Travel

Gracia Albuhaire

Gracia Albuhaire
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Dimitrina Leshtarova
Date of interview: November 2001

Gracia Albuhaire is an extraordinary person, a poet and a writer. She is very sensitive and open to all problems common to mankind. She has developed her own point of view and is well acquainted with Jewish history. Gracia is short, thin, elegant, very nice and always full of optimism, in spite of the difficulties of life. She lives in a small apartment in the Mladost quarter of Sofia together with one of her daughters and her grandson. Her room is a 'sacred' place - both intimate and cozy. She lives and works at home. Gracia is very communicative and popular in the Bet Am circles.

Family background
Growing up
During the war
Post-war
Glossary

Family background

My name is Gracia Nissim Albuhaire - this is my husband's family name. The name, inherited from my father, is Gracia Nissim Yulzari. I belong to the Yulzari family. We are Sephardi 1 Jews - both on my father's and my husband's side. My family lived in the town of Karnobat. My grandfather Kemal Yulzari and my grandmother Gracia, whom I was named after, came from Krushevo. They died many years before my birth.

I know almost nothing about my grandfather and my grandmother's families. I know from my aunt Dudu [Kemal Yulzari] that my grandfather died first. My grandmother died due to a fire. Once, my older brother Jack, when he was four or five years old, started playing with a gas lamp in order to catch a butterfly. My grandmother was sitting under the lamp. It fell on her and she caught fire. She died from her wounds a few days after the incident. This happened in our house in Karnobat, where my father and my grandfather lived.

My grandfather Kemal had brothers and sisters as well, but I have no memory of them. I know only that his brothers' children lived in Karnobat and the doyen among them was tiu [uncle in Ladino] Mesholam Yulzari, the eldest one, who was a gabbai.

My grandfather Kemal Yulzari and my grandmother Gracia had six children - three boys and three girls. The boys were Nissim, my father Chelebi and Yako, the youngest one. Their daughters were Anum, whom they used to call Ana, Dudu and Reina.

Anum, the oldest one, was married to a widower in the town of Sliven. My aunt Ana was thin, beautiful, with lovely blue eyes and very good by nature. But it seems that her husband didn't fall in love with her and for six years she stayed a virgin with him. After that she gave birth to four children: Fortune, the eldest one, then Rosa, Jack and Tanchi. Their family name was Ashkenazi, as my aunt's husband was Sadi Ashkenazi. He already had three other children: Buka, Liza and Nissim. But she raised them in the same way as she did her own children, which created a very close relationship among all the kids. When one of them left for Palestine, all the rest followed him. Everyone else obeyed Nissim, the oldest one. He took care of the family after their parents' death. It was a very close-knit family.

Of my aunt Ana's seven children, Fortune, the eldest one, had a boy and a girl, who are now in Israel. The other daughter, Rosa, never married and had no heirs. She lived in a retirement center in Israel. Jack didn't get married either, because of Rosa, and died a bachelor. The youngest daughter Suzana - we used to call her Tanchi - was a wonderful person, loving, kind- hearted and gentle. She spent the rest of her life in Israel. I have such warm feelings for her and I will never forget her. She had one daughter Liza, of whom I have a baby photo, sent by Tanchi. When I was in Israel last year, Liza heard that I was coming and we met. Her soul resembles that of her mother entirely - the same warmth, kindness and sweetness. She currently lives in Beer Sheva.

The eldest of the stepchildren was Buka - her son is a doctor, living in Italy. I have seen him only once, when he was in Bulgaria. He settled in Italy before 9th September 1944 2, but I don't remember exactly when - probably before World War II. The oldest stepbrother Nissim Ashkenazi, who used to take care of the family, married Dona, with whom he had a son, Sadiko - named after grandfather - and a daughter, Mati. When I was in Israel I visited Mati in Jerusalem. She is married to a professor, who is a doctor. His name is Albert Behar. They have two girls, also married - a doctor and a dentist, who have kids of their own. Liza, the third stepchild, had three daughters. All of them died except one.

Dudu, the second of my father's sisters, never married. She had no children. She lived with us. She was like a second mother to me, as she took great care of me. My own mother was jealous of her and used to tell me: 'You love her more than you love me.' Dudu was the person to whom I dedicated my poem written in Judezmo [Ladino] 'Latia Mia'. I don't know how it happened but this poem was published in the Israeli magazine 'Akia Rushalaem', printed in Judezmo. Later on, when my father died, my aunt came to live with my mother and me. She died and we buried her in Sofia.

It was said that my grandfather Kemal's third daughter Reina got sick out of love, but she probably had tuberculosis and they just didn't know it. She died very young, unmarried.

Yako, my father's youngest brother, was a soldier in the army in Bourgas. He was very handsome, they say, but he was found dead - drowned. There was a rumor that some homosexuals had something to do with this. The case was suppressed because an officer was involved in it, yet I don't know if the story is true.

My father's other brother Chelebi was a peddler, a vendor of sweets. He did all kinds of work, whatever he could find. He was even a candy shop assistant. He married Perla, a Haldeyan from Sofia. ['Haldeyan' or 'Tudesk' is how the Sephardi Jews called the German Jews in Bulgaria.] There was a time when they quarreled so much that they were on the verge of getting divorced. Then he came to live with us. He lived in our house for a year and worked as a seller for his cousin Sebata Yulzari. My uncle Chelebi was a tall, strong man with big blue eyes and a good heart. The whole family on my grandfather Kemal and my grandmother Gracia's side are blue-eyed. He had two children, Sami and Regina. Uncle Chelebi left for Israel with his family in 1948, where they stayed until they died. Regina became a well- known journalist in Israel, while Sami was a dental surgeon.

My mother is from Yambol. I have no memories of her parents. I know only that my grandfather's name was Rafael Beraha. A grandson was named after him. My mother's family was a poor family.

My mother had two brothers, David and Bohor, and a sister, Carolina. Her sister was married in Sliven and lived there. She had two children, Stella and Sami. My uncle David, my mother's younger brother, lived in Yambol. He married a very young and beautiful woman, Virginia. I loved her very much and she also loved me. He was a street-vendor, selling textile. They had a son and a daughter, Rofeto and Ida. His wife died very young at the age of 35. He got married a second time to Suzana, who had a son. She raised the three kids together. He is now married to the well-known Bulgarian opera singer Anna Tomova-Sintova and he is her manager. Rofeto lives in Sofia with his wife Valya, a Bulgarian. They have two daughters: one of them, Virginia, named after Rofeto's mother, who died very young, is as beautiful as her grandmother was: tall, thin, elegant, blue-eyed and slightly dark. Lidka, the other daughter, is a slightly underdeveloped child as her mother worked in a printing house and inhaled poisonous substances when she was pregnant. They come to the Jewish cultural center, they eat in the Jewish canteen and I often meet them. Ida Kalderon also lives in Sofia, in a retirement home.

My father Nissim Yulzari first married a woman called Mazal. He had a son with her named Jack. He divorced her and later he married my mother Zyumbyul [or Zimbul; in Bulgarian this word means hyacinth] Beraha from the town of Yambol. When they got married, he was still well off; they owned a shop. My father inherited this shop from his father. My mother, as a poor girl, worked as a servant somewhere. My father offended her very often but she would patiently endure it. I felt sorry for her. Marriages were arranged at that time. My mother's marriage was an arranged one just like the marriage of my aunt Ana and the widower from Sliven. I have no idea how it actually happened. I never asked her. She wasn't happy with her marriage. It wasn't only due to the fact that she had to work to provide for her family. It was also because her husband wasn't always kind and gentle with her; at least that was my impression. In general he wasn't a bad or rude person, but life made him such. He used to swear saying: 'If there was God, he would give bread to my children, but no, they must go hungry'. He was desperate with the unbearable poverty at home.

After the death of my father's first wife, he married my mother, but she was barren for a long time. Her children always died, so she accepted my stepbrother Jack and took care of him. He was very handsome - tall, corpulent, with big blue eyes and fair skin.

My mother had lost seven children. There was no obstetrician at that time. There was only one old woman, a priest's wife, who delivered children. They were usually born half-blue, with their umbilical cord wrapped around their necks, or they were aborted. There were even cases when the child was born alive but very weak and they would throw it away saying that the kid wouldn't survive. One day my mother told her aunt in Yambol that her children died and were being thrown away still alive, since they didn't think they would survive. She was also pregnant again. Her aunt told her to come to Yambol when the due date approached, so that she could take care of her. And indeed she went to Yambol, to the house of her oldest brother, my uncle Bohor. Thus, I was born there - blue, with my umbilical cord wrapped around my neck. But my aunt was prepared for this and took care of me properly. My mother stayed there for 40 days, until I grew stronger. Therefore it was written in the documents that my birthplace was Yambol. Although I consider Karnobat, where I have grown up and lived, to be my real hometown.

Growing up

I was born on 15th March 1925. Shortly after I was born, there was a big fire in the neighboring house. The flames came very close to the house, in which my mother was staying. My uncle Bohor was all the time with her, encouraging her and telling her not to get frightened, as he was prepared to evacuate her together with the child. Then the fire was put out and they didn't have to leave. They also told her that she became popular in the whole city, as people knew she was a young mother with a baby girl. Then we came back to Karnobat and there she gave birth to my brother Sami.

We lived in a house that was inherited from my grandfather Kemal, who built it. It was a very solid house for the time. We had two large rooms and a big entrance-hall. Later, in a part of the entrance hall, which was covered from above but opened at the side, another room was built, on a higher level. It belonged to my aunt but I used to sleep there too. By the time that I lived in this house, it was already old. We had only three floorboards in the entrance-hall, the rest were decayed and thrown away. We had no money and we couldn't repair the house. I was terrified of going into the toilet, because some of the floorboards would shake and I had that awful fear of falling down. We had a mezuzah at the front door of our house. When going in or out, my mother always kissed the mezuzah.

We had a yard also and I took care of it. My uncle Yuda's wife used to advise me: 'Don't bother yourself now, the hens will come and peck it.' And they really came and pecked everything, while I was trying to plant flowers in my garden. We all had hens before the war. They were egg layers. When we didn't have enough money to buy some gas for the lamp - without electricity the lamp was our source of light - my mother would pay with a few eggs in the grocery in exchange for gas. A special hen was left, not only an egg layer but also one that would also raise little chicken. We had chicken at home as well. And we had a dog. But unfortunately a cart ran over it. There was a cat as well. But they lived in the yard, in the street. We loved them, but they had no names.

The house was at the edge of the Jewish neighborhood, where at that time some 100 or 120 Jewish families lived. Almost all of them were Sephardi. We used to live very harmoniously together. Young people were friends and the older people also knew and respected each other. Our house was at the end of the street, very close to the hill. Next to it there was a pasture with sheep and wolves would frequently appear there. Our toilet was outside and I was so scared to go in there in winter because I thought a wolf might come and attack me. I was really very frightened. So, when I went to the toilet, especially in winter when there was a thick layer of snow, my mother used to escort me!

My grandfather once built a wonderful well. Karnobat is a place with a considerable water shortage and at that time there was no water at all! In the years I lived there, in the Jewish neighborhood there was only one well. People used to queue for water. The fountain also had a trough and people used to come with a kettle to collect water, waiting for hours. During the summer it hardly trickled. In winter it froze quite often. We were blessed with our well full of cold, fresh and sweet water. The neighbors - our relatives - also used to take water from there but we would hardly let strangers use the well because we were afraid of an outbreak or that it would become unsanitary. We used to close it. Much later uncle Yuda placed a pump there. Before that we hoisted up water with a simple wooden pulley, a rope and a bucket. The bucket used to fall quite often into the well and we had to pull it out, which cost us enormous efforts. We had a special iron hook, which we let down. It usually came up with a very old bucket, one that had fallen in there a long time ago, but not the one that had just fallen in. After some time it 'jumped' out while another one fell down. Finally we used just one bucket. That well saved us, especially in the dry years.

Above the Jewish street there was a hill with trees planted by many generations. My father planted trees there as a schoolboy, my brother Jack, my little brother Sami and I did as well. And yet the forest always looked young. There were more acacias and broad-leaved trees there. On one of the sides of the Jewish street the Bokludzha river passed. It was dry in summer and in winter it swelled so much that it destroyed the bridges. Behind that river was Diado [grandfather in Bulgarian] Dimcho's hill, where boys and girls used to walk. That lasted until 1939-1940. We had lived so well, but the war began and along with it the persecution of the Jews.

Uncle Yuda Yulzari, a cousin of my father, used to live with his family opposite us. His wife's name was Dudu, just like my aunt's. He had only one daughter named Rashka. She had a boy and a girl also - white, blue-eyed, resembling our kin.

Next to us lived Uncle Salvator. His grandmother is my father's cousin, probably on his mother's side, as her family name is Decalo. Salvator's mother had died. His grandmother tia ['aunt' in Ladino] Buhuru was an elderly woman, who used to cook corn traditionally in a large pot every Friday evening, and used to invite us to 'piniunikus' [a meal, Judezmo]. She shelled the corn, and then boiled it and it was very delicious. She, the poor one, got very scared when kukers 3 passed by. She usually locked the door with an axle so that no one could get inside. That was a custom inherited from the Turkish [Ottoman] yoke. My aunt was also very scared of strangers. She used to even call my little brother 'You, Tartar' when he did mischief. Another cousin of ours, Buko Yulzari, with his wife Gracia and their two children lived on the other side of us.

We got on very well with the Bulgarians who lived next to us. My aunt Dudu's best friend was Neda who lived high on the hill. They visited each other very often. Bulia [aunt in Bulgarian] Neda, as I used to call her, used to come to our house and aunt Dudu would visit their house, too. They had a garden with flowers.

My father fought as a soldier in the Balkan War [see First Balkan War] 4 and later in World War I. It was such a misery with no food in wartime. My mother was left in the shop but there were no goods, no money, and she went bankrupt! The shop was closed and this was when we became very poor. My father had no profession and he didn't know where to start. He was thin and feeble. His participation in wars had brought nothing positive to him. He was in the army supply train and he even caught the Spanish disease - this was a kind of severe influenza, which usually had a lethal outcome in those times. They brought him home and he was saved literally in the last minute. That was the time when an indescribable misery visited our house. When I was one and two years old, we used to be the poorest family in town.

Our means were very meager. My mother used to buy one and a half liters of milk from neighbors who had sheep. She boiled it, put it in the middle of the table and we all sipped from it - and that was our dinner! Also at that time there were Albanian sellers of boza 5, who passed by our house and we would buy some and eat bread and boza!

My mother was tall and thin. She was a hard-working woman. When a holiday came, she took horse or cow dung and clay from the mountain, mixed it and cleaned the clay floor of the house with it. She used to whitewash the walls with a thick cloth, as there was no brush. I remember what her hands looked like after that with her fingers full of gashes, as the lime ate into her flesh. She took care of everything. She went to the Bokludzha river to wash clothes and I accompanied her. In spring the waters were low, there were flat stones and she beat the rags with the paddles, washed them and then stretched them to dry a little so that we could carry them home. This usually happened on Pesach. In winter my mother washed outside, in the terrible cold. Next to the toilet she made a fireplace. She would build up a fire, put the cauldron with a bag with ashes in it so that the water would become mild. She saved the soap as if it were a very rare and expensive food - she used it in very small quantities, because later on we wouldn't be able to afford it.

Starting as early as summer, my father saved coin after coin to buy an ox cart full of logs for winter. It was enough only for a month and what would we do in the remaining five to six winter months? We had a 'Gypsy love' stove at home - a small one. My mother used to get up early in the morning, when it was still dark - sometimes at one, two, three, or five o'clock. She never knew what time it was, as we didn't have a clock at home. She fired up the stove, put on the traditional rye coffee, which she roasted and ground herself. My brother and I had only coffee and bread for breakfast. Every time she shuddered by the stove until it lit up. She had bronchitis and a heart disease as well. Nevertheless she got up every morning to prepare us for school.

In winter, when the thick deep snow was falling and it was above our heads, she started to dig with a spade in order to make a path for us so that we could go to school. Our lessons were in the afternoon and in winter she was afraid for us, as it got dark very early. She, poor woman, went out into the snow to wait for us in front of the gate. She took great care of us; she was an honest, humble and a very exhausted woman.

I went to the nursery school and then to the Jewish school where I studied until the 4th grade. I had lessons in Hebrew and Bulgarian, and then we had an exam and transferred to a Bulgarian school - first to an elementary school and then to high school. Our teachers changed very often - in an unfamiliar city, with no company in the Jewish neighborhood, they must have felt bored. Almost every year we had different Hebrew teachers. I suppose they attended courses, perhaps in Sofia, and they came out there to teach us. I remember all of them.

In the nursery school my teacher's name was Benzion. He was a dark-eyed, nice man, who lived in my classmate Mois's house. I was in love with that teacher. He also paid attention to me - he used to take me in his hands, put me on his knees and told me fairy tales. And I stared at him with an open mouth. In the 1st grade another teacher came - Pesach was his name - he was a big man, a little rusty. Then came Lili - in the 3rd grade - from Plovdiv; she was short, fluffy and very nice. I remember only that once she visited us and in my garden there was one hyacinth and I picked it and gave it to her. My mother said, laughing: 'This was the only one you had'.

In the 4th grade our teacher was Abramovich from Romania. He didn't know a single word in Bulgarian and therefore he was always looking for someone to accompany him. And it was announced that everybody who knew Hebrew should assemble. He chose me. I accompanied him all the time - to the barbershop, the food shop, as though I was 'sewed' to him in order for him to manage. I learned Hebrew quite well, yet so many years have passed since then and I don't remember the words anymore. But I remember him.

When my father was young he attended the Jewish school. They studied in Ladino, or Judezmo-Espaniol, as we used to call it in our town. In Sofia they call it Ladino but we used to call it Judezmo-Espaniol, which means Judeo-Spanish. But they wrote in the Rashi script. Therefore my father and my uncle Chelebi, who was from Sofia, used to correspond in Rashi. The letters greatly resembled the ones of the Hebrew alphabet, but the meaning was not understandable. I asked my father about it, he laughed and said that he didn't want me to know what their correspondence was about. I can speak Judezmo-Espaniol, which I learned from my parents. I don't know Rashi, because when I started studying, everybody used Hebrew already. That's why I can write in Hebrew but I don't know Rashi.

At school we spoke more Bulgarian, while at home we spoke Judezmo. My aunt Dudu, for example, didn't know Bulgarian and she spoke Judezmo and Turkish. The Turkish [Ottoman] Empire reigned in this country and she was a witness of those times [see Ottoman Rule in Bulgaria] 6. With Bulia Neda they communicated both in Bulgarian and Turkish.

I had a Bulgarian friend at school, a classmate, who lived close to us - Zdravka was her name. We still keep up a correspondence in letters. We were born in the same year, in the same month with only a week's difference. My mother even told me that once, when she got ill and couldn't breast-feed me, Zdravka's mother took me and fed me for a week. She is my milk sister - that's how I call her. Now she lives in Dimitrovgrad and we communicate very often. We are very close. I also had another good friend, 'Americata' - the American - they called the family like that because my friend's father had left for America in search of a job. He couldn't find any, so he stayed for a while there and then returned to Karnobat, where he opened a café. His nickname remained.

My brother became a 1st grade student when I was already in the 4th grade. I have a memory of celebrating the Jews' liberation from Egypt during Purim with a lot of games, songs, and with masks. Our teacher, geverit ['Miss' in Hebrew] Ester prepared the program. Everyone had something to perform - a sketch, a song, a poem, etc. And then my little brother came home crying and said that geverit Ester had distributed all of the sketches for Purim and he was the only one left without a task. He used to stammer a little and she, probably not wanting to bother him, didn't give him anything to perform. But he felt insulted and he was crying. I was sorry for him and told him not to cry and that I would find him a poem to recite. He asked me where I would find the poem and I replied that I was going to write it. He was very surprised by this but I wanted to prove it to myself, so I sat and wrote a poem inspired by Purim. It was the first poem that I wrote out of necessity. I made him learn it, encouraged him not to recite it too quickly, not to stammer and not to embarrass himself. Sami was really very enthusiastic about it and gave his best. Next day in the evening he showed the poem to the teacher and insisted on reciting it. They opened the Purim evening with that poem. Sami recited it perfectly and everything went well!

On the next day the teacher met me in the street and asked me where my brother had found the poem. I was very ashamed and embarrassed and I said: 'I copied it from a newspaper. 'Which newspaper?' she asked me - as there were no newspapers at that time, let alone Jewish newspapers! I said: 'I don't know, I don't remember'. She laughed and went on. I came home and told my brother what had happened - that I had become embarrassed and told the teacher that I had copied it from a newspaper. 'Shame on you to lie to the teacher, yesterday she asked me and I told her that you wrote it!'. I wrote the poem in Bulgarian. [It translates as follows:]

'Day of Purim, our holiday, coming here again! We will wear masks and scare the children! How much fear they will feel - The well-known fear of the old times - Of the Jewish people - from those Mizrims awful! They would slaughter them, they would hang them, By the order of minister Haman the 'tipesh' [fool]. Yet, our queen, Beauty Ester, She would save all Jews from death!'

At the time when I was to start high school we had no money. Everyone said I should be responsible and begin work in order to support my family. I had just finished the 7th grade in junior high school. I had no choice so I started working for a tailor. I had to hem garments. I was stuck at my work place all day long; I wasn't even allowed to eat. The tailor kept telling my mother how skillful I was, and how I would become an excellent tailor. But I wasn't satisfied with this, because I wanted to continue studying. There was a bell in the school. It usually rang at 7.30am and at 2pm - few people in the town had watches and they used to orient themselves by the bell's ringing. When I heard the sound of that bell, I usually hid so that my mother wouldn't see me and I began to cry. I was so sad that I couldn't go to school. I remember that even for the poorest people the school fee was still expensive - 1,200 leva. I cried for a week and finally my mother decided there was something wrong. She managed to collect the money from here and there and finally I went to school about two months late. I enrolled in the 5th grade in the same way - several months late, yet this time I wrote to my elder brother Jack in Sofia and he sent me the money. At school they knew I was a good student and they always showed understanding.

Our friendship circle was quite interesting. I was a poor girl, therefore the town's boys didn't pay much attention to me. Moreover, I was quite small and thin, and I went to school dressed in a black overall with a white collar and a beret. I didn't raise any interest as a woman. When this group of young men came from Bourgas, I really fell for Albert. I was introduced to him in the evening but he didn't really notice me. The next evening I decided to find a way to attract his attention. I had a blue and white dotted cotton costume. It was like the color of my eyes. I put it on and it looked perfect on me. I wore large sandals, given to me by my cousin Fortune from Sliven. I had beautiful curly hair, which I usually plaited into two braids. But on this occasion I let my hair loose and turned the plaits into curls. I made myself look smart and in the evening I went out in the street together with the company. When I arrived, the boy who I liked asked the others to introduce me to him. On the next day, while I was going to school, he met me in the street, looked at me, smiled and said: 'Hey, kid!' And since then he always called me 'My little kid!'

During the Holocaust we used to write letters and that is how he wrote to me. We saw each other only when he left for the labor camps in early spring [see forced labor camps in Bulgaria] 7. And we only met for four or five minutes - the time when the train was waiting at the station. And when he was coming back from the camps, we again met for five minutes. He was in many camps. There was mail, so I got letters from the camps. We wrote in Bulgarian. Once he even played a trick on me. I received a letter from an unknown man, a Jew named Nicko Varsano, who wanted to correspond with me and get to know me. But when I read the letter, I realized that it was from my boyfriend because I recognized his writing style.

There is another interesting thing: his parents didn't accept me during my school years, because we were poor. I even got a letter from his mother that she would report me to the teacher if I were dating her son. This did not offend me, as he was the one who actually mattered to me. Yet, after the war he himself offended me. Then I told him that I wasn't a match for him and we broke up. Albert left for Israel in 1948-1949. He had a shop for roasted kernels there, inherited later by his children. During one of my visits to Israel, in Herzlia, I met him and had a formal lunch with his family. His wife knew a lot of things about me.

We used to make mill-clacks on the holiday. There is a song which says: 'Avanarisha, rash, rash, rash...' and then we started with the mill-clacks and such yelling and screaming began at school that you can hardly imagine! The evening before we disguised ourselves with whatever we found - we wore the clothes of our grannies and mothers, we painted ourselves and we prepared masks. And in groups we went about from one house to another singing that special song: 'Hak Purim, hak el feia lel aldim!' We sang the song and the housewife gave us 'mahpuri' [money]. If she had mahpurim she would give us some, if not she would treat us with sweets! It was such great fun on that holiday! We used to make special sweets called 'mavlach' - either white or white and red. This is condensed sugar in the form of scissors or pretzels. We also gave each other presents and ate other kinds of sweets also - 'saralia', 'baklava', 'burikitas elhashu' - filled with nuts, raisins and sugar inside and generously poured with syrup. Some even used to make 'masapan' - but it was prepared rather for other holidays- wedding celebrations, brit milah, the circumcision of boys, bar mitzvah, etc.

'Masapan' is a traditional Jewish delight, meant especially for celebrations. It is prepared only from sugar and ground almonds. Sugar is condensed to the required thickness, which we call 'al punto' - to capture the moment! Then the almonds are added. When my daughter got married, I made masapan. All the Jews gobbled up the masapan, while the Bulgarians preferred the chocolate. None of them tried the masapan, because they had never tasted it and they didn't know how delicious it was.

My mother always prepared herself for the holidays, with whatever she could. At Pesach, besides the basic cleaning we did, we had special dishes to serve in 'pascual', special glasses for water, a frying pan, in which we used to prepare Burmoelos 8 for Pesach. We soaked bread, added eggs and roasted it. We had a special pot, in which we cooked; plates, forks and spoons especially for Pesach. After the holiday was over, we washed the dishes and placed them in a special cupboard, keeping them for the next Pesach. The everyday dishes were taken out in their place. They were chametz, mixed with bread.

Some ten days before Pesach the Jewish community hired a bakery. Women came and sterilized it, they washed it, took out everything that was chametz and they kneaded bread - boyo and matzah - and gave all the people unleavened bread to eat for eight days. Poor people received it for free. They paid for it with the social support provided by the community for such purposes. In these eight days we ate only boyo, which was as hard as a stone. Even those who had good teeth couldn't eat it, let alone those who didn't have teeth. My mother put it under vapor in a pot, and it got a little softer so we were able to eat it.

For Pesach my parents always bought me something - usually patent leather shoes with buttons on the sides and squeaking; they were fashionable at that time. We always compared them to see who had the loveliest pair. We didn't wear special clothes, we wore what we had; it just had to be neat. My aunt, who belonged to the older generation, put a bonnet on her head. She made it out of special tea lace: a beautiful bonnet, a hat for a parade. When she went out she put on a large lined taffeta underskirt. When I got married I made an official evening dress out of it. She put on a sleeveless jacket. She had a nice coat and elegant patent leather shoes. She had very small feet and I was dying to try on her lovely high-heeled shoes when she wasn't at home. She mumbled that I shouldn't put them on, for she didn't have another pair, and I might ruin them.

In addition to the school, we also had a synagogue. My father sat on the ground floor - men gathered in the stalls, while women gathered upstairs, in the box. Men and women don't sit together in the synagogue according to the Jewish custom. Children used to gather downstairs, because if they took us upstairs, we became very noisy. In the stalls everything was covered with white marble and we weren't able to make that much noise. There were benches where we used to sit while the grown-ups sat elsewhere. For holidays like Pesach, for example, we were presented with patent leather shoes and we enjoyed hearing them squeak while walking. And when going out of the synagogue both our shoes and the marble used to squeak and there was that strange noise. And the school's servant - the shammash, tiu Ishua -was waving his finger for a 'Hush!' so that we wouldn't disturb the prayer.

The synagogue was decorated with large beautiful chandeliers. The synagogue seemed very large to me. It had a nice yard. All the rituals were performed. People didn't wear kippot but hats. Everyone wore whatever he had but nobody entered the synagogue without a hat. My father wore a suit. Men entered the synagogue with whatever clothes they had, with a hat or a cap, and it was obligatorily to wear a tallit. My father had a very beautiful tallit, inherited from his father, and a cap - but not a bowler hat as he didn't have one - and he took the prayer book with him. The tallit usually passes from one generation to another. But after my father's death, the tallit, as well as some books in Hebrew, prayer books and other things were all lost somewhere.

The shammash in the synagogue was tiu Ishua. He also worked in the school. He cleaned and washed the synagogue. When there were holidays he usually took a pan with oil [in Bulgarian, it is called a chrism] out of the synagogue and everyone looked at himself in it for health, dropping coins as a gift. He built a small wooden house [sukkah] at Sukkot. People gathered there in the evening, they served grapes, cheese and bread and for us, the children. But there wasn't enough space and we usually sat outside waiting impatiently for tiu Ishua to bring us some food. The sukkah was a large shed, covered with tarpaulin from the outside, with a straight roof. They put two big tables and wooden benches in there. They gathered, read the prayer and afterwards they ate.

We had a hakham, but we didn't have a rabbi. He said not only the prayers but was also the shochet. Our hakham, whose name was Haribi Haim, used to go to special market halls when he had to slaughter lambs. He read the prayer and performed the ritual. We bought only lamb and veal that was kosher, i.e. meat for Jews. The rest is called 'trofa' [or treyf] and it shouldn't be eaten. We had a special market where kosher meat was sold, yet it wasn't in the Jewish neighborhood, but quite far away.

When Haribi Haim read the Jewish prayer for kosher meat, he took livers and other animal innards and he divided it into portions in special plates called 'platicus' and each family was given one. The young lamb was called 'trofanda'. Rich people usually returned the plate with money, while poor people didn't put in anything. The hakham also used to do brit to the boys on the eighth day after their birth. Later, when the war started, those rituals stopped.

The hakham walked with a slightly bowed head. He took a cane only as a formality, as he wasn't that old. He wore dark clothes. He had two daughters and one son. A special house in the town was given to him to live there with his family. I don't know for what reasons but he left even before the war. Another hakham replaced him but he wasn't as active.

There is an old Jewish cemetery in Karnobat, where my grandmother Gracia is buried. Once I went there with my aunt Dudu, but we couldn't find her gravestone. My father was buried in the new cemetery.

During the war

But all that normal life lasted only until the war began in 1941-1942. We knew that a war had started; yet we didn't have enough money to buy newspapers, and we didn't have a radio. Finally we realized that a war with Britain had begun. But we learned about the persecution of Jews much later, we even didn't know anything about the gas chambers. In early spring, when the earth was still frozen with ice, the Jewish men were sent to labor camps and women were left home alone. [see Law for the Protection of the Nation] 9

In 1942 we were at first 'decorated' with yellow stars. We received them from the community and we stitched them to our clothes. We couldn't go out without the star on the overcoat! On my graduation photo I also wore that yellow star. They changed my name. Gracia wasn't Jewish enough, so I was renamed Zili. After that our radios and jewelry were confiscated, we were forbidden to walk freely on the street. Our street had two ends - one end led to the main street, the other to the Gypsy neighborhood. We didn't have the right to walk in the center, which contained a large street with several branches. We didn't have the right to go to the cinema or to the theater. Bulgarians were forbidden to hire us for work.

In Karnobat Jews mostly owned boutiques for textiles, paints and haberdashery, in the main street. There was also a Jewish café, as well as the 'Garti' kiosk for cigarettes. When the Law for the Protection of the Nation was passed, everything was closed, sealed and confiscated. The Commissariat on the Jewish Questions was responsible for this. There were also some Jews in the Commissariat, thus they could influence its decisions in our favor, as the authorities dictated everything. Uncle Yuda was also a member. The Commissariat was placed in the municipality - in Karnobat there weren't many administrative buildings.

Uncle Yuda's dairy was also liquidated. There were no possibilities either for dairy farming, or for leather processing or even trading! We all became unemployed, hungry, no matter how rich or poor we were. Only those were able to survive, who had plenty of gold or money and who had previously used the chance to put something aside for savings.

A coupon system was introduced. We couldn't buy anything. We were given very small portions of bread - a half or a quarter per person. My brother ate his whole portion in the morning. Later he didn't have any money for lunch or for dinner and my mother gave him her entire portion and she went hungry. I was quite a poor eater myself and somehow I managed to cope with hunger. The bakery belonged to a Turk from our neighborhood. Sometimes I went there and asked him to give me a half-bread, and when there were no people around, he did me the favor and on such days the situation was much better. There was a time when we ate only potatoes. Everyone could receive a kilogram. It was a period of severe hunger.

Medicine, doctors - all these things were a luxury! There was no cinema, no theater. We were so isolated that in the end it was like in a ghetto. Sometimes branniks 10 came, breaking the windows, damaging the doors, especially the hakham's house, on which swastikas were drawn.

Before the laws were repealed, uncle Yuda came and warned us to prepare no more than 30 kilograms of luggage because we would be sent somewhere. As we were in a border zone - Karnobat, Bourgas, and Kjustendil - we would be deported. I wasn't aware at all what was happening, but my mother was terrified. We didn't have any underwear - it was all worn out; we didn't have any proper blankets, everything was torn. We didn't have money for food. Yet the second order never came. It was postponed by the protests in Kjustendil. And the Soviet Army was already close as well.

My brother Jack was sent straight to Sofia to a camp. My father was already advanced in years and they didn't call him. We, the young people from the country, were sent to do agricultural work. The food we produced was sent to the Germans on the front line.

First I participated in gathering the harvest for a landowner in the summer of 1942. I tied sheaves there. The landowner had a daughter, who was my classmate. She must have told her father about this because the next day he came with a special reaper. He taught me how to regulate the knife in order to reap uniformly. He took me with him and from then on I didn't have to walk on foot. He drove the reaping machine and I regulated the harvesting. Thus my job was easier than that of my classmates, who gathered the crop and tied the sheaves.

In 1943 I went to gather the harvest and pull out the potatoes. The soil in Karnobat was fruitful and there were fields in the suburbs. It was a rich agricultural region. There were plenty of vineyards and well-developed stockbreeding - producing the best sheep and the best wool. People soon learned that I was a good student. The landowner I had to work for had a son, a second grade pupil with poor marks who had to retake an exam. He told me that he would pay everything if I prepared his son to pass his exam in Bulgarian. So I became a tutor and he passed the exam.

I remember once a blockade. The authorities were chasing a Jew, who hid in a hencoop in a Jewish house in the highest part of the town. Later he joined the partisans. And I recall another blockade as well. A friend of mine came to me and told me to destroy anything suspicious that I had. At that time I was corresponding in Esperanto with a teacher from the countryside. I wanted to practice and learn the language. I also had a book at home with a story about a sailing boat with some 300 Jews, leaving for Israel, which sank. In that book I had made a note, which said that the Gestapo or the police had a hand in that affair of killing so many Jews. [Editor's note: The interviewee is referring to to the tragedy of a sailing boat with Bulgarian Jews aboard, which left for Israel from the Bulgarian coast in 1941 and sank in the Black Sea.] I threw both the letters and the book into the stove.

The Jewish school was immediately occupied - first by the German troops in 1941, when they were on their way to Greece, and later by the police. It was never opened again. Jews weren't allowed to study in high schools. Interned young people from Sofia came to our town, excellent students, who were deprived from the opportunity to continue their education. Only the best among the local Jewish schoolgirls and schoolboys were allowed to study in the Bulgarian school. The ones from the capital were forbidden. Of some 1,000 Jewish students, only three people from Karnobat - I, Nora Hanne and Mois Tano - were admitted to go on with our education in the Bulgarian school. We went to school through side streets, not along the main street. We were wearing our yellow stars, of course. Sometimes branniks and legionaries [see Bulgarian Legions] 11 made fun of us. We were pretty girls, and they, pretending that they were making passes at us, were actually poking fun at us as Jewish girls. Otherwise I didn't have any problems in my class, nobody maltreated me there.

When we finished school, I wanted to go to the secondary school students' farewell ball like everybody else. A girl from Sofia gave me her costume. I went to the ball, but my teacher stopped me at the front door, and told me not to go in because it was expected that the legionaries and branniks would get drunk, which could lead to something bad. I guess she must have had instructions not to let Jewish people in the ballroom of the theater. And she didn't let me in. I was very upset but I couldn't say anything. What could I possibly say in those years of terror? I just left. Then she said: 'Gracia, wait for me please, I will walk you.' She was scared that someone might attack me in the street, as I was alone. She walked me home. I have a short story in my book 'Monologue for Love'. It was dedicated especially to this occasion. It is called 'The White Blouse' and in it I tell the story of two white blouses - mine and that of my daughter, who, many years later, did go to her farewell party. I tore my white blouse with the yellow star and threw it in the Bokludzha River when freedom came. I was so happy to be free that I climbed the hill and began crying: 'We are free, we are free!' That is how that period of persecution between 1942- 1944 ended.

Post-war

Right after the war we celebrated Pesach, Purim and other holidays, but there was no sugar for sweets. People moved and there was nobody to prepare them. The factories were no longer working; the families had left. The synagogue in Sofia remained closed a long time after the war. We only started observing the traditions again after 10th November 1989 12. We organized a fancy-dress ball with masks for Purim, we lit a chanukkyiah at Chanukkah. After the synagogue was opened, some ritual objects were found for it. The small synagogue was destroyed during the war. Now it is partially reconstructed. Moreover, from the 48,000 Jews only about five or six thousand were left, including the mixed marriages.

After 9th September 1944, I became a temporary teacher in the elementary school in the village of Nevestino. It was about 15 kilometers from Karnobat. In the beginning I walked by foot, later they found me lodging in the neighborhood. We prepared food and sweets for the wounded among the front line soldiers and we carried them to the Sliven hospital. We helped women whose husbands were still fighting at the beginning of 1945 to plant vegetables in their yards. Later I moved to Bourgas to become a regular teacher. I was told that I had to graduate from the Pedagogy Institute, which had open doors during the summer. So, I began in the summer and later I became a teacher of Bulgarian language and literature at the Jewish school in Bourgas for two years.

There was a saying after 9th September 1944: 'Work the whole day, go to a meeting in the evening and join the brigade on Sunday'. At a meeting where my future husband was a speaker, a friend called Albert was there, too. After the meeting there were dances. Everybody invited me because I was a guest. My husband didn't dance with anybody, and then he suddenly came and invited me. He asked me to wait for him after his meeting in the municipality, because he wanted to speak with me. I said 'Fine'. I left with Albert and told him that I was going to come back because Jack asked me to see him afterwards. At first he didn't say a word, then he snapped very angrily: 'Don't you see he is going to propose to you. Go, if you want.' I was mad at both of them. At Albert because he spoke sharply with me, and at Jack because he would ask me to marry him after only seeing me for the fist time. I took my suitcase and left for Karnobat. The following day Jack arrived in Karnobat with his friend Shimon. And there they took me to a football match. And then they left. Jack didn't say anything more to me at this point. He was very shy. Then we met at a meeting in Bourgas and Shimon said: 'Let me congratulate you on your engagement!'. And I shook hands with my husband. He said: 'Let me introduce you to my mother.' And so it all started. I went there and sent a telegram to my mother that I was getting married to Jack Albuhaire.

My father-in-law was born in Turkey and had Turkish citizenship. During the fascist times the authorities wanted to send him back to Turkey as a Turkish citizen, while his wife Rebecca and the children, who were Bulgarian citizens, were to remain in Bulgaria. My father-in-law, very upset, went to Sofia to try and solve the problem. A motorcycle hit him there. His leg was broken, he was sent to a hospital and so he missed the internment in Turkey. This is how they remained in Bourgas.

My husband graduated from the business high school in Bourgas. During the Holocaust he was sent to forced labor camps. He had a certificate, issued by the Jewish community, listing all the camps he was sent to. Unfortunately I don't know to which ones. He worked in the big Bourgas flourmills and during World War II, despite the prohibition to hire Jews, the owner retained his position but took his sister Matilda instead.

My husband had a younger brother named Mair and a sister, Matilda. My mother-in-law didn't let us marry for a long time because according to the tradition the daughter had to marry first. When we got engaged, his brother Mair was in a military school, while his sister worked as a teacher in the Jewish school in Sofia. We lived in one room, and my father-in-law, who was ill, and my mother-in-law lived in the other room. My husband provided for all of us. We lived for three months as a family but we were only engaged. In a small town people often gossip and they invent so many things. One day I received a letter from my mother, in which she told me that a rumor had spread in town that I was kept as a mistress and that they would get rid of me sometime, leaving me with nothing. I read the letter, smiling faintly, because we were so busy that this didn't even occur to us. When he read the letter, Jack got so upset that he took my hand and told me: 'Let's go and sign right now.' I told him: 'Please, give me at least a week to prepare myself!'

The Women's Section of the Karnobat Jewish community, the WIZO 13, presented me with a pink silk cloth, which they had bought with coupons. Some tailors volunteered to sew it for me for free and from the silk petticoat of my aunt Dudu they made a lacy evening dress for me. It was wonderful, it suited me very much - I was very thin, and had a nice body. So, it took me a week to get ready for the wedding. My bride's coat was made from my grandmother's old coat; it was turned inside out and sewn like that. Jack wore his regular suit.

Our wedding was in December 1945. We had a civil marriage. Everything was bought with coupons and we couldn't buy anything from the market in order to prepare ourselves for the modest party. My husband still worked in the mill, where, despite the prohibition, his sister had worked as an accountant in his place during the war, as he was in the labor camps. From there he was given some pork guts, from which we cooked meatballs. We found a kilogram of semolina somewhere and made artificial caviar - with onion, red pepper and a little vinegar. There was no sugar to make sweets. It was something extraordinary when we first received support from the Joint 14 - orange juice. We saved it for our daughter, so that she could taste it. In the evening they came to our home to have a modest celebration. That was it - our wedding.

We stayed for two years in Bourgas, where my elder daughter Reni was born. I gave birth in a house, which had been turned into a maternity home. There was one obstetrician and one nurse there. After the birth I had a three- month maternity leave [the maximum amount at that time]. Yet the child had to be nursed not for three, but for nine months. So I had to go home from school. I was given a break at ten o'clock. One hour to go and breast-feed my baby and then return to school. I was exhausted from running around. I was undernourished; I had no milk. The baby was crying, and I had no experience with babies, I didn't know that she was crying because she was hungry. Later I fed her from a bottle. While I was working, my mother-in- law took care of her. It was very hard but I didn't quit my job.

After the annulment of the coupon system during the 1940s, things loosened up a bit; holiday houses were built at the sea and mountain resorts sprung up too. A special department was formed for the distribution of holiday cards. They were at reasonable prices for 15-20 days. We went on holidays every year, either the whole family or just one of us with the children. My husband loved to take me to different interesting places and show me the most picturesque ones. I still remember, as though in a dream, a wooden palace of woodcarving called 'The Forest King', somewhere in the Varna district. We visited the Plovdiv fair on a regular basis. My husband took me everywhere with him; he enjoyed traveling with me. When he went to a conference in Czechoslovakia, Poland, Yugoslavia or some other country, he took me with him at his own expense. He loved providing me with these pleasures. He was a very good person and we lived very well.

After 1948, when everyone left for Israel [during the Mass Aliyah] 15, there were no more children and the Jewish school was closed. We couldn't leave. My husband's relatives all remained here together with their families. As for my family, my elder brother left, but my younger brother stayed here. My mother and my aunt lived with us also, as I took care of them.

In Sofia my husband worked for the trade unions. In the beginning when we came to Sofia, my mother and my aunt lived with us. We lived in one room, on Veslets Street, as there were no apartments at that time. Those were hard times, until we were given a two-bedroom apartment in the center. Several years later we moved to the apartment in Mladost district, which I eventually bought. We didn't have any firewood - and my poor aunt lived in a room, which I couldn't heat up. We were given half a ton of house coal for the whole winter. And my little daughter Olya was about a year old. We only heated the kitchen stove, where we gathered to cook and this is where we spent the most time because it was warm enough for the baby and my older daughter. My aunt couldn't get up and she had to stay in the cold room. She died in 1952. My mother died quite soon afterwards due to having a bad heart. They are both buried in the Jewish cemetery in Sofia.

My husband retired as a chairman of the Trade Union of Banking and Trade Workers. He was also elected a deputy of the Sofia municipality. He died in 1986 after an unsuccessful prostate operation.

I graduated with a degree in journalism in 1954. The faculty of journalism was temporarily closed then; there weren't many newspapers and radio stations, there was no TV, but there were quite a lot of people who enrolled and graduated in journalism. A decree was passed, saying that all the people who were employed as journalists were obliged to have a higher educational degree. As there were many editors-in-chief and department directors who had no degree, a class was formed by the Central House of journalists with people who didn't match the criteria. They passed a qualification course there, at the end of which they got official diplomas, authorizing them to practice their profession. So, I joined the class with my editor's recommendation letter. That's how I graduated in journalism with the same professors who taught at the university.

When I came to Sofia I first began working in the Voluntary Auxiliary Defense Organization (V.A.D.O.) at the Ministry of Defense. It was a school for radiotelegraphic operators, parachutists, and motorcyclists. I was there for some six years and in charge of the radio programs. Then I was redirected to the military editors of Radio Sofia and our programs were broadcast from there. The programs were dedicated to different competitions in yachting, parachuting, and to various club activities; to the work of the V.A.D.O. in different enterprises. At that time Kamen Roussev, a senior lieutenant, was the editor-in-chief. I didn't get on well with him at all. I was inexperienced at the very beginning of my career as a journalist and he was constantly making remarks to me.

Then I switched over to working in the 'Internal Information' department of the radio. I traveled around plants and factories and made a lot of interviews and articles about them reflecting on various problems. Now most of those enterprises are destroyed and it makes me feel really sad. Those were highly esteemed enterprises, which had worldwide export.

I made an interview with Tupolev - the aviation constructor, who created the TU-154 airplane. I also interviewed a Chilean diplomat who came to establish friendly relations with Bulgaria [that was long before the Junta]. We arranged a meeting in the Balkan hotel with the understanding that he would come with an interpreter, but his interpreter didn't come. With my school French I was quite unable to make an interview. I tried Judezmo-Espaniol and the conversation went well. However, as a diplomat he passed me a paper with already prepared questions, but I couldn't read his handwriting. So what was I supposed to do? In order to resolve the delicate situation, I offered to take him to the radio studio because of the noise in the hotel lobby. He agreed but preferred to walk there by foot. I introduced him to the director and the secretary immediately found an interpreter - and that's how the interview was finally taken. I have also worked for the radio shows called 'Foreign Programs' and 'Program for the Capital'.

I also collaborated with newspapers; I wrote short stories. Albuhaire is quite difficult to pronounce and I was working primarily with Bulgarian people, so I decided that my husband's name Jack was much easier and I chose to present myself with it as a penname. So I am known as Gracia Jack in the radio and writers' circles and that's how I sign my name. In the Jewish quarter and the Bet Am 16 I am better known as Albuhaire.

I started publishing books after 10th November 1989. I had greater opportunities because I received financial support from Switzerland, and I invested a part of this in publishing my books. The promotion of my books took place in the Jewish school and the Jewish community Shalom 17. Many of my poems became popular in the Jewish community. In my book 'Shadai - the Star of David' I wanted to immortalize the memory of my perished compatriots.

I have rarely come across anti-Semitic manifestations. Once I was on a business trip to Kula [in Northern Bulgaria]. I went to the municipality to meet the person responsible for the military department. It turned out that he was an acquaintance of mine from Kardzhali [Southern Bulgaria]. We had been colleagues. So we shook hands like in the old times and we talked for a while. It was during the Six-Day-War 18 in Israel. Suddenly he started saying: 'Those dirty Jews, how could Hitler have not exterminated them all!' The awful things he said terrified me and I told him in the end: 'What have I done to you to make you wish that Hitler had killed me too?' 'Why?' - he asked. 'Because I am a Jew.' - I replied. He turned pale, he wrung my hand but he couldn't say a word to me. And that's how we parted. I didn't make an interview with him. There were isolated cases like this one, but the good things were more numerous and far more interesting.

Isidor Solomonov from our 'Jewish News' newspaper, with which I used to collaborate, introduced me to the writer Marc Abramovich [his pen name was Marc Rasumnii] from Riga, Latvia, from the former USSR. I got in touch and kept correspondence in Russian with him until his death. He used to send me his books and short stories and I translated them. One summer I visited him. He took me to the Riga Memorial of the Jews who perished in World War II. He was an elderly Jew who had survived the Holocaust. We discussed a lot of themes with him and now I feel sorry that I never asked him how he had managed to escape from the Nazi occupation in Riga. He kept correspondence with the 'Hamerlaind' Jewish newspaper in Moscow; therefore I suppose he was a German Haldeyan Jew. I still keep his letters and one day I will probably send them to Riga.

