesed. Frankly speaking, only recently I got to know the names of some of the holidays. My Natalia supports me in everything. She goes to the synagogue where she studies the Torah with Khanna, our rabbi Moshe Asman's wife. Only in my old age I've opened up to the world of Jewish culture and traditions and I feel sorry that my parents didn't cultivate this love in me and that they didn't teach me Ivrit and Yiddish.

Glossary:

1 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

2 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

3 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

4 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

5 Gangs

During the Russian Civil War there were all kinds of gangs in the Ukraine. Their members came from all the classes of former Russia, but most of them were peasants. Their leaders used political slogans to dress their criminal acts. These gangs were anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

6 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

7 Jewish self-defense movement

In Russia Jews organized self- defense groups to protect the Jewish population and Jewish property from the rioting mobs in pogroms, which often occurred in compliance with the authorities and, at times, even at their instigation. During the pogroms of 1881-82 self-defense was organized spontaneously in different places. Following pogroms at the beginning of the 20th century, collective defense units were set up in the cities and towns of Belarus and Ukraine, which raised money and bought arms. The nucleus of the self-defense movement came from the Jewish labor parties and their military units, and it had a widespread following among the rest of the people. Organized defense groups are known to have existed in 42 cities.

8 Fighting battalion

People's volunteer corps during World War II; its soldiers patrolled towns, dug trenches and kept an eye on buildings during night bombing raids. Students often volunteered for these fighting battalions.

9 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

10 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

11 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

12 Realschule

Secondary school for boys. Students studied mathematics, physics, natural history, foreign languages and drawing. After finishing this school they could enter higher industrial and agricultural educational institutions.

13 Greens

members of the gang headed by Ataman Zeleniy (his nickname means 'green' in Russian).

14 Denikin, Anton Ivanovich (1872-1947)

White Army general. During the Russian Civil War he fought against the Red Army in the South of Ukraine.

15 Party Schools

They were established after the Revolution of 1917, in different levels, with the purpose of training communist cadres and activists. Subjects such as 'scientific socialism' (Marxist-Leninist Philosophy) and 'political economics' besides various other political disciplines were taught there.

16 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

17 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

18 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

19 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

20 Professor Mamlock

This 1937 Soviet feature is considered the first dramatic film on the subject of Nazi anti-Semitism ever made, and the first to tell Americans that Nazis were killing Jews. Hailed in New York, and banned in Chicago, it was adapted by the German playwright Friedrich Wolf - a friend of Bertolt Brecht - from his own play, and co-directed by Herbert Rappaport, assistant to German director G.W. Pabst. The story centers on the persecution of a great German surgeon, his son's sympathy and subsequent leadership of the underground communists, and a rival's sleazy tactics to expel Mamlock from his clinic.

21 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non-aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

22 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

23 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

24 Kursk battle

The greatest tank battle in the history of World War II, which began on 5th July 1943 and ended eight days later. The biggest tank fight, involving almost 1,200 tanks and mobile cannon units on both sides, took place in Prokhorovka on 12th July and ended with the defeat of the German tank unit.

25 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the 'Day of the Soviet Army' and is nowadays celebrated as 'Army Day'.

26 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

27 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

28 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

29 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.
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