I tried to find the archives of the Karnobat synagogue, which was destroyed after 9th September 1944. The Jewish school is still there in Karnobat but it is quite neglected. The archives, the things needed for prayers - the Torah, the books and other ritual objects -have disappeared. I was told that they were in museums in Bourgas and Sofia, but I couldn't find them. I was also told that most of the things from the provincial synagogues had been put in a depot in Pancharevo [a village near Sofia], but there had been a fire in that depot and they were destroyed.

In Karnobat not only the synagogue has been destroyed but also all the Jews have left since 1948, in large groups. Today there is not a single Jew in the town. Even the Jewish neighborhood, which had once been so lively, is now populated with Bulgarians who came from the nearby villages. The name of the street has been changed to 'Ivan Vazov', although people still say that they live in the Jewish quarter. I visited the town on a school graduation anniversary, and the first place I went to was the Jewish neighborhood. I was terrified because I couldn't find my father's house. I saw my neighbor 'Americata' by chance and she led me to the place where a big residential estate had been built. I asked her where the nice well had vanished to with the cold water we had once drunk from. The pear tree, the trellis vine had also disappeared. The well was now in the basement of the living estate, plugged up and quite useless. Uncle Yuda's house, which was opposite ours, looked dark, plain and abandoned. It looked like a shack, although it had once been stately, beautiful and large. I was very saddened. The well next to the school, from where the whole city took water, had also vanished.

I became a member of the Bulgarian Communist Party in 1946, in the teacher's organization in Bourgas. Yet my children were brought up as Jews in the spirit of the Jewish holidays and traditions. My older daughter, Reni, graduated in machine engineering and worked as a constructor and designer, but she became ill with diabetes and she is now an invalid. My younger daughter, Olya, married Victor Avramov but they got divorced. He didn't like being a Jew and being called Beraha, so he calls himself Victor Avramov, after his father's and grandfather's name. They have one son, Alexander, who studies in the American College in Kjustendil and lives with his other grandmother.

After 10th November 1989 we would have had to get documents to prove that my grandfather owned his house and to prove our rights as heirs, but most of the family members were in Israel. It was all too complicated, so we left it at that. Nobody had the nerves and the time to deal with this.

I went to Israel in 2000. My nephews sent me the ticket and organized my stay there. In the course of a month I visited all the relatives on my father's side and some on my husband's side. When I arrived I felt like I was on an Asian continent. In Tel Aviv I saw broad-leaved trees. My first impression was that the country was wonderful. I had meetings with poets and leaders of different organizations, who had arranged literary meetings for me. I saw many people from Bulgaria. Obviously they had announced my visit and people from Karnobat came especially to see me. I traveled to many cities. Be'er Sheva, Jaffa, Tel Aviv, Rishon Letzion, Ramat Gan, Jerusalem, Haifa. When I was in Israel I was as though in a dream-like state - full of emotions and experiences. We were all the time worried about our relatives and friends in Israel, as well as now.

During my trip to Israel that year, I also visited professor Albert Behar in Jerusalem. We saw the sights of Jerusalem; we visited the Yaf Ashen memorial. At the same time the road to old Jerusalem was closed. The Arabs had announced a day of revenge, a day for peaceful manifestations and meetings, although they actually fired shots. It was frightening. Therefore the police had cordoned off the whole region. I celebrated Yom Kippur in Jerusalem; we did taanit [means fast in Ivrit] and went to the olive forest. The professor showed me the city. When we saw a package with a bottle sticking out of it, he told me that we should immediately report it to the police because it might be an explosive. I thought that it was probably a bottle of water. But he insisted that it might be a 'Molotov' cocktail.

Almost all of my generation, the middle-aged or even the youngest ones, in the Jewish community know me. They ask me to read books or recite poems for them. I have recited poems in Ladino when there were guests from Israel. I think that people have respect for me. Nowadays I regularly visit the Bet Am. I am happy with the life within the Bet Am now. We have different celebrations and gather on different occasions. The time I need for personal amusement and recreation I usually spend in the Bet Am. Some of its initiatives are financially supported by the Joint because the Jews that live here don't have many financial possibilities. We get together and a Jewish atmosphere is created. Quite a lot of weddings are carried out currently in the synagogue, something that has never been done before. Traditions that have fallen into oblivion are renewed. There is a youth organization. There is also a Bulgarian school where Hebrew is taught. We call it a Jewish school. There are young Bulgarian people who have also enrolled to study Hebrew. The children also gather on Sunday. They visit the events of the different clubs, organized by Shalom, such as concerts, meetings with composers, artists, etc. They visit the synagogue also, especially on Sukkot. Older people are more active in terms of visiting the Bet Am. There is also the women's organization, the WIZO. At 'ESPERANSA 2000' we shared experiences and knowledge in how to preserve our ancestors' language Judezmo-Espaniol, in which many books have been written. It will be a real treasure to read them and learn about our history. It was interesting to meet other Jews from other Balkan countries at this festival.

Glossary

1 Sephardi Jewry

Jews of Spanish and Portuguese origin. Their ancestors settled down in North Africa, the Ottoman Empire, South America, Italy and the Netherlands after they had been driven out from the Iberian peninsula at the end of the 15th century. About 250,000 Jews left Spain and Portugal on this occasion. A distant group among Sephardi refugees were the Crypto- Jews (Marranos), who converted to Christianity under the pressure of the Inquisition but at the first occasion reassumed their Jewish identity. Sephardi preserved their community identity; they speak Ladino language in their communities up until today. The Jewish nation is formed by two main groups: the Ashkenazi and the Sephardi group which differ in habits, liturgy their relation toward Kabala, pronunciation as well in their philosophy.

2 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union unexpectedly declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

3 Kukers

A traditional Bulgarian custom, in which men, called kukers, wear elaborate costumes and masks and parade through villages around New Year's time, making lots of noise and receiving food and drink. The ritual is thought to ward off evil spirits and to beckon prosperity and fertility for the new year.

4 First Balkan War (1912-1913)

Started by an alliance made up of Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro against the Ottoman Empire. It was a response to the Turkish nationalistic policy maintained by the Young Turks in Istanbul. The Balkan League aimed at the liberation of the rest of the Balkans still under Ottoman rule. In October, 1912 the allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire and were soon successful: the Ottomans retreated to defend Istanbul and Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace fell into the hands of the allies. The war ended on the 30th May 1913 with the Treaty of London, which gave most of European Turkey to the allies and also created the Albanian state.

5 Boza

A sweet, syrupy wheat-based drink popular in Bulgaria.

6 Ottoman Rule in Bulgaria

The territory of today's Bulgaria and most of South Eastern Europe was an integral part of the Ottoman Empire for about five hundred years, from the 14th century until 1878. During the 1877-78 Russian-Turkish War the Russians occupied the Bulgarian lands and brought about the independent Bulgarian state, which however left many Bulgarians outside its boundaries, mostly in areas still under Ottoman rule. The autonomous Ottoman province of Eastern Rumelia united with Bulgaria in 1885, and Bulgaria gained a small part of Macedonia (Pirin Macedonia) in the Balkan Wars (1912-13). However complete Bulgarian national unity was never achieved as many of the Bulgarians remained within the neighboring countries, such as in Greece (Aegean Thrace and Makedonia), Serbia (Macedonia and Eastern Serbia) and Romania (Dobrudzha).

7 Forced labor camps in Bulgaria

Established under the Council of Ministers' Act in 1941. All Jewish men between the ages of 18-50, eligible for military service, were called up. In these labor groups Jewish men were forced to work 7-8 months a year on different road constructions under very hard living and working conditions.

8 Burmoelos (or burmolikos, burlikus)

A sweetmeat made from matzah, typical for Pesach. First, the matzah is put into water, then squashed and mixed with eggs. Balls are made from the mixture, they are fried and the result is something like donuts.

9 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the distinctive yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expelled from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In the Bulgarian-occupied Yugoslav (Macedonia) and Greek (Aegean Thrace) territories the Bulgarian army and administration introduced extreme measures. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria proper were halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

10 Brannik

Pro-fascist youth organization. It started functioning after the Law for the Protection of the Nation was passed in 1941 and the Bulgarian government forged its pro-German policy. The Branniks regularly maltreated Jews.

11 Bulgarian Legions

Union of the Bulgarian National Legions. Bulgarian fascist movement, established in 1930. Following the Italian model it aimed at building a corporate totalitarian state on the basis of military centralism. It was dismissed in 1944 after the communist take-over.

12 10th November 1989

After 35 years of rule, Communist Party leader Todor Zhivkov was replaced by the hitherto Prime Minister Peter Mladenov who changed the Bulgarian Communist Party's name to Socialist Party. On 17th November 1989 Mladenov became head of state, as successor of Zhivkov. Massive opposition demonstrations in Sofia with hundreds of thousands of participants calling for democratic reforms followed from 18th November to December 1989. On 7th December the 'Union of Democratic Forces' (SDS) was formed consisting of different political organizations and groups.

13 WIZO

Women's International Zionist Organisation; a hundred year old organization with humanitarian purposes aiming at supporting Jewish women all over the world in the field of education, economics, science and culture. Currently the chairwoman of WIZO in Bulgaria is Ms. Alice Levi.

14 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish aid committees, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported the establishment of cultural meeting places, including libraries, theaters and gardens. It also provided religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re-establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from European and Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

15 Mass Aliyah

Between September 1944 and October 1948, 7,000 Bulgarian Jews left for Palestine. The exodus was due to deep-rooted Zionist sentiments, relative alienation from Bulgarian intellectual and political life, and depressed economic conditions. Bulgarian policies toward national minorities were also a factor that motivated emigration. In the late 1940s Bulgaria was anxious to rid itself of national minority groups, such as Armenians and Turks, and thus make its population more homogeneous. More people were allowed to depart in the winter of 1948 and the spring of 1949. The mass exodus continued between 1949 and 1951: 44,267 Jews immigrated to Israel until only a few thousand Jews remained in the country.

16 Bet Am

The Jewish center in Sofia, housing all Jewish organizations today.

17 Shalom Organization

Organization of the Jews in Bulgaria. It is an umbrella organization uniting 8,000 Jews in Bulgaria and has 19 regional branches. Shalom supports all forms of Jewish activities in the country and organizes various programs.

18 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

Dora Postrelko

Dora Postrelko
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: December 2002

Dora Postrelko lives alone in a small room (12 square meters, at the most) in a communal apartment 1 on the first floor of a house in one of Kiev's distant districts. Her neighbors are a young Ukrainian family of three. They get along well, but that doesn't mean that they don't argue every now and then, due to lack of space. They have separate power and gas meters and their own light bulbs in support facilities. There is a long hallway, toilet and bathroom and a 5 square meter kitchen with two tiny tables and a stove. They keep their kitchen utilities in the rooms. The apartment needs to be renovated because it's in a terrible condition. Dora's room is poorly furnished, but it's clean and decorated with her embroidery and crocheted napkins that she made herself. Dora never finished secondary school, but she loves reading. She has books: fiction and detective stories. Her furniture is old and worn out. Dora had an injury and surgery a few years ago. She can hardly walk with crutches. She cannot sit so I help her lie down on the sofa. Dora has a strong will and a sense of humor, but she doesn't let outsiders look at the bottom of her heart. Therefore, she asked me to ask no questions about her personal life. She only told me what she wanted to tell.

My maternal and paternal ancestors came from Tomashpol, Vinnitsa province, in Ukraine [about 400 km from Kiev]. This town was within the Pale of Settlement 2 before the Revolution of 1917 3. 90% of its population was Jewish. Ukrainian families lived on the outskirts of town where land wasn't so expensive. There were small pise-walled houses with downward roofs, window shutters and front doors. There were narrow lime and poplar trees alongside the streets. The Jews in the town were craftsmen: tailors, shoemakers, joiners, glass-cutters and barbers. They had their shops on the ground floors of their houses. There were also wealthier families of a doctor, a pharmacist and merchants, who lived in stone houses in the main square. There was a synagogue and a market. Ukrainian farmers sold poultry, millet, and vegetables and bought salt, soap, matches, haberdashery and hardware from the Jews.

My maternal ancestors, the Wainshteins, were merchants and wealthy. I don't know their names or what they were selling. They had many children. The youngest, Ehill Wainshtein, my grandfather, was his mother's darling. Ehill was a sickly child and this only added to his mother's love and devotion. Ehill was deaf and dumb and children teased him and didn't want to play with him. When it was time to find a fiancée for him it turned out that nobody wanted to marry him; despite his wealth. He met Anne, a girl from a poor family that counted each piece of bread, and there were always more hungry mouths to feed than pieces of bread. Although his parents were against their marriage he married the girl and went to live in her family. They had a wedding at the synagogue and a chuppah, but the wedding party was rather small since my grandfather's parents were against this marriage and abandoned their once beloved son.

Ehill and Anne lived with Anne's family several months until they managed to buy a half-destroyed hut with the help of his parents because they didn't accept her and were very unhappy that their son lived in her family's house. That was the last time they supported them. They told him to learn a profession since they weren't going to support his family. Ehill was an apprentice to a local roofer for several months. He made mugs, buckets and basins from roof tin in the roofer's shop and studied making roofs and painting them. He became a skilled roofer. Grandmother Anne was a housewife. She was busy raising her children. Grandfather Ehill died in 1920, and Grandmother Anne died 10 years later, in 1930.

They had five children: Dvoira, Leib, Moshe, my mother Surah and Abram. The boys studied at cheder, where they received the basics of Jewish religious education, and at the Jewish elementary school. The girls also finished two or three years of the Jewish elementary school.

Dvoira, the oldest one, was born in 1884. When she was a very young girl a man, 20 years older than her, proposed to her. Dvoira refused to marry him and married a young man her age instead. I don't remember his name. He died long before I was born. When Dvoira lost her husband her first fiancé proposed to her again and, again, she refused him. This happened several times: in the middle of the 1920s and before the Great Patriotic War 4. Then, in 1944, when Dvoira returned to Tomashpol from evacuation, he proposed to her again. They finally got married: Dvoira was 60 and her husband was 80 years old at the time. They lived together for 15 years. Dvoira died in 1960 and her husband lived until the age of 105.

Dvoira was very religious. She celebrated Jewish holidays and followed the kashrut. Dvoira's children were my friends. We kept in touch over many years. We visited each other when we grew up. We liked to get together and recall our childhood and our parents. Her children always congratulated me on my birthday and I congratulated them. They weren't religious. Her older boy died in infancy. Her daughters' names were Olte, Tsylia, Fania and Rachil. Her sons' names were Fridl, Naum and Moshe. I don't remember their exact dates of birth. They were born in Dvoira's first marriage between 1903 and 1915. Her daughters Olte and Rachil moved to Kiev in the early 1930s, after they got married, and Dvoira and Fridl followed them. During the Great Patriotic War they were in evacuation, and they returned to Kiev after the war. They were married and had children. They didn't have any education and were laborers at plants. They passed away a long time ago and were buried in the town cemetery. Naum was recruited to the army and perished during the Great Patriotic War.

My mother's older brothers Leib and Moshe left for South America around 1910 hoping for a better future. My mother loved her brothers dearly, especially Moshe. She had a picture of the two of them shortly before he left for South America. Her brothers settled down in Argentina. They corresponded with their grandparents for several years. Some time later Moshe died of some disease. He was still young when he died. Dvoira's son, my cousin, was named after him. I have no information about Leib because his letters didn't reach us after the Revolution of 1917 and we stopped writing to him because it wasn't safe [to keep in touch with relatives abroad] 5.

My mother's younger brother Abram, born in 1901, got a higher education during the time of the Soviet regime. He entered agricultural college in Kiev and was then transferred to the Industrial College [Polytechnic College at present]. Abram lived in Kiev and worked as an engineer at a plant after finishing college. During the Great Patriotic War he was in evacuation in Siberia where his plant relocated and returned to Kiev after the war. Abram married Maria, a Ukrainian girl, at the age of 49. She had two children of her own already. Their daughter Sophia was born in 1950, and given her name after the first letter of my mother's name. Abram died in 1975. Since then I've never saw Sophia and her mother again.

My mother, Surah Wainshtein, was born in 1893. She finished a Jewish elementary school and began to help her sister Dvoira, who had several children by then, about the house. My mother grew up in a religious family. My aunt told me that their parents celebrated all Jewish holidays, observed Sabbath and followed the kashrut and Jewish traditions. Life took a routinely pace until my mother met my father- to-be.

My father Aron Gehtmann also came from Tomashpol. My paternal grandfather Srul Gehtmann was born in Tomashpol in the 1860s. He was a joiner, but he didn't have much work to do. He was a very religious Jew and stayed in the synagogue all day long. He engaged himself in reading old dusty religious books in Hebrew and in prayers. Srul was a well- respected man who could interpret the Talmud and the Torah; I don't know whether he ever had a chance to use this knowledge in everyday life, but it certainly added to his personality. However, he was no good in everyday routine. His wife Surah and their children lived from hand-to- mouth in their small house, which didn't differ from other houses of poor Jewish families in Tomashpol. There were two small rooms, a small kitchen with a Russian stove 6, which occupied a lot of space, and my grandfather's shop.

Meat was rare food for the family. They ate potatoes for the most part and could hardly afford to have a festive meal on Saturdays. But still, before Pesach and other religious holidays, Grandmother Surah bought a chicken at the market, which was kept in a box in the kitchen until it was time to bring it to the shochet. My grandfather demanded that all religious rules were strictly observed in the family. He conducted the seder and my father, being the only boy in the family, asked him questions from the Haggaddah. During the Great Patriotic War my grandparents stayed in Tomashpol. I don't know if they stayed in town throughout the war or got into a camp or ghetto. All I know is that my grandmother starved to death during the occupation. Grandfather Srul survived the war and died in 1946.

My grandparents had four daughters and a son: Dvoira, Esther, Gitl, Beila and my father Aron. They were raised religiously and my grandfather made sure that they strictly observed all rules. The girls were taught housekeeping and helped my grandmother about the house. They were all religious and strictly observed traditions. Dvoira, the oldest, born in 1885, and her husband Gershl lived in Tomashpol before the Great Patriotic War. Gershl died before the war and Dvoira and her children disappeared in evacuation. Most likely, they perished in an air raid.

Esther, born around 1890, was in evacuation during the Great Patriotic War and lived in Tomashpol after the war. I visited her several times. Esther died in the 1960s and her children Sonia and Moshe moved to the USA in the 1970s. There were two other sisters, Gitl and Beila, but I didn't know them. All I know is that they were married and had children. They were in evacuation with their children during the Great Patriotic War and returned to Tomashpol after the war. That's all I know about them. I think they passed away a long time ago and their children moved to other locations.

The main reason why my grandfather's family was poor was that they had four daughters. They had to get married and, according to Jewish laws, a bride needed dowry; the Jewish [Yiddish] word is 'nadn'. After a girl was born to a family her parents began to save money for her dowry. My grandparents needed a lot of money for the dowry for four daughters. Grandmother Surah managed to save some 'peanuts', by putting aside some money from the modest family income.

My father didn't like Jewish customs and traditions from his childhood on. He believed they were the reason for the suffering of his mother and his sisters and their poverty. He went to cheder like all Jewish boys, but then he refused to continue his studies and gave up religion for good. He thought it was funny the way his father was praying and swinging, repeating weird words. He was slapped and hit for mocking his father. As a protest, he spent more and more time with his Ukrainian friends. He ate bread with his friends during Pesach. This made my grandfather very angry and didn't help liking his son, of course. However, my father agreed to have his bar mitzvah. A year later he ran away from home and went to Vinnitsa where he became an apprentice to a joiner.

My father returned to Tomashpol before he turned 18. He met my mother. He had known her since he was a child, but hadn't seen her for a few years. My mother was two years older than my father. She was a beauty and sang wonderfully. My father fell in love. My mother also fell in love with him, although he was just a boy then. According to Jewish custom they couldn't get married. If a girl had the same name as the boy's mother they weren't allowed to be married. [Editor's note: This custom was followed only among certain ultra-Orthodox groups.] Superstition had it that this might lead to the mother's death. My mother's name was Surah and so was the name of my paternal grandmother. My mother was kind of destined to bad luck. Her sister told me that her first fiancé's mother was also called Surah. The boy was madly in love with my mother and thought of ways of making her his wife but had to give up. He left Tomashpol and my mother never saw him again.

My father was different. When my grandmother Surah consulted a rabbi and had his support to forbid my father to marry the girl he loved, he took my mother away without telling anyone. Only my mother's sister Dvoira was aware of their plan. They went to a Ukrainian village near Tomashpol and settled down in a Ukrainian house. They had a kitchen garden and kept livestock. This happened in 1914. My mother soon got pregnant. When my father's parents heard about it they asked my father and mother to come home and live with them. When the baby was due my parents went back to Tomashpol.

My sister Hana was born in May 1915. On the day she was born my father received a call-up from the military registry office. He had to join the tsarist army. World War I was raging and my father went to the front. My mother stayed in his parents' house. Grandfather Srul had a harsh character and treated my mother badly, but Grandmother Surah liked her namesake and tried to help her, although she had been against her son's marriage at the beginning.

My father was at the front until the middle of 1916. At that time soldiers with revolutionary ideas began to agitate against the tsar and my father took advantage of the situation and left for home. Simply said, he was a deserter. He went to Russia where he knocked around for about a year before he returned to Tomashpol after the October Revolution of 1917.

When he returned my parents had a civil wedding ceremony at a registry office. They didn't have a traditional Jewish wedding. My father's parents didn't like it at all, and my father rented an apartment in a private house. I was born in November 1918.

My parents were poor. My father was a joiner and my mother was a housewife. My father didn't have much work to do. It was the period of the Civil War 7, and nobody needed his skills. My father was very enthusiastic about the Revolution. He liked the fact that poor people like him came to power. He supported the Soviet power and agitated for the Soviets. He helped to expropriate wealthy people's houses and belongings. At that time, when regimes in the town switched at least once a month from the Reds 8 to the Whites 9 and the Greens 10, there were pogroms 11 during which Jews were robbed and killed. Our family didn't suffer from them since my father had many Ukrainian friends that were hiding us.

My father survived thanks to his friends. When another gang 12 came to town they began to execute supporters of the Soviet regime. My father was buried up to his chest for not being a Jew but cooperating with the authorities instead. They would have buried him alive, but one of those bandits knew my father and was his friend. They used to drink vodka together. This man persuaded their chief to let my father go. Therefore, my father's wild, reckless character rescued him. The bandits didn't touch my grandparents, who were hiding in the basement. They attacked younger people that supported the Soviet power. Grandfather Ehill died in 1920, but since I was only two years old then I can't remember that time. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery according to Jewish laws.

My father was different from other Jews. He liked parties and drinking, and he loved women. In 1920 my mother had another boy, Ehill, named after my grandfather, who had died shortly before. She was constantly busy with the children and about the house. She wasn't attractive any longer and my father lost interest in her. He began to see a Russian woman called Evdokia, who had come from Petersburg to become a teacher in the Russian school. There were no arguments in our house. My father just left my mother with the three children. He took Evdokia to the same village where he had taken my mother once upon a time.

My mother fell ill after my father left. She loved him dearly and couldn't bear his betrayal. She refused to eat or breastfeed the baby. The baby was given cow milk with some water. It was a period of famine [in Ukraine] 13 and it was hard to get milk. The baby contracted enteric fever and died. I have dim memories of a small coffin with a little body inside and my grandfather Srul praying and crying. My grandfather visited us every now and then after our father left us. He felt sorry for my mother, my sister and me, but what could he do to help us? My mother was indifferent to what was happening around her. She died shortly after the baby's death. They said she died from a broken heart. I don't know a scientific name for her disease; she faded from anguish and sorrow.

My father didn't come to her funeral. When he heard that she had died he ordered my grandmother Surah to take care of us. We lived with my grandparents for some time. We starved. I even remember my grandfather saying that we were a burden to them. My cousin Olte and Dvoira often came to see us. They brought us some food, but it wasn't enough. We were getting swollen from hunger. Uncle Abram, my mother's younger brother, came from Kiev and made arrangements for us to get into a children's home.

It was a Jewish children's home in Tomashpol. At least we got regular meals there. In those years the Joint 14 provided assistance and support to Russian children's institutions. We sometimes ate American tinned meat and egg powder - it was a feast. We wore trousers, sweaters and dresses from America. It was a small children's home: a one-storied building with about 40 children and a few teachers. We didn't learn anything. We played a lot and spoke Yiddish. I don't remember any celebration of religious holidays there; I don't remember any holidays from my childhood. It seems to me now that there were none.

I felt lonely in the children's home since my sister Hana, who was three years older than I, was in another class and spent little time with me. We had been staying in that home for about a year, when Evdokia, my father's new wife, came to see us. She brought sweets and tried to persuade us to come live with her, our father and their little son, born in 1922. This happened in summer when Uncle Abram was on vacation in Tomashpol. When he heard about her arrival he quickly came to the children's home and told us that we weren't going to father's new family, where we would just be baby-sitters for their children. Abram told Evdokia to go away. She left and I never saw her again. I didn't know my father until 1945.

We moved from one children's home to the next. For some reason children's homes were closed down, just to be opened in another location. When I was six years old our home moved into a big stone house that formerly belonged to some rich man. It was being renovated, and once I fell from the balcony on the second floor, which had no fence. I injured my hip and this injury developed into osseous tuberculosis. My sister and I were separated. She was sent to Bratslav and I went to Gaisin. [Editor's note: Bratslav and Gaisin are small towns near Tomashpol in Vinnitsa region.] Then I moved to another children's home in Krasnoye and then in Peschanka - I have dim memories about it. They were all the same with big bedrooms, small beds with thin blankets and little food. Our teachers were kind to us and when I was small I called each of them 'mother'. I went to a local Jewish school when I was in one of those children's homes, and my sister studied in a Jewish school in Bratslav. When we were to move to another children's home my friends asked our teacher to send me to the children's home in Bratslav. That's how we reunited.

The children's home in Bratslav was probably the worst one. The director of the home cared little about raising children. Boys were roaming about, destroyed everything they bumped into and beat the girls. They only beat me once, but Hana, who had turned into a radiant, young girl suffered from their passes. None of our relatives ever visited us all these years. Only occasionally they wrote letters telling us about their hard life. In 1929 Hana wrote to Abram asking him to take us away from the children's home. He told us to wait until the summer vacations, but we couldn't wait any longer. In early spring, as soon as the snow had melted, Hana took me by the hand and we left the home. We headed to nearby Tulchin, where Dvoira's son Fridl worked as a blacksmith. We met a balegole [Yiddish for coachman] on the way. He asked where we were going. He happened to be riding to Tulchin and told us to get on the cart. My sister said that we didn't have money, but he just laughed and said, 'Get on, kids!' He took us to Fridl's house. Fridl sent a telegram to Uncle Abram in Kiev, saying, 'The children ran away from the children's home'. Abram was a student at Kiev Industrial College. He came and took us with him to Kiev.

He lived in a hostel. There were a few other tenants in his room. They put a bed for us behind a curtain and we stayed in this room several weeks until Abram made arrangements for us to go to the children's home in Kiev.

We went to another children's home in Kuznechnaya Street [today Gorkogo Street, named after Gorky 15, one of the central streets in Kiev]. This children's home was no different from others, but we liked living in the center of the city with its wide streets. Along with other children of the home I went to a Jewish lower secondary school. The teachers and other children at school treated us well. The school for senior pupils, where Hana studied, was in Tereschenskaya Street [Pushkinskaya at present], not far from ours, and Hana and I often saw each other. We did our homework after school and played together. Sometimes our schoolmates invited us to their homes. Their parents were good to us and gave us clothes and treats. Uncle Abram visited us several times.

In 1932, during the period of famine in Ukraine, the children's home was to move to Zvenigorodka near Kiev. I don't know why we had to move so often. By that time Hana had finished school, and I didn't want to go there alone. I asked my uncle to take me from the children's home. My uncle said that he would under the condition that I went to work since he couldn't provide for us in those hard times. So, I just finished five years at school and never continued my studies.

My sister went to study at the Rabfak 16 and lived with Uncle Abram. She studied very well and was transferred to the second year. Uncle Abram helped me to enter a vocational school at Kiev Locomotive Repair Plant. I worked at the plant and studied. Life was very hard. This was a period of famine. My uncle helped me to get a job in a shop, where I had to carry heavy planks to get 800 grams of bread per coupons. I got very tired at work.

The three of us lived in one room that Uncle Abram had received from the plant. Once, late in the evening, I fell asleep and didn't hear Uncle Abram knocking on the door. He got very angry and told me off. I felt hurt. I packed my belongings and left the room. I was 14 years old. My sister was more reserved and stayed with Uncle Abram. She told me to forgive our uncle, but I was stubborn. I slept in parks or at the railway station. I was taken away by the militia several times. They threatened to send me to a children's home for vagrancy. Every time my sister came to my rescue. She had received a small room at the hostel of the Rabfak where she took me. The administration of the hostel didn't allow me to stay there overnight and I had to get to the room through the window. It was a good thing that the room was on the first floor.

Later I received a small room in an apartment from my school. This was in 1933. I didn't have any energy to lift a heavy hammer or even to walk to work. One morning I couldn't get up. I stayed in bed for three days. My legs got swollen. A few days later my schoolmate came to tell me that I had to go to the trade union committee of my school. It turned out they had been putting money from our salary into a bank and had received some interest. I got a pair of shoes, a big fish and some money. I went to the market and bought some bread, potatoes and some other food. I went to see my sister, who was also staying in bed from hunger and couldn't go to work. She boiled the fish. This fish and assistance of the plant saved us.

A few days later students of my sister's school went to work in a kolkhoz 17. This kolkhoz was doing fine and people didn't starve. We lived there for ten days and our condition improved. When we returned to Kiev I saw an announcement about the admission of typesetters into a vocational school at a plant and decided to go there. I had to make a plot to enter this school since they required a certificate of lower secondary education that I didn't have. Hana had two certificates: one in Russian that she submitted to her school and another one in English. I changed one letter in the initials and submitted the certificate to the admission commission. I was admitted to the school. After one year of studies I became a manual typesetter and got a job assignment to the printing house of the journale called Communist. I and two other girls, employees of the printing house, lived in a room near the railway station. The printing house paid our rent.

I worked in Solomenka district and got to work by tram. There was a law at that time. According to that law an employee got fired for being late for work. They also made a note in one's employment record book that a person was fired for missing from work, and nobody ever wanted to hire such a person. This was what happened to me. The trams were overcrowded, and once I jumped on but lost balance and fell under the tram. I was injured and couldn't go to work. I should have called a doctor to take a sick leave, but I just stayed at home for two days instead. When I came to work I found out that I had been fired with a disgraceful note in my employment record book. I couldn't get another job and stayed with my sister for some time. She was already a student at the industrial college. She received a stipend that was too low for the two of us. Aunt Dvoira and her daughters Rachil and Olte lived in Kiev at that time. They convinced me to go to Tomashpol where my relatives could help me to get a job. I went there in 1935.

In Tomashpol I stayed with my cousin Moshe, Aunt Dvoira's son. Moshe had married shortly before, and his wife Riva was having her first baby. I got a job at the town printing house. Its director, Abram Goihman, was a very nice and kind person. I worked in the typesetting shop and got a good salary. I went to the entertainment center with my friends. I didn't take part in any public activities and wasn't interested in politics. At school I was a Young Octobrist 18 and a pioneer like all other children, but I didn't feel like joining the Komsomol 19. I liked singing and dancing and went to young people's parties.

Moshe's family didn't follow the kashrut, but Moshe didn't work on Saturdays and sometimes went to the synagogue. He wasn't deeply religious, just like so many other young people at that time, but his family traditionally celebrated the main holidays: Pesach and Rosh Hashanah. I lived in Tomashpol for about a year. In spring 1936 I received a telegram from Kiev. My sister had tuberculosis and was in hospital. I went to Kiev immediately. I didn't have a place to stay. I spent a few nights at the railway station. Then I bumped into my former schoolmate Mariana. She was the youngest daughter of a big Ukrainian family and they gave me shelter. They were very sympathetic people, accepted me into their family and gave me food until I got a job.

It was hard for me to work at the typesetting shop. It was hazardous work and I was afraid to develop tuberculosis like my sister. I went to work at the Central Post Office in Kiev. I sorted mail in the beginning and then became a crew leader. I liked this job. My management valued me and I often got bonuses and awards of appreciation. My sister got treatment in hospital and in a recreation center in Kiev. Then she came back to study in college. Each year in summer she got a free trip to the tuberculosis recreation center in the Crimea. She got better and began to see her fellow student Sasha Goldberg, a Jew. They planned to get married after finishing college, but life had its own rules.

On 22nd June 1941 the Great Patriotic War began. We didn't know anything about the war in Europe and it came as a complete surprise to us. My sister defended her diploma a few days after the war began and got a mandatory job assignment 20 to Kryukov-on-the-Dnieper, a small town near Kremenchug [250 km from Kiev]. There was a railcar repair plant there. I quit my job because I decided to go with my sister. Her fiancé Sasha was sent to the military plant in Cheliabinsk, a distant town in Russia. Before he left he took us to his mother, who lived in Artyoma Street. She helped us to get on a boat sailing down the Dnieper to Kremenchug and from there we had to get to the town where the plant was located.

The boat was overcrowded. People were evacuating to Dnepropetrovsk and from there farther East. It didn't even occur to us that we had to evacuate as well. Hana had her job assignment, received her traveling allowances and had to get to work. The Dnieper was bombed, but fortunately nobody suffered on our boat. We arrived in Kremenchug at night and bombs exploded all around. There was such a noise that we were afraid that our eardrums would burst into pieces. We hid in some pits to wait until the bombing was over. Then we crossed the Dnieper on a boat to get to Kryukov. Kryukov consisted of a plant, a big three-storied building for non-manual workers and a small village. My sister and I got a room for two in this building. Hana went to work for several weeks. On 6th August 1941 German troops landed a few kilometers away from the plant. Emergency evacuation began.

Hana and I packed our rucksacks at night. In the morning of 7th August we left the house. My sister went to the plant hoping that somebody would take us to the railway station, but there was no management left at the plant. They had evacuated at night. Somebody told her that there was a boat on the Dnieper taking people to the railway station across the river. We went on foot. Hana got tired and had to take a rest on the road. Horse-driven carts were passing by. I begged people to take Hana, but they all refused. We finally reached the Dnieper. It was very wide at this certain spot and there was an island in the middle of the river, so actually we had to cross the river twice. Shortly before we arrived the boat was hit by a bomb and sank with all women and children aboard. People on the bank of the river were crying and running along the bank looking for something to cross the river on. Some people were hysterical and jumped into the river trying to swim under continuous bombing. I walked along the bank and found a cracked boat with no paddles. A big man also grabbed the boat and we dragged it to the spot where Hana was waiting for me. We calked the boat, loaded all our belongings onto it and pushed it into the water. Instead of a paddle we used a plank. Some people began to beg us to take them with us, grabbing the boat.

Finally, we moved on. Our fellow traveler rowed with a plank and I helped him with my hands. We crossed the first half, but when we continued it began to rain. My sister got wet and began to cough more and more. As soon as we reached the bank our fellow traveler disappeared. He was probably afraid that he would have to help us. At some point we realized that we didn't know which direction to go. I began to cry and shout. The reeds were set apart and a military man quietly said, 'Shut up, why are you yelling?' He showed us the way to the station and we walked eight kilometers to get there.

There was a train full of people. When they saw my sister they shifted to make some space for us. She looked like she could die any moment. A few minutes later the train was off. When it stopped our fellow travelers brought tea and boiling water for Hana and gave us some food. We arrived in Donetsk [in the east of Ukraine, 500 km from Kiev] and got accommodation in a kolkhoz. The mistress of the house put some straw on the floor and we slept for several hours. In the morning I went to work at the threshing-floor, but my sister couldn't get up. We stayed there for a week and my sister got better. She asked the chairman of the kolkhoz to help us leave because she wanted to get a job she was qualified for. We got some food and a ride to the railway station where we boarded a freight train.

There were Jews from Western Ukraine on the train. They told us about the brutality of the fascists and that thousands of people had been killed. We didn't know where the train was heading. At a big station I went to pick up a package of food given to evacuating people and missed the train. I was standing on the tracks, weeping. A train drove by and the operator asked me, 'Girl, why are you crying?' I told him that my sister was on the train that I had missed, and he took me to the next station where my sister was waiting for me. At last we got onto a passenger train to Kuibyshev. For some reason the train passed Kuibyshev and only slowed down a little when we were already out of town. Hana jumped out of the railcar shouting to me, 'Dora, jump!' I followed her. There were dozens of other people on the tracks. They told us that Kuibyshev was full of evacuated people and that's why the train hadn't stop.

A man sat at a desk in the steppe. He hired people for the construction of the Buguruslan-Kuibyshev gas pipeline. My sister showed him her diploma and we got employed. We were taken to a hostel. Hana became an engineer and I was employed as a cleaning woman for the time being. We were accommodated in a hostel for non-manual workers. There were two other girls in our room. Hana worked there for about a month and a half. Her condition got much worse. She coughed spitting blood. The chief engineer took my sister to a hospital in Kuibyshev. She stayed there through the fall and part of the winter until February 1942. I visited her, but just occasionally because I worked every single day. In February Hana asked me to take her home. A doctor, an elderly Jewish woman, told me that Hana would die within a month and a half. I took her to our room. Her condition was getting worse. A month later Hana, who was confined to bed, asked me to take her back to hospital. She probably didn't want me to see her dying. She was taken to another hospital, not far from us. My sister couldn't walk and was carried on a stretcher.

Hana died at night, on 14th April 1942. Some workers made a coffin and I and a few men got on a truck to go and bury my sister. We didn't bury her in the cemetery because the road to the cemetery was impassable. There were a few graves of people that had died on their way into evacuation near a forest. I buried my darling sister Hana, my closest and dearest one, near the forest. I answered letters from her fiancé Sasha pretending I was her. I couldn't force myself to tell him the truth. When I finally told him that my sister had died, he wrote back a long letter asking me to send him her photographs. I did. I met Sasha by chance around 1960. He told me that he had been at the front and was wounded. He got married after the war. I never saw him again after that.

I continued working at the gas pipeline construction. I became an apprentice to an electric welder in December, and before the end of winter I became a welder myself. It was hard work. We worked in freezing winter and in the heat of the summer. I received 800 grams of bread with my worker's bread coupons. There were special coupons for cereals that I took to the canteen and received a meal in exchange. Before 1943 we were starving, but then it became easier. We received tea and vodka that I sold to buy what I really needed.

As soon as Kiev was liberated in 1943 I began to submit requests for a permit to return. I didn't know where my relatives were: my cousins Olte, Rachil, Fania and Tsylia, my grandmother and grandfather. I didn't even know where Uncle Abram was because I hadn't gone to see him before I evacuated.

I know what happened to my cousins Tsylia and Fania in the 1940s from what they told me after the war. When the Great Patriotic War began many old Jews stayed in town believing that Germans would be decent and polite like they had been during World War I. Besides, no evacuation of the population was organized. Before the war Tsylia, her husband and her daughter lived in Krasnoye, and Fania and her family lived in Tomashpol. Her husband Ruvim Koltun was recruited to the army on the first days of the war. Tsylia's husband was also at the front. In July 1941, when German troops occupied Tomashpol, Tsylia and her daughter were visiting Fania. She couldn't leave the town. The sisters, along with other Jews of Tomashpol, were among a group of Jews convoyed to another location. Only a few Jewish specialists were allowed to stay in town: tailors, shoemakers and glass-cutters that were needed to do work for the Germans. Blacksmith Moshe, Tsylia's and Fania's brother, was among those allowed to stay. Many people were dying on the way, and others that couldn't keep going were brutally killed by policemen.

Tsylia and Fania tried to stay together. They took turns carrying Fania's younger son. They reached a horrific concentration camp known as 'the dead loop' in the town of Pechora [under Romanian occupation]. They were taken to that area, fenced with barbed wire, where they didn't get any food or water. Every now and then people got something from local Ukrainians. Tsylia and Fania managed to escape through a hole in the fence to beg. The Romanian guards were careless believing that Jews had nowhere to escape to anyway. Even if they tried to make an effort to escape they would die, not far from the camp.

Some inmates had their relatives pay ransom to free them; the Romanians were greedy for gold and money. At some point Tsylia's mother-in-law came from Krasnoye to pay ransom for Tsylia and her daughter. She bribed the guards and they allowed her to take Tsylia and her daughter home. At the last moment, when the horse-driven cab began to move, Fania pushed her older son Yan onto the cab. She begged her sister to take care of him. When winter began - and it was a severe winter in 1941 - Fania and her younger son left the camp at night. Fania decided to try her luck hoping that there would be somebody to rescue them. In any case they wouldn't have been alive for long in the camp. She went to the nearest village and came to the first house. Although she didn't look like a Jew with her fair hair and her bulbous nose, it was impossible to take her for anyone else because she spoke Russian and Ukrainian with a strong Jewish accent. The mistress of the house understood right away where Fania came from. She let Fania and her son in, gave them plenty of food, washed them, gave them clothes and food for the road. She showed Fania a house in the village where she needed to go.

It was the house of the village head, who was in contact with partisans. At night Fania and her son knocked on the door of this house. When the door opened and they went in, Fania almost fainted when she saw four policemen playing cards near the stove. There was a bottle of self-made vodka, pork fat, bread and pickles on the table. The man told Fania to take it easy saying that those 'policemen' were partisans. They invited Fania to have a meal with them. She asked them to help her get to Tomashpol. One of the partisans took her to a crossroad and told her to stop the third sleigh passing by and ask the people to take her home. And, it worked. Fania let the first and second sleigh pass by and stepped onto the road to stop the third one. She was taken to her brother Moshe in Tomashpol.

Moshe was happy to see his sister. He told her that he didn't have money to pay ransom for Fania. When Tsylia's mother-in-law went to save Tsylia he had asked her to pay ransom for Fania as well, but she refused. On the following day Ilyusha, Fania's little boy, died. When Fania and her brother were taking the small coffin to the cemetery, they met a Romanian man in a carriage that stopped them and took Fania with him. He called some policemen, yelled 'partisan' and ordered them to shoot her. Fania kept begging him to allow her to bury her son, but it didn't help. One of the policemen, who knew Fania from before the war, took her to a village with refugees from Bessarabia 21. There was a rabbi among them. He started talking with Fania. She told him her horrible story and named all her relatives. The rabbi told the policemen that Fania was a local Jewish woman and had nothing to do with partisans. This helped and Fania began to live with Moshe's family. Some time later she took care of her sister's older son.

They had a hard life. All Jews in the village had to go to work for over three years. In March 1944 the Soviet troops liberated Vinnitsa and Tomashpol. Tsylia and Fania's husbands returned home after the war. Fania gave birth to a boy, Ilia, named after the baby that had died during the occupation, in 1946. Her husband Ruvim was severely wounded during the war. He died in the middle of the 1950s, and Fania lived with her older son's family in Chernigov for many years. She died in 1993 at the age of 83. Her younger son Ilia and his family live in Israel. Tsylia, her daughter and her husband moved to the US. We didn't correspond and I have no information about their life there. Moshe, his wife and his three children lived in Tomashpol. He died in Tomashpol in 1970, and his children moved to the US in the late 1970s. I don't know what they do.

I returned to Kiev in June 1944. I didn't have a place to stay and went to the Ukrainian family that had once given me shelter. They accommodated me again. A month later I got a job as an electric welder in a plumbing trust. I received a salary of 1,000 rubles. I got back the room where I had lived while I was working at the Central Post Office. I got a one-month assignment to restore the mines of Donetsk, along with several other workers, in September. When the month was over we were told that we had to stay for another six months. I left the place without permission, but the management didn't have a problem with that. Shortly after I returned, I was sent to a one-year course of advanced training at the Institute of Electric Welding. I received a stipend of 300 rubles, which wasn't enough to live on. Uncle Abram found me soon after he returned from evacuation and we cried after Hana together. He began to support me like he did before the war. I met my cousins Rachil and Olte that had been in evacuation during the war. I knew that my father's mother Surah died.

My cousin Olte told me that Grandfather Srul had let my father know that I survived and was in Kiev. My father asked him to tell me to write to him. I was in a conflict: My father had left us and we were suffering. At the same time I was longing for a father's warmth, or, just wanted to know that there was someone of my own kinship. In the end, I did write to my father, beginning my letter with the words, 'Hello, my unknown father ...'.

He came to Kiev immediately, brought me gifts and money and bought me clothes. My father told me that he and Evdokia lived in Leningrad. They had two children: Boris, born in 1922 and Volodia, born in 1928. My father was at the front, wounded and treated in a hospital in Teheran, where he met his older son Boris. That was the last time he saw him: Boris perished in 1944. Evdokia died during the blockade of Leningrad 22. Their younger son, Volodia, was taken out of town via the 'Road of Life' 23 and survived. I never saw Volodia; all I know is that he lived in Leningrad after the war.

I forgave my father and loved him. He was a very impulsive person; when he liked someone he poured kisses and gifts onto that person. The problem was that he was too full of love and for that reason he had left my mother. In 1947 my father married Lisa, a Jewish woman. This was his third marriage. They lived in Leningrad. He often wrote me, but he only visited me two or three times, always bringing gifts. I couldn't afford to go to see him, but I always wished him well on all holidays. My father died in Leningrad in 1968.

A few months after my father and I first met, he began to insist that I got married. I used to see young men before. One of them, Izia from Tomashpol, asked me to be his wife. However, I didn't love anybody. Perhaps, my heart wasn't made for love, or, maybe I had given all my love to Hana. My father made arrangements with a shadkhan - matchmakers that still existed in small towns, even though they did their business secretly. When they found a decent young man that proposed to me. I gave my consent under my father's pressure.

My fiancé Leonid Postrelko was born in 1914. He lived with his parents in Kiev before the war. His father Pinhus and mother Malka perished in Babi Yar 24 in Kiev. They must have been religious, but I didn't know them. Leonid was at the front and received several awards. My father gave us money for my wedding. I had a long, white gown with a long train. We got married in summer 1946. There was a chuppah in the only operating synagogue in Podol 25. My father wasn't religious, but all relatives from both my mother's and father's side insisted that I had a traditional wedding. The wedding party took place at Olte's house. My relatives and friends came to the wedding. There was traditional Jewish food on the table including gefilte fish. The guests ate and drank, danced and sang, and shouted, 'Bitter!' [Editor's note: This is a Russian tradition. Guests shout 'Bitter' to the bride and bridegroom asking them to sweeten bitter alcoholic drinks with their kiss.]

Well, we separated after three months. I didn't love Leonid, but I was young and needed a man. He couldn't give me the joy of fleshly love and a few weeks after the wedding I took a lover: one of the workers in our trust. After I left my husband, he came to see me and was very angry with me. He wrote a letter to my lover's wife. She came from Uman and took him back home. I remained indifferent to this incident, too: I didn't love my lost lover either. I never saw my husband again. I know that he lived in Kiev and was married. I think he's probably dead by now.

I had a few men in my life, but I didn't want to share my life with any of them. I'm alone. I have no children. It was also due to my illness: I began to walk with a stick in the fall of 1946 when I had osseous tuberculosis. I was confined to bed for two years. I had two surgeries and was declared an invalid. I couldn't do hard work any longer and worked as an attendant in a hospital, as a janitor and, later, I made aprons at home.

However, I always tried to be cheerful. When my condition became more stable I began to attend a Ukrainian folk choir that went on tours to many towns of our country. I often went to health recreation centers on vacation. I could stay there for free. I took part in amateur art activities, liked singing, cracking jokes and playing tricks on people. I had friends and cousins that visited me when I was ill. Sometimes we spent time together. We went to the cinema, walked in parks, celebrated Soviet holidays and had parties. They had family responsibilities though and therefore I often didn't have any company. I couldn't afford going on vacation and besides my health condition didn't allow me to travel. I spent my evenings working or watching TV. I retired in 1978. I receive a minimal pension since my salary had been very low.

I never faced anti-Semitism in my life. People have always treated me nice. Of course, I read in newspapers about anti-Semitic campaigns in the late 1940s [the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'] 26 and the early 1950s [Doctor's Plot] 27, but they had no impact on me. When Stalin died I didn't cry like others did. I didn't care.

I received a room in a communal apartment in 1966 and that's where I still live. I've always tried to observe Jewish traditions, at least, a few of them. I couldn't celebrate Saturdays because it was a working day in our country, but I always fasted on Yom Kippur. After the war I went to the synagogue on that day. I always had matzah on Pesach and I celebrated this holiday with my cousins Olte and Rachil.

Many of my relatives moved to Israel and US. If I hadn't been an invalid I would have moved there, too. I've always been attracted by Israel. I believe this is our common motherland.

Perestroika turned out to be a severe trial for me, just like for many other lonely pensioners. We get miserable pensions, just enough to buy bread and milk. However, there are positive signs, too. I think it's good that the Jewish way of life has revived in Ukraine. Hesed provides great assistance to me. They take care of me. It's not just words; Hesed doesn't only mean material support - kind words and information about Jewish cultural life are equally important. We are involved in various activities related to Jewish customs and traditions. I used to attend meetings for elderly people at Hesed daytime center. Two years ago I fell and had a fractured neck of femur. Hesed came to help me. Visiting nurses from Hesed helped me to survive and begin to move. I can only move in my room with the crutches, but I'm alive and I want to live on. That's all that matters.

Glossary:

1 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of shared apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

2 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

3 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during WWI, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

4 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

5 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

6 Russian stove

Big stone stove stoked with wood. They were usually built in a corner of the kitchen and served to heat the house and cook food. It had a bench that made a comfortable bed for children and adults in wintertime.

7 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

8 Reds

Red (Soviet) Army supporting the Soviet authorities.

9 Whites (White Army)

Counter-revolutionary armed forces that fought against the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. The White forces were very heterogeneous: They included monarchists and liberals - supporters of the Constituent Assembly and the tsar. Nationalist and anti-Semitic attitude was very common among rank-and-file members of the white movement, and expressed in both their propaganda material and in the organization of pogroms against Jews. White Army slogans were patriotic. The Whites were united by hatred towards the Bolsheviks and the desire to restore a 'one and inseparable' Russia. The main forces of the White Army were defeated by the Red Army at the end of 1920.

10 Greens

members of the gang headed by Ataman Zeleniy (his nickname means 'green' in Russian).

11 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

12 Gangs

During the Russian Civil War there were all kinds of gangs in the Ukraine. Their members came from all the classes of former Russia, but most of them were peasants. Their leaders used political slogans to dress their criminal acts. These gangs were anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

13 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

14 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during WWI. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re-establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

15 Gorky, Maxim (born Alexei Peshkov) (1868-1936)

Russian writer, publicist and revolutionary.

16 Rabfak

Educational institutions for young people without secondary education, specifically established by the Soviet power.

17 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

18 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

19 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

20 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

21 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

22 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

23 Road of Life

Passage across the Ladoga lake in winter. It was due to the Road of Life across the frozen Lake Ladoga that Leningrad survived in the terrible winter of 1941-42.

24 Babi Yar

Babi Yar is the site of the first mass shooting of Jews that was carried out openly by fascists. On 29th and 30th September 1941 33,771 Jews were shot there by a special SS unit and Ukrainian militia men. During the Nazi occupation of Kiev between 1941 and 1943 over a 100,000 people were killed in Babi Yar, most of whom were Jewish. The Germans tried in vain to efface the traces of the mass grave in August 1943 and the Soviet public learnt about mass murder after World War II.

25 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

26 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

27 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

Isaac Gragerov

Isaac Gragerov
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: November 2002

My family background
Growing up
My school years
During the war
My wife Zhenia
Our children
Glossary

My family background

I know very little about my grandparents. My grandfather on my father's side, Abram Gragerov, was born in the 1850s. I have no information about his place of birth or his parents. According to the documents that my father had, my grandfather changed his first name and surname to Alexandr Anisimovich. I've no idea why he did that. Family legend has it that grandfather Abram came to Odessa when he was a young man of about 16 years of age. He had no belongings other than a small bag with some food. Thanks to his hard work, and probably some luck, my grandfather became a respectable and known man in Odessa. By the end of the 19th century he owned an apartment building. He lived with his family in one apartment of this building. Besides, my grandfather held a very important position as an adjuster in Odessa port. He had a good salary and income from his tenants and provided well for his family. Abram often went to the theater, restaurants and taverns, and many very important people were his friends. He made significant contributions to the synagogue where he had a seat. But he wasn't very religious and only went to the synagogue on the major Jewish holidays. They observed the main Jewish traditions in his family. They celebrated Shabbat and all Jewish holidays, but they didn't pray. It was more a tribute to tradition than their true faith. My father told me that they didn't really follow the kashrut either.

My grandmother on my father's side, Feiga Gragerova, was the daughter of a local merchant. I don't know her maiden name. I only know that she had a good education for the time - she was educated at home. My grandmother was a housewife. She had a housemaid and a kitchen maid.

Abram and Feiga had 13 children, and my father was the youngest. Their first boy died of smallpox in infancy; the rest of their children lived a long life. There's a story I heard about my grandfather. He used to give his children Biblical names: Isaac, Jacob, Esther, Sarah and Ida. Somebody asked him once, 'Why do you give your children old Jewish names? That's so old-fashioned'. My grandfather laughed and said, 'Well, the next ones will have Russian names', and, indeed, his other children were named Alexandr, Peter, Anna, Nina and Nadezhda. He probably demonstrated his progressive views and independence from patriarchal principles of the old times this way.

The oldest child was Isaac, born around 1875. At the beginning of the 20th century he moved to America, where he managed to get a good education. He became a chemist, a specialist in explosives. I only saw him once when, in 1937, Isaac and his wife - (they didn't have any children) - visited his brothers and sisters in the Soviet Union. I don't know how he managed to come here. I saw him for a couple of hours. In 1948 Isaac provided assistance to Israel in manufacturing explosives. He lived in Israel for a long time and made a significant contribution to the establishment of this young state, in which weapons and explosives were in need because of its hostile surrounding. In the early 1950s, when anti-Semitism in our country was at its height, my parents were concerned1 about receiving letters from America and stopped corresponding with Isaac. [The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his relatives abroad and charge him with espionage, send him to concentration camp or even sentence him to death.] I never saw him again and don't have any information about how he was doing.

The next child after Isaac was Jacob. Jacob finished navy school and became a captain. During World War I he was commander of a warship. In the first few years after the Revolution of 1917 1 Jacob lived in our family. He was single. Later he went to work in the North and had a job on a ship in the estuary of Kolyma. Jacob spent his last years in Moscow. He died around 1938.

The next child in the family was Solomon, born in 1878. I don't know anything about his education or occupation. He lived in Moscow and never visited us. He was single and died in the 1930s.

The next son, Alexandr, was born around 1888. He had a higher engineering education. During the Revolution he became a member of the Bolshevik Party. During the Soviet period he was Chairman of GUTAP [Auto tractor industry department]. He had a wife and two daughters, and they lived in Moscow. In 1937 [during the so-called Great Terror] 2 he was arrested and vanished2. His wife was arrested, too, and their daughters also disappeared. They were probably sent to children's home for children of 'enemies of the people'. We took an effort to find them, but couldn't get any information about them. They might have had their names changed, which was a common practice in Soviet children's homes.

I don't know exactly when my father's sisters were born. Their names were Esther, Sarah, Ida, Anna, Nina and Nadezhda. There was one more sister, but I don't know anything about her.

Esther and Ida were married and lived in Bessarabia 3. I have no information about their life after the Revolution of 1917. I only knew Sarah. She was married. Her husband, Grisha Saksaganskiy, a Jew, was an invalid and died young. Sarah died before the war. Their older daughter, Shura, died of tuberculosis when she was young, and their younger daughter Lisa was in evacuation and got married after the war.

My father's sister Nina was born around 1889. She got married to Zinoviy Zimin, who came from Siberia. He worked as a logistics specialist during the Soviet period. During the war Zinoviy, Nina and their daughter Lilia were in evacuation. Nina died in the middle of the 1970s, and Lilia and Zinoviy moved to the US in the late 1980s. Zinoviy died in Chicago in the late 1990s at the age of approximately 110.

Anna was born around 1890. Her husband was a Lithuanian Jew, and his surname was Entelis. Their family lived in Moscow, and he worked as a lawyer in a ministry. Anna died in the middle of the 1960s. They had two children: Sergey and Tania. Sergey became a chemist, a Doctor of Science, and lectured at the Moscow Physic-Technical Institute. Sergey, Tania and their children live in Moscow.

My father's sister Nadezhda was born in 1893. She wasn't married and worked as a conductor for the railroad. She lived in Odessa and died a long time ago. This is all the information I have about her. None of my father's brothers or sisters was religious. They didn't observe any traditions or celebrate holidays. All of them, except for Isaac, became Soviet patriots and internationalists. They spoke Russian and didn't care about their nationality.

My father, Peter Gragerov, was born in Odessa in 1891. All children in my father's family received primary education at home. After that my father finished a commercial school, and when it was time for him to think about higher education, his father decided to send him abroad. It was difficult for a Jew to get higher education in Russia due to the 5 percent quota 4. My father's parents were wealthy enough to afford to have their children educated abroad. I don't know why my grandfather decided to give my father education abroad. He was the only one that studied abroad; he was probably more intelligent than the others. So my father went to Paris to study at the Institute of Aarts and Chrafts. He graduated from the Faculty of Chemistry with honors. He kept the medal he was awarded for his successful studies for many years. He lived in a hostel in the very center of Paris. He had many friends that were mostly students from Russia. Most of them were Jews. My father also met a beautiful Jewish girl, Raissa Gurvich, my future mother, and fell in love with her.

My mother's parents, Boris and Cecilia Gurvich, lived in Rostov-on-the-Don, an industrial and cultural town in Russia [900 km from Kiev], outside the Pale of Settlement 5. The majority of the town's population was Russian, but there were also Jewish families there. My grandfather, a merchant of Guild I 6, owned a garment store and a tailor shop. The family lived on the second floor of the same building in a beautiful apartment. My grandparents had two children: my mother Cecilia and her sister Bertha. Their parents could afford to give them a good education. Although they were not very religious, my grandparents tried to keep and observe Jewish traditions and celebrate Jewish holidays. They also followed the laws of kashrut. On Saturdays my grandfather's store and shop were closed. He didn't work on this day.

My mother's sister Bertha, born in 1900, studied at the Odessa Polytechnic Institute and became a chemist. Her husband, Michael Serper, was a doctor, a specialist in skin diseases. During the Great Patriotic War 7 he was at the front. Bertha and her daughter Valia were in evacuation. After Michael demobilized from the army their family lived in Zhytomir for many years. Valia died of cancer when she was young, and Bertha died in 1980.

My mother, Raissa Gragerov, finished grammar school in Rostov and left for France to continue her studies. She studied in Rouen for a year or two, and in 1913 she moved to Paris where she met my father. They dated for a year. They went to theaters, museums, small cafes and restaurants in Monmartre, enjoyed themselves and had no thoughts about returning to Russia. My father was going to study science in Paris, and my mother wanted to get education in order to become a doctor.

But at the beginning of World War I, in the summer of 1914, my father and mother immediately left for Russia. It took them a long time to get to Russia, whereupon my father went to his family in Odessa, and my mother went back to Rostov.

My parents didn't see each other for two years. My father was helping his father. My mother did her 3rd year at the Medical Institute in Rostov-on- the-Don and graduated in 1916. I believe my father went to Rostov to propose to my mother. All I know is that they got married in the fall of 1916. They had a wedding in Odessa. Although my parents were atheists, they gave in to their numerous Jewish relatives and had a traditional Jewish wedding with a chuppah, even though there were only the closest relatives and friends at the wedding.

Growing up

My parents lived in my grandfather Abram's apartment in Odessa. One month before I was due my mother went to Rostov. She felt safer having her mother close to her. I was born in Rostov on 14th October 1917, a few days before the Revolution. My grandparents convinced my mother to stay in Rostov. When I turned 1 year old my father came to Rostov to pick up mother and me and take us to Odessa. My grandfather Abram was very upset about the new political regime. He understood that he was going to lose his property and riches. He started having heart problems and then suffered a heart attack. He died at the end of 1918.

My first memories go back to 1920 when my mother, who had a strong will and character, decided to visit her family in Rostov. It was the time of the Civil War 8 in Ukraine and the debauchery of gangs robbing and murdering passengers on trains. My father was begging her to stay but she got on the train to Rostov-on-the-Don anyway. There were no bandits, but something else happened. I had a high fever and diarrhea on the train. Other passengers were afraid of cholera - (there was an outburst of cholera in Russia at that time) - and decided to force my mother to get off the train at the next stop. That's what I remember: my mother crying, other people yelling and a kind man bending over me. He was a doctor, stood up for us and didn't allow these people to throw us off the train, where we would have fallen prey to bandits. The doctor explained to the passengers that the temperature gets lower in the course of cholera and that I had very high fever. It turned out that I had dysentery. We got off in Kharkov where my grandfather's relatives on his mother's side lived. Their family name was Kovarskiy. I loved my great-grandmother Kopochka. She was a plain woman and had no education, but she was so kind and nice. She looked after me and gave me food when I was on my way to recovery. The Kovarskiy family was a poor family, but they treated us with warmth and shared what they had with us. We lived in Kharkov until I recovered, and then we returned to Odessa. Unfortunately, I never saw these people again. My mother told me that their family was killed by the fascists in 1941.

By that time my grandfather's property became the property of the state. My grandfather had three rooms in his apartment left for his family, and the remaining three rooms were given to other tenants. I have vague memories about our neighbors in this apartment: two rooms were occupied by the family of a worker, and the third room was occupied by a woman who participated in World War I.

In the first years after the Revolution my father began to work at the leather and shoe factory in Odessa. He was an engineer at first and later was promoted to technical director.

My mother also had a job. She graduated from the Medical Institute and took to science. She got a job at the Glavchi Scientific Research Institute for Skin and Venereal Diseases. There's a photo which shows my mother with her colleagues of the laboratory. Their laboratory was supervised by an outstanding scientist, Peter Lazarevich Brodsky. My mother and father spent a lot of time at work. My grandmother Feiga lived with us for some time before she went to live with her other daughter. Feiga died in Moscow in the middle of the 1930s. When I was 5 years old, I joined a group of children who were taught by a Froebel tutor, (a young lady, who had finished a Froebel Institute 9). There were five or six children of my age, and we studied French and the names of trees and flowers.

In 1924 my younger sister Asia was born. Soon afterwards my mother's parents moved from Rostov to Odessa. They settled down in an apartment on the lower floor of the family's building. It was very convenient.

My mother and father were devoted to their work. My mother went to work soon after Asia was born, and my grandmother Cecilia looked after the baby. My sister and I spent a lot of time with our grandmother. She told us about Chanukkah, on which children get sweets and money, the taste of matzah and all the other delicious food that she made at Pesach. My grandmother also told me about the other holidays and traditions. I wasn't really very interested in them, but I enjoyed eating the delicious food. My grandparents went to the synagogue on holidays. We didn't go with them. Our parents didn't allow them to involve us in any religious activities. My parents weren't religious. They considered religious convictions to be a thing of the past, although they weren't members of the Communist Party. My parents didn't even speak their mother tongue - Yiddish - at home. They only spoke Russian.

My mother graduated from the Medical Institute and took to science. She got a job at the Glavchi Scientific Research institute of skin and venereal diseases. There is a photo where mother is photographed in the group of employees of the laboratory headed by Peter L. Brodskiy, a scientist. My mother and father spent a lot of time at work. My sister and I spent a lot of time with our grandmother. She told us about Chanukah when children get sweets and money, the taste of matsah and all delicious food that my grandmother made at Pesach. My grandmother also told me about the other holidays and traditions. I didn't show much interest in them, but I enjoyed eating delicious foods. My grandparents went to synagogue on holidays. My parents were not religious. They considered religious convictions to be vestige of the past, although they were not members of the Communist Party. My parents didn't even speak their mother tongue - Yiddish - at home. They only spoke Russian. In 1924 I began studying at a Russian lower secondary school). There were pupils of various nationalities, but we were all friends. We had very good teachers. I became a pioneer and was very proud to wear my pioneer red necktie. We went in for sports, collected waste paper and scrap and spent our summer vacations at the sea.

In 1930 our family moved to Moscow. My grandparents stayed in Odessa. They were supposed to join us as soon as my parents had settled down. My father couldn't find a good job in Moscow, and we stayed there for about half a year. I felt some hostility from my classmates at school in Moscow. They didn't socialize with me, and when I asked why, they told me that I was different from them. There were no other Jews in our class, and I understood what they meant.

After half a year my father got a job assignment with a leather factory in Berdichev [a small town 200 km from Kiev]. He became chief engineer there. The majority of the population was Jewish. There was a very warm atmosphere in town. There were almost patriarchal relationships between the inhabitants of the town. People spoke Yiddish in the streets. Even Ukrainians spoke fluent Yiddish. Synagogues were closed by that time, but before 1917 there were over 20 synagogues in Berdichev. In spite of this fact, Jews observed Jewish traditions strictly. On holidays they got together near the synagogue in a room. All of them dressed up to watch merry Purimshpil performances. At Chanukkah people danced and sang in the streets. I didn't know any details about these holidays, but I enjoyed the atmosphere.

My school years

I studied in a Russian secondary school, where most of the pupils and teachers were Jews. After school my friends and I took a walk in town, admiring a Christian church and a synagogue. Many boys went into the synagoguewith little caps on their head. It was natural for them because their families observed all Jewish traditions. I didn't dare to go inside the synagogue. I believed that only a person with true faith could go in there.

In 1932 we returned to Odessa. My father became director of sscience at the rResearch Iinstitute of Lleather and Ffootwear Iindustry. My mother returned to her laboratory at the institute. I became a Komsomol 10 member at school. Later I went to high school where I completed my secondary education.

We received an apartment in the house next to our grandfather's building. During the famine of 1932-33 [the famine in Ukraine] 11 we were in Odessa. We didn't have enough food. Sometimes my sister and I got little buns at school that were a delicacy. The situation in our family was less acute - my father received food packages at work. Many people starved to death. I remember seeing a dead woman on the stairs of our grandfather's former building. I also saw people dying in the streets, and their corpses were removed at night.

In 1934 the affiliate of my father's institute in Odessa was closed, and my father was transferred to Kiev where he became deputy director for scientific work at the Ukrainian Lleather and fFootwear Iinstitute. The institute was located within the area of the leather factory. We received a three-bedroom apartment in the same area.

After finishing school I submitted my documents to the Kiev State University. I wanted to become a chemist, but in 1935 there was no admission to the Faculty of Chemistry, and I decided to enter the Faculty of Physics. I failed at the exam in Russian and Ukrainian composition. I entered the Faculty of Chemistry at the Institute of Leather and Footwear Industry located near the leather factory. I was more interested in scientific research than practical applications and, after a year, I managed to enter the Faculty of Chemistry at Kiev University.

I was very fond of chemistry. I was also involved in public activities, and at one time I was head of the Komsomol unit of my course and a member of the Komsomol committee of the institute. I collected monthly fees, conducted meetings, concerts and amateur artist contests. I also met a nice Jewish girl called Zhenia Kriss. We went to theaters and concerts. We all celebrated 1st May and October Revolution Day 12 together, went to parades, got together at somebody's place, danced and partied until late, recited poems and sang Soviet songs.

There were many, many arrests in the 1930s [during the so-called Great Terror]. A few lecturers and students of the university vanished. There were portraits of devoted revolutionaries in the concert hall of the university. Many of these portraits vanished, after these people were accused of betrayal and executed. There were portraits of Kamenev 13 and Zinoviev 14. Many other dedicated and devoted communists vanished in those years. Many of my father's friends and acquaintances disappeared. My father's brother Alexandr was arrested and vanished. My father had a feeling that they were coming for him one night. Of course, my parents understood the real situation, but I believed that all these arrests had their reasons, and that all those people were indeed 'enemies of the people'. My parents didn't try to tell me otherwise, but they often discussed how unfair the situation was.

In 1940 I graduated from university with honors and entered the post- graduate course at the Academy of Sciences. My scientific tutor was Professor Yavorskiy, who lectured on the subject of organic chemistry.

We knew about Hitler and fascism and what they did in occupied areas from newspapers and radio broadcasts. Although people were preparing for a war - (we had training for air raid alarms and all kinds of other training at the university -) the war came as a surprise.

During the war

I remember air raids in Kiev on the first day of the war on 22nd June 1941. Then we heard Molotov's 15 speech about the war. My mother was very worried about me every time I left home. Once I saw an air raid over Podol 16 where German planes were shooting at people in the streets. Soon I was recruited to the army. We, young raw recruits, were sent to support the evacuation of a military storage facility located near the Lavra (Monastery). We packed and loaded weapons and equipment onto railcars day and night. We slept at the storeroom and had meals at the canteen near the shoe factory. Later we were ordered to march to a training camp. On the way I turned to the village of Lemeshovka because I knew Zhenia Kriss was there. She was among the students that had been sent to harvest crops. I don't remember how long I walked, but I found Zhenia. I didn't quite realize why I was so attracted to this nice girl, but I said good-bye to her knowing that it might be the last time that I saw her. Then I went to catch up with my military unit when I was stopped by some partisans. They must have taken me for a spy. They didn't listen to my explanations and told me to follow them. We were in the field when I saw some military marching. It was my military unit, and the convoy let me go.

Our training camp was in the village of Orsha, in Sumskaya region [400 km from Kiev]. We were there for about a month learning military techniques, although we didn't have any weapons, uniforms, shells or bullets. I managed to shoot once before we were sent to the front. Our unit was deployed near Kiev, where we were to participate in the defense of the city. I remember my first battle on 16th September [1941] when I felt something hitting me on my head, and I fainted. I came to my senses in hospital in Kharkov. I couldn't move my left arm and leg. I knew that my parents were supposed to evacuate to Kharkov with my father's institute. I asked a nurse to find out whether my parents were there, but she lied to me saying that she had been to the institute, but my parents weren't there.

Kiev was occupied and the German army was approaching Kharkov. The hospital evacuated to Baku. Wwe were put on the train when the bombing began. After the bombing the train with survivors and personnel departed for Baku. I stayed at the hospital in Baku until the end of 1941 and was discharged on New Year's Eve. The doctors did their best. Although I still have problems with my arm and leg, I believe I was lucky. Even though I became an invalid I survived, and that's the most important thing. During my stay at the hospital I wrote to my father's sister Ania in Moscow, and she wrote back telling me that my parents were in evacuation in the town of Khrompik in Sverdlovsk region [2,500 km from Kiev].

At the beginning of January 1942 I knocked on the door of the room where my parents were staying. They didn't have any information about me, and my mother feared the worst. Ania's letters never reached them. She was so happy to see me. As to me, I think I was lucky to return alive although I actually didn't even take part in my first battle.

Khrompik was a small town where my father's institute was evacuated. My parents occupied a room in a communal apartment. After I came there were four of us: my father, my mother, my sister and I. Life was hard, and we didn't have enough food.

Sometime after I arrived we received a letter from grandmother Cecilia from Kazan. She wrote that grandfather and she evacuated to Northern Caucasus, from where they went to Stalingrad and then took a barge up the Volga. My grandfather fell ill with dysentery. A few days after they got off in Kazan he died. My grandmother was staying in hospital and asked us to come and pick her up. My mother and I went to Kazan and brought her to Khrompik, but my grandmother was so affected by her husband's death that she was ill for several weeks and finally died.

My mother suffered a lot over her parents' death. She went to work at the hospital to get distracted from her sad thoughts. I decided to continue my studies and attended a post-graduate school at the university in Sverdlovsk where chemistry professors from Moscow were working at the time. Since I didn't have any documents with me, I went to Ufa where the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences was in evacuation. I found my scientific tutor Professor Yavorskiy. He helped me to obtain the required documents. I studied in Sverdlovsk for over a year. At the end of 1942 the front moved to the West, and the professors moved back to Moscow and called me to come there. I arrived in Moscow at the beginning of 1943.

In the middle of 1943 the hospital where my mother was working moved closer to the front and became a mobile front hospital. In 1944 I visited my mother in the vicinity of Smolensk. She became an experienced surgeon, had the rank of major of medical service and received many awards.

My wife Zhenia

I finished post-graduate school in 1946. I corresponded with Zhenia throughout the war. In 1946 I returned to Kiev and found Zhenia Kriss through her passport. Shortly afterwards we got married. We had a civil ceremony. We didn't even have rings. We just had our close relatives and friends at our small wedding party.

Zhenia was born in Kiev in 1920. She came from a Jewish family that wasn't religious. Zhenia finished a Russian secondary school. We were students at the same institute, only in different years. During the Great Patriotic War she was in evacuation in Middle Asia. She returned to Kiev in 1946 and became a senior lab assistant at the Chair of Organic Chemistry of the Silicate Institute. She defended her thesis in 1956. She had many publications and students. They prepared their theses under her supervision. In 1966 Zhenia became a junior scientific employee. Later she was promoted to the position of a senior and then a leading scientific employee. She prepared five candidates of science. She worked in a new field dealing with the development of new medications. My wife retired in 1997 when she turned 77. Her former students still call her and come to see her to have discussions or ask for advice.

After the war my parents received an apartment from my father's institute, located near the leather factory in Kiev. My wife and I also lived in this apartment until we received our own apartment in Pushkinskaya Street in the city center.

It took me some time to find a job in Kiev. I don't know whether it had anything to do with my nationality, but this issue was resolved through the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences. Alexandr Brodsky, a Jew, was the director of the Academy, and he helped me to get employment. I believe it was thanks to his efforts that the 'campaign against cosmopolitans' 17 and the Doctors' Plot 18 in the early 1950s bypassed our institute. The only thing the authorities could do was to fire quite a few Jews on the basis of an order, which said that no married couples or their relatives were allowed to work with the same company. These campaigns didn't affect me personally. When Stalin died in 1953 I couldn't hold back my tears, although I was a very reserved person. My mother was crying aloud.

My father didn't work any more. He had heart problems and died in 1954. My mother lived with us for a few years. In the early 1960s a friend of hers, who had been in love with her a long time before that, found her. His name was Ilia Berlin. He was a Jew. His wife had died soon after the war, and Ilia proposed to my mother. She accepted his proposal, and they moved to Moscow. I believe my mother had a happy life with him. She died in Moscow in 1985.

My sister Asia graduated from the Kiev Engineering and Construction Institute and became an architect. She married a Jewish man, Vladimir Kriksunov. Asia and her husband showed a lot of interest in Israel and the Jewish way of life. In the late 1980s they moved to Israel with their children, Leonid and Peter. Asia's husband died there. Asia works as an architect.

I was a convinced communist. I became a member of the Communist Party during the war. I wasn't involved in any activities, but I believed it to be my duty to be among the 'builders' of communism. My faith was shuttered by the Twentieth Congress 19, which denounced the cult of Stalin. I realized then how much injustice and lies there were in our life, and that so many innocent people suffered from the Party in which they believed.

I've had a good life. I had work that I liked. In 1970 I defended my doctoral thesis. I studied the mechanism of chemical reactions all my life. I had students that defended their thesis, and I can say that I established my own school. I retired when I was 73.

I've been happy in my personal life, too. My wife and me are very close and very much in love with one another. We always liked to celebrate Soviet holidays. We've had friends of various nationalities. We liked to get together and sing beautiful Soviet songs. We've read a lot and went to the theatre, art exhibitions and concerts.

Our children

We have two children: our daughter Irina, born in 1948 and our son Alexandr, born in 1953. They were not raised Jewish, but they have always identified themselves as Jews and are proud of it. I can't say that either of my children directly faced anti-Semitism. They both went to study in Moscow, because at that time it was practically impossible for a Jew to enter higher educational institutions, especially the university, in Kiev.

Irina entered the Faculty of Chemistry of Moscow State University. Upon graduation she returned to Kiev. She met Yuri Malitin at university, a Jewish man, a very nice and decent young man. They soon got married. Irina and Yuri work and live in Kiev. They have two children: Andrei graduated from the Biological Faculty of Kiev University, and Alexandra is in 10th grade of school at the Kiev Polytechnic Institute.

Our son Alexandr graduated from the Faculty of Biophysics at the Moscow Institute of Technical Physics. He became a specialist in molecular genetics and defended a thesis for Candidate of Science. In the 1990s Alexandr went to work in America. He worked in New York, Chicago and Washington. Now he lives in Seattle and is head of department, working on the development of new medications. Alexandr's wife is an architect. Their daughter Masha studies at an art school. She had her own exhibitions, and she dreams of becoming a designer.

I know that the Jewish community in Ukraine is reviving. There are books and newspapers published. There are charity organizations. Synagogues are open. I find it all wonderful. I don't attend any of these. We've never celebrated any Jewish holidays - we were raised that way. My wife and I often go to theater, read a lot, meet up with friends and look after our grandchildren. Our grandchildren often come to see us.

I have been in Israel visiting my sister Asia and in America visiting my son. I admire the many advantages of developed countries, and I also admire Israel and the struggle of the people for their country, but I remain a Soviet citizen. I shall never leave my country. I've been lucky in my life.

Glossary

1 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during WWI, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

2 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

3 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldavia.

4 Five percent quota

In tsarist Russia the number of Jews in higher educational institutions could not exceed 5% of the total number of students.

5 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, though the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. The right to live permanently outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement was accorded to certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates, craftsmen working in certain branches.

6 Guild I

In tsarist Russia merchants belonged to Guild I, II or III. Merchants of Guild I were allowed to trade with foreign merchants, while the others were allowed to trade only within Russia.

7 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

8 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

9 Froebel Institute

F. W. A. Froebel (1783-1852), German educational theorist, developed the idea of raising children in kindergartens. In Russia the Froebel training institutions functioned from 1872-1917 The three-year training was intended for tutors of children in families and kindergartens.

10 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

11 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

12 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

13 Kamenev, Lev Borisovich (1883-1936)

Soviet communist leader, member of the first Politburo of the Communist Party after the Revolution of 1917. After Lenin's death in 1924, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Stalin formed a ruling triumvirate and excluded Trotsky from the Party. In 1925 Stalin, in an effort to consolidate his own power, turned against Zinoviev and Kamenev, who then joined Trotsky's opposition. Kamenev was expelled from the Party in 1927, but he recanted, was readmitted, and held minor offices. He was arrested in 1934 accused of complicity in the murder of Kirov and was imprisoned. In 1936 he, Zinoviev, and 13 old Bolsheviks were tried for treason in the first big public purge trial. They confessed and were executed.

14 Zinoviev, Grigory Evseyevich (1883-1936)

Soviet communist leader, head of the Comintern (1919-26) and member of the Communist Party Politburo (1921-26). After Lenin's death in 1924, Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Stalin formed a ruling triumvirate and excluded Trotsky from the Party. In 1925 Stalin, in an effort to consolidate his own power, turned against Zinoviev and Kamenev, who then joined Trotsky's opposition. Zinoviev was removed from his party posts in 1926 and expelled from the Party in 1927. He recanted and was readmitted in 1928 but wielded little influence. In 1936, he, Kamenev, and 13 old Bolsheviks were tried for treason in the first big public purge trial. They confessed and were executed..

15 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

16 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

17 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

18 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

19 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. 

Sophia Deribizova

Sophia Deribizova
St Petersburg
Russia
Interviewer: Inna Gimila
Date of interview: November 2001

Sophia Deribizova is a beautiful woman with a

bright happy expression and large light-blue eyes.

Communicating with her was easy and enjoyable,

because she answered all questions with pleasure

and patiently recollected stories from her life.

  • My family background

My mother's ancestors came from Poland. I don't know from which town. Nobody has ever told me anything about the history of my family because they were afraif of revealing the fact that they were rich. When I asked my mother, 'Was our family rich?' she used to reply, 'You bet!' and avert her eyes, and she never talked much on the subject.

My maternal great-granddad, Barukh Vingelnikov, became a widower early and married again. I know little about his first wife, but his second wife, whose name I don't know either, was a difficult and selfish woman and mother used to purse her lips when talking about her.

Barukh Vingelnikov's second wife gave birth to two daughters, Bertha and Liya and they were of the same age as Sonya, my mother's mother, and they were friends, too. Barukh's wives were very beautiful. Otherwise great- granddad Barukh wouldn't have swallowed the bait [fallen in love] and married them. His two daughters were good-looking too, and each had been married twice.

Liya got married, her husband was a very good person, but then she met a doctor from a research expedition named Adolf, and he literally kidnapped her and took to Chara River with him, and they called their daughter, born in the 1930s, Chara. I don't know what happened to Adolf later, but I know that he was a doctor with some expedition and an enterprising and adventurous person.

Chara and I were coevals and very good friends, until she left for America in the 1980s. She died of cancer in Boston two weeks after she got there. She worked as a general practitioner all her life. She used to say that she had dragged her second husband up from the 'bottom of life,' that is from a communal apartment 1 . Her daughter Mila lives in Boston now and it is through her that I know about their family.

Grandmother Sonya was brought from Poland to Nerchinsk so that she could be married off to Isay Goldberg, my grandfather. There was a lack of brides in Siberia and they were ordered from other locations, like furniture, through matchmakers and acquaintances.

Sonya was only sixteen then and she missed Poland and her family a lot, but later her father Barukh moved from Poland to Nerchinsk to join his daughter when she was already married. Sonya was a housewife all her life, and she brought up six kids: five girls, Sonya, Rakhil, Shifra, Liya and Debora, and one boy, Yakov.

Two books have been written about Nerchinsk. They describe the local schools, teachers, the luxurious library that ordered books from all over Russia and abroad, but after the Revolution of 1917 all those books were stolen. Now it's a very poor town, because the state was unable to find the money to build up the railway from Chita to Nerchinsk, and it is a miserable life without any means of communication.

Grandfather Isay's mother was called Shosya Goldberg. She was extremely active and restless to a very old age, visiting her kids' homes every morning. She spoke Yiddish.

The family was well to do. Isay Goldberg and his four brothers, Abram, Pinkhas, David and Levi, owned a manufactured goods shop with stationery, food stuffs, and household goods, and traded both whole sale and retail. I remember one occasion my mother told me about. A shop-assistant started to wrap a piece of material around himself and at the moment grandfather Isay came in, and of course that shop-assistant was fired right then. Each of the Goldberg brothers had their own house and servants.

My grandfather used to hire a coachman, a cook and a housemaid, and he had some horses and a cow. Grandfather Isay died of throat cancer before the Revolution, in 1910. He liked boiling water all his life and got sick. They treated him in Moscow, implanted a tube in his throat, but that kind of life couldn't last long.

The children of Sonya and Isay Goldberg were brought up to love nature and literature. Grandmother Sonya used to read a lot. I don't remember which books exactly. I know only that they had a big library at home. The children inherited her love of books. All their kids finished good schools as qualified teachers.

Yakov, Shifra and Debora were taught to play piano. Grandfather Isay, who played violin, and his daughter Shifra performed duets and managed even very complicated compositions. The children were taught music, but none of them ever mastered a foreign language. The Goldberg children used to gather on winter nights and play games, make music, cook pelmeni [Russian national dish with meat and flour] in big company.

That was a lot of fun! The family didn't follow religious rules strictly. They attended the prayer house on holidays and would certainly celebrate Jewish holidays at home - Rosh Hashanah, Purim, Pesach. Everyone in the house spoke Russian except for Grandmother Shosya.

In the summer the children were taken to their own cottage house in Shivanda resort near Nerchinsk. A nanny was hired for the children. For some time a Chinese guy served as a nanny [Nerchinsk is close to China] and the children liked him a lot. Poverty was a common thing in China at that time, and the Chinese who lived close to the border searched for ways to earn some extra money on Russian territory. That Chinese boy was very young, short and very agile and pliant - of course, children liked to play with him.

He helped around the house, in the vegetable garden and everywhere. At first his Russian was very poor, but he was rather talented and he managed to master Russian quite well and in quite a short time. He didn't have to teach the children, he just kept an eye on them when the adults were not at home. The Chinese lived in his own small room and dined at one table with the family. I was told that after some time he returned home where he had left his parents.

Everyone in Nerchinsk used the big library owned by a well-known Siberian businessman and gold-trader, Butin. Balls were organized in the public house built by Butin. [Editor's note: public houses in pre-revolutionary Russia accommodated a library, a lecture/theater hall, a Sunday school, a buffet and a book store.

The Bolsheviks made a good use of public houses to promote their revolutionary propaganda and organize mass meetings. After the Revolution of 1917 public houses were substituted by educational clubs and houses of culture].

At one of them Shifra was awarded a prize for the smallest foot (I think she was size 32). When she died I was unable to pass down her footwear to anyone, it was so small. [It is customary in Russia to distribute the clothes of those who died between relatives.] She often had trouble acquiring footwear, too.

They didn't experience any anti-Semitism. Even a priest from the local Orthodox Church visited Isay's house. Mama told me that they, the children, felt their 'peculiarity' only in religion lessons at school: they were released from such classes.

Sonya and Isay's children lived as a big happy family. The elder and only brother Yakov was born in 1892, grew up, and left for St Petersburg before the Revolution to study some craft. He didn't know exactly what particular craft he would choose.

He planned to make up his mind depending on what was available in St Petersburg, but his parents didn't think he would learn anything but horse riding, such a whimsical person he was. He had to grease the local policeman's palm every week so that he would pretend not to notice a Jew violating 'residential qualification.' [Jews were not allowed to settle in capitals - only in the Pale of Settlement 3.

Yakov would bring a 15 kopeck coin, and the policeman would click (smiling cunningly) that coin before his very eyes. Uncle was a hot-tempered and rather independent man to bear such a humiliation, and he went back to Nerchinsk before the Revolution, and he didn't do any work there. His parents were rich enough to help and support their children.

After the Revolution of 1917, Yakov returned to St Petersburg, completed book-keeping courses, worked as a book-keeper and stayed here for good. He had no children, although he was married twice. I met both of his wives, the first was Russian, they scolded and brushed each other down all their lives, and finally she died.

They lived together for 30 years in St Petersburg. He had another wife when he was a very old man, I don't remember her name. They also lived miserably, had rows, and when they decided to get married in 1960, her granddaughter from her first marriage came to school and said that her grandmother was getting married, and the whole class rushed outside to look at such an old bride. She was Russian, as was his first wife. She died later, after Yakov's death in 1965.

Rakhil, the oldest of Mama's sisters, was the only one who knew Yiddish very well. Her grandmother Shosya and mother Sonya somehow spoke Yiddish only to Rakhil, of all the children, from a young age, so the rest of the children didn't know the language. Rakhil was the last to move to St Petersburg to her brother Yakov.

She married Genrikh Yoffe, who was a professor of mathematics at the Shipbuilding Institute. Originally, he proposed to my mother, but she refused to marry him. He was Jewish, but mother just didn't like him enough and didn't see him in the role of her future husband. During the blockade of Leningrad 4 Rakhil shared her ration with him [the blockade ration was 150 grams of bread per person per day] and she eventually died, and he spent one year in hospital after the war and died all the same - of dystrophy. They had no children.

The sisters Shifra and Liya married two brothers, Gdali and Levi Golumb, who were the sons of a Nerchinsk winery owner and both very unbalanced people. Liya didn't want to marry Levi, and he would come and make wild scenes. Her parents made her do so, but she didn't change her family name, and remained Goldberg.

Shifra married Gdali and changed her surname to Golumb. Both pairs had kids, but Shifra's girl died at the age of five, and Liya's boy starved to death at sixteen in the blockade of Leningrad, and Liya wore the expression of grief on her face ever after. Liya was a registrar, and a very well-read and competent person.

During World War II she was evacuated to the city of Kiselevsk, Kemerovo region. The local authorities entrusted her with the distribution of ration cards because they were positive that she would never steal anything. She was a lady of principles.

Both Golumb brothers fled to Charbin, China, in the 1920s to escape the Soviet regime; at the same time the winery had been looted in Nerchinsk, the whole town permeated with the smell of wine spirits. They fled - and nobody knew anything about them after that, though Liya was left with a son from Levi, named Gdali after Shifra's husband.

In the 1920s Shifra earned some extra money working as a pianist in silent picture cinemas. All the children had received a brilliant home education. I just recall one story about Shifra. She lived in a communal apartment, and going into the common kitchen was always a shock for her: the neighbors were either fighting or drinking hard.

There was one crazy married couple, and then the wife died and the husband decided to arrange a grand funeral repast. He treated his wife so badly, and he organized a mighty commemoration for the dead, as if it were a celebration of some kind! He invited Shifra, too. She was around 80 then. She was so disgusted that she left.

She couldn't physically stand the feast. She then came to our place without even calling first, and we were very surprised and worried about how she managed to reach us, a very old lady. Shifra was a book-keeper all her life and died in Leningrad in 1982.

Mother's younger sister Debora was embarrassed to be a Jew her entire life and called herself Vera instead of Debora. She went to Irkutsk and entered economics college. At the end of the first year she was expelled because she dared to dance foxtrot at a college party! Later she and her cousin, also expelled, had addressed the Minister of Culture Lunacharsky during his visit to Siberia.

They were rehabilitated and readmitted to the college on his order. But Debora packed her things and went to Leningrad to study to become a rate-fixer and worked all her life in this trade in various minor associations.

She played piano like a genius and had absolute pitch. During the blockade she met a married Leningradian, Veniamin Heisin. She used to call him Vitamin instead of Veniamin. His family was in evacuation then. He was Jewish and they lived in a common-law marriage for five years, from 1942 to 1947, and she gave birth to a daughter, Irina.

Even when his wife and children came back from evacuation, he continued visiting her and helped her a lot materially. Irina knew she had a father and didn't suspect he had another family. Debora died in Leningrad in 1993.

Malka is my mother. As a girl she was fond of taking care of animals, horses and cows. These skills helped her a lot later, when they were evacuated to a Siberian village during World War II. She was the only evacuee who could milk a cow and ride a horse. When she, like all her sisters, came to Leningrad, it was the day of Lenin's death in 1924. It was a cold day of January 22, the streets were crowded, everybody was worried and there was a sense of trouble in the air. It was later that she learnt - Lenin died!

In Leningrad she heard Mayakovsky 5 live and wouldn't miss an opportunity to attend meetings with poets and writers. She graduated from the Leningrad Training College for Grain Production and became an economist. Mother was proposed to by Genrikh Yoffe. He was very kind to me later when I was born, but mother rejected his proposal and he married Rakhil, mother's elder sister. I buried them all, mother's sisters, and her cousins as well.

In 1929 mother had already graduated from the Leningrad Training College for Grain Production and once she went to the party of her fellow countrymen from Siberia and met papa there. They married de facto in 1929. They didn't have a Jewish wedding ceremony.

They just started to live together and kept their joint household from 1929 - that means they actually became husband and wife in 1929. They didn't officially register their marriage until 1937, because back then single mothers were given cash benefits and as long as papa was ill they needed some extra income.

In 1939 they celebrated the 10th anniversary of their marriage and there were many guests invited. They were both atheists, and of course, this celebration was secular.

My father, Boris Deribizov, was born in 1900. He was Russian. He was from Warsaw [today Poland], but I always put down in all questionnaires that he was born in Ulan-Ude, for fear that personnel managers might think that he was born abroad, had I written 'Poland,' so I used to insert 'Ulan-Ude,' as mother had taught me. But back then Poland was part of Russia. [Editor's note: Poland was partitioned between three powers in the 18th century and tsarist Russia got the largest part, which remained under Russian rule until 1920-21.]

His father and mother, my granddaddy and grandmother, Dmitry Deribizov and Praskovia Deribizova [1870s-1942], are from Tambov region. Grandfather Dmitry served on a railway station in Chita but he was often sent on assignments to other locations (in Chita, in Ulan-Ude and in Warsaw). Once, during one such trip, father got lost in Warsaw. He was 4 years old. They found him in the soldiers' barracks. Some soldiers had given him food and shelter.

Dmitry and Praskovia had six children. Praskovia never worked, the family was well off. All the children received a good education, but only my father managed to complete higher education - he graduated from the Leningrad Soviet Commerce Institute and became an economist. Praskovia was a genuine Russian woman, served as a churchwarden and was sent to Chita prison for that. After Poland, the entire family returned to Chita and grandfather Dmitry died there in 1930s.

Grandmother Praskovia came from Chita to St Petersburg right before the war with my married cousin, with whom we are friends now, and died in the outskirts of Leningrad in 1942 of starvation, and we only learnt about it after we came back from evacuation at the end of the war. She lost all her kids during her lifetime.

One of father's brothers, Nikolay, was arrested by the NKVD 6 in the 1930s and was executed in 1937 [during the Great Terror] 7, and father's troubles at work began. He was fired and accused of having helped the Whites 8 during the Civil War 9, whereas in reality he helped the Reds 10.

My grandmother had a secret address in Chita and the Reds didn't draft my father, but left him in town to provide communication with the partisans. After dismissal father managed to force his way into Prosecutor General Vyshinsky's reception, and he allowed father to live wherever he wanted and gave him the appropriate documents. Father's other brother was executed by the Whites during the Civil War.

His sister Lidia was exiled from Chita to Khabarovsk for printing someone else's letter in a newspaper, criticizing the management. She was a typist. She printed it, and had to serve several years in prison. She died there shortly afterwards, but she had a daughter who told me all this.

Father's sisters, Tatyana and Liubov left for Charbin in 1922, got married there, and we didn't hear anything from them after that. Grandmother Praskovia, who died in the Leningrad blockade, died with the firm belief that she had outlived all of her children. In fact, we have only learned of the fate of her daughters, my father's sisters, in 1993.

Tatyana emigrated to Australia in the 1950s and died there in 1962, and Liubov came back to Russia with Tatyana's children and died in the 1960s in Siberia. Her nephews were looking for our family then, but they hadn't found anybody.

We found each other later, in 1993, during an accidental meeting of former Charbin residents in Leningrad, where, through the photo I had brought, I met a former classmate of my cousin. He recognized them on my photo. Tatyana had married a Chinese, Vladimir Yao in Charbin, and their children look Chinese. She emigrated, her husband died in a Japanese prison, and the kids returned to Siberia.

  • Growing up

I was born in Leningrad in 1930. We were living near the Griboyedova Canal then, at my mother's sisters' home. There was Liya with her son, Shifra, and mother brought her husband and me. Grandma Sonya and Rakhil were still living in Nerchinsk at that time, and they had sent us the baggage, furniture and clothes to help their relatives, but all those things were already confiscated at the railway station. Moreover, NKVD representatives had come to our apartment and wanted to seize our entire property from there, but father said that the belongings were his (and he's Russian), and only then did they leave us alone.

Papa worked very little, he was constantly sick, and mother worked and supported the entire family. Aunt Rakhil, when she came from Nerchinsk, looked after me. Liya and Shifra also worked, Liya as a registrar, and Shifra as a book-keeper, both in one enterprise - Lenvodokanal project [Leningrad Project Institute of Water Supplies].

We lived in one of two of Rakhil's rooms in a communal apartment. To get to our small room, we had to pass all the way through Rakhil's large room. Father was suffering bitterly from that kind of life. He died in March 1941, not long before the war began, of a heart attack.

We lived on the embankment of the Griboyedova Canal, in the vicinity of the Nikolskaya Orthodox Church and the synagogue. Being but small kids we used to run into both. I remember once in the synagogue an employee of the community asked me: 'And what is a Russian girl doing here?' I didn't understand what he meant. I had two white braids, but I never thought they were not allowed in a synagogue. I had a few friends among my classmates. Whether they were Jewish or not, I don't know. I was not interested in such questions then, at the age of ten.

  • During the war

By the outbreak of World War II, I had completed three years of a state school. My favorite subjects were mathematics and history. As a child in school and later, in the children's boarding school during the war, I did not encounter any manifestations of anti-Semitism, nor did I feel any segregation as a Jew.

Liya was in the Crimea on a Lenvodokanal business trip in June, 1941, and she was caught by war there, so when the children were evacuated from Leningrad, my mum only sent me, because Gdali, Liya's son didn't want to leave without his mother at any cost and he stayed to wait for her.

She made her way, and arrived on the last train in autumn 1941, and they met in Leningrad and the three of them - Shifra, Liya and Gdali - stayed in Leningrad throughout the blockade. Gdali died in 1942. Shifra and Liya were evacuated in 1942 with Lenvodokanal to Kiselevsk.

I was sent first to the Yaroslavl region, but then the front approached Yaroslavl, and we were taken to Tyumen region in Siberia, the village of Pyatkovo. I was 11 years old then. The state authorities ordered that children from boarding schools be sent away from the battle lines. In Leningrad Rakhil and mum saw me off, aunt Rakhil cried a lot, and mum was quiet. She was generally calm. Aunt Rakhil had a presentiment that we would never ever see each other again, and that was exactly what happened.

The evacuation was a horror. A man whose children were evacuated to Old Russa told me, that the front line was almost there then! How was it possible to send children so close to the front? And then he took hold of two lorries, went to Old Russa to get his kid, and brought other children back to Leningrad and handed them over to their parents. Or, it was like this - trains with children were bombed. Older children managed to escape, fell on the ground, and the small ones perished. Brothers and sisters lost each other.

Mum came to Yaroslavl region to be with me and remained with me throughout the war. Later she worked as a tutor in the boarding school. I studied at school and missed nothing. We had very good teachers. German was taught by a German lady from Povolzhye.

  • Post-war

In August 1945 we returned to Leningrad with the boarding school, I was 15 years old, and I went to the 8th form. Then I learned about the Nuremberg trial from the papers. It made a great impression on me, just as the Doctors' Plot 11 in 1953, and even later, events in Czechoslovakia [the Prague Spring] 12. I felt compassion for people in trouble, and then, probably, understood, what anti-Semitism and genocide was all about, although it didn't touch me personally.

I finished school and entered the Hydrometeorological Institute in 1948. On the radio they talked about the campaign against 'cosmopolitans' 13 day and night: that the Soviet people must be against cosmopolitans. I was a student at a technical institute, but for some lectures on history delivered by professor Mavrodin I used to join my friend in the Pedagogical Institute.

His lectures were the most interesting ones. But he was prohibited from reading them due to this campaign against cosmopolitans. Anti-Semitism had not touched me in any way, though I heard and knew about it, but my appearance or God rescued me. Wherever I went, in a train, and in casual conversations, people asked about my salary, whether I was married and what my nationality was. I would answer: 'I don't know, what it is', meaning my mixed origins, and it always turned out beneficial for me, therefore I did not feel any anti-Semitism.

In the winter and spring of 1953 I was still a student, and they dismissed our deputy dean as a result of general policies connected with the Doctors' Plot. He became an ordinary teacher. I told him: 'How will the meteorological faculty survive without you?' and he replied: 'And how will I live without the meteorological faculty?' Everybody remembered him, and I corresponded with him later. It was very sad.

I finished the institute in summer 1953, and I was assigned to go to Tashkent to teach hydrometeorology in a local technical school. It was interesting for me and I worked there for 4 years. In Tashkent I rented a corner room from an old and formerly rich Jewish lady: my salary was 90 rubles a month.

Sixty of which I gave her for meals, and fifteen for accommodation. The rest of the money was left to me by my landlady, as she used to say, 'For cinema and for banya'. [Banya is a public bath with public dressing rooms and showers or a type of Russian sauna.]We lived very cheerfully.

The team of the teachers of the technical school consisted of promiscuous and multi-national youth. The history teacher was a timid Jewish man, the deputy director was Latvian, a strong and bright personality. When he asked her in the teachers' common room - everybody gathered there, 'What mark would you give me, as a man, on a 5-grade scale?' She answered contemptuously: 'As a man?!' (Meaning he was too faint- hearted for a man).

Some Bukharian Jews lived in Tashkent then, and I made friends with the family of the city's head therapist, and her daughter (they were Bukharan Jews), and later I lived with them free-of-charge. [Bukharan Jews: The indigenous Jews of Uzkebistan, which speak their own Tajik-Jewish dialect, and which trace their roots back to 5th-century exiles from Persia.] She was a doctor, and her patients used to bring her gifts, but she was strictly ordered to take nothing. She was an ardent Komsomol 14 member.

In 1957 I returned to Leningrad to mum's communal apartment, a room she received for work in Zemmash [Research Institute of Excavation Mechanical Engineering]. I couldn't find work in Leningrad and lived for one year on mum's expense. Later I felt bad about it and then I had found a job in a weather forecast bureau.

I bought a cooperative one-room apartment in 1962. I was helped financially by all my numerous relatives and friends. I asked everybody to lend me 100 rubles, because the initial investment was 1,300. It was a lot of money, but later some of them remitted my debt and presented that money to me. Then I exchanged this one-room apartment and mum's room for a two-room apartment, in which I now live. I had proposals made to me, but I never married.

In 1969 I entered post-graduate courses by correspondence in Moscow. In 1970, after the emigration of my relatives - the family of Bertha Vingelminova-Krol - I began to correspond with them. My mum was very worried for me. The letters were delivered not to my home, but to the post- office box, so that the neighbors wouldn't know about my correspondence. Mum was afraid, for almost all her life she was scared that someone would find out about her rich Jewish past.

In 1980 I defended my candidate's thesis about the forecast of high waters on Volkhov River in the Leningrad region. I never bathed there. Our laborious data collecting system in hydrometeorology requires quite some time. I went on business trips many times through the institute where I worked, and studied by correspondence. Now I am the candidate of geographical sciences, I have written and published a few works on forecasting high waters and floods from snows.

In 1982 the CPSU [Communist Party of the Soviet Union] did not allow me to go to a conference in Romania. The reason they gave was: 'She did not work in 1957, and it is quite possible that she, a daughter of a Jewish mother, was thinking of emigration to Israel'. They told the chief of our staff department in the district committee.

And this in the 1950s! Absurdity! One month later my colleagues and the staff department convinced me to try again and I submitted the documents one more time. I passed a rigid interview in the district committee - all questions about Israel - and the trip was permitted.

Now I am retired and I am a volunteer of Hesed. I am pleased to observe how the Jewish community prospers. I know that many people come here each day for lectures and meetings on Jewish culture, and I sometimes attend these lectures and observe Sabbath on Fridays in Hesed. Here I have learned a lot of new things about Jewish traditions, that I didn't know before, for example, about wigs: that married Jewish women wear a wig. Mum and her sisters wore their own hair, and did not tell me anything about wigs. I have only learned it here.

  • Glossary:

1 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants.

Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

2 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over.

The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

3 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times.

The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

4 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

5 Mayakovsky, Vladimir Vladimirovich (1893-1930)

Russian poet and dramatist. Mayakovsky joined the Social Democratic Party in 1908 and spent much time in prison for his political activities for the next two years. Mayakovsky triumphantly greeted the Revolution of 1917 and later he composed propaganda verse and read it before crowds of workers throughout the country. He became gradually disillusioned with Soviet life after the Revolution and grew more critical of it. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1924) ranks among Mayakovsky's best-known longer poems. However, his struggle with literary opponents and unhappy romantic experiences resulted in him committing suicide in 1930.

6 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

7 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor.

Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

8 Whites (White Army)

Counter-revolutionary armed forces that fought against the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. The White forces were very heterogeneous: They included monarchists and liberals - supporters of the Constituent Assembly and the tsar.

Nationalist and anti-Semitic attitude was very common among rank-and-file members of the white movement, and expressed in both their propaganda material and in the organization of pogroms against Jews. White Army slogans were patriotic. The Whites were united by hatred towards the Bolsheviks and the desire to restore a 'one and inseparable' Russia. The main forces of the White Army were defeated by the Red Army at the end of 1920.

9 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides.

The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

10 Reds

Red (Soviet) Army supporting the Soviet authorities.

11 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt.

As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

12 Prague Spring

The term Prague Spring designates the liberalization period in communist-ruled Czechoslovakia between 1967-1969. In 1967 Alexander Dubcek became the head of the Czech Communist Party and promoted ideas of 'socialism with a human face', i.e. with more personal freedom and freedom of the press, and the rehabilitation of victims of Stalinism. In August 1968 Soviet troops, along with contingents from Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, occupied Prague and put an end to the reforms.

13 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc.

Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'.

They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

14 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education.

The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

Mira Dernovskaya

Mira Dernovskaya
St Petersburg
Russia
Interviewer: Liudmila Luban
Date: December 2001

  • My family background

I, Mira Dernovskaya, was born in 1929 in Leningrad and have lived in this city practically all my life, except for the two years after graduation from the Institute, including the time of the German blockade of Leningrad from 1941 to 1944 1.

My ancestors on the maternal side, the Etkins, came from Lithuania. My grandfather, Avraam Mordkhe Etkin, was born in the 1860s in the village of Yanovo, near Kaunas. He was born into a religious Jewish family. He finished the Kaunas yeshivah and served as a rabbi of Porkhov town in Pskov province from 1914, though in his documents he was registered as a craftsman, a foreman in the bookbinding business.

Mum told me that grandfather, apart from his religious duties, was very much interested in engineering. In his last years, when he was already a very sick man (he had a bad heart), he asked his daughter, my Mum, to take him to town to listen to the radio. The only loudspeaker hung in the central square then. Grandfather performed his duties as rabbi until his death in 1926. I was born later, therefore I never saw him, only heard stories about him from my mother.

His wife, my grandmother, Hana Lea Etkina was born in the 1870s in Yanovo, also to a religious family. She married my grandfather, and their three daughters were born there: the eldest Nekha Dina in 1896, Haya, my mother, in 1899, and the youngest, Dveira, in 1901. Grandmother was a housewife, the wife of a Porkhov rabbi from 1914. Grandmother died in 1936 and is buried like grandfather, in the Jewish cemetery in Porkhov. All Jewish traditions were strictly observed in their family and their native tongue was Yiddish.

Nekha Dina - or as we called her by her Russian name, Nadezhda - was married, and her son was born around 1926,. Her husband worked in a warehouse and she was a housewife. They lived in Leningrad.

Dveira - whom we called Vera by her Russian name - was a beauty. A musician from an orchestra had fallen in love with her, he had a nickname 'Koppel- pipe', and his surname was Pasternak. He was very persistent courting her, and eventually she married him. He finished a construction school, and later an institute, and became a builder. They lived in Ashkhabad, Turkmenistan.

There, Dveira's husband first became site supervisor, then rose to chief controller of civil construction in Turkmenistan, and later worked in the Ministry of the State Control [this supervised state enterprises all over the country]. Dveira was a housewife. She had a sick heart. They didn't have children. Dveira died rather young, at the age of 45, in 1946, right after the war.

Grandfather's brother Yankel Koppel Etkin was also a rabbi. He was older than my grandfather. He was born in Yanovo in 1854, mastered the bookbinding craft, and completed the Kovensk yeshivah. After 1890 he moved to Pskov province, where he was a rabbi in the district center Ostrov. He was a widely educated man. Besides traditional Jewish subjects and religious duties, he was knowledgeable about natural sciences: physics, mathematics, chemistry; he was also fond of philosophy.

Uncle Yankel had collected a large library, which was handed over after his death to the Saltykov-Schedrin Public Library [today the Russian National Library] in Leningrad by his children as a gift. Unfortunately, I don't know what books he had exactly. Yankel began to collect them when he was young, before he got married. He collected all kinds of scientific books and probably there were also religious books as well. In this library there was a department named after Yankel Etkin.

He died of gullet cancer in 1919 and was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Ostrov. In 1924 the family erected a monument on his grave. The monument is crowned with a Star of David, and there is an inscription in Hebrew. A lot of people attended the unveiling of the monument, including all the relatives.

They say that his wife, Mina Ida, was a very active person, highly respected in town. They lived simply but not poorly. They had seven children, but they hired a maid to mop the floors and wash linen. Mina Ida salted herring herself, made various pickles and stocks, and baked very tasty buns, which she used to give to the synagogue.

All Yankel's children - three brothers and four sisters - were born in Ostrov. They were all beautiful and capable. They started to work at an early age, at 11-12, as accounting assistants. When they grew up all of them left Ostrov and lived in different cities: Leningrad, Kalinin [today Tver], Sverdlovsk [today Ekaterinburg], Moscow.

Only the youngest daughter remained with her parents, looking after her sick father. Their mother died in 1927 of a heart attack and is buried in the Jewish cemetery in Ostrov. All Etkins were quiet, self-possessed people, full of dignity. They were respected in the city, their opinion was listened to; they played a leading role in social life.

The Dernovsky family, my paternal relatives, was absolutely different in character. They were quick-tempered people, but cheerful, buoyant. When they gathered on holidays they would really enjoy themselves; they sang, danced, joked, laughed, 'played the fool', and the old didn't lag behind the young.

My paternal grandmother and grandfather lived in Novorzhev, though people say that my grandfather was from Polish Jews. My grandfather on my father's side, Haim Yankel Dernovsky, (his folks called him Yasha) was born at the end of the 1850s in Novorzhev, Pskov province. He was a tailor. Having completed his term in the army, he married at the end of the 1880s a young girl, Sora Gita, also from Novorzhev.

My grandmother was born at the beginning of the 1870s in Novorzhev, and she was a housewife. I don't know how they got acquainted. Grandfather and she didn't have children for five years after the wedding. Then a boy was born, but he died as a baby of diphtheria. After that they had no children for a few years. They were very unhappy, they went to see doctors and a rabbi in Pskov, and prayed a lot.

At last, in 1897, Sora gave birth to twins: my father Grigory (Girsh) and his sister Malke. The girl was big and healthy and my father was small and weak. All the Novorzhev folks came to look at the children and to congratulate the parents, since all Jewish families had many children in the neighborhood - childlessness was rare. My father was very much cared for in his childhood, they even hired a nurse from the village and bought a cow. But after these twins, children started to be born one after another.

In total there were seven kids in the family, four brothers and three sisters: my father and his twin sister, Bentse born in 1899, Milya born in 1901, Lea born in 1903, Eugene born in 1906 and Henah born in 1908.

Grandfather and grandmother were religious people. They observed all Jewish traditions, like all their Jewish neighbors. I don't know for certain, but I guess that they knew Yiddish and spoke this language amongst themselves, went to the synagogue and celebrated all Jewish holidays at home. I remember that there was usually was a crowd of people in the house, friends, guests and neighbors. They were such cheerful and happy people, a large and amicable family. But I can't describe their life in detail - they didn't tell me, and I didn't ask. Grandmother Sora Gita died in 1936 in Novorzhev, and I was seven years old then and lived in Leningrad, so what could I ask? Grandmother is buried in Novorzhev in the Jewish cemetery.

Before the war, after grandmother Sora's death, grandfather Yasha lived with our family during the winter - we had a 24-square-meter room in a communal apartment 2. In the summer grandfather would leave for Novorzhev to go to his daughter Milya. She was a housewife, her husband, a tailor, and they had three children. She was the only one of father's brothers and sisters who remained in Novorzhev, all the others lived in Leningrad.

My father and his twin sister were the oldest children. Father's younger brother Bentse finished two institutes. He had a degree in law and in economics. He worked as an economist before the war at a large plant, I think the Baltic Plant, in Leningrad. His wife was a doctor and they had one daughter.

Father's brother Eugene first finished the railway technical school, then graduated from an institute. He worked in the research expeditions of the Leningrad State Institute of Transport Design, and designed various transportation objects and railway roads. He was a cheerful and sociable man, a women's favorite, though he wasn't particularly handsome.

Before the war he divorced his first wife and left for the construction site of the railway in Vorkuta. There he snatched away a young wife Sophia from a geologist and married her.

Father's youngest brother Henah was the director of a furniture shop in Leningrad, his wife was engaged in fabric painting. They had one daughter Lyuba.

Aunt Malke was a bookkeeper. She married in Rybinsk, but then they too moved over to Leningrad. Her husband worked in supplies. They had two children, a daughter and a son. Lea finished the Leningrad Pharmaceutical Institute with her husband and worked as a pharmacist in a drugstore. Because her husband was a military officer, they used to travel a lot all over the country. Their daughter was born in 1938.

My father Grigory Dernovsky became a tailor like his father. My mother Haya Dernovskaya [nee Etkina] was tall and beautiful. In her youth she worked as a milliner. After marrying she became a housewife. My parents lived in different cities before marrying, they were engaged to each other, but they hadn't met before the wedding.

The rabbi of Pskov knew both families very well. The wedding took place in Pskov in 1927. Afterwards the young couple moved to Leningrad and rented a room. Daddy started to work in a tailoring workshop. At first he was a cutter, then a foreman.

  • Growing up

I was prematurely born in 1929. Mum was hit in a shop with a bag full of potatoes. I 'regarded it as a signal to action' and was born before the time. I was small, thin, but, as it turned out, sturdy. Until I reached school age, I was brought up by Mum.

In August 1931 my brother Abram was born, he was a wonderful boy. He died in a tragic accident. When he was 1 year and 4 months old, he poisoned himself with undiluted acetic acid. It happened early in the morning. Everyone was at home. We lived in a communal apartment. The bottle full of vinegar stood on the kitchen table. He had drunk it all in front of everybody, and I, a three-year old, stood there and repeated: 'Abrashka, don't touch it!' Mum was sick for a very long time after that misfortune; she didn't rise from bed for a month.

Before the war Daddy worked in a tailor's workshop, which was located in the building of the hostel of the Military Mechanical Institute. All the teachers from this institute ordered clothes there, and supplied him with theatre tickets. Mum and Daddy were very fond of theater; they wouldn't miss a new play.

They also loved music and songs. Daddy bought a gramophone as soon as they appeared on sale. At home we had many records, including records of all the singers popular at that time.

My maternal grandfather was a taciturn man in everyday life, but very quick- tempered. My father was also hasty, but he calmed down quickly. He sometimes thrashed me for some fault with a belt, but would calm down at once and never remember the incident. And Mum never punished me, even for serious wrong-doings, but would necessarily recollect the event in similar cases: 'Do you remember once you did this and that bad?' I had a Dernovsky, rather than an Etkin, character. Now I have become more restrained. But as a youth I was very hot-tempered.

All brothers and sisters of my father, except for Milya, were better off than us, but grandfather Yasha lived with us and with her, but of course, other children also helped him. Grandfather remained a religious man up to the end of his life, he went to synagogue each Friday and on holidays, had a Talmud, wore a white coverlet with light-blue tassels for prayer, and tied black boxes to his hand with belts, inside of which were fragments from Torah. [Editor's note: The interviewee is referring to the tallit and tefillin, which he apparently does not know the name of.]

His son, my father, was not particularly religious. I don't remember him praying. Mum was from the family of a rabbi, so she did pray, but seldom went to synagogue, only on holidays when father used to join her. All Jewish holidays were celebrated in our family. I especially remember Pesach. Mum was very skilful at cooking traditional Jewish meals.

She prepared kosher food separately for herself and grandfather and non-kosher for Daddy and me. But we chose what was tastier, because only mother and granddad were Orthodox. Daddy and I didn't keep kosher, but liked delicious food.

On Jewish holidays relatives came to us. It was forbidden to celebrate any religious holidays then, but we had wonderful neighbors in our communal apartment, so we could rely on their keeping silence. And they never let us down, though they were completely different people in regard to age, origin, educational level and culture, but all of them were decent people. With the children of some of them I still keep friendly relations, for example, with our neighbor Lyalya, granddaughter of an Orthodox priest who had his parish somewhere in Shuvalovo.

He was put in prison in 1938 and perished somewhere in a camp. Among our neighbors, only one was Jewish. It was the family of our friend, whose father managed to exchange with one of our other neighbors and move to our apartment. My parents were very amicable with this family. On New Year holidays all neighbors had decorated New Year trees, but it wasn't a Jewish tradition to have one, so we never had a fir-tree.

The closest relations my parents had was with Samuil's family. He was Mum's cousin and the son of an Ostrov rabbi. I tenderly called him 'Uncle Mulya.' He was a bookkeeper. His wife Mary finished the pedagogical class of a grammar school, a dental surgery school in Warsaw and a medical institute. Before the war she worked as a dentist. She was clever, well-educated, knew several languages, mathematics, and loved books and theatre.

Uncle Mulya and Aunt Mary frequently visited us, and we would often go to their place. They lived nearby. Daddy loved to play cards with them. Mum wasn't so enthusiastic about card games. She didn't have the passion of the Dernovsky family in her character. After father's death I never saw her play cards.

Uncle Mulya and Aunt Mary had two children who died in tragic circumstances. Kopik, named in honor of his grandfather, my grandfather's brother, rabbi Yankel Koppel Etkin, died at the age of 8 or 10 of osteomyelitis. And their older son Mosya, a student of the third or fourth year at the Medical Institute, went to a pioneer camp to work as an instructor and drowned in a river at the age of 20. Mary and Samuil could hardly overcome this tragedy. I loved Mosya, too, and was very upset about his death. Even now I look after his grave in the Jewish cemetery.

Uncle Mulya and Aunt Mary loved me very much, especially after the deaths of their own children. My parents 'were trembling over me' because they, too, suffered from the loss of their son, and were not young any more - they got married rather late. Whenever one of the children fell ill with scarlet fever in our large communal apartment, where 8 families lived - and that happened about 4 times - I was immediately sent to Uncle Mulya, and I lived there through the whole period of the quarantine.

I remember, that when the blockade of Leningrad began, but public transportation was still working, they came to us on my birthday - it was in November 1941 - and presented me with a book. We treated them with a special dish - fried eggs. It seems that at the time it was still possible.

  • During the war

Before the war, in May 1941, Mum and I were on vacation as always in Maksatikha in Kaliningrad region. The location was very beautiful - a river and forests all around. We rented a room for the whole summer. Mum was pregnant that year, and was expecting a baby. I finished four classes of high school. When the war began, we thought that it would soon be over and moved to the district center Bezhetsk, and in August returned to Leningrad.

Father was at defense works at that time. At first we didn't even get registered to avoid being evacuated and waited for Daddy to come back. In September we registered after all. When father returned from defense works, it was already impossible to leave, the city was under complete blockade.

Grandfather Yasha, as always, was living with his daughter Milya in Novorzhev that summer. When the war began, Uncle Grisha, Milya's husband, was called up at once. She was given a horse and a cart at work, so that she, her children and father could go to the country. Grandfather categorically refused to leave. Everyone thought then that the war would soon be over. Grandfather said that for him, such an old man (he was older than 80 then), there was no need to go anywhere.

Aunt Milya also thought that she was leaving just for a couple of days to hide from the bombings in the village. They left without any luggage. Milya only changed clothes from an everyday dress to a woolen one, just in case. Nobody believed that the Germans would occupy Novorzhev. Here her three children and her niece 9- year-old Zhenya, Uncle Bentse's daughter, who was visiting them that summer, were also with Milya.

Uncle Bentse asked for a few days leave at his work and went from Leningrad to Novorzhev to get his daughter. The railway track didn't go as far as Novorzhev then, and the nearest railway station was about 40 kilometers away. With much effort, sometimes on foot, sometimes getting on a passing horse-cart he reached Novorzhev and found only two men in the entire town, one of whom was my grandfather Yakov. But grandfather was already extremely frightened and agreed at once to leave with his son for Leningrad. Nobody knew where Milya and the children were at that time.

When Uncle Bentse brought grandfather to Leningrad, Mum was in her last months of pregnancy, Daddy was not at home, and grandfather was taken by Uncle Bentse's wife Mariam, the doctor of a front hospital. Grandfather soon died in her apartment.

On 9th December 1941 Mum gave birth to a girl. She gave birth in a hospital. It all happened in candlelight and the doctor who attended the delivery shouted: 'Come on! Make it faster, the candle's about to burn down! You'll have to do it in darkness!' The girl was called Lilya. She had nothing to eat. Neither did we. Daddy worked in a hospital as a tailor and spent all day there. Mum had an infant in her arms.

Sometime in January I was sent to a shop and I was robbed of our ration cards. It was a tragedy in those times, but fortunately they didn't steal all the cards. Those for bread remained, and as no other products were available anyway, we managed somehow.

Daddy died of exhaustion earlier than Lilya. He died on 14th February 1942. We lived in a large communal apartment. Father's body couldn't be taken away right then, so we didn't stoke the stove in that room for several days, and lived in the neighbor's room. Then father's friend and Mum took the corpse on sledges to the synagogue, and there the corpses were sent to the Jewish cemetery in Alexandrovskaya farm. Now there is a large area of land there, where the Jews who died between 1941 and 1942 are buried. Father is buried there too. We even have the number of the trench, but it is now impossible to establish where that trench really is. Therefore, I go there and stand on the site and remember father.

Mum remained alone with two kids. When father's body was taken away, we heated the stove in our freezing room; and to keep the warmth, somebody might have closed the smoke pipe plug, and all three of us got poisoned by fumes. We were unconscious, but I shouted or mumbled something. Our apartment belonged to some architect before the war and consisted of a suite of rooms. The door between our room and neighbors' room was closed up, but the audibility was good, besides our neighbor Lyalya slept just beside that closed door. She heard me 'squeal' (that's what she called it). The neighbors broke the hook on the door to our room and pulled us out into the open air. Lilya died 2 weeks after that.

We remained with Mum the two of us and we survived by a miracle. Mum was a quiet, restrained person, but very irresolute. It was very hard for her to be alone. After father's death Mum sold his things and some of our belongings in order to survive. As Daddy had been a tailor, we had some cuts of material set aside for his suit or Mum's coat. Mum sold all that, including our piano, on which I learnt to play before the war. That's where my music studies finished.

When Mum was sick and was lying in hospital in the winter of 1942, the yard- keeper started to steal our firewood, and he did it openly before my own eyes. And I, a small, but a very resolute girl, went to complain to the public prosecutor - someone must have advised me to do that. The public prosecutor listened to me and made a telephone call.

The larceny stopped, but I was uneasy all the same, and we took all the firewood with the help of my neighbor inside, chopped and sawed it in the kitchen, and then piled it up in the room. In the spring of 1942 an artillery shell hit our house, but our apartment remained intact.

There was a period, when Mum didn't rise from bed at all, and it seemed that she would never get up again. But she rose. It was a miracle. One of Daddy's fellow countrymen arrived with a food products caravan from Ladoga. He had dropped in to us to find out whether Daddy was alive. He left his ration for us, mainly bread, and Mum had a chance to eat a little and recover.

Once my neighbor, who worked as a maid in a hospital, brought us some potato peelings. We made thick pancakes out of them. They tasted so delicious that I told Mum: 'After the war is over, we will never peel potatoes'.

Mum had no profession. She went to work in a hospital, where she repaired soldiers' regimentals, and at the end of 1944, when the Military Medical Academy returned from evacuation, she got a job in the laundry there. She washed, ironed and sorted out linen, and did all the various assignments in the laundry.

After a while she was transferred to the position of cloakroom attendant in another clinic of the Military Medical Academy, where she worked up to her retirement in 1962. She was easy-tempered, beautiful, and behaved always with dignity. She was highly respected there and heard a lot of compliments from military officers and doctors. Mum was rewarded with a medal 'For the Defense of Leningrad'. I, too, was awarded with such a medal. Mum was awarded in July 1943, I, in November.

During the autumn and winter of the blockade of Leningrad we didn't study at school. Classes began only in May 1942. I received that medal as a schoolgirl, a pupil of the 5th form, for my work in an agricultural farm near my school in the summer and autumn of 1942, and then in 1943 and 1944, to provide Leningradians with potatoes and other vegetables.

We lived in a large barrack. I remember how we dug up potatoes in September. It was prohibited to take potatoes out of the farm, they even used to search us, but all of us were hungry and we ate them right there in the field uncooked.

The destiny of our relatives who survived and who died in this terrible war is as follows. Father's brother Bentse, who worked in one of the large Leningrad factories, was exempted from service in the army at the beginning of the war. When the factory was evacuated, he volunteered to go to the front and was soon killed in the defense of Leningrad. Much later, his remains, with a capsule containing his data, were found by pathfinders in the place of the former the Volkhov front (the so called 'Neva patch').

The remains were buried in a common grave in Volkhov, and there is an obelisk above the grave, with his name engraved among others. His wife Myriam was mobilized as a doctor, and was head of the therapeutic department of a front-line hospital in Leningrad. When the hospital was evacuated in 1943, she asked for a leave to look for her daughter Zhenya, who was staying with Aunt Milya. She found the girl, took her, and returned to the hospital. Myriam lived to be 101. She and her daughter are buried in the Jewish cemetery in Leningrad.

During the war Eugene, Dad's second brother, laid and repaired the destroyed railway tracks at the front lines and liberated territories. When the war began, he sent money for evacuation to his relatives and their children. He sent his wife Sophia with his institute to Vologda, their daughter Tatiana was born there. After the war they returned to Leningrad. Uncle Eugene died in 1978 in Kaunas, Lithuania, where he had moved to be closer to his daughter's family.

Uncle Henah was a soldier, too, and fortunately he survived. His daughter Lyuba and his wife were in evacuation near Penza. Uncle Henah also died in 1978 in Leningrad.

Milya, after leaving Novorzhev with the children, traveled to Yaroslavl on a horse-cart for two months. Then they sailed down the Volga River to their relatives in Stalingrad. When the Germans came to Stalingrad, they were evacuated to Sverdlovsk region in the Urals.

Her husband Grigory was at the front and survived. After the war they came to Leningrad, where Uncle Grigory worked as a tailor. Milya died in 1973. She and her husband, who died in 1968, are buried in the Jewish cemetery in Leningrad. Their older son died, their second son and daughter live in the USA now.

Lea was caught by the war in Stalingrad. She and her three-year-old daughter were sent to a military garrison in Kushka, since she, as a doctor, was subject to draft. Her husband was at the front and survived. After the war they returned to Leningrad. Aunt Lea died in 1991.

Father's twin sister Malke was evacuated with her daughter from Leningrad to Samarkand. Before the war her older son entered the Military Medical Academy, which was evacuated to Ashkhabad, Turkmenistan. He passed a short course of training there and was sent to the front, where he soon died. Aunt Malke's husband also fought in the war, but survived. He died in 1948. She died in 1968. She, her husband and their son-in-law are buried in the Jewish cemetery in Leningrad.

The husband of mother's sister Nekha, like Uncle Bentse, was killed in October 1941 on the Volkhov front. Her son was at the front, too. He left for the front as a pupil in 10th grade, and lost his leg in the fight. After the war he continued to study and became a lawyer. Aunt Nekha died in October 1948 during an earthquake in Ashkhabad. Aunt Dveira also died in Ashkhabad in 1946 from heart disease.

Mother's cousin Samuil died in the blockade of Leningrad. His wife Mary was evacuated in 1943 to Sverdlovsk, where her husband's brother and sister owned a house, and she died there in 1976.

  • Post-war

Mum and I lived very poorly after the war, but I finished ten classes all the same, though all my relatives advised me to go to technical school to acquire a major as fast as possible. But I studied very well and insisted on finishing school. Relatives helped us a little, but basically it was Mum who managed to make ends meet.

After finishing the 10th grade of school in 1948, I entered the Faculty of Radio Engineering at the Leningrad Institute of Electrical Engineering. At school I liked chemistry most of all, but Jews were not admitted to the faculty of chemistry at the university. There was no admission to any faculty at that time at all because of anti-Semitism.

I entered this Institute quite accidentally, thanks to a recommendation by a friend. I was going in for gymnastics then, and was a member of the city gymnastics team. I passed the entrance examinations very well. With such marks, and as a sportsman, I was admitted to this prestigious faculty to major in radio- location.

When I was in my first year, there was one curious event. Mum received a letter from one of the pre-Baltic states from our distant relative Dora, who was searching for us. During the war Dora was in a ghetto, but survived owing to a miracle. Later she moved to Israel. This letter, about which we didn't speak to anybody, was the reason for my being called to the First Department for a 'conversation'. [Editor's note: The staff of the 'First Department' or 'Special Secret Department' consisted of employees who had access to state secrets of defense and other industries.

They were not allowed to travel abroad for 10 years or more, but their salaries were higher than that of average employees.] However that conversation didn't have any special consequences. But this is an indication of how well coordinated the censorship or some other appropriate service was then. In my third year at the Institute I was transferred to another faculty, the Faculty of Power Engineering.

They were forming a group of students there to be trained for a new specialty, the 'electric drive', and gathered people from different faculties. I majored in this subject, and I graduated from the Institute with distinction in 1954.

After graduation I was assigned to the coal industry, and I found myself at a research institute in the city of Stalino. I became a junior researcher, and frequently descended to coal mines. The staff of the laboratory consisted of fourteen employees: thirteen men and me. I worked there for two years and persuaded the chief of the department to let me go to Leningrad.

I was even given letters of recommendation to various establishments, but I didn't take advantage of them, and immediately after my arrival I went to the machine-tool factory, where I was preparing my thesis as a student. I got a job in the Chief Designer Department right away as a designer of the 1st category, as I already had experience in the field. After that, for twenty years, I worked as a project designer.

I hadn't encountered anti-Semitism - neither in our large communal apartment, nor at work. I was probably lucky. There were always decent people around me. One of the reasons for that might be that I was a sociable person, talkative, not wicked, and didn't have any enemies. Somebody could have expressed his bad attitude behind my back, but nobody had ever offended me as a Jew face to face. I was never under pressure at work, either, as all my bosses happened to be Jews.

Of course I could feel anti-Semitism in everyday life, especially in 1952-1953, when the notorious Doctors' Plot 3 was underway; offensive words could be heard in the street and in shops. And it could be this was the reason why I was assigned to that coal industry enterprise in Stalino, despite my honorary diploma.

In 1968 the plant was apportioned a block of flats for its centenary, in which Mum and I received a one-room apartment in exchange for our room in the communal apartment. All our relatives who lived in Leningrad came to celebrate. Twenty guests gathered in our small apartment. All the Dernovskys had so much fun that 'all hell broke loose'.

My Uncles Henah and Eugene, who were still healthy and cheerful then, took their booze and snacks to the bathroom and sat there, using a board stacked on the bath-tub as a table. They would pop out of there from time to time, announce a toast and pop back, and everybody sang and danced in the small corridor. There were no drunkards or revelers among the Dernovskys, but everyone was cheerful and buoyant, with the exception, perhaps, of Aunt Lilya, who was a more constrained person.

Mum lived with me in that apartment for 8 years. She, as always, was highly respected by the tenants of our house. She quietly listened to everybody, never gossiped, and people sought her advice. She had her own place on the bench near the entrance, and nobody occupied it. If someone was sitting in that corner when she came out, he would rise at once and give her the place. This is what kind of person she was. Mum died in 1976, and is buried, like Daddy, in the Jewish cemetery. She was buried in the grave of my brother Abram, and on the monument above the grave I had Dad's dates engraved too. I retired in 1984, when I was 55. I worked in my former place for a few more years under a contract.

When I retired I had a lot of spare time. My friends and I often went to the movies, to theatre, or for a walk in the Tavrichesky Garden, sometimes even had dinner at the Metropol restaurant, here prices during the day were significantly lower than in the evening. In the summer we would go out of town to Repino, Solnechnoye.

But then the standard of living of pensioners went down sharply, and we could no longer go to cinema or theatre, we couldn't even afford to drop in to a café any more, to say nothing of a restaurant. But I am an energetic person. I heard about the existence of the Jewish Center Hesed Avraam. I went there at the end of 1997 and offered myself as a volunteer. And now I work there for the program called Humanitarian Help. The opportunity to help people that really need help makes my life more exciting. I dine in Hesed's charitable restaurant. I attend very interesting cultural events, listen to lectures on the revival of Jewish traditions. All this is very important to me.

  • Glossary:

1 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

2 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of shared apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

3 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

Eva Bato

Eva Bato
Budapest
Hungary
Interviewer: Dora Sardi and Eszter Andor

I'm a terrible combination of things: one of my great-grandfathers was a Transylvanian baron. A second obtained a royal license - I'm not sure from which king; the license was lost during the war - to start up a pipe-carving atelier at the foot of the Buda castle. He was a Turkish master pipe-carver. The license authorized Almos Limo to practice the art of pipe-carving. He was Muslim, incidentally. Then there was my great-grandfather Koppel Reich, who, if my information is correct, was the first Jewish representative to the Hungarian parliament. And the fourth great-grandfather was from a nondescript Jewish family.

Family background
Growing up
During the war
Post-war

Family background

My great-grandfather on my father's side was Mor Berdach - Berdach was an acronym for his complete name, Ben Rabbi David Hacham. He lived in Austria, more precisely in Vienna. He was already quite an old gentleman when I was born, and he died in his nineties in Baden. I visited them on Kant strasse in Vienna when I was a child. When my great-grandmother died, my great-grandfather moved to Baden, where he died. He died the night the Germans invaded Austria, on the night of the Anschluss. Nobody went to his burial.He was a teacher, and didn't speak a word of Hungarian. He had two daughters and a son.

One of his daughters was my grandmother. She had a younger sister, Rachel, who was a well-known writer: a novelist, journalist and poet. For instance, when Queen Elisabeth of Austria was murdered, the German Writers'Association held a memorial and her poems were recited, poems written for the occasion. Rachel married one of her cousins, Otto Bardach. (He was also from the Berdach family, but due to clerical misspelling of their name, they went by Bardach.) Because they were cousins they did not want to have children. Rachel was a very beautiful, very graceful woman. She lived permanently in a hotel because she had a passionate affair with a man, and they agreed they would leave everything behind and get married. They rented a flat, arranged it, furnished it beautifully with all sorts of antique furniture and fantastic paintings. It was no easy thing at that time to simply move in together. They could not get married right away because the man was married and had two children, but they decided to live together until his divorce was final. Her lover said he would move into the flat ahead of Rachel in order to be there to welcome her to her new home. And so it happened. Rachel went to the flat, opened the door and as she stepped in she saw an enormous Turkish Bukhara carpet, the size of this room. And on this enormous carpet lay the man - with a bullet hole through his temple.There was a note lying next to him; he wrote that he was unable to choose between his children and Rachel. We called that carpet "Blut-Bukhara" from then on. We never had it cleaned, and we never used it.

My grandmother's younger brother was a lawyer who changed his name from Berdach to the Hungarian Barna. As Karoly Barna, he was the general-director of the Danube Steamship Company. He was very rich. He lived herein Hungary.

My grandmother, Laura, was a woman of the Austrian monarchy. She spoke very little Hungarian, only a few words, and was very funny when she tried.Instead of "food" she said "tool." I don't exactly know why she made a lot of mistakes like that.

I did not know my grandfather on my father's side because he died very young. I only know he was called Geza. He was the illegitimate son of a Transylvanian baron, a very famous Transylvanian family. That baron, although he did not acknowledge his son - he was given the maiden name of his Jewish mother, and therefore called Bato - made sure that his son received a proper education, which gave him a good start in life, and arranged a good marriage for him. So Grandfather most likely had a good job at the Adria Insurance Company.

In 1910 he was assigned the task of organizing the network of the Adria Insurance Company in Egypt (still a British colony) and the Middle East. So Grandfather moved from one day to the next to Cairo. My father went to an English gymnasium in Cairo for four years. Then my father and grandmother moved back to Europe so that my father could get a Hungarian Matura [an examination for graduation from school]. And my grandfather stayed in Egypt. He always said he did not want to die before going to the Holy Land; he wanted to see Jerusalem, since he was so close to it. I don't know what means of transportation he took, but he went to Jerusalem, also underBritish authority, so there was no problem. He arrived in Jerusalem, and he took a room in the King David Hotel. Then he went to have lunch in a palm-tree garden. The way the story is told he sat under a palm tree and had lunch, then he ordered a coffee, the waiter brought him his coffee, and there he was, dead, with his lit cigar still in his mouth. This was what he had wanted: Jerusalem. That had been his wish, so they buried him there. My grandparents were good Jews. They observed the holidays, of course.

My father, Tibor Bato, was born in Budapest in 1896. On his return from Egypt, he spoke excellent Arabic, English and French. He had a great talent for languages. Back in Hungary, he passed his Matura, then went to Vienna and studied commerce at the Oriental Academy. When World War I began, my father was sent to the front. He was taken prisoner and learned Russian while there. What's more, he learned almost all Slavic languages spoken by war prisoners around him. He was wounded four times, and each time went back to the front. His leg was full of shrapnel, from grenades, until the end of his life. My father was a many-times decorated officer. He was one of the few - and this wasn't something given out lightly - reserve officers who were allowed to wear their uniform at all times. When I was naughty at school and my parents were called in, I always sent my dad in his uniform.It always made a very good impression and everything was smoothed out immediately.

After the war, my father lived in Berlin, where he worked at Shell. When he moved back to Hungary, he was the representative of the Shell Hungarian office. After the anti-Jewish laws were enacted, he started his own company, which bought oil from Shell and distributed it. He was a very talented man.

The father or the grandfather of my mother's father was probably that pipe-carver I talked about, and that was a family from Janoshaza, in Vas. The great-grandfather worked at the railways. He was born Beno Elias, but he adopted the Hungarian name of Illes in 1894.

There were three boys in the Elias family, and they all became Illes. The eldest was Gusztav (1865-1945); he was my grandfather. The middle one was Imre, he was a doctor, and spent his entire career as an army doctor. He was a colonel in the army, and the commanding officer in the Szeged garrison. The youngest was Emil, who lived in Felvidek. He is buried in Bratislava. He spent more time in prison than out. After the first world war and Trianon, he became the president of the Hungarian Association of Felvidek. He liked to talk a lot. Each time, he was sent to jail. Emil hada daughter who would have grown up in uncertain circumstances. Her mother died in childbirth, and her father was in prison all the time. But Gusztav Illes had three daughters, and took up Emil's daughter as the fourth.

Grandfather worked at Hoffer and Srantz's engineering firm for more than 40 years; when he retired, he was director of finance and exchange. He died inMarch 1945. He lived to see the end of the Arrow Cross commotion.Grandmother's name was Anna Lederer. She was from Felvidek, from Lipto or Turocz county. I don't have much to say about her. She was a grandmother, a mother. She reared four children. She died in December 1942.

My grandparents had three daughters: Margit was the eldest, my mother Erzsebet, and Magda.

Margit was born in Budapest in 1897 and died in 1993. She studied at theBudapest Academy of Music and became a pianist; she gave concerts abroad.And she was beautiful. Her husband was Geza Laczko, the writer from the Nyugat group who also was a professor of French literature. He later became the editor-in-chief of the daily newspaper "Pesti Naplo." He was a Christian, and his wife lived through the Arrow Cross upheaval unharmed as the wife of an Aryan. They hid me in 1944. From time to time, when the fascists would come by, I'd be standing on the balcony on the fourth floor, drenched in sunlight from the courtyard.

Magda was born in 1901 and died in 1992. She married Albert Mandaberg, a gentleman from a very rich Viennese family. When she became pregnant, or maybe after she gave birth to the child - I don't know exactly - she converted so that the child would not be Jewish.

My mother, Erzsebet Illes, was born in Budapest in 1899. She drew beautifully, and was accepted into the Academy of Applied Arts. Let me just mention that all three girls had their Matura. She learned how to paint porcelain china and the like, but then she met my father while still very young, was married, and left the Academy.

As far back as I can remember, she went to synagogue every Friday. She couldn't read Hebrew, but was a very good Jew, which was proven over the course of time. For there was only one person in the world who turned a private flat, that had been a modern flat for years, into a synagogue. Benosovszki, the chief rabbi of Buda, went there each and every Friday from 1945 to 1950.

Growing up

I was born in 1921. We went to my grandmother's in Berlin when I was 2 months old. And our lifestyle was such that we were constantly traveling between my grandparents, or rather, my eldest aunt Margit, who never had children, and Berlin. Aunt Margit behaved as though I were her child. For example, she went out to Berlin on Saturday morning to see me and returned on Sunday night; that was no short journey by train. She saw me for two or three hours and came back. She loved me madly, deeply, worshipped me.Still, if she hadn't, I wouldn't have survived the Nazi era in their flat.

We had a "small" summer house, a 15-room mansion in Cezn, near Berlin.Every member of the family had a car, and their own chauffeur. Father drove himself. And I grew up there, not in Berlin. We had a gigantic park. My mother raised me, and my grandmother, and all sorts of aunts. We bred race horses. The property was simply huge. There were many servants: from the butler to the cook, from the chauffeur to the "lady's companion." We observed Shabbat, but they did not dare take me to synagogue. Anti-Semitism was increasing. In 1927, it had become so bad that my mother declared she could not stand it any longer, and she moved us back to Pest.

I had been private student in Berlin. I did not speak Hungarian very well when we arrived back in Hungary, so I took private lessons, and only went to a public school for the fourth grade, the last before gymnasium. And I had no idea what it meant to go to a public school. I loved learning and I was far ahead of the others, of course, because the cultural environment had done much for me, and I studied and read a good amount out of boredom. The teacher in the public school told us in the first half of the fourth grade: "Children, now you all must start studying for the future, for the school you will go to next year will be different. So I am not going to give any "excellent" marks in the first semester so that none of you should become over-confident." To which I, who had no idea about schools, put up my hand, and told her that I would certainly not become overconfident, so she could give me the "excellent" mark without having to worry. That teacher, whom I later met from time to time, told me that story years later. And she did give me that "excellent" mark, and I received all"excellent" marks from then on. I had no problems in that school.

When we moved back to Hungary, my mother left me with my grandparents, her parents, and she went on to Switzerland where she took a course on tourism. When she came back after the six months, she bought a pension together with a lawyer for whom the pension was an investment. That pension was on Nador Street, opposite the Exchange building. At that time, I mainly lived with my grandparents. Then, one day, it turned out that the lawyer had hung himself during the night. He had embezzled all the money. So the pension had to be closed.

My mother decided that she would stop traveling, and became a member of the Buda Jewish Women's Club. Back in Berlin, she had been involved with child welfare funds, and she had worked a good deal at the International Red Cross for children and youth protection. And my mother, who was an incredibly active person, said that they should establish a public soup kitchen. And the Jewish women's club did make a general soup kitchen -under her direction - on Medve Street. Then it turned out that there was a very rich Jewish man, Gyula Donner, from Buda, who had a villa on Rose Hill. He was the general director of one of the large banks. When he died, his family sold the villa at 22 Keleti Karoly Street. And then the women started to talk - well, you know, they were millionaire and multimillionaire women, all Buda Jews, rich women talking among themselves, there was also an intellectual group among them - they made up their minds to buy that villa. They bought the Donner villa, and nominated my mother to be the director and told her to do what she could with that building. My mother set herself to work. She had the second floor renovated and created a hospice for old women. Just by the entrance, opening onto the garden, there was a kindergarten, and there was the kitchen, and the staff bedrooms. It was a splendid villa: Mahogany doors with copper mountings, a circular hall in marble, and a huge ballroom with white marble fire places on both ends, two twisted columns of that marble supported the roof. It was just breathtakingly beautiful: Music room with white lacquered doors, gold everywhere, just like in castles. Just as we had it in Cezn, I felt very much at home there. And we lived there. Better said, I slept at my grandparents, but went there from school.

Some paid a membership fee, and some had financed a bed in the house, and there was a plaque indicating that "this bed had been bought by so-and-so." I knew the very cream of the Buda Jews. Every Monday afternoon, there was a tea party and dance for the young. A temple was made out of the ball room for the elderly who were unable to walk. They brought an Ark, a Torah. It was beautifully made, and it was a proper service. That's why I say that the only woman in the history of the world to have organized a synagogue was my mother.

We invited many guests for the seder. Mostly young rabbis came - those who hadn't found their congregation yet. They observed the holidays. On Friday evenings, everyone used to light candles, privately, which wasn't common.And these prestigious Rose Hill Jewish families were there, together with the elderly. Incredible amounts were collected from donations. There were maybe 100 elderly women, and many rich people, as well.

Musicians would give concerts, and gigantic balls were held during the season. There was a charity bazaar once a year, to which I contributed. I went to the large shops, houses and factories owned by Jews and collected donations. My task was always to sell plants. If a cactus or another plant cost five Pengo, they paid 50. This was how the house was financed.

My father did not live with us by then. When we came back, he stayed in Berlin, and then my parents divorced. It was better that way for some official reason, so he moved to his mother's, who had, in the mean time, also moved from Berlin to Budapest. Back in Paris, in the 1930s, she had been trained as a cosmetician and she opened a beauty parl or in her flat. Her clients were an exclusive crowd - mainly embassy employees.

I attended the Baar-Madas Calvinist Secondary School. It was the best school. There were 13 Jews in my class. I was the only one who survived the war. I adored my religion teacher, and I also visited her privately. There was also a Jewish school literary and debating society at 49 Zsigmond Street. Miklos Szabolcsi was also a member. I was incredibly enthusiastic about that society. There were readings, and we also danced - Jews dancing together. It was wonderful.

I have been a student since the age of 5. Some nasty folks say that I was asked when I was still a small girl what I wanted to be when I grew up, and I answered: Madame Curie. Well, this shows that I did not want to be a doctor knocking about chests, but a research doctor. And so I did. I swam, played tennis, hiked a lot. I went out hiking 52 Sundays of the year with my aunt Margit, Geza Laczko and the whole lot of Hungarian literati. When I was a little older, we also traveled a lot with my father across Hungary.We traveled by car and, as he worked for Shell, the gas was free. I spent my summer holidays in Baden with my grandfather when I was a child.Everything was quite elegant there.

There were already anti-Jewish laws in place when I passed my Matura. My father would have wanted me to have a diplomatic career, for I had a talent with languages. Diplomacy was taught at the Viennese Oriental Academy. That was all very well, but by then it was impossible to go to Vienna, and theBudapest university was inaccessible to me. I still wanted to be a research physician. The president of the Buda Women's Club was on friendly terms with my mother and tried to help me. She sent me to Samu Stern, who was the president of the Jewish community and had a high position in one of the large banks. He phoned the Jewish charity hospital - more precisely its laboratory - and said, "There is a young girl here who would be ideal for work in the lab." He asked them to give me a job. The answer was, "Unfortunately, there's no vacancy." He began explaining that it was impossible that they should say no to him, to which the head surgeon answered, "All right then, let her come." When I got to the charity hospital, he said the wife of one of the head surgeons was working in the lab. And he added: "I'm not satisfied with her work. So do come in three times a week, and she will come in three times, too. I will keep the one who does a better job. This is the only vacancy I have." After a while, the head surgeon said: "Make sure you can come in every day in the future; youare the one I'm keeping." This is the way I became a doctor in the charity hospital.

During the war

One time I was in great hurry after work. There was a taxi in front of the hospital, and I rushed to catch it. And the head surgeon, whose wife had been an assistant together with me and who had been fired, also rushed toward the taxi. He said: "Don't take offense, young lady, I was called to see a patient." "And I have a date," I replied cheekily. "All right, I'll give you a lift downtown then." And by the time we got there, he said: "You could also have a date with me." I answered: "With a married man, doctor! Really!" "And if I weren't married?" he asked. "I'd put you down on the list," I said. About three months later, his secretary called to tell me that that head surgeon was expecting me. God, I certainly messed up something; I went up thinking, "Good lord, what have I done?" He stood behind his desk, dead pale and rather severe, and asked: "Young lady, do you remember our conversation?" I stood silently. "You told me you don't date married men. I'm now divorced; put me down on your list." That was my first husband, Karoly Rochlitz. Our wedding was on November 8, 1942. Three weeks after the wedding, he was taken to Ujvidek as a forced labor surgeon. I went to see him on weekends. The second weekend, on my way home, the train was awfully crowded and I spent the whole trip standing. By the timeI arrived home, I was covered with blood. What with the tension and the incredible strain, the baby was gone. I had been two months pregnant.

In 1944, the Germans occupied the hospital and turned it into an air force hospital, a war hospital. They insisted I stay as an interpreter and help them acquire supplies and also work in the lab for their patients. Needless to say, I did not want to do it, and did not do it. But when the charity hospital was occupied, the school on Bethlen Square was available to be used as an emergency hospital. But who would do it? My mother, of course, who was known as an organizer throughout Budapest, who was able to create anything out of nothing. So it was transformed into an emergency hospital on Bethlen Square. I worked there, and it was there that my aunt, who was spared because of her Christian husband, came to take me to their home. They hid me.

Immediately after the war, I went back to work at the Jewish charity hospital. A TBC unit was opened, and I worked with their material, got infected, and I contracted an incredibly severe case of TBC. But I still worked on and off; they gave me a room in the charity hospital, the whole hospital was devoted to me, from the director to the old porter. And I adored the whole company. That was the kind of milieu you can't even imagine today. Everybody was friendly there. My husband came back after 6 years - he was taken prisoner of war. We could not find anything to say to each other any more. We only had lived together for a few weeks before the war. Life together didn't work out, and we were divorced.

They arrested my father on the street and took him to the police station. The only way we heard this was because, back then in 1943, we still lived in our own flat and the policeman who was looking after us met my father at the police station. He said, "Believe me, I can't get him out, it's impossible, even if I bet my life if I had the guts for that, I couldn't get him out from the fascists." There was a group of people holding prominent positions, around 40 of them. They were sent off in the summer of 1944. It's not even certain they went to Auschwitz, but it is certain that they were immediately gassed. He disappeared, without a trace. Later, when I went to Auschwitz, I saw that room filled with glasses. My father's might have been among them. My mother was in the urgent care hospital, then she was moved to the ghetto. She lived through the liberation there.

Post-war

Between 1945 and 1950, she opened an orphanage instead of reopening the home for the elderly. There were masses of Jewish orphans. Those girls all learned a trade. Those who were school-age went to school; those who were too young went to kindergarten. There were sewing courses, language courses. Those children were looked after properly. Each of their stories was a unique tragedy. My mother tried to help each of them. In 1950, the wave of nationalization reached the villa. When the Jewish orphanage was kicked out of Keleti Karoly Street, they got the Town Hall of Balassagyarmat, which was also a beautiful building. And my mother arranged everything there, started all over again. The whole group of them, including Mother, moved down there. In Budapest, my mother was allocated an awful flat, opening onto a courtyard on Marx Square. She had no choice; they put her onto a lorry with her furniture, and told her that she would see where they would bring her. And when they arrived, she was told that this was what she got for the very good, very beautifully made flat overlooking a garden on Rose Hill.

In Katona Jozsef Street there was a cafeteria for Jewish students. My mother was asked whether she would do the menu planning. That meant that she had to calculate the amounts of rice, flour, etc., needed to feed 50 people. So Mother went to work there for a while. Then when she did not want to go there every day, they told her she could work from home. And she did it, until the last day before she died. And as she had started with theJews, she finished with a Jewish kitchen. She worked for the Jews her entire life.

I went to the university, then got married two more times. Neither was Jewish. I quit working when I was 80 years old. I have no family, but I am not alone.

Leon Levi

Leon Levi
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Emil Mashiah
Date of interview: November 2001

My family history
Growing up
Going to school
During the War
After the War
Glossary 

My family history

I don't know anything about my ancestors. My parents never talked about them or if they did I don't remember. I only know that my father's family moved to Thessaloniki some time before World War I. My paternal grandmother was widowed quite early. She got married a second time and had two children from that marriage - two boys, my father's and his elder brother Baruh's stepbrothers. Later Baruh went to America and never came back here. My father's younger sister Roza stayed to live in Thessaloniki with her mother and stepbrothers. They were middle-class people and had a number of properties. Each family had its own house. They had a confectionery business and owned a sweet shop in Thessaloniki, which is how they earned their living.

My family is from Bulgaria. My father, Gavriel Shabat Levi, was born in Samokov in 1896 and my mother, Liza Gavriel Levi, nee Burla, in Dupnitsa in 1898. They were an ordinary family. They worked hard throughout their life. My father used to work in the tram transport in Sofia [as a conductor] and later he had many jobs as a laborer. My mother was a tailor at first. She left her job and after that she used to work at various places. She was even a seller of different goods at the Sofia market.

My father was quite a strange person. He wasn't very well-educated but he had traveled a lot. He had learnt French when he was a captive in France during World War I. He had participated in three wars - the Balkan War [see First Balkan War] 1, the Inter-Allied War [see Second Balkan War] 2 and World War I. In World War I he was taken prisoner. He was wounded quite seriously in the legs during the Balkan War and as a result of that he had difficulties walking. He spoke Greek as well as Turkish, Bulgarian and Spanish [Ladino]. He was a self-educated man. He wasn't much devoted to us. My mother was the mainstay of the family.

We were six siblings. Nonetheless, my mother went to work; she was also the one to take care of our living, our education and our upbringing. Her life was very hard. It was especially difficult when I was sent to prison in Skopje during World War II. My brothers were in forced labor camps 3. My sister was the only one to stay at home, to work and provide a living for the family. My father had no job, neither did my mother, and my other brother was too young to help. They were in a very difficult situation until we returned after the war. When the war was over things gradually changed for the better. Nevertheless, in 1948 my whole family, except my sister Sofka and me, left for Israel. My brothers set up families there. They have children and grandchildren now. So the family grew, and the greater part of it lives in Israel.

Growing up

At the time I was born and at the times I remember, Sofia was much different than it is now. We used to live mainly around the Jewish quarter, the so-called Iuchbunar 4 or 'Trite kladenetsa' [the three wells]. Of course, we used to rent houses and very often changed our lodgings but for the greater part we lived in this quarter. There were lots of Jews there, some 50,000 people. The relations between us were very warm and close.

The community center, now called Emil Shekerdzhiiski, was built there at those times. That was Bet Am 5 - the Jewish house, a very nice house, where we used to gather regularly. A Bulgarian Jewish children's choir was formed there. Life in Sofia was way more different than it is now. I can compare it only to the life in some underdeveloped cities in Asia and, especially, in the Arab countries. There was electricity mostly in the center of Sofia in those days. In the suburbs there was only electricity in several houses, the majority of the houses didn't have any. I remember that we used gas lamps.

We used to live on 121, Positano Street. We rented two rooms there. Once a builder from the town of Trun came and settled in a room in our yard. We already had electricity at that time. One evening the builder came to our place and started wondering at what exactly the bulb was. He even tried to light up his cigarette from the bulb. Of course, he couldn't manage to do so and we had to explain to him that electricity happened to be something completely different. The streets were dusty and dirty then, they weren't even asphalted. You could see electric lamps here and there in the streets, although we - the children - used to break them by throwing stones at them.

We used to live on Bregalnitsa and Positano [Streets]. There was a lemonade and ice cream factory opposite us. There weren't any fridges like now - people used to buy large ice blocks and put different products onto them in order to keep them cold. That way they kept the lemonade and the ice cream cold enough. We, children, used to get up at six in the morning, when the truck with the ice arrived. My brothers and I used to unload the blocks and carry them into the factory, which was actually no more than a small workshop. We did this in order to earn some money.

My father was the so-called shammash - in Bulgarian they call him 'a sexton' - in the synagogue on Positano and Morava [Streets]. Now there is a high chimney there. Actually it was a midrash [a little synagogue]. My father used to go there every morning around 4 to 4.30am; he used to open the midrash, warm up everything and light up the brazier. Then he was ready to make coffee. The elderly Jews used to come at 6am, so as to drink their coffee there. I usually went with my father to assist him in preparing the coffee and serving it to the old men. My father did this to earn some money because people paid for coffee there. The shammash made his living in this way because he didn't get any other salary. Children helped him as best they could.

There wasn't anything like kindergartens or nurseries then. Rich people, who had enough money, used to hire a woman to look after their children. The other kids were self-educated, so to speak. I remember one incident. My mother went to work, my father went to work and my brother cooked instead of them. We lived on Partenii Nishavski and Ibar Streets in an inner courtyard. Once my brother cooked beans. There weren't any hotplates, there wasn't anything but two bricks with logs and a pot on top of it; just like they do the picnics now. My brother, who was about 15-16 years old then, spilled the dish over his legs while stirring it. That was really very bad - no aid, no hospital. We, the kids, cleaned the wound and wrapped it. Back then there was Kupat Holim in Sofia, the former Jewish hospital. They finally helped him there but generally we, the kids, took care of each other. Our parents had to work. Very often we went to work with them.

Going to school

I studied in a Jewish school. I wasn't a bad student. There, when we finished the 4th grade, we usually had a final examination, which was held in the presence of a representative of the ministry of education, our director and two teachers. I remember we had exams in Hebrew, the Talmud and the Torah. I remember I had to talk about Spinoza 6. I must have told it well in Hebrew because the ministry's representative gave me a pat on the shoulder and said that I was very well prepared and that I had a future. Later on I went to secondary school and I was good there as well. Then I started studying by myself in order to make my living. I was the most educated person in the family; I was the only one who had graduated from high school and later had a higher education.

As a young boy I was in Hashomer Hatzair 7 for a while, but it happened so that at 16 I was already in prison. Generally, the young Jewish people split into Apoel and Maccabi 8 members. Others were in Hashomer Hatzair and there were also Betar 9 members who were rightists. There were arguments among us but they were of minor significance. Everybody knew that those groups had a very good background and a lot of sports activities were held within them. We used to gather in the large gym of today's 30th school that was then equipped with all the training apparatuses. There was an Albanian sweet shop on Bregalnitsa and Positano. They sold boza 10 there and when we had some money we used to go there.

I didn't go on vacations with my family, but there was one very good thing within the Jewish community. I used to study in a Jewish school; actually all the children of the Bulgarian Jews used to study in the Jewish school, the former Ludmila Zhivkova 11 school. They used to organize vacations in colonies [school camps] at different places. I was sent to a colony in the village of Soli. Usually our lodging was in the local school of the place we went to. They especially furnished the rooms with beds. We had meals and went on excursions along the Iskar River. As we didn't have enough money for other vacations and this was a free stay, this was my only vacation before 9th September 1944 12.

All the Jewish holidays were observed in my family, such as Rosh Hashanah and Sukkot. We used to keep the fast on Yom Kippur. All these holidays were celebrated in the synagogue. I didn't have a bar mitzvah and I didn't have a favorite holiday as a child either. My sisters loved Tu bi-Shevat.

Before the war civil marriage services didn't exist. At that time people got married only in the church and Jewish people in the synagogue. I personally have vague memories of these things because I was quite young then and I wasn't especially interested in that, moreover I never went to a Jewish wedding before the war.

My sister Sofka and her future husband Mois had been dating for quite a long time. One day my mother came to me and told me that Mois wanted to marry my sister. My mother asked me what I thought of it. I told her not to interfere in their relation, as it was their own business. If they had already decided that they loved each other we couldn't possibly stop them. Moreover I knew Mois - he was a decent man, well brought up. He would take care of her and they would make a good family. They had to take the decision without our 'help'. So it happened.

One day Sofka and Mois came and said they were going to get married and asked me to be their godfather. An odd thing happened then. There was an appointed hour for the ceremony in the synagogue. There was also a football match - as far as I remember, between Levski and CSKA, actually at that time it wasn't called CSKA but CVNA [the most popular Bulgarian football teams - eternal rivals]. So I went to the match and when I came back the ceremony was already over. Mois got very angry with me. I apologized for my absent-mindedness. Anyway, the wedding took place at Mois's sister's place - her name was Matushka - on Positano and Opalchenska Streets. They had a house with a yard where we celebrated the wedding with our friends. There were a lot of people.

On 7th May there was always a military parade. We, the kids, were its regular spectators. As far as political life is concerned, I remember that when Assen Zlatarov [a famous Bulgarian scientist and politician] died, a great meeting took place. His body was exposed on Ibur Street [now Dimitar Petkov] and there were thousands and thousands of people who paid their last respects to him. I remember the fights and persecutions of the political forces in Sofia as well. I remember the coup d' etat of Kimon Georgiev 13 in 1934 - the so-called 'pladniari'. They overthrew Prime Minister Ivanov and even forbade the existence of different parties. I was 15-16 years old and I was already aware that things were going to get harder.

I cannot say anything about the demonstration of the Jews in Sofia because I wasn't there, I only know what I've read in the newspapers. I was in prison in Skopje at that time. Yet I have another personal experience. The day of the leaders of the Bulgarian National Revival 14 was celebrated on 1st November. We, the young people - Bulgarians and Jews; almost the whole Jewish quarter was there - went to the Park of Freedom in Borisova garden, around the Ariana pond. There a meeting against fascists and terror took place. We were scattered and we moved to the inside of the park. A new meeting started there. Meanwhile policemen came with light motor trucks and took everybody... I was driven to the 5th police station in Sofia. They beat us there, kept us for one night and released us in the morning. We were under age. At that time the majority age was 21. They made it 18 years after 9th September 1944.

There definitely was anti-Semitism because before we went to prison, the so- called legionaries [see Bulgarian Legions] 15 and 'Otets Paisievtsi' [Father Paissiy was one of the leading figures of the Bulgarian National Revival] organized raids in the Jewish quarter very often. They beat both young and old people mercilessly. They tormented us very much but in the end we started to organize our own groups in order to strike back those fascist youngsters. I even remember that in 1940 a big group of legionaries turned up in front of the Jewish house and started beating us. Then all of us took part in the fight. We were between 15-20 years old and we managed to chase them away by throwing stones and rods. From then on the fascist raids became considerably less. Great fights happened along Stamboliiski boulevard. Sometimes even chairs were thrown out of windows.

During the War

When Bulgaria entered the war on the side of Hitler's Germany, we - the young people - started to search for a way to prevent our country from getting involved in that war. Of course, at first we started distributing anti-military leaflets. At the age of 16 and a half I was sentenced to seven and a half years imprisonment for the distribution of anti-government and anti-fascist leaflets. Not only Jews did that but Bulgarians also. We got on very well with the Bulgarians as they were workers just like us and we had no reason to fight with them. The trial aiming at convicting us was a completely 'Jewish one'. We were 22 people and the majority of us was sent to prison.

There were anti-Semitic acts in the prison in Skopje as well. I remember a day when a prosecutor came from Skopje. At that time Skopje was under Bulgarian authority. When he realized that there were Jews there, he put us in another room - under special conditions - no fresh air, no letters, no parcels, and no additional food. We only had the right of the prison's ration. I neither had the right to receive nor to send anything to my family. No messages whatsoever, nothing at all. And the reason for that was that we were Jews. He even told us then that the Jews from the Aegean region had already been sent to the gas chambers. I stayed in prison for more than two years. I was tortured for 45 days until a trial was fabricated. I spent more than two years in the prisons in Sofia and in Skopje. Then, at the end of August 1944, we organized an escape.

In prison there were also Macedonians and Serbs although Bulgaria had occupied part of former Yugoslavia and annexed Macedonia to the so-called Great Bulgaria. We got along well with them. There were some 'underground' leaders, who decided that we should organize an escape because free Macedonians had informed us that a mass slaughter of prisoners, including the common criminals, was planned. We were among them.

The prison was in the village of Igrizovo, 17 kilometers from Skopje. We worked in a farm on the prison grounds, where we were cultivating the ground and building up farms, canals etc. Once two Macedonian men didn't come back from work. We hid their absence during the evening roll-call. They went to Skopje and joined the partisan unit. These people told us to prepare an escape from prison. We had to split into groups with leaders and so on. We did so and started waiting for them. They informed us that they would come on the night of 23rd August 1944 and we should leave the prison and run away with them. At that time there was a man among the security guards - they were mostly soldiers - who was on our side. We made an arrangement that in the evening of the day before we would arrest the over- men and leave the doors open. And so we did. Everybody sew himself a rucksack from any kind of material. We took all the food available and put on all our clothes. We had a special sign - a whistling upon which and everybody got out into the yard, absolutely unpunished. The guards were tied up, while the ones who supported us - the soldiers - came with us because otherwise they would have been punished.

We had to pass the river Vardar. The Vardar was some 100 meters away and we could escape to the liberated territories of Macedonia, to the village of Lisiche. The Vardar is a big river, quite deep and perhaps some 500-600 meters wide. Some of us including me couldn't swim. All dressed and holding each other's hands, we made a chain and one by one, perhaps in about half an hour, we all passed. We got completely wet, of course. Then we marched to the liberated territories. We met those two prisoners who had escaped before us. They were in the First Macedonian Liberation Army and their commander-in-chief was General Apostolovski. The authorities had already been informed about our escape and within some 40-50 minutes they began shooting at us on the road. Later on planes began flying above us as well. They were shooting at us but without success. Slowly, probably in about eight hours, we made it to the village of Lisiche, where the headquarters of the Macedonian brigade were situated. There we had a short rest.

On 23rd-24th August the decision was taken that a separate Bulgarian unit should be formed and act in Macedonia. We were given a task. The 5th Corp of the Bulgarian army was allocated around Skopje. We had to go there and disarm the Bulgarian soldiers or occupiers. Macedonian people considered them occupiers because of the annexation of Macedonia to the so-called Great Bulgaria.

We traveled at night and went there early in the morning. Everyone got his personal task. Trendafil Martinski led the first squad. Later he became an expert of physical education and sports in Bulgaria. He gathered the soldiers. We told them that we were partisans, who had come to disarm their army. Many of the soldiers joined us and started to disarm their officers personally. We were about 130-140 people and they were several thousands. We succeeded in gathering piles of arms, guns, rifles, grenades and horses. We wanted to organize a horse squadron but we weren't allowed to. We also gathered plenty of trophies such as sole-leather, clothes, textiles, and food. The Macedonians, of course, took them for their people. It was a normal thing to do.

Our next task was to go to a village, where the mayor - a Bulgarian - had done great harm. He had sentenced people without any sentence to death; he had raped women. We got the order to eliminate him. Many years have passed since then and I remember neither his name nor the name of the village. Eight of our people went there and besieged the village. They killed the mayor and burned all the community papers in order to avoid the tax payments. They gave food to people. There was a large dairy there and they took away some cows to provide us with food for the march. They were of great use for us as there was nothing else to eat so we slaughtered the cows one by one.

Then a message arrived saying that Bulgarians shouldn't stay there any longer because there was danger that we would get killed. Thus we left for Bulgaria. It was a several kilometer long column of soldiers - armed and disarmed. When we came to a railway station named Raiko Zhiznifov in Macedonia at the Pchinia River, we came close to an ambush of Germans and Bulgarians. We stopped, as we already knew about the ambush from our intelligence officers. Then the whole unit except a few people, who guarded the captured soldiers, attacked and overcame the enemies. They ran away and the road was free. We passed the bridge and marched on to the town of Kratovo.

One night in Kratovo, when we were just about to fall asleep, we heard the sound of drums and tambourines. It was a very loud noise. We thought that someone was attacking us but finally it turned out that it was Ramazan [Turkish religious holiday] and festivities were going on and the Turkish people had started a feast as they hadn't eaten anything during the day. They treated us very well and gave us some food. We ate and drank together and then we continued on our way. We slept on peak Ruen in Osogovo Mountain at the former Bulgarian border. It was rather cold although it was only the end of August.

After the War

In the morning we heard on the radio that the Fatherland Front 16 had assumed power and the names of the people in the government were announced. Apart from Kimon Georgiev, we knew Damian Velchev and Dobri Terpeshev. The man who heard the news on the radio started to shout that Bai [an expression for an elder brother or a very close pal] Dobri had become a minister. In a fast march we reached the village of Dobroslav close to Giueshevo in Kiustendil district. There we freed the Bulgarian soldiers. We stayed in the barracks, which were the property of the 4th guards' regiment.

Then they asked us if there were any volunteers among us to become political officers - they wanted to 'clean up' this guards' regiment from the young tsarist officers. I volunteered along with Nissim Melamed, a friend of mine, also a Jew, and some other friends. We stayed there. Each of us was given a horse. It was the first time I mounted a horse so I asked them to give me a calmer one. We passed through every company. We kept some of the officers and dismissed others. We were preparing ourselves for the front line at Stratsin. At that time I didn't wear my glasses, as a horse had hit me and broken them. I had to return to Sofia because of my strong shortsightedness. I left for Sofia in the carriage of a truck along with three other soldiers. Somewhere near Kiustendil someone started shooting at us and my cap was pierced. I was lucky the bullet didn't hit my head. I arrived in Sofia and my friends insisted that I should stay as a social worker there.

I arrived in Sofia at nighttime. There were no lights at all. The whole city was ruined starting from the railway station to our quarter. Kniaginia Klementina Street [now Stamboliiski Street] had no electricity. The streets were bumpy. I found great misery. The next day, while I was walking through the center, I saw that everything had been ruined. I saw completely or half- destroyed buildings everywhere. The whole quarter around the National Bank was completely demolished. Our house - actually it wasn't our property, we rented it - hadn't been destroyed although it was a frame-built one.

The neighbors reacted in different ways. There were Bulgarian families there with whom we had very good relations and they were very happy to see me again. But there was one - our landlord - who was an anti-Semite and used to threaten us with a gun and repeatedly said that he would deport us if necessary. After 9th September he ran away and we never saw him again.

During the Holocaust all my father's relatives were deported to a concentration camp - I don't remember which one - and were killed there. Not a single person survived. Meanwhile I was in prison.

After the military service I came back and my first thought that I had no education. I wanted to finish high school and continue studying at university. No one could support me. I was alone. I had to work and study at the same time. So I started as a four-year student by correspondence. I used to study for exams during my annual leave. This way I graduated from the Second Male High School [now the 22nd Sofia School]. Then I became an extramural student of the University of Economy, from which I graduated in less than four years in an accelerated course. Simultaneously I worked on a freelance basis in a public organization first and later, on pay-roll, till 1951-52, when I graduated from the institute.

After that I worked with Radio Sofia as an editor-in-chief in the economic editorial department until 1959. Then I took part in a competition of the Institute of Economy and got a degree. I became an assistant in economy and organization of industrial production. In the course of my career I became a senior lecturer. In 1965-1966 I was offered a job in the ministry of mechanical engineering as a chief of the international cooperation department. I stayed there until 1971-72. Then I went to work in the ministry of standardization, again in the international cooperation department. Later on I became a director of the educational center at the ministry of high-ranking officials' re-qualification in terms of standardization and quality problems. I worked there until my retirement. Then I worked as a lecturer at the scientific-technical union and traveled all over the country.

After the big change [following the events of 10th November 1989] 17 I founded my own building company. That was at the beginning of 1991. It still exists. We have constructed living estates, administrative and public houses in Bulgaria and Germany; mostly in Germany, where we have built some 70 objects - houses, administrative buildings, factories and old people's homes. I have reduced my engagement considerably because years have passed, I'm old and I have to deal with diseases now. Therefore, willy-nilly, following nature's laws, I have stopped to work.

I have never had conflicts because of my Jewish origin at my work places. Before 9th September I used to work in a paper factory in Sofia, Pavlik & Georgiev. I was a common worker there and I never had any problems with regard to anti-Semitism. After 9th September I was in such a position that my origin was never an object of discussion. So I personally haven't had any problems concerning my Jewish origin but I know other people who have had trouble. My sister's husband Mois used to work in the labor corps as a dental mechanic. He was fired during Valko Chervenkov's rule because he was a Jew and wasn't allowed to work for the army. When he requested an explanation emphasizing the fact that first of all he was a subject of the Republic of Bulgaria, he was answered that it simply had to be done. His protest had no effect.

My Jewish origin never influenced neither my surrounding nor my marriages. I've always insisted on my own point of view. I'm a Jew and I firmly hold on to this fact. I've never hidden it. For example, most Jews with the family name of Levi have Bulgarianized it to Leviev. I've never thought of doing such a thing because I wanted it to be the way it was. I am Levi and I will remain Levi. Many of my friends and relatives have become Leviev. But apart from being a Jew, I am first of all a human being and this means that I should treat all human beings equally despite their nationality. Both my marriages were with Bulgarian women. It definitely wasn't a deliberate choice.

My first wedding was somehow different. I'm not religious and I didn't want to marry in a temple. Therefore Lilia [Levi, nee Bunjulova] and I went to the district council for the signing, with a limited circle of relatives and friends and after that we organized a great party in a large hall at my work place. The American embassy is situated there now; it's opposite the National Bank. I had an office there. I gathered my friends. There were lots of people. We had a lot of fun. Everybody brought a present, as we didn't have anything for our new household. Till then I didn't even have a room to live in. I used to live at my friend's places. We managed to find a room in an apartment on 6th September Street - it was a three-bedroom apartment - along with four other families. We didn't possess anything. There was no furniture to buy in the shops. Therefore we went to the city hall because newly-weds were given coupons for buying a mattress. In our first night we slept in an almost empty room; there was only a mattress and a blanket. Only slowly we began to furnish our home.

I have a daughter from my first marriage; I don't have any kids from my second one. My daughter's name is Galia. She graduated in electronics in the former German Democratic Republic. Her specialty is bionics. She married her fellow student Rusimir Padalski. He has the same degree. They have two children, Milena and Silvia.

Galia was born in 1951 in Sofia and so was her husband. Milena was born in 1976 and Silvia in 1980, both in Sofia. Milena has a degree in international economic relations. Silvia currently studies Scandinavian philology specializing in Sweden at the time being. Milena is fluent in English and German, while Silvia knows German and now also Norwegian and Swedish. My son-in-law speaks German, English and Russian and so does my daughter. They own a company dealing with electronics. They organize training courses for companies for distribution and trade of electronic equipment in Bulgaria.

I've never hidden from them the fact that they are Jews. When my daughter was eight years old, I told her that her mother was Bulgarian and I was a Jew and that she was a child of a mixed marriage.

Many of my friends were Jews and I'm still in touch with some, but many of them have already passed away. I've always kept my daughter in a Jewish circle, around Jewish families. She knows very well what she is. When she turned twelve in 1964 I sent her, along with her stepmother, my second wife, on a visit to Israel. They were guests of my mother and my father, my sister and my brothers. Both of her children were brought up in the Jewish spirit as well, especially Silvia - she feels more Jewish than a child of a mixed marriage. She was with me in Israel and she liked it very much. Milena even got an emigrant status at her own will; no one has ever made her do that. She now hopes that things will calm down in Israel and she will go there eventually.

I was a young boy when my relatives left for Israel. I was enthusiastic. In 1948-49 I was about 22 years old and I believed that I belonged to the place where I was born and that I had to stay and live here. Israel was a chimera for me, at least at that time. I thought I wouldn't be able to make it there. I thought that I was rooted in Bulgaria. Of course, I am a Jew but I am also a Bulgarian citizen and I love the country I have lived in. I don't know if it was the wisest decision because my life would have been completely different if I had gone there. But it's a choice I made. I didn't blame the people who left. I was very sorry that my family was separated. They all left because my elder brothers, my father and my mother had suffered a lot from the monarchy reign in Bulgaria. They thought that if they went there, they would live in their own country and nobody would point a finger at them because of the fact that they were Jews - 'second hand' people. My friends who left are still my friends. In 1959, the first time I was allowed to go to Israel and see my family, I met many of my friends and they treated me just like they used to before. Many of them had succeeded in making a good life for themselves there.

My sister stayed here with me because she shared my unwillingness to leave - apart from the fact that her husband Mois was absolutely against it. They were already married at that time and I supported them. They also had their first child already, Emi. They married after 9th September 1944. I was their godfather. I was very close with their family. We helped each other in crucial moments. [The moment when Mois was discharged from the army because of his Jewish origin] They didn't have any money then. My sister didn't work at the time because she had two children. I was taking care of them as best as I could.

The members of my family who live in Israel often come here. My sister, my nephews and my brothers regularly visit Bulgaria. We have always kept normal relationships. My nephews have all been brought up well. Of course, they know everything about my family and me. They know about the pre-war times, about the prisons, my partisan life, the post-war life and so on. They are well acquainted with the situation in Bulgaria and they have a very realistic view on the political situation and the current developments in Bulgaria. I see my sister at least twice a week. We visit each other.

We support each other. As for the ones who live in Israel, they decide when they visit us according to their financial resources. The most willing ones are my youngest sister Victoria and her husband Marko. Their children, Batia and Baruh, have come here mainly under my support. My elder brother managed to come twice before his death, although he was very ill. I have been there several times. I went a short time before his death because I knew about his health condition. His daughters are very close to my family and to Bulgaria. They came here regularly. One of them died at the age of 36. The other one, Reni, comes here every two years. Now she isn't quite well, but she had the intention to come. My second brother, Haim, has already died. He came here twice. So, you see, we keep in touch. I've always been well informed about the life in Israel and the wars there because my brothers as well as my relatives participated in them.

I've never had a negative opinion of Israel as a country yet I was keen on living in Bulgaria. There was a period of broken off diplomatic relations between Bulgaria and Israel. Until 1959 no trips were allowed because there was a resolution of the National Assembly saying that Jews who had left for Israel automatically lost their Bulgarian citizenship. So we could neither go there nor could they come as they were declared 'persona non grata'. In 1959, as a result of my insistence, I was allowed to go and see my relatives. So from 1948 till 1959 - for such a long period of time - I wasn't able to see neither my father, nor my mother. Then, during the wars in 1967 [the Six-Day-War] 18 and in 1973 [the Yom Kippur War] 19 we couldn't go there either, but later on things slightly improved and now, whenever we want and as long as we have the money, we can visit [Israel].

Frankly speaking, we were used to the old regime. I thought it changed things for the better and there would be progress. Unlike now, people felt more certain about the next day back then. There was free health service, medicines at the lowest prices, normal pensions, secured life of the working people and many other things. In the last years before the change it was obvious though that things in Bulgaria were getting worse. The economy wasn't stable; the loans increased and many other things got worse as well. And we all felt that the time for a change had come. The government either had to resign or be overthrown; yet I would have never imagined that those people who now represent the authorities would appear. These were nobodies who invaded the [Bulgarian] political scene and messed up everything.

When the Berlin wall fell, I regarded it as a good sign because the barrier for contacts was overcome. I remember the Berlin wall very well as I have passed through it many times because my sister-in-law used to live in West Germany. She was married there and once we decided to go by car to East Berlin. She wanted to see my brother-in-law. We passed through a large corridor from the border to Berlin. There was no turn off the road. It was built in Hitler's days. When we came to Berlin there were so many barbed wire fences giving you the impression you were at the front line. There were watchtowers and guards with pointed big weapons, machine-guns, etc. They met us in a very hostile manner although they realized that I was from Bulgaria. We knew that life couldn't go on like that much longer. I passed from East to West Berlin through West Mannheim because it was cheaper.

Even then, before the big change, I had decided to make my living. I knew that I wouldn't be able to provide for my family with only one poor pension. I had decided to establish a company. Just before the change I met with a few friends and we decided to start up a business. As I had relatives in Germany our idea was to bring workers and build it up there. We were the first company, private and state one, that started activities there. We had lots of building sites there - worth tens of millions of DM. But gradually they began to restrict us and I realized that here, in Bulgaria, I could also run a business and that it wouldn't be worse than in Germany. And we started to build one up here as well. Lately I had to cut down my engagement because of my health condition.

Nowadays the Jewish community in my city [Sofia] consolidates and carries out considerable activities. I personally don't go there often, but we usually arrange our meetings with friends there. I've never asked the community for help nor have I any intention to do so in the future. Yet I think that it is developing in a positive way.

Glossary

1 First Balkan War (1912-1913)

Started by an alliance made up of Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro against the Ottoman Empire. It was a response to the Turkish nationalistic policy maintained by the Young Turks in Istanbul. The Balkan League aimed at the liberation of the rest of the Balkans still under Ottoman rule. In October, 1912 the allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire and were soon successful: the Ottomans retreated to defend Istanbul and Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace fell into the hands of the allies. The war ended on the 30th May 1913 with the Treaty of London, which gave most of European Turkey to the allies and also created the Albanian state.

2 Second Balkan War (1913)

The victorious countries of the First Balkan War (Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia) were unable to settle their territorial claims over the newly acquired Macedonia by peaceful means. Serbia and Greece formed an alliance against Bulgaria and the war began on 29th June 1913 with a Bulgarian attack on Serbian and Greek troops in Macedonia. Bulgaria's northern neighbor, Romania, also joined the allies and Bulgaria was defeated. The Treaty of Bucharest was signed on 10th August 1913. As a result, most of Macedonia was divided up between Greece and Serbia, leaving only a small part to Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia). Romania also acquired the previously Bulgarian region of southern Dobrudzha.

3 Forced labor camps in Bulgaria

Established under the Council of Ministers' Act in 1941. All Jewish men between the ages of 18-50, eligible for military service, were called up. In these labor groups Jewish men were forced to work 7-8 months a year on different road constructions under very hard living and working conditions.

4 Iuchbunar

The poorest residential district in Sofia; the word is of Turkish origin and means 'the three wells'.

5 Bet Am

The Jewish center in Sofia today, housing all Jewish organizations.

6 Spinoza, Baruch (1632-1677)

Dutch philosopher of Portuguese-Jewish origin. An independent thinker, he declined offers of academic posts and pursued his individual philosophical inquiry instead. He read the mathematical and philosophical works of Descartes but unlike Descartes did not see a separation between God, mind and matter. Ethics, considered Spinoza's major work, was published in 1677.

7 Hashomer Hatzair in Bulgaria

'The Young Watchman'; A Zionist-socialist pioneering movement established in Bulgaria in 1932, Hashomer Hatzair trained youth for kibbutz life and set up kibbutzim in Palestine. During World War II, members were sent to Nazi-occupied areas and became leaders in Jewish resistance groups. After the war, Hashomer Hatzair was active in 'illegal' immigration to Palestine.

8 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

9 Betar

(abbreviation of Berit Trumpeldor) A right-wing Zionist youth movement founded in 1923 in Riga, Latvia. Betar played an important role in Zionist education, in teaching the Hebrew language and culture, and methods of self-defense. It also inculcated the ideals of aliyah to Erez Israel by any means, legal and illegal, and the creation of a Jewish state on both sides of the Jordan. Its members supported the idea to create a Jewish legion in order to liberate Palestine. In Bulgaria the organization started publishing its newspaper in 1934.

10 Boza

A sweet wheat-based mildly alcoholic drink popular in Bulgaria, Turkey and other places in the Balkans.

11 Zhivkova, Ludmila (1942-1981)

daughter of the general secretary of the Bulgarian communist party, Todor Zhivkov, and a founder of the international children's assembly 'Flag of Peace'. In 1980 Todor Zhivkov appointed her a chairwoman of the Commission on science, culture and art. In this powerful position, she became extremely popular by promoting Bulgaria's separate national cultural heritage. She spent large sums of money in a highly visible campaign to support scholars, collect Bulgarian art, and sponsor cultural institutions. Among her policies was closer cultural contact with the West; her most visible project was the spectacular celebration of Bulgaria's 1300 years of nationhood in 1981. When Zhivkova died in 1981, relations with the West had already been chilled by the Afghanistan issue, but her brief administration of Bulgaria's cultural sphere was a successful phase of her father's bid to rely on Bulgarian national traditions to bind the country together.

12 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union unexpectedly declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

13 Georgiev, Kimon (1882 -1969)

Prime Minister of the first Fatherland Front government after 9th September 1944, lasting until November 1946.

14 The day of the Leaders of the Bulgarian National Revival

Bulgarian national holiday, which is celebrated on 1st November. It is dedicated to the cultural figures, educators, teachers, and representatives of the Eastern Orthodox Church from the age of the Bulgarian National Revival who preserved the Bulgarian national spirit during the Ottoman rule, and lay the groundwork for the liberation of the Bulgarian people.

15 Bulgarian Legions

Union of the Bulgarian National Legions. Bulgarian fascist movement, established in 1930. Following the Italian model it aimed at building a corporate totalitarian state on the basis of military centralism. It was dismissed in 1944 after the communist take-over.

16 Fatherland Front

A broad left wing umbrella organization, created in 1942, with the purpose to lead the Communist Party to power.

17 10th November 1989

After 35 years of rule, Communist Party leader Todor Zhivkov was replaced by the hitherto Prime Minister Peter Mladenov who changed the Bulgarian Communist Party's name to Socialist Party. On 17th November 1989 Mladenov became head of state, as successor of Zhivkov. Massive opposition demonstrations in Sofia with hundreds of thousands of participants calling for democratic reforms followed from 18th November to December 1989. On 7th December the 'Union of Democratic Forces' (SDS) was formed consisting of different political organizations and groups.

18 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

19 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.
 

Deborah Averbukh

Deborah Averbukh
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Orlikova
Date of interview: December 2001

Family background
Growing up
During the war
Post-war
Glossary

Family background

My name is Deborah Yakovlevna Averbukh. I was born on 19th July 1921 in the urban-type community Medjibozh, which was a Jewish shtetl. Today it is in Khmelnitski region. My parents lived in Yekaterinoslav at the time. But those were the times of military communism and my parents were in great need, starving, especially my mother when she was pregnant with me. Two sisters of my father lived in Medjibozh, and it was easier to live in the province, so at the beginning of summer 1921 my parents moved there, and in July 1921 I was born.

The hotel, where I was born, was located at the corner of the main street and the street where the theater was. Later, when I visited Medjibozh, there was a cinema there. The hotel was across the street from the two- storied brick house of my father's sister Tuba Fishman. My father's other sister, the older one, Serl, lived in a different house, and its back was facing the grave of Baal Shem-Tov. I was shown this grave when I visited Medjibozh at the age of seven and eleven.

I remember my uncles and aunts would take me out of town to welcome the daughter of the local rabbi. Since the closest train station was far away, she had to take a phaeton to get to our town. When her phaeton reached the town, young local men stopped it, unhamessed the horses and pulled the phaeton themselves. They brought her and the rabbis' wife to the rabbi's house. In the evening there was a big reception with traditional Jewish meals there.

I can remember myself at a very young age. I remember my parents held me in front of a mirror and I would point at myself in the reflection and say, 'Ni, ni...' Since then people began to call me Nina and they still call me so today.

When I was six months old, my parents took me and moved back to Yekaterinoslav, which later became Dnepropetrovsk. I wasn't the only child in the family - I had a brother, who was four years older than me, Israel Yakovlevich Averbukh, born in 1917. He was born in Yekaterinoslav shortly after the February Revolution [see Russian Revolution of 1917] 1. When my parents' friends came to congratulate them on the birth of their son, everyone wore red rosettes in their buttonholes and everyone was happy that a democratic regime would finally replace the Russian Empire.

When I was approximately one and a half years old, my family moved to Kiev because my father's younger brother lived there and worked as a doctor, so he was wealthier than my parents. By that time my father had lost his job as the director of the Yekaterinoslav yeshivah, because at that time the Bolsheviks closed all religious educational institutions. Today, the Yekaterinoslav yeshivah is the only Jewish religious institution of higher learning in Ukraine.

My father, Yakov Abramovich Averbukh, was born in 1887 in the town of Novokonstantinov. He was born into a very religious family. He had an exceptionally good knowledge of Judaism and kept every religious tradition and holidays up until his very death in Babi Yar 2. In our home we always kept kosher laws and observed traditional Jewish holidays. Even though we were extremely poor, we had one or two needy Jewish students from the synagogue, who received monthly support from us, according to the Jewish tradition. To our holiday table on Friday evening and during Pesach seders we always invited Jews who were visiting from other cities and who had no place to celebrate.

My father came directly from the line of Baal Shem-Tov 3, the founder of Hasidism 4, in the sixth generation. His father, Avrum Arns Averbukh, was the father of three sons and three daughters. One of the sons, Aron, born in 1890, was a very famous doctor in Kiev. He was always ready to help our family.

My father's older brother, Beresh, born in 1885, lived near Korosten, Zhytomyr region. He organized Jewish collective farms 5 in the Crimea in the 1930s. Then he and his family moved to Birobidzhan 6, but before the war they returned to Korosten. He had seven children: four sons, who all died during the Holocaust, and three daughters, who live in Israel now.

My grandfather's oldest daughter, Dvoira, born in 1882, died of some disease in 1921. His next daughter, Serl Liberzon, nee Averbukh, born in 1884, lived in Medjibozh with her husband and died there in the ghetto in 1941. They had no children. The third daughter, Tuba Fishman, nee Averbukh, born in 1886, had a grocery store in Medjibozh. She died in Babi Yar in Kiev in 1941, along with her son Grisha.

Grandfather Avrum was a businessman. He made and sold wine in large quantities. On my grandfather's orders, my father used to go to Austria and Germany until 1910 to purchase grapes and to trade in wine.

My paternal grandmother's name was Leah. I never met her, only saw her pictures - she was a typical Jewish grandmother and wore a headscarf. My grandparents died before my birth, so I know nothing personally about them. I only know that my father's grandfather, the great-grandson of Baal Shem- Tov, was physically very strong. According to the family legend, during a particularly dangerous storm he swam around 7,000 feet across the Southern Bug River. I don't remember whether he had made a bet with someone or had another reason for doing so. He had 18 children: twelve from his first wife and six from his second wife. That's all I know about my parents' ancestors.

There is a legend of the origin of our family name: In the 15th century there was a town called Averbakh in Germany. At that time family names began to be given to all people, so one of the Jewish families there was given that family name. Later it changed to Averbukh.

My father was highly educated. Until the very outbreak of the Second World War we had a wonderful library in Hebrew. Even though he was a very young man, he was appointed director of the yeshivah. Being the son of very religious parents, he certainly couldn't get any secular education, but we had the following encyclopedias at home: School At Home and University At Home, both published before the October Revolution. The letters my father wrote to me at the beginning of the war were written in surprisingly good Russian. He learned to play the violin without the instruction of any teachers. He finished correspondence courses and got an accountant diploma. After the Revolution, when he could no longer work in his main professional job, he worked as an accountant for some time. He also had a diploma of a penman. And as far as I can remember, from the age of 40-45, he was a member of the arbitration court of the Kiev synagogue. He perished in Babi Yar at the age of 54.

With each other and with our senior relatives - and we regularly had relatives from every little village of Ukraine as guests - my parents always spoke Yiddish, while with my brother and me they only spoke Russian. I could understand Yiddish, though.

My father knew Hebrew perfectly and spoke Russian with a strong accent. However, his accent wasn't caused by poor knowledge of the language, but by some phonetic changes in his throat, I think. Besides, he was quite fluent in German, which he had to learn during his trips to Austria and Germany. When my father was the director of the Yekaterinoslav yeshivah, the well- known classic poet Byalik 7 taught Hebrew literature there. My father kept corresponding with him in Hebrew up until the middle of the 1920s. I still remember those letters. My father also had Rabbi Gelman, the city rabbi of Yekaterinoslav, teach at the yeshivah, and my grandfather on my mother's side, whose family were refugees to Yekaterinoslav, from around 1916 to 1919. His appearance was so biblical that he was very popular among the students; every time he entered the room his students would say, 'Oh, look, Moshe Rabeinu came to us'. My father was the director of the yeshivah and taught Hebrew. The yeshivah was big and famous all over Ukraine. I don't remember any more details about it because I was very young back then.

My mother, Rakhil Osipovna, Gorovits-Vaisbrot, was born in the town of Zamos, Lublin province, in 1891. Her father was an official rabbi in Zamos. This town was located in Poland, but at the time it was part of the Russian Empire. My mother finished Russian secondary school without attending every class because being a religious Jew and the daughter of a rabbi she couldn't go to school on Saturdays. Nevertheless, she finished the Russian school with a gold medal, that is all excellent marks.

She met my father at the wedding of their relatives in 1911: my father's niece and my mother's cousin got married. After meeting at the wedding my parents kept up a very active correspondence over the course of three years. We kept those letters at home in two stacks tied with ribbons until the war. All their letters were written in Yiddish. I glanced through them often, not understanding what they said, but judging from the dates they exchanged letters practically every day. They got married in spring 1914.

Immediately after the wedding they went to live in Kamenets-Podolsk, where my father wanted to buy a printing shop because he was a professional linotypist. But two or three months later World War I began. So, they moved to Yekaterinoslav. At the same time, my grandfather's family came there: my mother's parents with two of their children: their daughter Iokhevid and their son Leibele.

My mother's father had a total of four names. I remember one of them: Shloma. My grandmother's name was Sarah. Sarah became a widow in early 1920. After finishing school Jewish girls would come to her to learn needlework and Yiddish. They had a good time with her. I also know that her cousin lived in St. Petersburg; he was Baron Ginzburg, a famous patron of the arts, banker and manufacturer. That's the family my grandmother came from.

The family name of my mother's father was Gorovits. My mother's stepsister Mina left for Germany at the end of the 19th century along with Rosa Luxemburg 8. They both wanted to advance the Revolution. Of course, my grandfather renounced her. In Germany she married a Swiss communist, who was a Christian. She also joined the Communist Party there. They lived near Zurich and communicated with Vladimir Lenin when he was in Zurich. Later she was an active member of Comintern [Communist International]. Aunt Mina died in Switzerland not so long ago.

My grandfather had two or three sons, and his daughter Mina from his first wife. His sons were lost during World War I and the Civil War 9. Two sons from his second wife also died during the Civil War, somewhere near Yekaterinoslav, as far as I remember from my mother's stories. Besides my mother, there was her older sister Hannah, and Klara, who was named Keila in Yiddish. In Israel she took on the name Hadassah and the pseudonym Israeli. She left for Israel in 1922. She was one of the founders of a famous kibbutz. She died at the age of 96. She was actively involved in charity. People say that at the age of 80, during the Six-Day-War 10, she went to the front line to feed Israeli boys who fought there because they missed homemade food.

My grandfather, as I mentioned earlier on, was a rabbi. After his death, my grandmother was paid a state pension as the widow of a rabbi. All their children were given education. They were raised in Spartan style. My mother told me that in winter they walked barefoot on the snow. Throughout her life my mother took ice showers every morning.

My mother had a younger sister by the name of Iokhevid, born in 1905. She was a highly educated woman. She lived with my grandmother. In the early 1930s she married a Polish Jew, a very rich widower, who owned a house and several stores in Warsaw. They lived on the main street of Warsaw in their own five-storied house, in which one of his stores was situated. His family name was Eidelman. I read publications on the Warsaw ghetto 11 later, and there was a lot of information about Eidelman in there. Iokhevid, her husband and son died in the Warsaw ghetto.

My mother also had a younger brother, who was just known as Leibele. He was born in Yekaterinoslav in 1909 and lived with my grandparents during World War I. Then they returned to Zamos. In 1935 he moved to Palestine, he escaped from Pilsudsky's persecution. Uncle Leibele worked as an unskilled worker and fought for the independence of Israel. He assisted Begin 12 a lot. When Israel became independent, my uncle returned and took on the name of Yehuda, so officially he is called Yehuda Gorovits, even though at home we always refered to him as Uncle Leibele.

My grandfather Gorovits changed his last name to Vaisbrot around 1867. In order for their sons to avoid the tsarist army, some Jewish families gave their sons the family names of their childless relatives because there was a law saying that if a family only had one son, he didn't have to serve in the army. Later, my grandfather had a double surname - Gorovits-Vaisbrot.

The name Gorovits is very ancient. This line comes from Yehuda Geronti, who was a medieval poet and philosopher serving at the court of a Mauritanian sovereign of Spain in the 11th century. His works are well known all over the world; he wrote in Arabic, Hebrew, and Spanish. During the Spanish inquisition, his family moved to Holland, then to Czechia, and in the Czech town of Gorovits they were given this name. People say the line of Karl Marx is also related to our line.

Growing up

The yeshivah in Dnepropetrovsk, where my father worked, was closed in 1922, and he was left without a job. But there was something like a wine-making company, where my father began to work. However, there wasn't enough work. My father's older brother, Aron, was working in Kiev as a doctor and my parents decided to move to Kiev. At the beginning we lived on 55, Zhilyanskaya Street, on the second floor, but only for a short time. It was there, where we must have celebrated my second birthday. The adults sat around one table, while the children were seated around a children's wicker table in little wicker chairs. On the second floor there was a porch with a wooden staircase. I didn't like one of the boys who was my guest so I pushed him down the staircase from the second floor. I remember that very well. I also recall that it was raining. I went downstairs and my neighbors treated me to lobster. Lobster isn't kosher, so I knew I shouldn't eat it, but I still tried it.

In 1923 we moved to 18, Sovskaya Street, which is now Fizkulturnaya Street. It was a big house, or actually two houses: on the street there was a one- storied brick house on the left, while on the right there was a two-and-a- half-storied house with a basement where a shoemaker, a dressmaker, and a street-cleaner, a Jew, whose name was Yefremchik, lived. A Polish family of intellectuals by the name of Dobrolej lived on the second floor. The family of Rozanovy lived in the one-storied brick house. They were also good people. Their daughter was a pianist. When I turned six, my parents wanted me to learn play the piano, and I had to practice in their apartment because we had no piano of our own. They also had a son who was successful in life; I believe he was an engineer.

In the yard stood another one-storied house, in which a very poor Jewish family from the province lived. They had two daughters. The younger daughter was called Bronya; she dated a very handsome young man by the name of Abrasha. Several times he came there by car, which was unique at the time. Later they got married. Today his son, Vladimir Avrumovich Polyachenko, is the director of Ukraine's biggest building company, Kievgorstroy. We also had a small open barn in the yard, so these two young girl as well as the Rozanovys and Dobrolejes staged plays there. They sold tickets for these plays and donated the money to charity. I also played in those charity performances: I would recite poems by Lermontov 13 and dance lezghinka [a fast folk dance, which originated in the Northern Caucasus and was very popular all over the Soviet Union].

We lived in the two-storied brick house in the yard. The landowner lived on the second floor. Apart from owning a house, he also owned carts and horses because this was during the NEP 14 in Russia, when private property was still allowed. We had a special circle in our yard where the horses were trained. That's why since my childhood I love horses a lot.

We rented a three-bedroom apartment on the first floor. We had a toilet there, but no bathroom. I don't remember living in all three rooms because very soon the biggest room, where we, children, used to sleep, was taken away from us and given to the family of Sergeyev. They came from Odessa. Sergeyev was an engine machinist. Apart from a single lock, nothing else separated our room from the room were the Sergeyevs lived, so along with the Russian language I often heard classical swearing language that the father used to talk to with his family. He was a guerilla in the Red Army and a communist. They also had a big dog. During the famine 15, their whole family had food due to this dog because dogs were provided with special meat by-products. They would always boil this offal in the kitchen and I still remember its disgusting smell.

We were very poor. My father couldn't work anywhere due to his religious beliefs. He couldn't find a job in Kiev that would allow him to stay home on Saturdays and Jewish holidays. He had several part-time jobs. I remember once he brought some dirty press home and I helped him stamp out point- protectors for pencils on that press. At that time, there were special point-protectors on pencils, so we made those. We could do this kind of work at home.

I had no toys in my childhood. The first time I got a celluloid toy doll, I was ten years old. I was so happy to have it that I wrapped it in a piece of blanket and went outside, to the gates, singing as if putting it to sleep. People mistakenly took my doll for a real baby and said my mother had given birth to the third child. When I was seven, my brother brought me skates, 'Nurmis', tied them to my shoes, and I began to go skating. At the age of 14 I could already skate race. I'm 80 years old now, but I still go skate racing at the Ice Stadium in Kiev.

Between themselves my parents spoke Yiddish, but with us only Russian. My mother spoke Russian very well. I believe she knew Russian better than me. She also knew Polish very well. When the first Polish refugees arrived in Kiev in 1939, my mother could communicate with them easily. My mother also spoke German fluently.

There were families of many nationalities in our yard. For some time, we were the only Jews in our block or maybe even on entire Sovskaya Street. Our house was always open; we lived on the first floor and kept the windows open at all times. On Pesach, Sabbath and other Jewish holidays that were celebrated with strict observance of all Orthodox traditions, we always sang Jewish songs. I still remember our neighbors standing by our windows and enjoying our singing; I don't recall a single hint of any offence from them.

My father was highly respected by the people who lived on our street; when he was walking the street, men would lift their hats. My mother was always called Madam Averbukh, and all young girls tried to dress just like Madam Averbukh. Here is how she dressed: she sewed a jacket for my brother from an old overcoat, then made from it rags for polishing the floor. But later, mother washed it, excuse me, in urine, bought some faille de Chine and sewed a dress for herself - and everyone admired it! My mother was a wonderful needlewoman despite the fact that her forefinger on the right hand was defected due to sepsis right after my birth. The disease started with her right hand and doctors wanted to amputate it, but my mother refused to have her hand amputated. She said she could never survive with two children without a hand. She would rather die and have her husband marry another woman who would take good care of her children. Such was my mother's character.

We often invited my brother's Christian friends or my mother's Christian colleagues to our Pesach seder - and they enjoyed watching it. My father had a broad outlook, so when his friends would gather around the Jewish holiday table, he could, for instance, start a dispute on some philosophical questions with my brother's closest friend, the oldest son of academician Paton. My mother and brother read a lot; they got all kinds of different interesting books. I liked reading them when I was eight years old, too.

My mother loved the theater very much. She had the opportunity to watch plays because she sold tickets for a theater and therefore received free tickets. As long as I can remember, my mother always took me to watch plays with her. I think I was six years old when I was taken to the premises of today's Operetta Theater during the last tour of the famous actress Klara Yung. She was 70 at the time. I remember her dancing and singing in Yiddish; it was very interesting. We often went to the Jewish theater and I could see Mikhoels 16, Zuskin 17 and other actors many times.

In the beginning my mother was a housewife, raising two children. By the way, she brought up her children in a Spartan manner, just the way she was raised herself. We always took part in work around the house: we prepared wood for the winter, and I still remember my brother and I sawing big branches.

My mother was a highly educated person with absolutely no profession. For a long time she was registered at the employment agency, but in vain. One time she was sent to collect strawberries far away, outside Irpen. This work certainly brought no income. In fact, this work happened very seldom. But finally she got lucky. There was a woodworking company on our street: a saw worked under the sky and my mother helped out there. It was July; my mother suffered a sunstroke and luckily just passed out. The director of the company felt pity for her and made her a cleaner at the company, so that she wouldn't have to work outside any more. It was certainly very good, but her salary was very low. She was a very smart woman and was made a courier. It meant that she had to go around the city and even outside the city to deliver bureaucratic documents, sign journals of registration, take receipts back. She was given money for transportation, but she almost always went on foot in order to save that money.

She also continued working as a cleaner. During the day she worked as a courier and in the evenings I helped her clean the office: she washed the floor and I washed the tables. Some time later she was made a cashier collector as she was officially registered. She had to daily register financial documents at the bank, which was located where the Central Bank is located now. She also had to issue salaries to the workers of her company. But people worked in Puscha-Voditsa, Svyatoshino, Kurenyovka, Podol 18, and then the main office moved to Nizhny Val. The distances between these places were big. My mother would carry money in a purse to Puscha-Voditsa, for instance. She came back late at night, with some money that was left. It was wild because public transportation was bad before the war. At the same time, we had an ideal order at home. My mother had to work in order to feed a family of four people and cook practically from nothing.

My brother Israel went to the 5th grade. Prior to that he had private teachers who taught him the Torah and Hebrew. Several times we had the police come to try and fine my parents for teaching religion. My brother had no gift for languages, but he was a wonderful technician. He didn't join the pioneers, while I did, but I didn't join the Komsomol 19. I still don't know how I managed to do that.

After finishing seven years of school, my brother entered the Technical Communications College, which still exists on Leontovich Street. But the college was soon - in 1931 or 1932 - moved to Kharkov, and he, a 14-year- old boy, left for Kharkov and lived there in a dormitory. I remember one of his letters from there. He made my mother rejoice by saying that he washed his socks because he knew that she worried a lot about him keeping his hygiene there. In 1934 he came back from Kharkov with the diploma of a communications technician. But since he couldn't find a job according to his profession, he went to work at the same company where my mother worked at the age of 17. He made spring beds. He learned that kind of work very quickly and other workers praised him a lot. Later he found a job at the radio laboratory of Kiev Polytechnic Institute. From there, on 6th or 7th July 1941, he went to fight in the army as a volunteer. By that time he had finished the first year. We never saw him again. He was killed during the war.

In the hardest time in 1931 my father got ill. He spent almost two years in bed and we warmed his back with sand and hot irons. He had inflammation of the sciatic nerve. After he recovered he could find no more work in Kiev. He went to Yagotin and worked in the winemaking business. I remember him bringing 'makukhah cake' from there. Makukhah cake is a stone-like by- product of oil-making. It looked and tasted just like a 'millstone'. So, my father brought me a piece of that and I ate it with my milk teeth. It was then that I wrote to my grandmother in Poland that we had no bread in Kiev. When my mother saw my letter she was very angry with me; she forbid me to send this letter because my grandmother, she said, was a widow who had to survive on her pension, and I was to do my best not to upset her.

I remember the famine very well. I would go to school and see people swollen from starvation along with dead bodies lying on our street. I also remember huge furnaces and a lot of homeless children gathered around them. I, a young girl, would pass by them without any fear.

I also remember that my father brought us real handmade sackcloth made from hemp thread from Ovruch. I think I'm so healthy because in childhood I slept on such sheets. I also remember that my aunts from Medjibozh sent us some aid. And all the time in my childhood - before and after the war - my feet were always wet.

I was a very active and good student at school. In all my ten years of studies at school I had only excellent marks. In our family both my parents and we, children, viewed the Soviet power absolutely negatively. My father said that the Red Army was as bad as Petliura's 20 and Makhno's 21 gangs. My parents would crack anti-Soviet jokes and express their ideas openly at home, without any fear that their children would betray them.

There was a time during the Soviet rule, around 1929 and 1933, when most Jewish families - and probably not only Jewish ones - were forced to give away their gold and precious stones. My family didn't suffer from this because the Bolsheviks knew very well that we had absolutely nothing at home. My mother had a wedding ring, which she sold to a special store that was called Torgsin store 22 and for the money she got for it, she bought rye flour, which was the cheapest of all. In reality this store never traded in anything with foreigners, but it was a special place where Soviet citizens could bring their wedding and other rings, decorations, golden teeth, gold coins and buy some food and clothes in return.

During this time we always had some famous rich Jews, who lived in our house and gave us some food in return because they knew they could hide from arrest at our place. They usually spent whole days just lying on the sofa under the blanket. I have the impression that our neighbors knew all about it, but nobody ever betrayed us. So, some of these rich Jews stayed for six months with us. Their wives and children would come and visit them. In 1936 and 1937 [during the so-called Great Terror] 23 my mother was summoned to the KGB 24 several times because she was born in Poland. She was kept there for days. These were the most terrible days of my life. I would hide under the blanket in my room and just hope I would wake up and see my mother at home!

My mother later told me that she was made to stand in the corridor of a KGB office. She wasn't allowed to lean against the wall, even though she had terrible gout and her feet hurt a lot. Neither was she allowed to sit down. Thus she had to wait for hours for interrogations. The main question during the interrogations was: when did your relatives leave to live abroad? It was impossible to explain to those 'lawyers' that they had left before 1914, when it was still the Russian Empire, that in summer 1914 World War I began, and that Poland was separated and it was impossible for their family to reunite.

My brother and I were best friends. Since my mother worked a lot and my father was never home, my brother became very independent. My mother never worried whether I was coming home late or not because my brother always accompanied me. Sometimes he simply had to take me with him because there was nobody who could sit at home with me. All the games and competitions I took part in I had my brother on my side.

Right before the war an extremely beautiful Jewish girl came to Kiev from Kharkov. Her name was Sima. My brother was also very handsome and elegant. They had a serious relationship, but it went nowhere because the war broke out.

My brother was 24 then. He earned a lot of money because apart from holding a good post at the Polytechnic Institute he also fixed radios from all over the city. It was never possible to eat at our dinner table because it was full of spare radio parts. My borther had a very expensive racing bike, which he gave to me when I went into evacuation. He told me if I had to walk on foot from Kiev I could put my luggage on it. I left it at Kharkov train station when I got on a train to Saratov. Approximately one year before the war he also bought a Harley Davidson motorbike.

Prior to the war I wasn't interested in politics. I was mostly interested in school, university, studies, sports and folk dances. Our dancing club came in first at the republican competition of amateur arts. It was a club of common dances; we didn't learn dances of any special nation, but sometimes we would learn some Jewish dances as well. Alexander Berdovsky, a famous opera singer, led our club. In one of our performances, 'Jewish Wedding', which won a prize, I played the bride. I made myself a dress from my mother's white voile dress and half-rotten white window curtains. I also went skating every evening. I had a lot of other interests and hobbies. I wore my father's old winter coat and my mother's party blouse.

During the war

I remember 22nd June 1941 [the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War] 25 very well. At around 4 o'clock in the morning we woke up because of what sounded like bombing. My father wasn't home, he was in Ovruch. My brother said, 'What, training maneuvers start again!?', but my mother answered, 'No, this is no training'. She had experienced World War I, so she knew. The former Red Stadium was to open on 22nd June and I had two tickets for the opening ceremony. I still have one of those tickets, but the other one I think I gave to the Olympic Stadium museum on its 40th anniversary. So, I dressed up and went to the stadium, but we already knew then that war had broken out. The atmosphere was scary, worrisome. We immediately began to dig holes and shelters in the yard. On Monday I was to have a mathematics exam. So, at 8 o'clock in the morning when I was ready to go to my exam, there was a raid. I didn't go to the shelter, but was standing at the entrance to my house, counting the planes.

On 6th July 1941 my brother went to the military enlistment committee as a volunteer to fight and was immediately sent to the front. We never saw him again. He must have been killed in 1942. I could get no information about him despite my numerous inquiries to various institutions. He had to go - he was healthy and strong.

My father said we didn't have to evacuate because the Germans were highly civilized people; he remembered them from the occupation in 1918. Besides, he thought he knew them well from his trips to Germany. He was going to move us to the left bank. Despite his anti-Soviet convictions, he said, 'The Bolsheviks will never let the Germans cross the Dneper".

Evacuation was well organized. But there was no organized evacuation from the company my mother worked for. At my father's work in Ovruch somebody stole all the money they had and left. So it was impossible to leave in any organized way. My father's younger brother, Doctor Averbukh, was called up to the army and worked as the chief doctor of Sumy hospital. We tried to get in touch with my uncle for help in evacuation, but we failed to get a hold of him.

I didn't want to go to Middle Asia with my university, which was evacuated there. My brother's friend Sergey Arkadyevich Barbar worked in the repairs battalion of the tank unit. They served in the rear and were allowed to take their families into evacuation with them. He registered his marriage with my friend Bella, while I was registered as his sister-in-law, and we went together. In the morning, my mother went to work. We said goodbye to each other. My mother was an extremely strong person; it was amazing. I don't remember her crying when my brother left, neither do I remember her crying when she said goodbye to me. This was on 19th July. My father bid me farewell on the staircase, somewhere between the third and the fourth floor. He was crying. The only phrase he told me in Yiddish was, 'Only marry a Jewish man'. And we left.

For many days we went around Ukraine in trucks. Then we found ourselves in Kharkov on the territory of a military unit. On one side was the Kharkov Tractor Plant, on the other a military anti-aircraft unit. That's where they deployed their workshops as well.

In Kharkov I received the last postcard from my parents dated 10th September. The Germans entered Kiev on 21st September. In Kharkov I also received the only postcard from my brother. On 20th September Sergey put Bella and me on a train to go further eastward. Bella's stepfather was a big boss in Vladivostok, so we planned to settle with him. On the train a lot of people died, I think, around 40. I had a small basket with my bed sheets, blanket and garlic. Throughout the two weeks of our journey I sat on this basket on the train, with my knees touching my face.

Around two weeks later, at the end of October, our train stopped in the middle of the night in a field, in the south, in Saratov region. We all had to get off. It was snowing. There, for the first time in my life, I saw a camel. With great difficulties we reached Saratov. It was amazing to see a city with lights, full of lamps. We found my parents' friends who gave Bella and me shelter. We stayed there for two weeks.

I changed my mind and decided to move to Middle Asia and continue my studies, but nobody was any longer allowed there; people were sent to Siberia because too many refugees had already moved to Middle Asia. I went to the evacuation unit. It was a horrible scene: on the ground, in the snow, lay dirty starving men, women and children. They were given one loaf of bread per family. I went directly to the chief; he looked at me, and probably due to the expression in my face, he gave me his consent. Bella got on a train that went to the Far East, while I went to Middle Asia.

I was young, healthy and very optimistic. I had a goal: to reach Tashkent and continue my studies at Kiev Polytechnic Institute that had been evacuated there from Kiev. On a terrible train I reached Tashkent. We weren't allowed to go to Tashkent because no refugees were allowed to Middle Asia at all. So, while the train still moved, we took our belongings and jumped off. Somehow, on foot, I reached Tashkent train station. There I found out about the university. I wasn't very lucky - two days before my arrival the university had merged with the Middle-Asian Industrial Institute, so I couldn't restore my documents and continue to study at a university that no longer existed. I had no documents with me. Nobody would allow me to stay in a dormitory. On the steps of the institute I met Professor Tetelbaum, who gave me a job as a laboratory assistant in the institute. Apart from this, I also helped do official calculations in the canteen, for which they fed me in return. But I still had nowhere to stay. Every night I stayed in different dormitories, fearing police raids. Then my friend, the son of the famous actor Gnat Yura 26, paid for me and I was restored to my university.

In spring 1944 I got a postcard from a boy who had been my neighbor in Kiev. In it, he told me that my parents had been shot in 1941. Only later I found out that the place where they were killed was called Babi Yar.

I received this postcard on a Saturday after the end of my working day. I read it at the post office and then returned to the university. I thought I shouldn't let people know about my feelings because this kind of thing didn't only happen to me; many other people probably received similar news during the war. But my chief, Professor Tetelbaum, asked me, 'What happened?'. I said, 'Nothing happened' and ran out of the laboratory. He ran after me, caught up with me in a minute and asked again, 'What happened?' I couldn't keep it to myself any longer; I cried. I told him what had happened. Despite the fact that the next day was a Sunday, he told me to come to work the next morning. I was very upset with this, because he was usually a very kind and warm person, who treated me very well, but this time he apparently showed no sympathy towards me and said there was a lot of work to do so I had to come on Sunday. I came to work the next day, but there was no work. Only Semen Isaacovich Tetelbaum came. He took me to the dormitory and told me in a kind voice, 'I understand your condition and I don't want you to get caught in it forever'. He tried to distract me in other ways, too. When I went back to the dormitory - there were twelve girls in our room - I didn't tell anyone what had happened, but I had a terrible case of twisted bowels because of my nervous condition.

In summer 1944, the re-evacuation of the Kiev Polytechnic Institute began, but I didn't want to study there, in the ruins, so I sent my documents to the Moscow Energy Institute. My colleagues, however, insisted on my return to Kiev. I had no place to stay. Our house was destroyed. The parents of one of my brother's friends, Volodya Tyutyun, met me at the train station and took me to stay with them. They let me have one room for myself - they had a total of four rooms and they lived on the second floor of a private house. That was one year before the war ended. They grew cabbages, cooked pork, made pork sausages and sold them to private traders in 'Yevbaz' - the Jewish Market [Yevbaz is the acronym of the Russian/Ukrainian 'yevreiskiy bazar'], which was located on today's Victory Square. Volodya's mother was a big woman, a typical Ukrainian, but for some reason everyone called her 'Greek'. Her son's nickname was 'Ofenis'. Everyone believed I was her daughter because I helped her around the house and at the market. I stayed with them until Volodya returned from the army.

I continued to study and work. The topic of my diploma project was very serious, concerning secret weapon developments. But two months before I had to defend my thesis I was denied access to the secret files because my aunt Hannah sent me a parcel from Palestine through Joint 27, which was said to be the very evil of the Zionist movements. For some reason her parcel came to me via London. It contained 500 grams of egg powder and 500 grams of pea powder. The fact that I received a parcel from abroad compromised me in the eyes of the faculty of my university, and they denied me access to secret work.

This meant that I could no longer work - and thus earn my living - and I could no longer defend my own diploma project. And again, I received help from kind people, first of all, Semen Isaacovich Tetelbaum. During his next business trip to Moscow, where he took the articles developed by us, he went to the People's Commissariat, or NKVD 28, and managed to persuade them to let me defend my diploma project. So, I worked in the institute up until 1948, that is, practically two years after I graduated from it, and was finally fired during this country's campaign against 'cosmopolitans' 29.

Post-war

After the war, the term 'cosmopolitan' in the Soviet Union meant almost the same as 'traitor of the Soviet Union'. Usually it was the Jews that were called 'cosmopolitans'. Anyway, so I was fired in June 1948. On 1st September 1948 I found a job as a senior laboratory assistant of the theoretical elements of electrical engineering lab at the Kiev Institute of Film Engineers. My salary was 600 rubles, 400 of which I had to pay for my 'corner'. The 'corner' was a place in the room that I rented from a large family, where my bed stood and where I could only sleep. I also spent 60 rubles on public transportation to get to work and back. Thus, I had 140 rubles for the rest of my necessities.

I worked in that institute until 1951. Since I couldn't expect help from anyone else and it was impossible to survive with my salary only, I had to sew a lot for myself. Soon, other students were asking me to sew things for them in return for payment. Thus I began to earn some extra money and very soon this turned into big money. I slept very little because I was studying and working at the same time. Simultaneously, I learned the profession of a typist, and hence I became a very well-to-do person because while I was still a student I stayed in the laboratory in the evenings and typed dissertations, textbooks and other papers for the faculty; I also edited them.

The atmosphere around was awful. Every time there were German-sounding Jewish names in special books, for instance, the name Lents, those names were officially accompanied by full titles of their owners, for instance, 'This formula was developed by Corresponding Member of the Academy of Sciences of USSR Lents'. This was done in order to avoid any impression that we might quote a western scientist. These efforts were called 'fight against worshiping the West'. Of course, when people spoke privately, they often laughed about such measures.

In summer 1951, at the end of the school year, 14 Jews were fired from the institute I was working at. Not all the Jews were fired: only lecturers, while professors could stay. In my labor book I read 'fired in connection with decreased work load'. I was fired on 1st July, and on 1st September of the same year my job was given to the sister of the secretary of the Komsomol Committee of that institute. By the way, among those 14 who were fired was a brother of academician Tetelbaum - Alexander Isaacovich Tetelbaum. But on the other hand, the chief of the Marxism-Leninism chair was also fired. She was an intolerable communist and, I believe, the greatest anti-Semite in the whole institute. But she was also Jewish, so she was fired. Those news about her felt like a good revenge that immensely satisfied me back then.

So, I was jobless. I had no apartment. I was registered in one of the rooms of the institute and after I was fired from the institute I could no longer be registered there. According to the law, if I spent one month without registration in Kiev, I would lose my right to live in Kiev in general.

Finally, through some friends of mine, I found a Ukrainian woman with a large family - an old father, a daughter and a granddaughter - in a communal apartment 30. They had two little rooms and she agreed to let me rent a part of her apartment. Her father was officially registered as the owner of the flat. He had a lot of trust in me. When he was warned that I would immediately throw him out as soon as I was registered in his apartment, he said, 'No, I make out people well. She will never do such a thing'. He gave me a written permission to get registered in their apartment. But this permission had to be signed by the chairman of the district executive committee.

It was 1951. The leadership, all administration workers and officials worked at night because they said Stalin always worked at night, too. Finally, at 2 o'clock in the morning, I was received by the chairman of the executive committee. He told me that he could never give me permission to get registered in that apartment because I by no means could be a relative of those Ukrainians, and only relatives were allowed registration. When I heard those words, I grabbed his inkpot, hit it against the table, broke it and told him, 'Then please register me at Babi Yar, for all my relatives were killed there, apart from my brother, who was killed while fighting at the front'. Immediately after I had said that he gave me permission to get registered in that apartment.

I lived with that family, behind their dresser, for three years, until 1954. Then I rented a 'corner' with the family of an old Jewish couple. They didn't allow me to come home after 10pm, although I had to work in the evening. They didn't allow me to use electricity in the evening, so I couldn't read and had to sew by candlelight. One time I came home at 11pm and they didn't let me in, so I had to spend the night in the street. Thank God it was autumn and not winter.

Only after all these difficulties I found myself with Yevgenia Semenovna Ilyevich. I couldn't find any decent job at the time. With great difficulties I finally got a job at the Giprokommunenergo Research Institute, where many former students of Professor Tetelbaum worked. In order to get permission for hiring me, Professor Tetelbaum had to turn to the deputy minister. I worked in that institute until I retired in 1978. For all these years I had no apartment to live in.

In 1954, after three years of working there, I was given part of a room in the institute's dormitory. It wasn't a common dormitory, but a four-bedroom apartment with twelve young and old women. I was given a 12-square meter room in 1957. I was working as a senior engineer by that time. Since I had no proper dwelling I was always willing to go on business trips. My trips usually concerned designing electrical grids and substations in Ukraine, which was ruined after the war. I worked as the vice chief of the department.

When our high officials were choosing somebody to organize the corrosion department, they immediately told me that I wouldn't qualify for three reasons. I just asked them, 'What are the other two?'. They told me, 'You are not a Communist Party member and you are not a Ph.D.' So, I began to work on my dissertation. I knew I could never change the two other reasons. But I'm always critical about things. So, as I was running from one job to another, I was thinking, 'How many decades have to pass in order for people to hear the truth?'

And then, one day, a secret party meeting was held and people were told about Stalin's crimes. A very active party member, Abram Gurin, was absolutely delighted to inform me on our way to work how exactly Stalin's cult was uncovered. I told him, 'How come your attitude has changed in only one night?' I don't remember exactly under what circumstances we all learned the truth about Stalin. But I have impressions of some other events. A week after the 'uncrowning' of Stalin, I went to Tbilisi. His body was thrown out of the mausoleum, and on Rustaveli Prospect 200 young boys were shot [see 7th March 1956 in Tbilisi] 31. I stayed in the hotel opposite the post office where the shooting took place, and the hotel was covered in bullet holes. The Georgians told me all about it.

I defended my dissertation in 1971 and was confirmed in my office in 1972, although it was a unique case in those times. For instance, nobody wanted me to take exams at their institutions - neither Kiev Polytechnic Institute, where everyone knew me, nor in the Construction Institute - only because I was Jewish!

I went to many places: Tajikistan, Armenia, the Baltic countries, Uzbekistan. I went there on interesting business trips and met the most interesting people. Among my hobbies were theater, literature, and sports. At the age of 62 I tried mountain skiing for the first time - and I still do it often.

Not long before my retirement I bought a Zhiguli car. It was very hard to buy a car in those times, almost impossible. I had to wait for decades, get special letters of recommendation from my boss, from the Communist Party committee and the trade union committee, but I went through it all.

I don't like talking about my private life. I'm single and have never been married. And now my life is better than ever before; I have nothing to worry about. I retired early, at the age of 57, and for many years I continued to travel around the USSR holding lectures in my field. Since life has taught me to be very economical and do everything on my own, I live according to my capacities. I enjoy reading Jewish publications, going to concerts and keeping up active correspondence with my relatives in Israel.

Jewish life in Kiev is very different now. It is wonderful that we have Hesed, synagogues and Jewish youth organizations. I certainly don't want to pretend: I'm not religious and will never be, but I'm still very interested in everything about Jewish life. Sometimes I think that we have lost something in our lives due to the degree of our assimilation and being far from the Jewish way of life. But it isn't our fault - it is rather our trouble.

That's why I'm really happy about the revival of the Jewish way of life, it's so nice that young people have plunged so deeply into it, in the form of various Jewish organizations. They will not miss what being real Jewish is all about.

Glossary

1 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

2 Babi Yar

Babi Yar is the site of the first mass shooting of Jews that was carried out openly by fascists. On 29th and 30th September 1941 33,771 Jews were shot there by a special SS unit and Ukrainian militia men. During the Nazi occupation of Kiev between 1941 and 1943 over a 100,000 people were killed in Babi Yar, most of whom were Jewish. The Germans tried in vain to efface the traces of the mass grave in August 1943 and the Soviet public learnt about mass murder after World War II.

3 Baal Shem Tov (The Besht) (1698-1760)

The founder of the Jewish mystic movement called Hasidism. Born in Okup, a small village in Western Ukraine, he was orphaned at the age of 5 and was raised by the local community. He would often spend his time in the fields, woods and mountains instead of school. He worked as a school aid and later as a shammash. He got married and settled in the Carpathean mountains not far from Brody. He studied alone for seven years and began to reveal himself in 1734. Moving to Talust, he gained a reputation as a miracle worker and soul master. Then he moved to Medzhibozh in Western Ukraine where he lived and taught for the remainder of his life. His teachings were preserved by his disciple Yakov Yosef of Polonoye.

4 Hasidism (Hasidic)

Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18th century that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God's presence was in all of one's surroundings and that one should serve God in one's every deed and word. The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York, London, Israel and Antwerp.

5 Collective farm (in Russian kolkhoz)

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

6 Birobidzhan

Formed in 1928 to give Soviet Jews a home territory and to increase settlement along the vulnerable borders of the Soviet Far East, the area was raised to the status of an autonomous region in 1934. Influenced by an effective propaganda campaign, and starvation in the east, 41,000 Soviet Jews relocated to the area between the late 1920s and early 1930s. But, by 1938 28,000 of them had fled the regions harsh conditions, There were Jewish schools and synagogues up until the 1940s, when there was a resurgence of religious repression after World War II. The Soviet government wanted the forced deportation of all Jews to Birobidzhan to be completed by the middle of the 1950s. But in 1953 Stalin died and the deportation was cancelled. Despite some remaining Yiddish influences - including a Yiddish newspaper - Jewish cultural activity in the region has declined enormously since Stalin's anti-cosmopolitanism campaigns and since the liberalization of Jewish emigration in the 1970s. Jews now make up less than 2% of the region's population.

7 Bialik, Chaim Nachman

(1873-1934): One of the greatest Hebrew poets. He was also an essayist, writer, translator and editor. Born in Rady, Volhynia, Ukraine, he received a traditional education in cheder and yeshivah. His first collection of poetry appeared in 1901 in Warsaw. He established a Hebrew publishing house in Odessa, where he lived but after the Revolution of 1917 Bialik's activity for Hebrew culture was viewed by the communist authorities with suspicion and the publishing house was closed. In 1921 Bialik emigrated to Germany and in 1924 to Palestine where he became a celebrated literary figure. Bialik's poems occupy an important place in modern Israeli culture and education.

8 Luxemburg, Rosa (1871-1919)

German revolutionary and one of the founders of the Polish Socialist Party (1892). She moved to Germany in 1898 and was a leader in the German Social Democratic Party. She participated in the Revolution of 1905 in Russian Poland and was active in the Second International. She was one of the founders of the German Communist Party and she also edited its organ, Rote Fahne. Critical of Lenin in his triumph, she foresaw his dictatorship over the proletariat becoming permanent. She was murdered in prison in Berlin.

9 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti- communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti- Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

10 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

11 Warsaw Ghetto

A separate residential district for Jews in Warsaw created over several months in 1940. On 16th November 1940 138,000 people were enclosed behind its walls. Over the following months the population of the ghetto increased as more people were relocated from the small towns surrounding the city. By March 1941 445,000 people were living in the ghetto. Subsequently, the number of the ghetto's inhabitants began to fall sharply as a result of disease, hunger, deportation, persecution and liquidation. The ghetto was also systematically reduced in size. The internal administrative body was the Jewish Council (Judenrat). The Warsaw ghetto ceased to exist on 15th May 1943, when the Germans pronounced the failure of the uprising, staged by the Jewish soldiers, and razed the area to the ground.

12 Begin, Menachem (1913-1992)

6th Prime Minister of Israel, born in Poland. In 1932 he became head of the Organization Department of Betar for Poland. He organized groups of Betar members who went to Palestine as illegal immigrants, and in 1939 became the head of the movement in Poland. On the outbreak of World War II, he was arrested by the Russian authorities and in 1940-41 was confined in concentration camps in Siberia and elsewhere, but was released under the terms of the Stalin-Sikorski agreement. In 1943, he assumed command of the Irgun Zvati Leumi (National Military Organization), known by the initials of its Hebrew name as "Etzel". In this capacity he directed Etzel's operations against the British, and lived in disguise in Tel Aviv to avoid arrest. After the establishment of the State of Israel, he founded the Herut Movement and headed the party's list of candidates for the Knesset. In 1967 Begin joined the Government of National Unity in which he served as Minister without Portfolio until 1970. In 1977, Begin, head of the Likud party - after having won the Knesset elections - became Prime Minister of Israel.

13 Lermontov, Mikhail, (1814-1841)

Russian poet and novelist. His poetic reputation, second in Russia only to Pushkin's, rests upon the lyric and narrative works of his last five years. Lermontov, who had sought a position in fashionable society, became enormously critical of it. His novel, A Hero of Our Time (1840), is partly autobiographical. It consists of five tales about Pechorin, a disenchanted and bored nobleman. The novel is considered a classic of Russian psychological realism.

14 NEP

The so-called New Economic Policy of the Soviet authorities was launched by Lenin in 1921. It meant that private business was allowed on a small scale in order to save the country ruined by the Revolution of 1917 and the Russian Civil War. They allowed priority development of private capital and entrepreneurship. The NEP was gradually abandoned in the 1920s with the introduction of the planned economy.

15 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

16 Mikhoels, Solomon (1890-1948) (born Vovsi)

Great Soviet actor, producer and pedagogue. He worked in the Moscow State Jewish Theater (and was its art director from 1929). He directed philosophical, vivid and monumental works. Mikhoels was murdered by order of the State Security Ministry.

17 Zuskin, Benjamin (1899-1952)

one of the leading actors of the Moscow Jewish Chamber Theater. A close friend of Solomon Mikhoels, he headed the theater for the last few years of its existence. In 1949 came the Party order to liquidate the theater, and Zuskin was arrested along with other members of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee. He was tortured and died in prison.

18 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

19 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

20 Petliura, Simon (1879-1926)

Ukrainian politician, member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Working Party, one of the leaders of Centralnaya Rada (Central Council), the national government of Ukraine (1917-1918). Military units under his command killed Jews during the Civil War in Ukraine. In the Soviet-Polish war he was on the side of Poland; in 1920 he emigrated. He was killed in Paris by the Jewish nationalist Schwarzbard in revenge for the pogroms against Jews in Ukraine.

21 Makhno, Nestor (1888-1934)

Ukrainian anarchist and leader of an insurrectionist army of peasants which fought Ukrainian nationalists, the Whites, and the Bolsheviks during the Civil War. His troops, which numbered 500 to 35 thousand members, marched under the slogans of 'state without power' and 'free soviets'. The Red Army put an end to the Makhnovist movement in the Ukraine in 1919 and Makhno emigrated in 1921.

22 Torgsin stores

Special retail stores, which were established in larger Russian cities in the 1920s with the purpose of selling goods to foreigners. Torgsins sold commodities that were in short supply for hard currency or exchanged them for gold and jewelry, accepting old coins as well. The real aim of this economic experiment that lasted for two years was to swindle out all gold and valuables from the population for the industrial development of the country.

23 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

24 KGB

The KGB or Committee for State Security was the main Soviet external security and intelligence agency, as well as the main secret police agency from 1954 to 1991.

25 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

26 Yura, Gnat (Ignatiy) Petrovich (1887-1966)

Ukrainian Soviet actor, producer, People's Actor of the USSR. A talented comedian, he started his career as an actor in 1907 and worked in many different theaters of Ukraine. Yura is especially credited with developing the Ukrainian national theater.

27 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re- establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

28 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

29 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

30 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

31 7th March 1956 in Tbilisi

a mass demonstration was held which coincided with the third anniversary of Stalin's death. On 4th March the Georgian Central Committee received the secret report of Khrushchev about Stalin's cult of personality, and the next day Georgian newspapers did not publish the usual articles praising the leader. Several thousand university and high school students held a spontaneous demonstration on Rustaveli Prospekt, accusing Russians and Khrushchev of desecrating the memory of the great leader and thereby insulting the Georgian people. By 9th March the city was completely paralyzed: transport and stores did not operate, people sang songs about Stalin. At night tanks entered the city, dozens of demonstrators were killed, hundreds injured. By 12th March the revolt was suppressed, many participants were sentenced to imprisonment, students expelled from universities. Among then was Zviad Gamsakhurdia, the future dissident and first president of independent Georgia.

Avram Sadikario

Avram Sadikario
Skopje
Macedonia
Interviewer: Rachel Chanin Asiel
Date of interview: March 2005

Avram spoke with me in the Jewish community amongst the bustle of the community's preparation for the annual 11th March commemoration of the deportation [see 11th March 1943] 1, and the delivery of boxes with copies of his wife's new book. Although he is a retired pediatrician and professor, his true love is writing poetry. He struggles to remember the names, stories and faces of his past but endless Ladino songs and poems are embedded in his heart and mind. Avram is also an avid mountain climber and still walks around the Vodno Mountain in Skopje every week.

My family background
Growing up
During the War
Post-war
Glossary

 My family background

My family has lived in Bitola since who knows when; since they came from Spain [see Expulsion of the Jews from Spain] 2. I know [their history] as far back as my grandfather, but they have been there for ages.

Before World War I there were 10,000 Jews in Bitola, after it 7,000 emigrated, leaving only 3,000 behind. [Editor's note: From a peak population of about 11,000 in 1900, the Jewish community dropped to 8,900 in 1912, 3,200 in 1940, 57 in 1945 and 1 in 2002. Source: 'Last Century of a Sephardic Community' by Mark Cohen]. After World War I, Bitola became a border town. [Editor's note: Bitola became a border town earlier, in 1913 after the Second Balkan War 3.] An economic crisis began. People couldn't survive there. Everything and everyone became poor including the Jews. Seven thousand Jews moved away. Some went to other towns in [the Kingdom of] Yugoslavia 4, some to New York, some to Israel [then Palestine] and some to South America, to a town in Chile called Temuco. [Editor's note: Jews from Bitola first arrived in Temuco in 1900, by 1929 there were 40 families from Bitola living there. Source: 'Plima i Slom' by Zeni Lebl] There the Jews established their own Jewish community, the Jewish Bitola community.

Many left and those who remained were poor. Bitola was especially poor; it was the poorest place in all of Yugoslavia, in all of the Balkans. The poor of the poor. During this period there was a lot of solidarity among the Jews. The friends of the community gave money. My parents helped. They helped a lot. They helped so that others could live. They would have died of hunger, there was not what to live of. The people who were a little richer helped the poor. And we received help from outside Bitola. We received helped from the Belgrade Jewish community. In Belgrade there were a lot of Jews who were rich. There was also help from Skopje, Zagreb, and Israel. What do I know where they got donations from? Rabbi [Sabtaj] Djaen 5 was a very capable person. He went to America and from America he brought presents - money - a lot of money. And he built that gate at the cemetery. I was little when that happened, but I remember it without the gate. There was some dedication ceremony, but I don't remember it. [Editor's note: When Rabbi Djaen came to Bitola the cemetery, which was established a few years after the expulsion from Spain, was in a terrible state. Many of the oldest and most beautiful stones were being taken away and used for building material in the city. Many times the engravings were not even erased from them before they were used in a construction. In order to address the terrible condition of the cemetery Rabbi Djaen erected a strong stone and iron wall with Jewish stars from funds collected from former residents of Bitola living in America. Built into this gate were two rooms, one on each side of the entrance, which were used for ritual rites. Due to the strong construction of the gate, it survived the desecration and destruction that befell many of the religious buildings in Bitola during the Bulgarian occupation of Macedonia. Today, the Jewish community in Skopje has restored the gate and takes care of the cemetery.]

When I was young Jews were mainly traders of second-hand things, tailors, and cobblers. Jews worked in all trades that existed at the time. All the porters in Bitola were Jews. They carried everything. Today, there are no porters because we have means of transportation, but back then if you had a sack of something they would carry it for you.

Growing up

We lived in what was called 'Jevrejska mala' [Jewish district]. It wasn't a ghetto, but all the Jews lived there; there was no mixing between Jews and non-Jews. All of our neighbors were Jews. It wasn't forbidden for Jews to live outside the quarter; it was just like that. The Jewish quarter bordered on the center of town. There were no Ashkenazi Jews in Bitola when I was a kid. The Jews called it Monastir, but it was actually called Bitola. [Editor's note: During the Ottoman period the town was called Monastir, when Macedonia was annexed to Serbia (1913), it was renamed officially as Bitola, the Jews, however, continued calling it by its old name.]

Typical Jewish parts of the city were La Tabane, Il Bustaniku and Los Kortizos [Jewish neighborhoods]. The poorest lived in Los Kortezus. It means yard in Ladino. It was terrible there. One third of the population lived there. The people lived outside in fields. The poorest slept outside in the summer time. During the winter they slept inside. It was tight but they managed. We lived in a middle class section called Il Bustanika. Bustanika is a Ladino expression for a small garden. Another neighborhood was called La Tabane. La Tabane I cannot translate. There were poor people where we lived, as well as in La Tabane, but Los Kortizos was the poorest. Ciflik was another poor neighborhood. The Jewish community built about 15 rooms and one family lived in each room in a yard. This was near Bajir, the northern section of the city. Jews and non-Jews lived in Bajir. So Bajir cannot be considered a Jewish part of the city. Non-Jews didn't refer to these neighborhoods with these names; instead they used the street names: Asadbegova Street, Karadjordjeva. But they did call it Jevrejska mala, the Jewish quarter. One half was poor and one half middle class.

Ten wealthy Jewish families lived in a section called Korzo, outside of the Jewish section. My wife [Dzamila Kolonomos] is from one of these rich families that lived outside. All the rich people lived outside the Jewish quarter, but they came to the quarter. They were Jews but not that religious. My wife's father was the director of a bank. He was a very good man and helped a lot. They lived much better than us.

My family wasn't considered poor. My father had his own store, my brother had his. From my perspective we were middle class.

When I was little the whole city was in 'kalderma' [Turkish word for cobble- stoned streets], except the main street which was modern.

There were four synagogues in Bitola. Before me there were probably more, but in my time there were only four. I assume that when there were more Jews there were more synagogues. [Editor's note: The other large old synagogue in Bitola, El Kal de Portugal, burned down during WWI.]

The big temple in Bitola was called Aragon. It was very beautiful. It wasn't so big because there weren't that many Jews, but it was very beautiful, especially the interior. One third went to Aragon, about 1,000, and the remaining two thirds went to the other temples. Another synagogue was called Havra [El Kal de la Havra Kadisha]. Everyone chose which temple they went to, but once they chose they only went to that one. Those who lived near Aragon went to Aragon. During the occupation Aragon was used as a pigsty [and slaughterhouse]; they fed pigs there. After the war one idiot, whose name I don't remember, demolished all of Jevrejska mala. [Editor's note: Its remnants were dynamited in 1947.]

Havra was a little further away, close to the border with the Christian neighborhoods. I went to Havra. It wasn't that beautiful, but it was OK. This temple was a special building erected to be a temple. The morning prayers were in the lower part of the temple. Everyone had their own seat on flat wooden benches in rows. The rabbi stood on a raised tevah. They read the prayers primarily in Hebrew. The prayer books were also in Hebrew. Everyone sang together. It was still standing until a few years ago. It was used as a warehouse. And since they didn't take care of it, it started to fall apart and then it had to be destroyed. [Editor's note: According to Mark Cohen this synagogue did not survive the war.]

There were other smaller temples, one was called Hamore Levi, but I don't remember the names of the others. [Editor's note: the names of the other synagogues in Bitola up to WWII were: El Kal de haham Jichak Levi (this was a beautiful temple next to the donor's house; El Kal de Shlomo Levi (this was in the donor's house, it did not survive the war); El Kal de Jahiel Levi (in a space dedicated for this purpose); El Kal de Ozer Dalim (in a special building donated by the Aruti family, this one fell to ruins in 1950); a temple for the youth in a school building and a temple in the Los Kurtizos neighborhood. Sources: Zeni Lebl and Mark Cohen]

Noritas was the place where women went in the temple. Women didn't go to the temple together with men. They sat upstairs by themselves. There wasn't a lot of room up there. There wasn't a lot of room because they didn't go that often anyway, but they went for the high holidays, like Yom Kippur. It was totally separate from the temple, but it looked onto the temple. All temples had them.

Big kids went to the temple but little kids did not.

There was no special rabbi for each synagogue; instead there was one rabbi for the whole city. Each synagogue had two or three hakhamim. There was one rabbi for all of Bitola. The first rabbi I remember was Rabbi Djaen. He was a great man. He was a rabbi but he knew a lot of things. He was very tall and handsome. He wore a robe; he also wore modern dress to formal events. He wrote six or seven dramas in Ladino that were performed throughout Yugoslavia, including Sarajevo. [Editor's note: In 1922 he published three plays, 'Jiftah,' 'Deborah' and 'The Daughters of the Sun.' All of his plays were based on biblical themes or about Jewish life. He gave 10 percent of the proceeds of the plays to Keren Kayemet Leisrael. Source: Zeni Lebl] His plays were performed for Purim and Passover, but I don't know what they were about. He organized the building of the Jewish cemetery in Bitola. He collected money in South America for the Jews of Bitola. He gave it to the community and they distributed it to the poor Jews of Bitola. He was religious or at least he looked like he was.

We children were very sad when he left Bitola. When he walked down the street he used to give the children four or five roasted chickpeas from his pockets. When Rabbi Djaen walked down the street his shammash, the servant of the community, that is the temple, would follow 20-30 steps behind. When he saw someone playing marbles he would say, 'Shammash, quickly go over there, so that they don't play anymore, they should go and study.' Rabbi Djaen was very authoritative; we all loved him. He was the chief rabbi in Romania after Bitola. When the Jews of Romania were deported he was caught. But the Italians or Spaniards managed to save him. And afterwards he went to South America. My wife, Dzamila, wrote an article about Djaen, but it wasn't published because someone else wrote one too.

After Rabbi Djaen came Moric Romano's father [Rabbi Avram Romano] 6. He was the opposite of Djaen in all respects. He was very quiet, modest. He didn't yell at people while he was walking down the street. People were not scared of him. Romano was very well-educated and he wasn't religious. He pretended to teach us religious lessons. He did not teach us one thing about religion during these lessons. He never mentioned G-d. When the principal would come to our religion class and ask, 'what are you teaching,' he would say, 'Look, prayers and he would sing some song. Not a prayer.' He came to our last class and said, 'I never mentioned G-d or religion during these classes. Religion is a private thing. It is for you to decide.' He never said it, but he was not a believer. He gave lectures and sermons, but he avoided giving them a religious character. Rabbi Romano's son, Moric Romano, is still alive in Skopje.

It was almost the same shammash for the whole time that Djaen was there. When Djaen left, Romano also had a shammash, but he didn't walk down the streets with him and make a scene. Romano didn't [walk down the streets like that]. He was modest. The shammash's job was to take care of the synagogue. He took care of the things in the synagogue during Sabbath. He made sure all was well in the temple. Then people didn't go to the synagogue only on Saturdays; they went in the mornings and evenings too. The temple was always alive. I don't remember the shammash's name, but I can see his face.

There were two shochetim. You bought living chickens, brought them to the shochet and he slaughtered them. He would look to see if it was kosher. If it wasn't good, he would not slaughter it. The shochet had his place in the city where he slaughtered, but he didn't have a butcher shop.

There was one [kosher] butcher in Bitola near the bazaar. The butcher's first name was Kalev, but I don't remember his last name. He worked there with his three sons. His sons were a little older than me. All the Jews in Bitola that bought meat bought it there. Some people didn't have money to buy meat. More than half the people didn't have [money]. They didn't buy any meat. Only Jews could slaughter the meat; it had to be kosher.

There was this one story that a hakham knew that it was treyf [food], but he ate it anyway. Hakhamim were at the same time hakhamim and shochetim. In Bitola there were about ten hakhamim. There was some school and otherwise I don't know how they were chosen. Rabbi Romano went to school in Sarajevo. They were very highly educated in religious subjects but not in other subjects. There were mohelim among the hakhamim, one was named Ruben and the others I don't remember.

There was no mikveh in Bitola. Sephardim, unlike Ashkenazim, didn't have a mikveh. [Editor's note: Sephardim do use a mikveh and there was one in Bitola.]

There was a Jewish orchestra called Hatikvah in Bitola. Jews were very musical. There was a special choir. It would sing at weddings and make some money.

In our house we had a bag for money for Israel. It was a small bag and underneath it had a small special opening in which we put money for Israel. Then someone would come to empty it. Almost every house that could give something had one of these. Even the poor gave something symbolically. We would fill it up frequently and call someone to come and empty it for us. Keren Kayemet [Leisrael] 7 existed in Bitola and the money went to them. We were all [participants] in Keren Kayemet Leisrael. There was no membership; it was a Jewish fund.

Jews were against politics. You weren't allowed to be involved in politics. That wasn't for Jews. Jews did vote though.

In Bitola there was no anti-Semitism. There were a lot of different nationalities living in Bitola: a lot of Turks, Vlachs 8, Serbs, Macedonians, Greeks, Gypsies and others. It was a mixed population that lived well together. Jews had their section, Gypsies had theirs, Macedonians had theirs, Vlachs and Turks had theirs. There was no such thing as a Jew against a Turk, G-d forbid. We all lived very well together.

Tuesday was market day. All the farmers would come and the squares would be full. There were three or four markets in Bitola. The special market for cattle was near where the Jews lived.

The houses were old. All the houses had two floors - a ground floor and an upper floor. Not one house was more than this. Every single house was like this. It was uniform. Our house had a ground floor and an upper floor. It was a typical house. Look, we came from Spain and the houses were typical Spanish houses. When you entered there was a small garden; there were no big gardens. Everyone had gardens but small ones. We didn't grow anything there; it was just a yard. There were trees and grape vines.

We had water of course, but no electricity. Every house had its own well. We lit the house with gas lamps. There was a gas lamp in each room where we lived, ate. Electricity came to the center of Bitola in 1936 but didn't make it to the periphery, where we lived, until much later, maybe 1939. And some didn't get it even then. [Editor's note: The first electrical power plant was opened in Bitola on 24th December 1924. The plant was owned by a Jew named Todor Aruesti. First the main street was lit and later individual households installed electricity. Source: Zeni Lebl] The bathroom was in the yard. It was simple, outside. We didn't have beds; we slept on the floor on mattresses, which my mother would put away in a special closet each morning.

We had two rooms on the ground floor. One room had chairs and a table. We lived in one of those rooms. My mother and father slept in that room. That was where we ate during the day and then at night we took out the mattresses. The kitchen was outside in the yard. Jews all had their own built-in ovens. They used it with a shovel. My mother made the bread; we didn't buy it.

There were two unused rooms upstairs. One room was full with books, the whole Talmud was in there, and the other room was empty. When my older brother lived with us he lived up there, but when he married he moved out. We spent most of the time downstairs.

We had a basement where we kept all sorts of things. For instance, my father bought cheese, flour, beans and lentils for the whole year and it was all kept in the basement. Meat was also stored there. My mother would take meat and fry it and then pack it up and take it down to the basement. There it hung so that it got air since there were no refrigerators. They sold ice back then, but we didn't buy it. It wasn't necessary. The basement was cold enough.

My maternal grandfather [Avram, surname unknown] wore typical Turkish garbs: a red fez; and he didn't wear pants, he wore a robe that was open- legged. He wore the fez in his shop and at home. He only took it off when he went to bed. He was very religious. He didn't have payes but wore a beard down to the middle of his stomach. No one shaved, neither him nor my father. My grandfather had a two-floor house across the street from us, at Asadbegova 7. We lived at Asadbegova 10. When a child married he left his family's house and went to live with his spouse. Children and parents never lived together. And it was a good thing; they had a lot of children: how would they all live together? If my father had lived with his parents, there would have been 30-40 people together.

My grandfather was very strict. I didn't like him very much; he was too strict. I never got a dinar [Yugoslav currency] from him. He had other grandchildren from his son and he lived with them. He gave everything to those grandchildren. Look, they considered female children to be second place. What the son had was important. He gave everything that he had to his son's children, and nothing to us. And I never asked for anything. But spontaneously he never gave me anything.

My grandfather didn't grow or raise anything in his small garden. He didn't have any household help. His wife did all the housework. My grandfather wasn't involved in politics at all. Politics was forbidden among Jews: 'Politics - no no no!'

I didn't meet my paternal grandfather [Moshe Sadikario], but my father talked about him. He was very religious. On Sabbath they would go to the synagogue in the morning and come back in the afternoon and eat beans. He would go every day, to tikkun and put on tefillin.

I don't remember either of my grandmothers.

Why did my parents have to meet one another? Their parents made a deal and that was it. There was a person who did this [a matchmaker], but I don't remember what that person was called in Ladino. My mother [Vida Sadikario] married when she was twelve years old. The first wife of my father [Josif Sadikario] died during childbirth. There was a tradition: if a woman had a sister, she had to marry the widowed man. [Editor's note: When the interviewee says 'there was a tradition' he might be referring to the levirate marriage tradition based on Levitucus 25: 5-10. However, this commandment only refers to when a man dies without children and his brother must marry the widow. The Talmud Tractate Jevamot 36:13a states that it is forbidden for a man to marry two sisters, even after one sister has died.] Regardless of the fact that she was young, she had to marry my father. The norm was to marry early, but my mother got married earlier than most because her sister had died. Sixteen, seventeen that was the time when people got married. They married in the temple with the special ritual of kiddushin. There was no civil wedding, G-d forbid a civil marriage. By the time she was 13 or 14 she already had two children: Mirjam, her sister's child, and another one [Mois].

My mother was a housewife. She was a very peaceful woman. She had eight children. She worked only at home. All Jewish women were housewives; they didn't do anything else. Not one woman in my mother's generation was employed. They had kids. There was no limit to the number of kids they had, as many as G-d gave them that's how many they had. My mother had eight children, my sister [Sol] had ten until then maybe she would have had more. My brother [Mois] had three until then; he was young and surely would have had more. [The interviewee means that they would have had more children, had they not been killed in the war.]

My mother was a very good housewife. She knew how to cook and make all sorts of things. She never took us anywhere. She knew an unlimited number of stories, sayings and songs. I cannot remember the stories. I remember but I cannot retell them now. She told us these stories when we were young. She would tell them when the grandchildren came. They would sit there with eyes wide open. She didn't just tell the stories, she told them nicely. She told them so vividly, that I even listened to them when I was older. OK, it didn't interest me that much, but the kids listened.

There was something else about Jewish women, and especially with my mother. She didn't know to speak without adding some saying after every second or third sentence. There was no end to the sayings. No matter what she had to say, she found some saying to embellish it. She had an unlimited supply; there was not one special one. She would speak, speak and pop another saying. When she finished her work around the house, she would embroider. She knew how to make a lot of really nice things. She also made fijdejus [Ladino for small macaronis each about 1-2 cm long]. She took dough and then tak tak tak [with his hands Avram motions cutting off a small piece and turning it and dropping it into something.] In one hour she made a huge amount of them. This was eaten with cheese. It was very nice. When they made these, a bunch of my mother's friends would come over and make them with her. They would talk and make fijdejus. You didn't have to think while making these.

Women got together. Women were always together. My mother was a good cook and young women would come to her to learn. They were very appreciative. She knew this from her mother-in-law.

Young women were dressed regularly, like you and me. But older women were dressed much differently. No woman wore pants; that is a new thing. Older women wore a kerchief. And on special occasions they wore the ones trimmed with ducats.

My father wore regular clothes, not Turkish ones. He wore a hat all the time; he only took it off when he slept. My father had a beard and never shaved it. The way it grew; that was it. Since he was religious he didn't shave, according to the Jewish law. He smoked a lot. My father carried a pocket watch. On Sabbath when he couldn't smoke, he was sleepy. I would ask, 'What is the matter?' and he would answer, 'Sabbath, no smoking.' He was smoking one and before he finished, he already had the next one ready. He rolled his own cigarettes. Almost everyone smoked back then. The younger you were the less you smoked. All the old people smoked and rolled the tutun, Turkish for tobacco, themselves. He also snacked on a lot of seeds.

He was a very good man and well-educated in religious matters. While we were little he spent a lot of time with us. He knew the Torah and Talmud very well. Imagine, he read Aramaic and Talmudic books and translated them into Ladino. He had all those Talmudic books. He read and translated. And he translated well. He didn't speak Hebrew, but he could translate it, and well. He knew the Talmud and so did my grandfather. My father went to work and home, nothing else.

He never took us to the park or anywhere. He would take the really little ones, the grandchildren. Not us big kids. We were independent. We were even a little more than independent, a bit naughty. We went far away from home. We went to Pelister [20 km west of Bitola], an especially nice mountain with a very nice forest. You needed two hours to get there and then another three or four hours to get up and six to reach the summit. We would wake up at three in the summer; the sun was just starting to rise. And we would go from three until nine. Eighteen hours we walked. I started this when I was six and onwards. My father cursed at me but I went. It wasn't rude cursing, rather reprimanding.

He never hit me, but he did hit my brother Solomon. He was naughty. He bothered my mother about food, 'Why did you make this?' She cooked so nicely and we were all more than satisfied. And he complained and it bothered my father and he hit him. And Solomon regularly got hit by my eldest brother, Mois, too. Once Mois married and left the house, it fell to me to hit him. When my father got annoyed he would let me hit Solomon. At home I was good. He would get mad because we went on these excursions, because we were in Hashomer Hatzair 9, because we wanted to go to Israel. He was scared that we would go. He scolded me, but not a lot, and he never hit me.

Amongst Jews and others, men carried everything. Women didn't buy anything. Men bought and carried everything home. When they had a lot of things a trunk would come by horse or donkey. All other things from the greenmarket, market, grocery store he bought by himself. My father would do the shopping. He was close to eighty years old and still carrying the groceries. He had his own grocer who sold oil and other groceries.

My parents were not part of any political party. My father worked more with non-Jews than with Jews. He sold leather to Macedonians. If he had worked only with Jews, he wouldn't have survived. The relations were very good among everyone. My father socialized with non-Jews. But it was more socializing in the shop. They came as customers or not as customers. They would come to the store to socialize. They rarely came to the house. Some Turks came to our house and some Macedonians. And in fact my mother didn't socialize with them. She didn't know how to speak anything but Spanish [Ladino]. She knew little Macedonian. A person would laugh [when he heard how she spoke].

We never went on a vacation. We didn't have a weekend house. My wife's parents were rich and they had a place in a village.

I had three sisters and three brothers. Mirjam and Sol married a lot earlier, so I didn't even know them when they were at home. Mirjam's husband, Haim, was a tailor. He had his own shop and he had one for his son too. My sister Sol was a housewife and her husband, Avram, was also a tailor. My sister Rashela suffered from a mental illness and didn't marry. She was at home with us. She died in the camps.

Mois married a little later, so he lived with us some time before he married. He was very well-educated in comparison to my father who knew Ivrit but didn't know these other things. My brother went to a French school, so he was really well-educated. He could read French and Spanish. He got literature from Salonica and he read it. Mois read a Spanish [Ladino] newspaper from Salonica called Lavara. Lavara means 'hyphen' and it was a humorous communist satirical magazine, like Jez 10. He got a lot of other periodicals too. My brother got lots of papers from Greece.

I had one sibling who died young. I don't remember her name; she died before I was born.

Shlomo and Sami lived with me. Shlomo was very messy, not in a negative connotation. He didn't want to eat this or that. He would make a big problem, 'Why did you cook this? Why did you cook that?' We were all calm, especially me. Sami also didn't want to eat, in the same way, but he would always find something else. But Shlomo always had to make a big problem. My brother Mois used to hit him. He would take him once or twice and hit him. After he got married he left Shlomo to me. I used to fight with him, 'Why do you bother her?' My mother tried her best. She cooked the best she could. He made problems not just about food but about other things too. But in school he was an excellent student. And he was an excellent partisan. He was great with others, but he made problems at home.

Sami was a very calm child. I loved him very much. He was a little sick and I took him to Sofia for treatment. Sami and Shlomo were in Hashomer Hatzair too. Shlomo and Sami died while with the partisans. Shlomo died in 1944 near Kumanovo and Sami died on the Srem [a part of Vojvodina] 11 Front.

That brother [Solomon], he was a terror. The little one, Sami, he was the opposite. He was so quiet.

We celebrated all the holidays. For Rosh Hashanah we went to the temple for two days, from morning to afternoon. They read a lot in the temple. And for Yom Kippur it was all day. The hakham used to blow the shofar. The Yom Kippur fast would begin the soon as three stars appeared and we fasted until three stars appeared the next day. [Editor's note: According to the Shulchan Arukh, the fast begins 18 minutes before sunset.] We went to the temple for the whole day. We were there all the livelong day.

We made a sukkah on Sukkot. Not every house made one, because there was a lot of poverty and not everyone had a yard where they could put one. That's why there was one in the temple. We had our own sukkah and in our neighborhood many people made their own. We didn't have a lulav and etrog at home.

We had one chanukkiyah and we sang every night of Chanukkah. I still sing this for Chanukkah. I don't believe, but I do this as a custom: Maoz cur jeshuati leha nae lesabeah tikon bet tefilati Vesham toda ledabeah et ahim matbeah nicar anabeah az egmor beshir mizmor hanukat amizbeah az egmor beshir mizmor hanukat amizbeah. [O God, my saving Stronghold, To praise thee is a delight! Restore my house of prayer, Where I will offer thee thanks; When thou wilt prepare havoc For the hoe who maligns us, I will gratify myself With a song at the altar. Translation from Hebrew by Philip Birnbaum]

My father would save watermelons and other melons for Las Frutas [Tu bi- Shevat]. He would buy special melons in the summer and store them in the basement. We had all the fruit that could be stored on Las Frutas. All of it was put on the table and you could take as much as you wanted. The children got money for this holiday. It was a very nice holiday.

Purim was also a good holiday. We children got money. And we received and gave tavazikas [Editor's note: Sephardic Jews of Macedonia exchanged platikos di Purim] Mother would make something sweet and something salty and we would give it to someone else; this was tavazikas. And we had 'las paletas,' a noise-maker made from three pieces of wood. We drew in the middle and we moved it when they read Haman's name. There were three or four different kinds of them: one that was turned by hand, one that was hit. We played with this at home, not in the synagogue. We would visit people on Purim. For instance, my father went to visit his daughters and son in their homes. It was the custom that the older people go visit the younger people. And the kids would get a little bit of money, a few dinars. A few dinars was a lot. We had a coin which we called 'dvaestoparac' [1/20 of a dinar]. The younger kids got a few of those, one or two dinars at the most. We ate a lot of sweets for Purim. We went to the temple but it was a short service, not comparable to Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur.

The month between Purim and Pesach was called Las Tuendas, which means work. The whole time there was work cleaning the house. G-d forbid how much cleaning. Women and girls had to do the cleaning. And in the end we all went around the house with our father looking for the crumbs [before Passover]. And then we carried them to where they put the trash. Some of the things we made kosher. We took a big pot and put boiling water in it and put the things in and that is koshering. The things that couldn't be boiled we hid in a special house, so that they were far away. You cannot touch chametz on Pesach. We had special dishes for Pesach and when it was over mother collected them and put them away again.

For Pesach we all got new clothes. We waited for this. Maybe during the year we bought things sometimes, but for Pesach one simply had to have new clothes. We had these things made by the tailor. My mother didn't sew pants and such things. She sewed small things. My mother didn't know how to use a sewing machine but my two sisters did. And my sister-in-law knew. They were younger than my mother. We got pants, suits, shoes, shirts, socks. Everything that you see and do not see was new. For Pesach everything had to be new.

My mother made boyos, unleavened bread. It was smaller than bread and very hard. And she made matzot in our house too.

We had seder and would sing in both Hebrew and Ladino. For instance we sang: 'a lamana di ahalu avatana b'ara d'mizraim kol' [This is the bread of affliction which our ancestors ate in Egypt]. I used to know the whole song. And we sang: este el pan de apresion que comieron nuestros padres de tiera en ejipto todo que leaz de menester de trai paskua este ano akizjel ano el vinenen en tiera de israel este ano aki siervo a el ano vinenen entiera de israel izos foros. [This is the bread of affliction which our ancestors ate in Egypt. Let all who are hungry come and eat of it; all in need come and celebrate Passover. This year we observe it here; next year may we be in the Land of Israel. This year we are slaves in exile; next year may we be free men in the Land of Israel. Translation from Hebrew by Rabbi Jonathon Cohen]

and then 'mah nishtanah:'

ma nishtana laila ze mi kol alelot shebe kol alelot ain ano matabilim afelu paam ahat. Vhalajla hazeh shte pamim

[Why is this night different from all other nights? On all other nights we need not dip even once and on this night we dip two times.]

When my father sang everyone who knew joined in with him. And I knew the songs, so I sang too. The women didn't sing. They didn't know. We all sang 'manishtana alajla aze mi kol alelot shebe kol alelot.' Which means: 'This night is different from all other nights because all other nights we have intimate relations only once and this night two times.' [Editors note: This is not an accurate translation of the text in the Haggadah.] And so on and so on.

On Shavuot we read: y fue djuzara del djueses de ambre la tiera. y fue el dia de djuzara los djueses y fue ambre la tiera y aduvo va ronde betlehem jehuda por morar il kampo del moav el imusek y deo su zizos.

This is the history of Jews who were in crisis, and couldn't live where they were anymore, so they went to live in another Jewish country. [In Hebrew it is]:

Vayehi b'mea shfot hashafotim Vayehi raav baaretz Vayeleh ish mi beit lechem yehudah Lagor bsde moav

[Now it came to pass in the days when the judges ruled, that there was a famine in the land. And a certain man of Bethlehem in Yehuda went to sojourn in the country of Mo'av Ruth 1:1]

It is from Megilat Rut [Book of Ruth] and very long. After Sir Hashirim [Song of Songs] this is the most beautiful poem, the most poetic. And David came from Ruth.

On Shavuot we also sang: es razon de ala vara Dios Santo Poderozo Konte moredad de korason y alegria y qozo. En estedia Santo y temirozo.

[Editor's Note: This is an excerpt from the Shavuot Ketubbah that was read in Balkan Sephardic communities during the morning service when the ark was opened. 'One must give thanks and praise the great and mighty G-d with a trembling heart with joy and delight. On this holy and awesome day.' Translation from Ladino by Rabbi Isak Asiel]

For Tisha be-Av we sat on the floor. We went to the temple and then, when we went home, we didn't eat anything the whole day. We didn't sit on chairs, only on the floor. We had some special prayers for this holiday.

Every Friday female beggars would come and we gave them bread. Since my mother had baked bread she gave them some of it. There were only a few beggars and they were all women. In general, even though people were very poor they didn't beg. They got money, help from the Jewish community and what they could earn working.

We went to the temple on Sabbath evening. It didn't last long and then we went home. Saturday we ate fizon di Shabbat, Jewish beans. Father would recite the Kiddush.

On Sabbath one couldn't light the fire, so we had a gypsy woman come and light the furnace, and everything that we needed lit, but especially the furnace because in the winter we needed to have it on. They lit them and we paid them.

La mortaza was the special clothing that was made before a person died [kitel in the Ashkenazi tradition]. Everyone had their own mortaza, women and men. Women sewed them. It wasn't any great clothing, just something to wrap a person in when he dies. We sang special prayers and there was a special book of them just for the dead. Only men went to the cemetery. A woman was never permitted to go to the cemetery. Women cried and sang special prayers at home.

After a funeral we sat at home seven days, lasijeti, which means to sit for seven days [shivah]. For seven days we didn't sit on chairs rather on the floor. We didn't do anything. Our relatives brought us food. I was about 17 when my grandfather died. For seven days the mourners were served. I don't remember that I sat these seven days when my grandfather died.

When I was little we played outside. First we played hide and seek. Then we had a stick and hit things. Then we played soccer. I was the goalie and defender. We had a special Jewish soccer club called Atehija or Nada in Serbian. We played with other clubs, non-Jewish, some were better, others worse. I was in the second team. I was too young to be in the first team. Our team was just Jews.

Atheija was a Jewish club that did a lot of things, amongst them there were sporting activities, a choir, literature, all sorts of things.

There was no kindergarten [Editor's note: Rabbi Djaen established the first Jewish kindergarten in Bitola. Teachers brought in from Palestine taught there. The first teacher was Lea Ben-David, who arrived in 1925.]

There was Lumdei Torah [Editor's note: This school was called Lumdei Torah or Torah Learners, it was established by Yitzhak Alitzfen (1870-1948), the chief rabbi after WWI (1920s-1932). The institution was similar in function to a Talmud Torah but had a strong Zionist focus. Source: Mark Cohen]. In the mornings I went to [elementary] school and in the afternoon to Lumdei Torah. When I was ten, maybe younger, and until I was 12-13, Musa Safan taught me religious lessons at the Lumdei Torah. I went there for four years. This was a special building next to the main temple, Aragon. Here I learned the whole Torah and the history of the Torah. He knew this very well. He had a talent for teaching: he spoke so nicely that we remembered everything he said. He also taught us Hebrew. He didn't know it exceptionally well, but he taught us what he knew.

He was an old man, with a beard. He was about 56-57 and we considered that to be old. I went every day for two hours in the afternoon after school. It wasn't obligatory, not everyone went. Whoever wanted went. He was a perfect man. Like all hakhamim he wore a black robe, down to his feet, and not a fez but a special Jewish cap.

He taught the ten or fifteen of us to be little hakhamim. He took us to the temple where we sang. I sang a little better than the others; they sang, but some didn't have good voices, so they gave me more verses to sing.

There was a state-run elementary school where the Jews went. There was one Jewish elementary school and many others. There were four grades in the elementary school. The elementary school was called 'La skole de la Zudios' which means Jewish school [in Ladino]. All the Jewish kids went there, but the teachers were Macedonians, that is Serbs. All Jewish kids went to this school. There were no non-Jewish students. [Editor's note: The territory of today's Macedonia was attached to Serbia as a consequence of the Balkan Wars (1912-13) and the Slavic-speaking Macedonians, as a pretext, were considered part of the Serbian nation by Belgrade.] Serbian was taught in the school. In elementary school all the subjects were in Serbian. Nothing was in Macedonian. The Macedonian language was forbidden. It was forbidden as a language. It was forbidden to speak it. If a teacher heard someone speaking Macedonian, he would reprimand the person. It was forbidden because it was understood that Macedonians were Serbs and should speak Serbian and not Macedonian, a gypsy language.

[In elementary school] we learned to read, write, draw, and gymnastics. We never experienced any anti-Semitism. Our professors loved us so much; I still remember a few of them: Mr. Nikola and Mr. Hristo. They taught us everything.

All male Jews, and later females too, finished elementary school. Then only a small number went on to secondary school. Only a small percentage of Jewish kids went to gymnasium. One could choose between the gymnasium or the commercial academy. Secondary school was eight years. There was one gymnasium and one commercial academy for all of Bitola.

I went to the gymnasium. There was no Macedonian in secondary school either. It was not just that it wasn't spoken officially; if someone heard it being spoken in the yard, some people were tolerant, others were not. If they heard someone speaking it they would say: 'What are you speaking?' and take the person by the ear and slap, slap, two or three hits, 'You are speaking some foolish language.'

All the professors were sent from Belgrade. They were all sent from Belgrade and they were all Serbs. There were Macedonians, but only those who considered themselves Serbs. Serbianized Macedonians. There were just a few of them.

[In the gymnasium] Professor Popovic taught French. Professor Civovic taught math and physics. There was a woman teacher named Popovic who taught Serbian. Caslav taught geography and geology. My favorite subject was math. Most people hated it because it was hard.

My wife went to the commercial academy. At the commercial academy they learned to be employees in businesses. After this there were no further [educational options]. Those of us who studied at the gymnasium, we could go further, to university.

My brother [Mois] finished the French school and Dzamila [my wife] studied at the French school which was recognized as secondary schooling. There was a French elementary school and to some point a secondary school. If you finished the French secondary school it wasn't recognized as having finished the final exam for secondary school. The French school lasted up until the time of occupation. During the occupation all French things were forbidden. The French bank and school were closed. The school was run by French nuns.

Solomon finished the commercial academy. Sami studied at the gymnasium maybe to the fifth grade and stopped because of the occupation.

We didn't have to wear a uniform, but we did wear a special school cap. On each cap there was a number with the grade you were in. You had to wear this cap so that one knew you were a student. If you didn't wear it, you could be punished.

Girls didn't go to school, they were illiterate. There wasn't one Jew who was illiterate in Hebrew. Everyone knew how to read, absolutely everyone, there wasn't one who didn't know how to read. And the opposite was true for women; there wasn't one who knew how to read. [Editor's note: According to Bitola Jewish community statistics only 19 Jewish girls in Bitola were enrolled in school in 1932. Source: Zeni Lebl] There was no special school for girls. That changed a little bit already in my time.

I had my bar mitzvah when I was 13 and I read the whole parasha [weekly Torah portion]. My bar mitzvah teacher came to my house and taught me to read my portion. We practiced for more than a month. I knew the whole parasha by heart. It was a big honor in the temple and outside. They made cakes and other things. I got some presents and money.

When I was in the second grade of the gymnasium, I had a magazine called Borba 12. This was a magazine that was published in Belgrade until 1922- 23. It was the magazine of the communist party. Borba was an illegal publication from 1922. It was a communist magazine. In 1922 it was legal and then became illegal. It was published even though it was illegal. And a Jewish second-hand shop sold it among other books. I bought it, read it, found it interesting and gave it to someone else. I bought it from a second- hand shop. Petar, the non-Jewish boy who sat next to me in school, wanted to read it. However, he was impatient and he read it during class. The history teacher caught him and gave it to the director. The director called the police. The police didn't arrest us but they kept us there. Petar and I weren't allowed to go home. In the end, I told them where I had bought the book. They asked me, 'Who is that second-hand trader?' and I told them. I also told them that I didn't know what kind of book it was. The man I had bought it from admitted it.

My brother [Mois] learned that this had happened and he took all of my books to his house. If they had caught me with those books I would have had to go to prison. This way he saved the books and me. These were leftist books.

They discussed whether to expel me from school. They decided that if they were to expel me they needed to expel me from all schools in all of Yugoslavia. But there was one mathematics teacher, Prof. Matic, who defended me: 'Listen, if he has to be punished, he should go to prison, but not be expelled from school. But he proved that this was unintentional and that is it.' And that's how he saved me. He was a communist but didn't tell us then. I saw him at a [anti-governmental pro-communist] demonstration in Belgrade in 1938-39 and that's when he told me, 'I am the one who defended you. The communist. I didn't want to tell you.'

Rabbi Avram Romano also defended me. Actually he gave me advice about how to get by. He advised me not to hide the books under another book and not to keep the books at home. He didn't get involved in politics but he was an educated progressive man. He was progressive even though he was a rabbi. He was a [religion] teacher in the school, so he knew about what had happened to me. I don't know if he spoke on my behalf, but I believe that he probably did.

I knew the non-Jewish religious lessons because I read. I bought the New Testament in a book shop in secondary school. It must have been in secondary school because in elementary school there were only Jews. I read it and learned it but didn't believe it. My father didn't read Serbian, so he didn't know what I was reading. During religious classes we Jews would go outside and walk around. But during the winter it was cold [so we stayed inside]. The person sitting next to me was called on and he didn't know the answer. I whispered it into his ear. And the teacher said to me, 'What are you saying.' 'I didn't say anything,' I answered. 'What do you mean you didn't say anything? How do you know these things?' I answered, 'I don't know these things.' I knew Serbian [Orthodox Christian] religious lessons and the New Testament even then. I still know it.

We had religious lessons also in elementary school but more so in secondary school. Lumdei Torah was separate from the official classes in school. Our Jewish religious lessons were also in school. We learned [Jewish] history and Hebrew, but I don't remember anything. We had religious studies in the school which was taught by the hakhamim. My teacher was Hakham Zaharija. He was very religious, backwards.

I first encountered Christmas and Easter when I started school. They were celebrated but we Jews didn't celebrate.

I never had private lessons. Some kids went for music lessons but they didn't send me. Rabbi Romano sent his kids for music lessons. His son knows how to play the piano. We didn't listen to music at home. At the end we did get a gramophone.

When I was a kid my favorite food was 'aropi.' That is a sweet dish made from pumpkin and honey. The pumpkin was cut up and mixed with honey. My mother would make this for me. We always had it at home. I think that only Jews ate this. [My wife] Dzamila doesn't make this. She could. It isn't difficult to make, but she doesn't.

I became a member of Hashomer Hatzair in 1936. [It was first organized in Bitola in 1931.] They organized us. A sheliach came from Israel [then Palestine], Moshe Ashkenazi. [Editor's note: He arrived in Bitola in 1932 from Kibbutz Merchavia. He understood Serbian and remained in Bitola for two years.] He stayed for a year and taught us Hebrew, history and all kinds of other things. Half of the youth in Bitola were members. These were educated people. Hashomer Hatzair first came to Bitola in 1936. One of the founding members of Hashomer Hatzair was Roza Kamhi's brother, Pepo Kamhi. There were others too. It existed before, but it really developed during the year Moshe Ashkenazi came from Kibbutz Merchavia. He was an exceptionally intelligent, educated, cultured person; he knew everything.

There was also Tehelet Lavan 13. This was another organization that was a bit weaker. They accepted everyone - all those who were poor and uneducated and delinquents. Hashomer Hatzair was more elitist.

My parents were not against it as long as we were dreaming, but when we were supposed to go to Israel then they were opposed to it. They didn't want to break up the family. My parents weren't opposed to Zionism. They were Zionists. They were against us going to Israel. They wanted Israel to exist, for a state to be created. But they didn't want us to go [and live there]. They didn't want to lose their children. And also since Hashomer Hatzair was a Jewish atheistic organization they were against it. I was religious until I was 13-14. I always went to the temple and tikkun, prayers early in the morning. I was very religious. And all at once I became an atheist. I was very insolent and I said there was no G-d, and such foolish things. I openly said this. My father got mad. I made him mad. I am sorry for this. And when I was a little older I didn't [talk like that with him]. I wasn't opposed to the fact that he was a believer. I didn't have other conversations with my father about ideology. He didn't have an ideology to talk about.

Hakhsharah was for those who were preparing to go to Israel. Before one went to Israel, one prepared oneself for agricultural work in hakhsharah. I didn't go. I was too little. [The participants] were from all over Yugoslavia and it was in different places. Every year there was a camp, moshav, in Slovenia. Slovenia is a very nice country for camping. It was like a summer camp. It lasted a month. Jews from all over Yugoslavia came there. Only from Yugoslavia, not from other countries. Every year we went, without parents, by train. We went for ten years for two or three weeks each time.

In Hashomer Hatzair no one could have his own personal money. Whatever money you had you had to give to the group fund. Each kvutzah [Hebrew for group] had its own fund and treasurer. Whatever money we got from our parents we had to give to the kvutzah. And then we would all go out together, equally. If we went to the movies, we all went to the movies. If we went for halva 14, we all went for halva. The whole kvutzah together. Niko Pardo was very rich. His father was a saraf, a money changer. He had a lot of money. Everything we gave he would give double. After he gave he still had some for himself. When we caught him with extra money we reprimanded him and he would give even more money. He always had money. He was rich, but he didn't live in the rich section of town. He lived in A la Tabane. He was a student before the war and after the war he went to Israel where he lived in a village as a farmer. When I was in Israel I visited him. He never came back to visit Macedonia.

I stopped keeping kosher in Hashomer Hatzair, when I was 13, 14 or 15. At first my parents didn't know but they suspected it. I felt bad that I defied them, but I kept quiet. But anyway we kept kosher. We didn't go to restaurants and at home everything was kosher. But we didn't especially keep it and when we had the opportunity to eat salami we did. We were all in Hashomer Hatzair and we were all rasha, that is how you say wicked people in Hebrew. It wasn't especially part of the ideology of Hashomer Hatzair, to eat non-kosher. But once you don't keep kosher any more, there is no more kosher. Why keep kosher?

Leon Kamhi, a merchant, was a Zionist from Bitola. He knew French and some other languages, and he knew how to speak in front of people. He was too old for Hashomer Hatzair, but he helped the Zionist cause. His sister, Matilda Kamhi, went to live in Israel, in Kibbutz Shaar Haamakim 15, a long time before the war. She was five or six years older than I am. She had been in Hashomer Hatzair.

My wife Dzamila's father was a Zionist but not as active as Leon Kamhi. Dzamila's father was the president of the French-Serbian bank [Editor's note: As a result of the Serbian and French alliance during WWI there were very warm political and business relations between these countries up to the outset of WWII. The French-Serbian bank was surely a result of these relations. There were branches in several Yugoslav cities.] He was a little younger than my father. He was a perfect person, a good man. However, there was not one person in Bitola, maybe in all of Macedonia, who was more educated than he was. He knew ten languages and everything else. He was an outstanding person. Because he was a banker, many people had professional relations with him. My father did, but I don't know the exact nature of those relations.

A Jew named Kamhi was the first to have a car in Bitola. It was an open-air car [cabriolet]. He was a little wealthier and he bought a car. Everyone in Bitola was amazed, 'what is this strange thing?' This was the first car, and it was bought by a Jew.

I never went to a restaurant with my parents. In the first place they were treyf. There was a kosher restaurant in the Jewish quarter, but I don't remember what it was called. I went a few times to eat there. It was owned by relatives of the former president of Israel, [Isak] Navon. He was from Bitola. [The interviewee is mistaken. Isak Navon, the former president of Israel, was born in Jerusalem.] I don't remember him; he must have left for Israel very early. But some of his relatives owned the restaurant.

There was a Turkish cake shop called Ambi where we would go. They had good halva there. I went there with other kids, not with my parents.

After high school I started to study medicine in Belgrade [see School of Medicine at the University of Belgrade] 16. I had to go to Belgrade because there was nothing in Skopje. In the beginning I ate at the Jewish community's kitchen but then it was too far for me and I ate in the cafeteria at the medical school.

I studied for three years in Belgrade. I escaped from Belgrade two days before the bombing of Belgrade and headed back to Bitola. The Germans had declared war and what was I supposed to do? [see German Occupation of Yugoslavia] 17 At first there was a little bombing, actually a lot. In 1941, when the Germans came, the streets were deserted, some people resisted but they killed them all. Just like that. The Germans were in Bitola a very short time before the Bulgarians came and occupied Bitola [see Bulgarian Occupation of Macedonia in World War II] 18. Older Macedonians greeted them like liberators. They considered Bulgarians to be their own people. [Editor's note: Macedonian and Bulgarian are very similar languages; in Bulgaria Macedonian is often considered as a dialect of Bulgarian.] The young people did not. The majority of the young Macedonians were against this. They were opposed to the occupation.

During the War

At the beginning of the occupation life was not different than before. Whatever you did before you continued to do. But it was different when the Law for the Protection of the Nation 19 was adopted. This was in 1941. At the beginning it wasn't so bad, afterwards it got worse and worse. First of all, it was forbidden for Jews to work. Second, it was forbidden for Jews to live outside the Jewish quarter. They reduced the size of the quarter and made a special quarter where we could live. We had to pay a very high tax. It was terrible. Most were poor to begin with, but those who were not became poor. We could only walk around in the Jewish area, outside of that it was forbidden.

We had to wear stars [see Yellow star in Bulgaria] 20. We had to wear the pins [yellow stars] for Jews which we bought at the Jewish community. They were not expensive. We had to wear them all the time. Since we weren't allowed into certain parts of the city, if we went there we covered them up.

We only had contact with non-Jewish youth. My friends from school were very good, I maintained contact with them. Some of them came to us. They could come to us but we couldn't go to them.

I officially joined the Party in 1941. Before that I was a member of SKOJ 21 starting in 1938. The committee evaluated my activities and recommended that I be a member of the Party. There were no signatures. It was all illegal. They reviewed my activities and recommended me. There were not a lot of members of the Party. A party member was extremely active. In Bitola I would say, among Jews and non-Jews, that there were 30-40 members. All 30-40 of them would never get together. When there were demonstrations yes, but they didn't know who the others were. I didn't know who was a member of the Party. When they first recommended me I refused because I didn't deserve it. But you couldn't just say 'I do not deserve.' They just recommended you. The president of the cell, Done Popandonov, came to me to tell me this.

There was a cell in Bitola; there were cells everywhere. This was the basic [underground] organization. Each cell had about three to four members. We each did what we were directed to: we carried leaflets, we distributed bullets, and we organized demonstrations in the center. Jews didn't participate in the demonstrations because if we had participated, they would have arrested us. Not everyone could become a member of a cell. In addition to being a party member I was in a cell with: Viktor Pardo, Moric Shami, the father of our Shami [Zdravko, the current president of the Jewish community of Skopje]. The president of my cell was a Macedonian named Done Popandonov. There was another member but I don't remember his name. Done Popandonov wasn't famous when he was a member of my cell. However, afterwards, he was arrested and then worked for State Security. He worked there and was very well respected; he knew a lot. It was strange how much he knew. In fact he didn't finish university, but he knew more than professors at university. We were friends until his death. He was also an alpinist. He died three or four years ago.

I was also the founder of one cell that included: Nisim Alba, Marcel Demajo, Kalderon. I was in one cell and then, as a member, I established another cell. I also led some SKOJ cells. These cells each had three to four SKOJ cells under them. Under my direct control there were a hundred or so Jews. Demajo died fighting in Greece in 1942-43. He was caught and killed. And Kalderon lives in Israel, in Kfar Sirkin. And Nisim Alba lived in Belgrade. He died a year ago.

My cells distributed leaflets, organized demonstrations and prepared to join the partisans. All of Hashomer Hatzair was transformed into cells like ours and the ones we created. One kvutzah, a group of ten members, was turned into two, three cells since they had to be smaller. For example, Alba and my three organized all of Tehelet Lavan. All of Tehelet Lavan was organized. Niko Pardo and Shami had Hashomer Hatzair. So that all of Hashomer Hatzair and Tehelet Lavan were organized. And not only that, there were also people who were not members of these groups that were organized.

My father was old and scared. He wasn't against communism; he was against us being communists. My [older] brother wasn't organized, but he was a supporter.

I stole from my father. We took money from him. Because Jews saved, he saved. He saved so that he would have money for bad days. And we stole that money and gave it to the Party. Idiots. I stole, OK? And without my knowing it, my brother also stole. And then my other brother. We all stole, the three of us stole. I didn't know that the others were taking money. My sister's husband, Hajim, said, 'What are you doing? Are you not ashamed that you stole all of your father's savings?' I asked, 'Who stole?' He answered, 'You stole, Sami stole and Shlomo stole. You all stole. You have left him poor.'

When my father learned what we had done, he knew that we didn't take the money for our own personal use. But he was scared that no one should find out. Since I buried it next to the house, I knew where it was. I hadn't taken all of it. I just took one part. After that, the second took another part and then the third a third part. Surely they left something small, but still.

Once they arrested a Jew named Isak Levi: 'You participated in demonstrations.' 'No, I did not.' They didn't believe him and they beat him, beat him and beat him. When he was released, we received a directive not to speak with him for some time to make sure that he hadn't become an agent. Later we heard that he wasn't an agent, and he told us the whole story. 'You participated in demonstrations; you spoke against us Bulgarians.' 'Why do you think I said that?' There was no one calmer than Isak Levi; he wasn't even a member of the Party.

I was a member of the Party in Belgrade as well. There I participated in demonstrations. Oh, how I was beaten there. There was a demonstration against the government on 14th December 1939. All governments were reactionary and unjust. The governments changed but the relations were the same. They were against communism, against freedom, etc. There were a lot of people at the protest. It was a demonstration for communism. There were maybe a thousand students and workers there. They were all for communism. Communism was very widespread. The demonstration went from Slavija to Vuk Karadzic monument. [Editor's note: Slavija Circle is one of the main intersections in Belgrade. This intersection is named after the hotel that Frantisek Nekvasil, a Czech, built in 1885. In the 1970s a new hotel with the same name was erected in the same place. At the intersection of Bulevar Kralja Aleksandra and Ruzveltova stands the Monument to Vuk Karadzic which was erected in 1937 by the Belgrade municipalities for the 150th anniversary of his birth. Vuk is considered the father of the Serbian language.] In the middle the police came and started to beat us and we started to beat the police. We had rocks. We had collected rocks and kept them in our pockets. They hit us and we hit them.

There was another demonstration in Kalemegdan [medieval fortress of Belgrade] in December 1939. I wasn't at that one, but it was bad. When [the protests] were at Slavija or somewhere else in Belgrade, they [the police] couldn't shoot a lot because there were others around who were not participating. The police used rifle butts. They hit us but didn't shoot except for a little bit. But everyone who was at Kalemegdan was opposed to the government and there they shot an awful lot. I wasn't there. I don't know why.

The first time I felt any anti-Semitism was when the Bulgarians occupied Bitola. They spread this [anti-Semitism], but it wasn't accepted by the people. Only a few people accepted it, a very few.

My father worked until 1942; by the end of 1942 he wasn't working. They took his store. He had some money that he lived of. On 11th March 1943 [see Deportation of Jews of Bitola to Skopje] 22 they [Bulgarians] seized the whole city. There was a curfew in the whole city, no one was allowed out, not Serbs, not Jews. And the Jewish quarter was occupied and blocked off by the Bulgarian police. There was specially reinforced police near each house; they collected everyone, took them to the train station, and sent them to Skopje. In Skopje they were sent to the [Monopol] tobacco factory 23 where they lived for three weeks. [Editor's note: Between 22nd and 29th March, three railroad transports took the Macedonian Jews from Monopol to Treblinka. The trip took approximately six days.]

In 1942 I took my brother [Sami] to the hospital in Sofia for treatment. One could travel with special permission, if he was sick or a student. They let me travel as a student even though I was expelled from school. They let me study there, but I went with a special certificate. We went by train. We sat with all the other travelers. There couldn't be a special section for Jews. We could travel to a place where there were Jews. We went to Sofia because in Bitola there were only general hospitals for infectious diseases, illnesses affecting the elderly. He had a nerve condition that couldn't be treated in Bitola. He had nerve attacks and spasms. There was no neurology in Bitola, so we went to Sofia. I was there with him a few weeks. And then he returned.

Since some cells had been discovered I wasn't permitted to go back with him. So I went underground in Sofia. All the members of my cell, Viktor Pardo, Shami, Moric and all the others who remained, went to jail in Bitola and then to Varna [470 kilometers from Sofia], Bulgaria, near the Black Sea. That is how they all remained alive. I remained underground in Sofia and stayed with a Macedonian man named Slave a few months. When my brother got back to Bitola he informed me that no one was looking for me. So, I came out of hiding but didn't go back to Bitola. [She remained in Bulgaria] When the deportation began I went back underground. In 1942 I was underground because my cell had been discovered and in 1943 because of the deportation.

I stayed in Sofia and pretended to study. I didn't study. Instead I did illegal work with a group of Macedonian students, much like I had before. Everything was good until I needed to go underground again. But now where can one go underground? I couldn't go back where I was before because they would look for me there. So, I went to the gynecological clinic. There I passed through a few [medical student] rotations. A [medical] student had to do a 15-day rotation, so I registered for them. I finished my first 15- day rotation and then I called some Macedonians, there were two or three, and I took their rotations. I was in the hospital a month and a half. Then I found a place to be underground with some Jew in Sofia. I lived with them and they hid me. I was with them from March until August. But then the Jews were expelled from Sofia. Thirty thousand Jews were scattered all over the country.

I went with them. What else could I do? I had to go with them even though I was underground. I went with them to the camp in Pleven [174 kilometers northeast of Sofia]. We all went to the camp. And we were there through the summer. And then the Jews were freed from the camp, but we were still underground. We helped in planning the 8th September 1944 attack on the central prison in Pleven. [When I got to the prison] there were other members of the organization like me and other people who were not members of the organization, who had their own prisoners inside, friends or relatives. We broke into the prison, captured the guards and freed everyone inside. A huge number of people entered [the prison] and the guards were not able to hold their positions and they became scared. We disarmed them all and freed the prisoners. No one was killed there because no one shot anyone. There were hundreds and hundreds of prisoners there and we freed them all. They were all important people. The entire Central Committee of the Bulgarian Party, the Central Committee of the Macedonian Party was there. Jews from Bitola were not there; they were in Bitola. There were two people from Kumanovo [38 kilometers northeast of Skopje] that I knew there. I had helped collect money for them and sent it through a mother who had a son in the prison.

They sent their neglected army after us to bring us back. We chanted: 'The people with the army. The people with the army.' And they gave up. That is how we captured some generals. We captured the guards, disarmed them and beat them up. I don't know what happened to them afterwards, if they were killed or not. I carried a gun, but I didn't know how to shoot.

I worked for state security for six or seven months in 1944 in Pleven. My first job was to capture the enemies. They gave us rifles to pretend we would shoot, but we didn't shoot at anyone. When we captured someone we handed them over for a trial. At first I worked as a police officer until they learned that I was a doctor. I had not finished my studies; I was in the fourth year. Then I worked as a doctor. Then I requested to be released to go and finish my studies. I worked three or four months as a police officer and then another three or four months as a doctor. When I wanted to be released from service in state security I asked the president of state security - I don't remember his name - to let me go. I went to them and said, 'First I worked in general as a police officer, and then as a doctor. I didn't finish my studies and now I want to go to Sofia to finish.'

 Post-war

Then I went to Sofia to finish my studies which I did in 1945. I came to Kumanovo, Macedonia, in 1946 after finishing my studies and one part of my residency. In Kumanovo I ran a pediatric medical clinic. At the end of 1946 I came to Skopje.

During this time I did go back to Bitola to see what had happened to our things. But I didn't take anything nor would I have taken anything. I went for the first time to see in 1946. I went by myself. The first thing I saw was that my house had been destroyed. Then I went to see other houses: my sisters' houses, my brothers', my uncle's and grandfather's... Other people lived in those houses. I went into some of them. The people were scared. At [my brother] Sol's they said, 'We are not guilty for everything that happened. Here are the things we collected. We are returning them to you.' I answered, 'No, guys, I just came to see. Be calm. I didn't come to throw you out. You are not guilty. And I don't want to take the things. I just came to see.' I didn't take anything. Nowhere else did they give me anything, but to be honest I didn't ask either. Maybe they would have given me things. I didn't go to take things.

I've known Dzamila since we were children. Dzamila was married after the war, at the end of the war. Her first husband died in a traffic accident. He was driving a motorbike and somehow crashed. I saw her the first time after the war when I went to Bitola. She was there too. The fact that we shared the same fate brought us together. And she lost everything: brothers and sisters. And I lost everything. Everything. Including my two brothers who were killed while with the partisans.

At the time I was in Kumanovo and came back each week. We've been together since 1945. But we were not married until 1946 because the whole year they wouldn't let us. She accepted my offer, but the Party didn't permit it. Kolisevski's 24 wife, Ljiljana Calovska, was a very unpleasant woman. She wanted my wife to marry one of their functionaries and she recommended someone. Dzamila said, 'I don't want to marry that one.' Calovska suggested another one. Dzamila answered, 'I don't want to marry that one. I want to marry this one.' 'But he is not a functionary.' 'So what if he is not a functionary. He has been a member of the Party since 1941. His brothers were killed.' And the whole year she bothered us and we were unable to marry. Then they sent the whole question to the Central Committee in Belgrade. The Central Committee answered: 'What kind of manner is this to not allow her to marry a man who has been a member of the Party and a fighter since 1941. His brothers were fighters. All of them were fighters. She can marry a person who is not a member of the party, whoever she wants, especially this man.'

We married in 1946 in Skopje in a civil marriage. I don't remember the date. We went to the municipality. There were two witnesses. Dzata Kalderon was one witness. He was a friend from Bitola. He moved to Israel and has died by now. There was another witness, but I don't remember who it was. Then we came home, Dzamila served something, then I went to work. As if nothing had happened. After we married we lived in Dzamila's apartment on Ilindenska Street. We were on the lower floor and someone else lived above us.

I was in France for specialization in pediatrics. I was very, very well accepted by Professor Robert Debre 25. He was a famous professor. He was the son of a rabbi. He was a famous professor and when he died, a hospital [in Paris] was named after him. When he learned that I was a Jew, he treated me exceptionally well. I didn't go to his house, only met with him in the hospital. There were three of us from Macedonia, but we were not always together. There were more people from Yugoslavia. I was there for the whole year in 1949-50. After that I went there for pediatric congresses and the day of pediatrics. They had them every year or six months, but I went almost every other year. Either my clinic would finance the trip or the French would; the latter happened more often.

I [also] studied with Jean Bernard 26. He was a hematologist and also a Jew. All were Jews. In French medicine there were a lot of Jews. He wasn't only a member of the [French] Academy of Science but also the president of the Academy. He was accepted as a member for two reasons, not only because of medicine but also because of literature. He wrote poetry and other things. He is the one who accepted me as a member of the [French] Academy, in 1984. When I was accepted into the academy, I gave a lecture at the academy in French entitled, 'Epidemic of Talasemija in Macedonia.' Afterwards they asked me question after question. It was hard for me to answer, not because of a lack of knowledge rather because of the language. These are special questions and a special language is needed to answer them. So, it was hard for me but I answered. I was accepted as a foreign member of the French Academy of Science. There were people from other countries as well. From Yugoslavia there was one more person who was given membership.

After the war we lived normally, like everyone else. [I have two children, Sami and Mira [Dzamila's child from her first marriage who he adopted]. My children were always members of the Jewish community. Mira was eighteen when she was killed. She had just finished secondary school. She was more of a Jew than all of us combined. She was always searching for something: this Jew, that Jew.

I was all over Europe for different congresses. I was in Greece four or five times. I was in Bulgaria a lot of times. In Belgium. In Holland. In Denmark. In Sweden. We had passports and visas. We received exit visas and entrance visas very quickly. When I went abroad, I would buy the kids little presents: shoes, toys.

After the war Dzamila worked in Bitola for the Party Committee. Then she came to Skopje. She was there already in 1945-46 and there she worked for the Central Committee. She was responsible for personnel and later a cultural worker. After that she enrolled in and finished university. And then she went to France where she wrote her doctorate. She was there almost a year. And I was there almost a year during that time. The children were with us. She went first and was there some time without me. I don't know how many months. Then, I got a scholarship and joined her.

First Dzamila lived with her relatives and then we lived in a hotel for six- seven months. Then Dzamila finished her doctorate and defended it. She was a professor at the university. After the [Skopje] earthquake 27, when our daughter, Mira, was killed, she didn't want to work at the university anymore. Then she began to work at the department for protection of mothers and children. This was a special organization for educating children. This was a special organization which existed in all of Yugoslavia. She was the president and received her salary from there. She retired in the '80s.

Dzamila has a doctorate in Judeo-Espanol and she learned a lot about this. She works on this theme a lot, and on Jewish history and on Jewish themes in general. She wrote several books. She wrote two extensive books on anti- Jewish laws, one on sayings, another one and one that was just published.

When we went on vacations we went to Brioni [60 kilometers west of Rijeka] on the northern Adriatic coast. Then we went every year for twenty years to Ohrid. But we have not been in twenty years. In twenty years we have not been on a trip.

During the earthquake Dzamila and I were covered in ruble. The house collapsed. We survived, but we couldn't get out. Mira was in another room where she got stuck and died. After the earthquake we went to Ohrid to tell our son, who was living there, that his sister had died.

We moved into this house in the eighties. After the earthquake and before this house we lived in very nice barracks. We got the barrack from those donated by the Slovenians [to Macedonia]. The municipality gave it to us because our apartment had been destroyed. This house we built ten or fifteen years ago. We bought this plot of land and built the house. The barrack [that we received after the earthquake] is here, my son lives there with my daughter-in-law, and we built the house around it, and the garden.

The Jewish community in Skopje existed before World War II, but the Jews left [and were killed]. In 1945-46 we re-established the Jewish community in Skopje. I was one of the founders. The president was a very good man, also a partisan fighter, named Blajer. He was in favor of us establishing a Jewish community. And we, the remaining three hundred Jews, did it. We came from different places: partisans, refugees, who had been in Albania, etc. In 1948 many of them went to Israel, only about 50-60 remained: those of us who were not allowed to go. [Editor's note: Soon after the creation of the State of Israel, the Yugoslav authorities permitted Jews to emigrate there freely if they so desired. At first, doctors and other professionals were discouraged from leaving, but later they too were allowed to go with their families. Source: Harriet Pass Freidenreich] Doctors, like me, were not permitted to go because there were not enough of us. And then inertia set in and we stayed here, we complained, but we stayed. I regret that I didn't go to Israel. I wanted to.

I was there in 1952. Everyone lived in tents then. I haven't been there since. Now I very much want to go, but I don't have the energy. They lived very difficult lives there, in tents, but they were Jews. I wanted to be amongst them, there. I regret it. Because of Dzamila's position she couldn't ask to go. [She held a political function that precluded her from leaving for Israel.]

One Macedonian Jewish woman, Mirjam Marija Popadic, named Blajer as a supporter of the Informbiro 28. He was sent to the central camp, Goli Otok 29. After he was released, he came back to Skopje but became ill and died. We only found out later that she was the one who had betrayed him. She was a communist, but she was against the Informbiro. That is OK, but why did she have to betray him? We were all anti-Stalinists, but we never betrayed anyone.

The 50-60 of us who remained married and had children, so that today there are about 200 members of the Jewish community. We observed all the holidays in the community. The president led the activities; he did a very nice job. We received help and money. And the government didn't have any problem, on the contrary. It wasn't a problem for those of us who were members of the party to participate in the community, but we could not go to Israel.

When the State of Israel was established this was a big deal for us. There was a gathering in the Jewish community and we celebrated, celebrated and celebrated. We had meetings, sang.

I founded the community because it is different to identify yourself as a Jew for that. I am a Jew. I feel like a Jew. How could I be a Bulgarian, a Macedonian, a Serb; I am not. I am a Jew. It is another thing that I am an atheist; that has nothing to do with it. Because the nation doesn't need to be connected to the religion. And all of my friends are like that too. And some are even Christians. When there is a census I always declare myself to be a Jew.

Sami, my son, is married. They couldn't have children, so they adopted children [Hana and Lea]. The girls live in Tel Aviv. One works in a shop and the other at the airport. The one who works at the airport has a good salary and the other one doesn't do badly. They are in a good financial position. They come to visit rarely. They will come these days but only stay ten days. Before they came more often and stayed longer. As their grandfather it is hard for me that they live there, but they are in love with Israel. I haven't been to visit them but my son has. My daughter-in- law celebrates Easter and Christmas in our house. I sing their Christian songs to joke around with them.

My son is a doctor who finished the medical school in Skopje. He has gone to the Jewish community since he was little. Now he is the president of the Jewish Fund in Skopje. He was the initiator of this action to build the Holocaust museum [in Skopje]. [Editor's note: The Jewish Community of Macedonia is in the process of building a Holocaust Memorial Museum in Skopje.] After the war, I never had a problem being a Jew, but my son did. He had a colleague, a fellow endocrinologist, who was an open Nazi. He said, 'That one needs to be born again to get rid of all the Jews.' My son replied, 'You can't get rid of just the Jews because they are almost gone already. Who are you going to get rid of? You are going to get rid of the Slavs.' But this is an exception. Everyone condemned him. [Because of this incident] my son left endocrinology and became a cardiologist. They didn't have to accept my son in cardiology but they did, even though it isn't his specialty. Endocrinology was his specialty. But, see, for that you need to know a lot about cardiology, it is that kind of specialty.

Before this rabbi came, I was the rabbi. [Editor's note: There is actually no full-time rabbi in Macedonia. There is a cantor who leads the services and a rabbi that comes from Belgrade a few times a year.] They called me the rabbi because no one knew Jewish history as well. For each holiday I would tell something about Jewish history and something for Pesach, Purim, Rosh Hashanah. They called me rabbi and I said that I am an atheist rabbi. I think we need to have a synagogue for those who are religious, let them go. I am an atheist, but in that respect I am not particularly opposed that someone prays.

There was never a service in the community because we were all atheists. [Editor's note: The Bet Yakov synagogue, which was built before WWII, was destroyed during the Skopje earthquake and was not rebuilt.] Now they made a synagogue upstairs. [Editor's note: The Jewish community of Skopje built a small chapel on the second floor of their community building in 2001. This is the first synagogue to exist in Macedonia since the war.] When they built the synagogue in Skopje a few years ago, I thought it a little strange. What do we need a synagogue for? But now it is good that they built it. There are services every Sabbath. And we go for the holidays. I do not believe but... There are religious people amongst us, especially among the foreigners [Editor's note: Because of the political situation in former Yugoslavia, especially in Kosovo, there are many foreigners living, working or passing through Macedonia, some of whom are Jews who come to the synagogue.] When there is a service I go to the prayers. I do not believe, but I go.

When they laid the cornerstone for the museum this was a big thing. [Editor's note: the cornerstone for a Holocaust Museum was laid in September 2005. The museum and accompanying offices and commercial space will be built with funds given by the Macedonian government as restitution from WWII.] It was a significant moment because we want to leave a remembrance. That is one thing. And the other is that this museum is only the fourth of its kind in the world. There is Yad Vashem 30 in Jerusalem, one in New York, one in Berlin and that is it. There are no others. In Skopje there's going to be the fourth. Now there is an initiative to build similar structures in other places. This is a huge thing that we, a small Jewish community with 50 members, can build this kind of thing.

After the war there was a Jewish camp. I didn't go, the younger people went. My son didn't go to those camps. My grandchildren went to the Jewish camp in Hungary [Editor's note: Annual international Jewish youth camp, organized by the JDC (Joint Distribution Committee) and the Lauder Foundation in Szarvas, Eastern Hungary.]. We celebrated all the holidays at home. For Chanukkah we lit the chanukkiyah. I'm not a believer, but I do it out of tradition.

I retired in 1984. At first I went to the clinic everyday, then every second day, every third day and now I go once a week on Fridays. I still go every Friday to the hospital. There I participate in the weekly conference where they present different cases. Then I go to the hematology department to participate in the examination of the patients. Of course I participate in the conference. There are some other retired doctors who come, but I'm the most frequent one.

I also write poetry. I started writing when I was still a school kid. Then I wrote articles not poetry. I wrote poetry for a long time, but I didn't publish my work. It was more for me. I don't know how people found out, but when they did they wanted to publish my works. Especially one very famous poet named [Jovan] Kotevski 31. I published my work under his supervision. Some of my books I published and some were published by others, including the Macedonian-Israeli [Friendship] Society 32. This society was established about ten years ago by [Ivan] Dejanov 33. He was a doctor, a scientist and a great professor. We were friends. I have been a member of the society for ten years already. I have published eight books. [These are: Ni Krik ni Camina (1973); Oci i Kolenja (1974); Zapleno Leto (1975); Pogledi i Svona (1976); Hanilea (1985); Zamolknata Pravdina (1987); Datumi na Pekolot (1996); Onacvelki Prizivi (1995).] And I am still writing. I wrote one collection in Ladino, translated it into Macedonian and then Serbian. I received a prize from the Jewish Community in Belgrade for this. The collection was in honor of 3,000 years of Jerusalem. I wrote it in Spanish [Ladino], but no one in Belgrade knew enough to translate it, so they told me to do it. I translated it into Macedonian but no one knew Macedonian, so I needed to translate it into Serbian.

Every week I go hiking in the mountains. Before I used to go twice a week, Saturdays to the Skopje Crna Gora and Sundays to Vodno. Now I only go once a week with friends to Vodno.

These days I wake up early at around 6-7am, nap at 12 noon and go to bed early, at about 9pm. But I don't go to sleep until 12; I read for three hours every night. Today I am reading poetry and philosophy; right now I am reading Nietzsche 34.

Dzamila and I speak in Macedonian and in Spanish [Ladino]. My children learned Ladino but they have forgotten some of it. When they were little we spoke to them in Ladino but when they began school they started to forget. They speak as if they are foreigners [non-native speakers].

I don't get any money from Claims or any other [restitution] fund. I never asked for it.

The break-up of Yugoslavia was something terrible for us. We still think that not only is it not a holiday but that it is a disaster. I loved the old Yugoslavia more than I love what we have now. I love Macedonia with Yugoslavia. And I think that the break-up of Yugoslavia had consequences.

"Y voy por el mundo por el recuerdo desde amor 
Donde estas corason
O, mi alma perdida esta grande dolor no yo pedia la soportar
Yo queria burar ma, non tengo mandiento la queria lo tanto se fue para nunca tornar mas

Dia de la primavera,
De mis brasos de ya murio de entonse me voy porel mundo
Con el recuerdo desde amor."

[I am going through the world/ Remembering love/ Where are you my heart/ In my lost soul/ There exists a big pain/ And I cannot withstand it/ I would like [unknown word]/ But I do not have the patience /I loved her so much, and she left me/ And she will never return.
One spring day/ In my arms she died/ And from then I have been wandering around the world/ With the memory of her love/ [Translated from Ladino into Serbian by Avi Kozma]

This song is about a woman who died. She was sick and she died in his arms and he was sad the rest of his life, etc. This is a song I learned in my youth. My mother sang, but I didn't learn a lot from her. My sister sang very well and I learned a lot from her. My brother sang but not that well. That is how I learned hundreds of songs.

Glossary:

1 11th March 1943

On this day all of the Jews of Macedonia were rounded up and taken to a temporary camp in the Skopje tobacco factory, Monopol. They remained there for eleven days before the first of three transports transferred them by cattle car to Treblinka in Poland. Almost 98 percent of the Macedonian community was annihilated in this action.

2 Expulsion of the Jews from Spain

The Sephardi population of the Balkans originates from the Jews who were expelled from the Iberian peninsula, as a result of the 'Reconquista' in the late 15th century (Spain 1492, and Portugal 1495). The majority of the Sephardim subsequently settled in the territory of the Ottoman Empire, mainly in maritime cities (Salonika, Istanbul, Smyrna, etc.) and also in the ones situated on significant overland trading routes to Central Europe (Bitola, Skopje, and Sarajevo) and to the Danube (Adrianople, Philipopolis, Sofia, and Vidin).

3 Second Balkan War (1913)

The victorious countries of the First Balkan War (Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia) were unable to settle their territorial claims over the newly acquired Macedonia by peaceful means. Serbia and Greece formed an alliance against Bulgaria and the war began on 29th June 1913 with a Bulgarian attack on Serbian and Greek troops in Macedonia. Bulgaria's northern neighbor, Romania, also joined the allies and Bulgaria was defeated. The Treaty of Bucharest was signed on 10th August 1913. As a result, most of Macedonia was divided up between Greece and Serbia, leaving only a small part to Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia). Romania also acquired the previously Bulgarian region of southern Dobrudzha.

4 Kingdom of Yugoslavia

Upon the collapse of Austria-Hungary in 1918, Serbia had won high praise by the League of Nations members, while Croatia and Slovenia were in danger of losing land to the Italians after siding with the Austrians. In an attempt by European powers to unite all Southern Slavs, Croatia and Slovenia joined the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes on 1st December 1918. The dominate partner in this state, which included Montenegro, Bosnia-Herzegovina and the regions of Vojvodina and Macedonia, was Serbia. In 1929 it adopted the name Yugoslavia. Despite the name change it did not resolve the ethnic division that were already bubbling beneath the surface in the new entity.

5 Rabbi Sabtaj Djaen (1883-1946)

He was born in Bulgaria and served as the chief rabbi of Bitola from 1924-1928. Prior to this post he held rabbinical positions in Sarajevo and Belgrade. He was a strong proponent of Israel and worked hard to encourage emigration to Palestine. During his tenure he also raised money in the Americas on behalf of the poor Jews of Bitola. He also made some revolutionary changes in Bitola's religious life, such as removing the mechitzah [divider] from the Kal Aragon synagogue. After Bitola he was chief Sephardi rabbi in Argentina and later in Romania. He died in Argentina in 1946.

6 Rabbi Avram Romano (1895-1943)

He was born in Sarajevo and arrived in Bitola in 1931. He served as the last chief rabbi of Bitola. He was a supporter of the Zionist cause and used his position to promote this ideology. Part of his mission was to bring the dire condition of Bitola's Jewish community to the attention of other Yugoslav communities in an effort to raise support for this poor community. He was killed in Treblinka.

7 Keren Kayemet Leisrael (K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people. After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the 'blue box'. In Poland the JNF was active in two periods, 1919-1939 and 1945-1950. In preparing its colonization campaign, Keren Kayemet le-Israel collaborated with the Jewish Agency and Keren Hayesod.

8 Vlach

This is a Slavic term used to designate the Latin peoples of South-Eastern Europe: Romanians, Aromanians, Megleno-Romanians and Istro- Romanians. It also acquired a second meaning: 'shepherd,' after the occupation of many Vlachs of Greece and Serbia. Historically, it was used to refer to all Latin people of the Balkans, but nowadays it refers to the Aromanians, Istro-Romanians and Megleno-Romanians. However, in Serbia, the Romanian minority (living especially in Vojvodina, Timok valley), although they are speaking the Daco-Romanian (standard Romanian) dialect, are still referred to as 'Vlachs.' In the Yugoslavian census figures, the Aromanians of Macedonia and the Romanians of Serbia were both classified as 'Vlachs.'

9 Hashomer Hatzair in Yugoslavia

Leftist Zionist youth organization founded in 1909 by members of the Second Aliyah, many of whom were active in revolutionary movements back in the Russian Empire. In the diaspora its main goal was to prepare Jewish youth for the hard pioneering life in Palestine. It was first organized in Yugoslavia in 1930.

10 Jez

A humoristic-satirical periodical established by the Newspaper Society of Belgrade. Its first issue was published in 1935 under the name Osisen Jez. It was published until the beginning of WWII. After the liberation it was published under the name Jez.

11 Vojvodina

Northern part of Serbia with Novi Sad (Ujvidek, Neusatz) as its capital. Ethnically it is the most mixed part of the country with significant Hungarian, Croatian, Romanian, Slovakian population as well as Roma and Ruthenian minorities (and also a large German population before and during World War II, which was expelled after the war). An integral part of Hungary, the area of present day Vojvodina was attached to the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (Yugoslavia after 1929) at the Trianon Peace Conference in 1920. Along with Kosovo it used to be an autonomous province within Serbia between 1974 and 1990, under the Yugoslavian Constitution. 12 Borba: The first issue of this daily appeared on 19th February 1922, but a newspaper under this title had occasionally been printed in Yugoslavia since 1st January 1881. It was turned into a political daily under the government of the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Borba was the only newspaper published in the occupied part of Europe during WWII. 13 Tehelet Lavan in Yugoslavia: Moderately leftist Zionist organization. In Yugoslavia it was founded in Novi Sad (Vojvodina), where it opened its office in 1937. It was also popular in Macedonia. 14 Halva: A sweet confection of Turkish and Middle Eastern origin and largely enjoyed throughout the Balkans. It is made chiefly of ground sesame seeds and honey.

15 Kibbutz Shaar Hamakim

founded on 2nd June 1935 by groups of young pioneers from Hashomer Hatzair in Romania and Yugoslavia. Today the kibbutz, which is situated on the boundary between the Jezreel Valley and the Zebulun Valley, has 310 members. Amongst its many agricultural and business operations it runs Chromagen, Israel's manufacturer of solar energy systems.

16 School of Medicine at the University of Belgrade

The first initiative to start a medical school in Serbia was taken in 1876. The University Act of 1905 created the university and explicitly stated that 'the University consists of five schools,' including the School of Medicine. It was not until 9th December 1920, that the first generation - 286 young men and women - entered the classrooms of the School of Medicine at the University of Belgrade. Since its foundation, more than 30,000 students have graduated from the School of Medicine at the University of Belgrade.

17 German Occupation of Yugoslavia

On March 25, 1941 Yugoslavia signed the Tripartite Pact, allying itself with Hitler. Two days later, however, a bloodless coup d'etat took place in Belgrade, led by a Serbian general, Dusan Simovic, evidently in opposition to the government's pro-Axis policies. As a result, on April 6, German bombers attacked Belgrade, while the Italians struck Dalmatia; shortly after, Hungarian and Bulgarian troops also invaded the country. Within less than two weeks the Yugoslav armed forces surrendered.

18 Bulgarian Occupation of Macedonia in World War II

In April 1941 Bulgaria along with Germany, Italy and Hungary attacked the neighboring Yugoslavia. Beside Yugoslav Macedonia Bulgarian troops also marched into the Northern-Greek Aegean Thrace. Although the territorial gains were initially very popular in Bulgaria, complications soon arose in the occupied territories. The oppressive Bulgarian administration resulted in uprisings in both occupied lands. Jews were persecuted, their property was confiscated and they had to do forced labor. In early 1943 the entire Macedonian Jewish population (mostly located in Bitola, Skopje and Stip) was deported and confined in the Monopol tobacco factory near Skopje. On 22nd March deportations to the Polish death camps began. From these transports only about 100 people returned to Macedonia after the war. Some Macedonian Jews managed to reach Italian-occupied Albania, others joined the Yugoslav partisans and some 150-200 of them were saved by the Spanish government which granted them Spanish citizenship.

19 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the distinctive yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expelled from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In the Bulgarian-occupied Yugoslav (Macedonia) and Greek (Aegean Thrace) territories the Bulgarian army and administration introduced extreme measures. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria proper were halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

20 Yellow star in Bulgaria

According to a governmental decree all Bulgarian Jews were forced to wear distinctive yellow stars after 24th September 1942. Contrary to the German-occupied countries the stars in Bulgaria were made of yellow plastic or textile and were also smaller. Volunteers in previous wars, the war-disabled, orphans and widows of victims of wars, and those awarded the military cross were given the privilege to wear the star in the form of a button. Jews who converted to Christianity and their families were totally exempt. The discriminatory measures and persecutions ended with the cancellation of the Law for the Protection of the Nation on 17th August 1944.

21 SKOJ (Alliance of the Communist Youth Yugoslavia)

The organization was established in Zagreb in 1919 and was closely tied to the Yugoslav Communist Party. During World War II many of its members were imprisoned, others joined Tito's partisans and participated in the anti-fascist resistance.

22 Deportation of Jews of Bitola to Skopje

On 11th March 1943 all the Jews of Macedonia were collected and taken to a temporary collection center in Skopje at the Monopol tobacco factory. This round up and deportation of the Jews from Bitola was executed by Kiril Stoimenov, the inspector of the Commission for Jewish Questions. At two in the morning the city was under a blockade, at five the carefully assembled forces informed the Jewish population to prepare for a trip and at seven they began the deportation to the Monopol tobacco factory in Skopje.

23 Monopol Tobacco Factory

situated on the periphery of Skopje, the Monopol factory was made into a detention center for Jews from Skopje, Stip and Bitola during WWII. Within the complex there were four four-story buildings with a large yard and high fence. Train tracks ran through the factory property. When the Jews were brought to the factory, everything was taken from them and they were not fed at all for the first five days they were there. There was no toilet in the facilities were there were held. They remained there for eleven days before the first of three transports transferred 7,148 Macedonian Jews by cattle car to Treblinka in Poland. Almost 98% of the Macedonian community was annihilated in this action.

24 Kolisevski, Lazar (1914-2000)

born in the small Macedonian town of Sveti Nikole, he finished a military school in Kragujevac, Yugoslavia, and worked as a metal worker before WWII. During this time he began his work for the illegal communist party. He was a member of the communist party since 1935. During WWII he was captured and imprisoned by the Bulgarians and liberated on 9th September 1944. He was president of Macedonia from 1945-53. After this he held several positions in the Yugoslav government.

25 Debre, Robert (1882-1978)

born into a rabbinical family from Alsace. By the time of his death, he was considered by many to be the father of modern pediatric medicine. Already in 1910 he was at the head of the effort to promote BCG vaccines against tuberculosis. Dr. Debre is credited with having introduced the notion of teaching hospitals-thus joining the university and the hospital. In Touraine he transformed an asylum into a full scale pediatric teaching hospital. After his death, the city of Paris named one of its biggest pediatric hospitals, 'Robert Debré, Centre hospitalo-universitaire pour la mère et l'enfant,' after Dr. Debre.

26 Benard, Jean (1907-)

born in Paris on 26th May 1907, he studied medicine at the Pasteur Institute. During WWII he was in the French resistance and imprisoned in the Fresnes German camp. He began his distinguished medical career in 1946 as a staff doctor. He then specialized in oncology and went on to become the Director of the Saint-Louis Hospital. Later he further specialized and became a renowned hematology expert. During his distinguished medical career he received many awards and honorary degrees. He was elected to the French Academy of Science in 1972.

27 Skopje Earthquake

Half of the city of Skopje was destroyed, and over 1,000 people were killed, in a devastating earthquake on 26th July 1963. The city was rebuilt after a great deal of funds was channeled there from the Yugoslav government and people as well as an extraordinary contribution from foreign governments.

28 Informbiro

Information Bureau of the Communist and Worker's Parties (Informbiro) was established in Warsaw in 1947. The organization was headquartered in Belgrade until the dispute with Russia began in 1948 when it moved to Bucharest. In June 1948 Stalin made a resolution accusing the communist party of Yugoslavia, among other things, of not holding true to the values of Marxism-Leninism. The resolution expelled the Communist Party of Yugoslavia from the Communist Information Bureau and thus it fell outside the Soviet control. This period was also marked by dissent within the communist party of Yugoslavia and the subsequent repression and imprisonment of political opponents, notably in Goli Otok. The Informbiro was dissolved in 1956.

29 Goli Otok

lit. 'naked island', situated on the Croatian Adriatic coast between the northeastern coast of the Island Rab and the mainland. The whole island was officially made into a high-security prison in 1949 by the authorities of communist Yugoslavia. It was used to incarcerate political prisoners.

30 Yad Vashem

This museum, founded in 1953 in Jerusalem, honors both Holocaust martyrs and 'the Righteous Among the Nations', non-Jewish rescuers who have been recognized for their 'compassion, courage and morality'.

31 Kotevski, Jovan (1932-2001)

contemporary Macedonian writer and poet. He was born in Prisovjani near the city of Struga. After finishing secondary school he began work as a journalist with 'Nova Makedonija' and was president of the Council of the Struga Poetry Evenings festival. He was a member of the Macedonian Writers Association starting in 1956. He published 25 works including: Pred Zori; Zlodoba; Senki; Zlatni porti; Povtorna Zlodoba. During his career he was the recipient of many awards including: Kocho Racin Award, Aco Shopov Award, Grigor Prlichev Award; Miladinov Brothers' Award and Narci Award.

32 Macedonian-Israeli Friendship Society

This non-governmental and non- political association works to strengthen cooperation with the World and European Jewish Congress, the Macedonian community in Israel, the Jewish community in Macedonia, and other associations. Its activities include projects which promote the language, culture, religion and history of Macedonia and Israel and on strengthening mutual interests such as: economic and political developments between these two countries. Dr. Ivan Dejanov was elected president in 1994.

33 Ivan Dejanov (1932-2001)

Dr. Ivan Dejanov was born on January 6, 1932 in Kjustendil, Bulgaria and died in 2001 in Skopje, Macedonia. He was a medical doctor and was inducted into the Macedonian Academy of Arts and Science in 1997. Dr. Ivan Dejanov was elected president of the Macedonian- Israel Friendship Society in 1994.

32 Nietzsche, Friedrich (1844-1900)

German philosopher and poet. Long misunderstood and even reviled as a result of misuses of his work, most notably by the Nazis, Nietzsche has become one of the most influential philosophers of the late 20th century. Nietzsche is famous, among others, for the theory of the Übermensch, which he developed in Thus Spoke Zarathustra. In 1889 he suffered a mental breakdown from which he never recovered.

Salomea Gemrot

Salomea Gemrot
Wieliczka
Poland
Interviewer: Jolanta Jaworska
Date of interview: February 2005

Salomea Gemrot is 95 years old. She was born near Rzeszow. She survived the war in hiding, using fake documents, moving from one place to another. She describes how, at that time, she managed to save herself in incredible situations. In her speech she often uses words typical for the dialect of the region of Galicia 1, especially when she's describing something of great importance. She does not remember some dates, but there are others she knows by heart, for example the dates of birth of all of her five brothers. She lives in a cozy house in Wieliczka near Cracow with her daughter Ala and four cats - foundlings. Ms. Sabina - that is how she is called by everyone- raised one of them by hand using a syringe with milk.

My family background
Growing up
My school years
My brothers
Our religious life
World War I
Continuing my education
During the war
Moving around
My husband
Post-war
My children
Glossary

My family background

My name is Salomea Gemrot and I was born on 15th November 1909, in the village of Przybyszowka, three kilometers from Rzeszow. Some Jew from Hungary arrived there a long time before I was born, I don't know exactly when. [Galicia, where Przybyszowka is located, was an Austro-Hungarian province prior to 1918.] His name was Strahl. He was the first Jew in that village. He was a very resourceful man. He got married, bought some land which was suitable for a brick factory. This was along a road to Cracow, Tarnow and Rzeszow and further on. [Editor's note: The road led westward to Cracow via Tarnow and eastward to Rzeszow and the Russian border.] On one side of this road he built a house for himself and his wife and a kind of building, where there was an alcohol factory. A distillery. On the other side of the road, he operated a restaurant for travelers and further from the road, on fields, he built a brick factory. And he also had a farm.

But this didn't last long, because there was a fire in this distillery and his wife burned to death there. Burned alive, yes. He didn't have any children, well, perhaps he did, but if he did, they stayed in Hungary. I don't know. Strahl got married again in Przybyszowka and I am his granddaughter. I know he married some woman from Ropczyce [approx. 20km from Rzeszow]. I don't even know her last name, but her first name was Amalia. He was close to 60 by that time and she was just 18, she was an orphan. There used to be a tradition among Jews that the entire remaining family was obliged to take care of an orphan. So they married her quickly to that Hungarian, because he was rich and so on. Well, this marriage is said to have been quite good: they had a nice house, the brick factory was doing well and so was the farm. So this woman, my grandmother, must have been quite content. She managed to have several children, including my mother. Unfortunately, when my mother was some ten years old - I don't remember which child she was, but definitely not the first-born - she also became an orphan, because my grandfather died [Editor's note: She actually became a half-orphan]. A natural death. He must have been old. I don't remember this Grandmother Amalia at all. She must have died when I was a very small child.

I don't know much about my grandfather from my father's side. I know he was born in Kolbuszowa [approx. 30km north of Rzeszow], his last name was Krygier and, I think, he was a religious Jew. But I don't know what his profession was and I don't remember when he died.

After this grandfather died, my grandmother from my father's side lived with us in Przybyszowka and this grandmother practically raised me. I don't remember what her name was. She had lots of patience for me, she taught me these religious issues and she taught me about life. She could read the Bible [Old Testament] without glasses. And she told me different stories from the Bible, because this was an illustrated Bible. A really large book, thick. I remember how she showed me pictures from the times of the pharaohs and introduced me to all these stories. First she would tell me how it was written in the Bible and then she would explain in a way which would make me understand. I remember that the wife of some pharaoh was called Potiphara and was fat, so each time I saw a fat woman I would say that she was Potiphara. [Editor's note: It was the wife of Potiphar (head of the Pharaoh's guard) that tried to seduce Joseph according to the Book of Exodus. In Polish the final 'a' ending marks the feminin version of a male proper name, hence Potiphara.] But this was all before I started going to school. When there were prayers, Grandmother would take me there and hold my hand. And she forced me to listen well and explained what it was all about, what the significance of each prayer was. Grandmother really minded me well: 'Did you say your morning prayer?' she used to ask me. 'Oh, Grandma, I don't have time for this, you know I have to do something else'. She would say, 'Well, you better have time tomorrow!' And after Grandmother died, Mother would do the same.

Father had three brothers. One of them was in Cracow, one in Gorlice [a city approx. 100km southwest of Rzeszow] and one in Glogow [Glogow Malopolski, a small town approx. 10km from Rzeszow]. The brother in Cracow was called Majer Krygier. He had a wife and two daughters, Renia and Edzia. He was the manager of a home for elderly Jews, on 57 Krakowska Street. This facility was located in a large, freestanding tenement house. There was a beautiful garden there, very well kept, everything was first class. America, Austria maintained this, they sent money from all parts of the world, yes. I recall that I used to go there quite often. I remember this was next to the Vistula River, the last house. This house was one of the first ones destroyed by the Germans. And this uncle buried my Grandmother, the one who raised me, there, because when she fell ill, she wanted to go there. She wanted to die at his house.

The brother in Gorlice was the oldest one, his name was Samuel [Krygier] and he had a very nice family - intelligent, educated people. Samuel's son was an attorney, his name was Dawid Krygier, he studied in Cracow when there was this numerus clausus [see Anti-Jewish Legislation in Poland] 2, but he managed to get accepted. He was handsome, these professors liked him. The daughters, Helena and Maria, were teachers. Both of them graduated from the teachers' training college, because it wasn't as hard for Jews in Gorlice. They accepted everyone at that college and at the gymnasium [secondary school] as well. They even had this tolerant priest, for whom it didn't matter. Not like in Rzeszow. In Rzeszow it was different, not as good.

Father's brother from Glogow was called Zelman, or maybe Zalmen, I don't remember exactly. He was the only one who wore a beard and sidelocks; he was also the poorest one. He had a wife and a child, a son. He used to visit us, because Glogow was nearby and Father used to give him money. Well, I guess he simply wasn't very resourceful.

My mother had a brother and two sisters. Jozef Strahl was the oldest of Mother's siblings and he lived in Tarnow. He was married to some woman from Jaroslaw, from a family that dealt only with music. I don't know exactly, but I think they used to teach music and play instruments for money. And this brother had two sons and two daughters and all these children were gifted in music. Jozef died before the war, there was some kind of accident at work, in the brick factory. His son, Zygmunt, was a virtuoso - a violinist. The second son became a dentist in America. The older daughter, whose name is like mine - Sabina [the interviewee uses the first name Sabina, not Salomea] - saved herself because she had a thoughtful mother. Her mother married her off quickly to a widower from Holland, before all this confusion came about, and they left for America. I haven't had any news from her for several years now. She's probably dead, because, after all, how could she still be alive? She was a year older than me...

Mother's sister Maria was the most beautiful girl in the area. And she was talented artistically, she could draw. But she died very young, because she was sick, psychologically exhausted by her unhappy marriage. I don't remember anything more, because this wasn't discussed at our house. Father took her to Vienna to a clinic, for treatment, she died there at that clinic and she is buried somewhere there. I think this was shortly after my parents got married. I don't know what this Maria was like, but I know that she used to collect things which are of high value today: different appliances, objects, hunting trophies.

Mother's second sister, Berta, got married in Rzeszow, which was in Austria at that time, wasn't it? [Editor's note: Rzeszow was part of Galicia at the time.] So there was this Sternszus family in Rzeszow, a very respectable family, elegant, assimilated - of course Germanized. And one of those Sternuszuses married Berta out of great love. They later changed their name to Star. They settled in Germany, in Cologne on the River Rhein, and they opened a business there, just like the one they had in Rzeszow, that is they purchased dairy products from farmers in the area. They were quite successful. Berta had three sons. I remember one of them was named Erich. She also had a daughter called Roza. And this daughter, Roza Star, who was a pianist and a soprano, was employed at the theater in Cologne and she was a soloist there. She was very popular, but she didn't get married. There was a concentration camp near Lodz [Chelmno on the River Ner, an extermination camp, operated from November 1941 until April 1943. Since 1942 Jews from Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia were also murdered there]. They deported them all there and Roza died there with her theater troupe.

My mother's name was Hanna. Hanna Strahl. I don't know what year she was born in, but I know she got married in 1900, so she must have been about 20, maybe 22 years old, because that's when girls used to get married then. Mother was a very cheerful person. She was also considered very pretty. She didn't have a Jewish appearance. She didn't use to wear a wig. She was tall, had dark eyes. She had very beautiful hair. Beautiful, how should I call it, it wasn't black and it wasn't blonde, but well - oh, you can say it was brown.

And Mother settled here, in her father's estate, in Przybyszowka. After her father died, she helped her mother keep house and she kept in touch with the family. I don't remember this grandmother; she died when I was little. They had several hectares of land. Quite a lot. This used to be measured in morgens, there were more than a dozen of these morgens [a unit of land used in agriculture, 1 morgen=0.55 hectares]. The brick factory was also part of that estate and Mother helped her mother to sell these bricks. Half of Rzeszow is made of these bricks. Mother used to show me houses and say, 'This is made of our bricks and this as well...' This brick factory was called Strahl, after Grandfather's last name.

My father's name was Eisig Krygier. He was born near Kolbuszowa, in the village of Werynia. It was a village very close to the town. I don't know exactly when he was born. He was some 26 years old when he got married to my mother in 1900. He was, of course, handsome and well, a cosmopolitan man. When he was 13 years old a childless woman friend of his parents took him to England and he spent more than ten years there. This friend educated him; he graduated from some kind of secondary school, I don't know what kind exactly, but he was later an accountant. He also learned to speak English perfectly.

The Boer-English war broke out. [Anglo-Boer War, 1899-1902] I don't know exactly when this was, but I know this was a historical event. It took place in [South] Africa. And Father had two choices then: he could either join the military as a soldier, or, because he was an accountant, have some administrative position in the army. And he got in as an accountant. And somewhere there, it was Kaapstad [Cape Town], Johannesburg - I don't remember, I just somehow recall these names. So he survived that war in some gold mine. He caught the yellow fever there. It was a very dangerous illness and they had no possibilities of treating it there, so they suggested to him that he should come here. It was Austria here at that time. And they told him he could get cured here.

So he came and they cured him. He still had parents here, siblings. Those people in England wanted him to go back there, but, unfortunately, he saw my mother, fell in love and stayed. Nothing could stop him. They told Mother that she would have to go to England with him, but she didn't want to go, which she later regretted all her life. She would have gone there and settled if she hadn't been so fond of her family. My parents met at some distant relatives' house in Rzeszow. By accident. Father visited this family after he arrived from England and Mother would sometimes visit them as well. As it later turned out, Father and Mother were very distantly related. And he fell in love at once. It was a marriage without matchmakers, absolutely.

Growing up

My parents had seven of us. Me and my five brothers, and then my sister Amalia - she was named after Grandmother - was born when I was already 14 years old. We were all born in Przybyszowka and that's where I went to school, but my parents later moved to another village, near Przybyszowka, called Staroniwa. It was some three kilometers from Rzeszow.

My Father was very secular, assimilated; it couldn't have been otherwise, because he had spent so many years abroad. He was always well-dressed; he used to have a very short beard, but no sidelocks or anything of the kind. He was very tolerant and so was Mother. He made sure we were tolerant as well. I remember how Polish neighbors used to celebrate Christmas - they had their ways. There was this tradition that they gathered in orchards after Christmas Eve and put some straw around these trees [this was supposed to assure a good harvest] and they performed some rituals there. We went there and laughed. Father scolded us, 'You can't do such things! I don't ever want you to do it again! It's their tradition, it's their business! Would you be pleased if your traditions were laughed at?' - That's what he told us. So no jokes about someone's religion were allowed at our house. You just couldn't do it!

Mother was also tolerant. I remember how she told me about how she used to go to Germany, to her sister in Cologne, to recover after some illness. She was thrilled with how the Germans got along with Jews. She said these parties which Aunt Berta threw for New Year's and other German national holidays were simply delightful. So much that for New Year's my mother received a twig of blooming lilacs from her German friends. And Mother used to tell me this at the beginning of this century, that is this century which has now ended. It could have been.... Well, before World War I. Yes. So Mother used to tell me how Jews were respected there, how they were considered to be civilized people. She was delighted with this and when they were walking her to the station, when she was going back home, they were trying to convince her to sell everything here and to emigrate. It's unbelievable how that happened later, where did it come from? [The interviewee is referring to the Holocaust.]

Father was a certified translator - of English, I think. In addition, there was also this jury in the court, the members of the jury had some influence on the verdicts. And he was there. As someone who knew languages perfectly, he was a very respected and well known man in Rzeszow. In addition to English, he also knew literary German perfectly. I remember how certain people visited us sometimes and he spoke German with them. Father was also very well-read. He brought an entire library with him from England. He had the Pentateuch, with a leather cover, and he studied it whenever he had time. It was a thick volume, with Father's signature in golden letters, very beautiful. He also had all of Shakespeare's works, but as a child I wasn't interested in this. I had heard something about Shakespeare at school, but there was only 'Macbeth' in the school library and Father had his complete works - also with beautiful covers, not leather but blue cloth. He also had books by the German classics in his library, in German.

Father used to read a lot of Polish political papers, mostly about current events. He was interested in what was happening at that time. He wasn't a member of any political party, but he was interested in politics, these international wars... I remember discussions about the Russo-Japanese War [war over control of the Far East waged between Russia and Japan in 1904- 1905, ended with the victory of Japan, which became one of the great world powers]. I remember that. And I also remember how Father and some of his acquaintances discussed the two leaders of that war. One of them was called Kamin Mura [Kamimura, Hikonojo (1849-1916): Japanese naval officer, in the Russo-Japanese War commander-in-chief of the Second Fleet, defeated the Vladivostok Fleet. In 1907, he received the title of 'danshaku' (baron) for his distinguished military achievements. In 1910, he was promoted to admiral.], and the second was Hiro Kataoha [Kataoka, Shichiro (1853-1920): Commander-in-chief of the Third Fleet. During the Russo-Japanese War at the Battle of Tsushima his fleet made a pincer attack on the Russian Baltic Fleet along with the main fleet led by Heihachiro Togo. After the war, he was made a 'danshaku' (baron) and promoted to commander-in-chief of the First Fleet. In 1910 he became an admiral.]. I remember this, because I heard how they, those adults, were discussing it and I really liked this story.

My parents had a large farm: land, three cows, two horses. There was a servant, but she mostly helped out on the farm, she took care of cows and chickens. I don't remember what her name was, she was middle-aged. Mother cooked by herself. Her cooking was kosher, completely kosher, because Mother was very religious. We followed all Jewish traditions. At home parents spoke Yiddish among themselves. And the children understood, of course. My brothers spoke this language perfectly and, of course, they also spoke Polish, because Mother made sure that we wouldn't be alienated from the place where we lived.

My parents weren't considering going to Palestine. Father thought he was too old to reorganize the life of the family. He wasn't young when this exodus started [see Hahalutz] 3. I remember all kinds of anti-Semitic outbursts happened and I remember they touched me deeply. I don't remember them very well, but I do recall them as something very evil, sad. I always thought we should have left, in order not to be so alienated.

I didn't have any sisters, that is I had one, but she was not born until I was 14 years old. Her name was Amalia, but we called her Malinka. And I had five brothers. One girl and five brothers. I was the smallest [shortest] of all the siblings. I was like Grandmother, Father's mother. My brothers took after Mother's family, they were all tall. And I was the smallest one. They used to pick on me because of that at home. But parents would say, 'Leave her alone, she will have a mind larger than yours, she will be wiser.' But they still pestered me and if there was nothing more they could do, they would sit at the table, one would bend his leg at the knee and put his cap on the knee, to show me how small I was. Of course, I knew what they were up to.

Just like Mother, I also didn't have Jewish looks. I remember how Father used to send me to the kahal [Jewish community] and I saw that there was some gathering there, some Jews talking, so I came and waited patiently for my turn until some Jew spoke up, 'What does this young shikse want here?' At home and at school I was always called Sabina, not Salomea. My brothers also used Polonized names, I don't know why, whether it was because someone advised them to do it, or because it was such a time that they wanted to assimilate at all cost and didn't want to be second-rate citizens anymore.

My school years

My parents sent me to school early - when I was six years old - because they didn't know what to do with me. I started school still in Austria. I went to Polish schools [Autonomy of Galicia] 4. When I was in the second grade there was still no World War I. [Editor's note: In 1916, when she was in the second grade World War I had already commenced.] So in the second grade we were already learning German. All children had to learn it; there were two hours of German until the fourth grade, sometimes even more. And although there were no repressions, nothing, they still learned it. [Children in the Polish school learned German willingly.] We used to say the prayer in the morning, everyone would say: 'God, protect our emperor and our country'. [Editor's note: A reference to the National Anthem of Austria-Hungary (Die Kaiserhymne), sung in all schools of the Empire. The interviewee is quoting the first line: 'Gott erhalte, Gott beschütze Unsern Kaiser, unser Land!', which translates into English as 'God, support, God, save our emperor and our country'.]

There in Rzeszow, under Austria, Polish scouting 5 was very well developed. The Austrians didn't oppose this very much, not at all. And I remember that when I was a little girl, on May 3rd [Constitution] 6 and other [Polish] national holidays schools organized manifestations on the market square and many people marched through the city. It's difficult to understand, but this was still under the emperor. There was a monument of Kosciuszko 7, it still is there, and everyone gathered in front of that monument to sing patriotic songs: 'Patrz Kosciuszko na nas z nieba, jak my wrogow bedziem gromic, I twojego miecza nam potrzeba by ojczyzne oswobodzic.' [Kosciuszko, look at us from the sky when we slay our enemies. We need your sword to free our homeland - an innacurate quotation of a patriotic song from the period of the November Uprising of 1830, lyrics by Romuald Suchodolski].

Mother was very concerned about us not being persecuted for our ethnicity. Because there was a time, at school and everywhere else, where children were discriminated whenever someone heard a Jewish accent. So I went to a school in Rzeszow, where Jewish children were separated in a class. We had our own desks. We also had separate religion classes. Father was, of course, a very educated person and he couldn't stand it. And Father wanted to transfer me from that school, the school where [Jewish] children were treated differently, worse. He wanted to transfer me, to enroll me in a school were there was no segregation.

So when I was in the fifth or sixth grade, Father took me from that school and transferred me to a different one, Saint Jadwiga's school, where there were no Jewish children. They took care of me there, it was good there, the priest took care of me. When I went there for the first time I was completely alienated. I didn't know anyone. Once, I was standing in the hallway, because they - in these Catholic schools - excused people of different faiths from religious classes. So I was standing in the hallway, because from this previous school I knew that I had to leave and wait. A priest, a very young one, I remember his name was Jozef Cieslik, approached me and asked why I was standing there. I told him why and he replied, 'You won't learn much standing here, come with me.' He took my hand and led me inside the classroom. He said, 'There'll come a time when you might find this useful.' He said these prophetic words to me... And since that time I attended religious classes; I wasn't very interested in that and I didn't get a grade.

This priest had a large library and used to lend books for the holidays to students who wanted to read something. And he also invited me to that library, of course. I looked around at all these shelves and saw 'Quo Vadis' [Written by Polish novelist and Nobel Prize winner Henryk Sienkiewicz (1846-1916), published in 1895; an account of the prosecution of the early Christians in the times of Nero] and he said, 'I can't lend you this, your father must give you permission first.' He was so careful. And Father said, 'Go, don't bother me with this, you can read whatever you want to, because you're not stupid.' I remember how this teacher would always tell me, 'It's important for you to survive, to educate yourself, so you won't be a koltun.' [In Polish 'koltun' literally means 'tangled hair,' but the word is used to describe someone who is backwards, not educated.]

Because I was the only one [only Jew] in this new school, I was supposed to take religious classes in a different girls' gymnasium, but it was impossible to fit that into my schedule. So my parents enrolled me in a private Hebrew school, where I studied Hebrew for two hours a week. I remember that this school was in Rzeszow, but I don't remember the name. I also don't remember if Father had to pay for these lessons. There was a teacher at that school, a charming man, he later immigrated to America. His name was Davidson. [Meshulam Davidson, Communist and Zionist activist. He escaped from Russia to Galicia and worked as a Hebrew teacher in Rzeszow. In 1924 he immigrated to Palestine.] And this teacher really liked me. My name was Salomea and this bothered him. He would say: 'What kind of a Salomea are you? You'll be a Shoshana [Hebrew name, meaning rose], because you're a rose for me.' That's what he used to say to me. He was more cordial to me than to other students. I think this Davidson was a friend of my father's and he talked Father into sending me for Hebrew classes there. I studied there and did quite well. This Davidson was later a famous man in America, an activist, scientist; I read about him.

My parents didn't worry about me too much. There were horses, but when the horses were busy somewhere, I had to walk to this school, some three kilometers, it was quite hilly there, you had to climb three hills. I used to walk to this first, Polish school with my friends from the village. And I walked back with them, too. And later, when I started taking these Hebrew classes, I had to come back alone. Snowstorms, cold, wind, I walked from one telegraph post to another: I would grab the post and rest. And that's how I got home. Nobody was interested, although I was an only child [Editor's note: only daughter]. No, that's how Mother raised me. She used to say, 'I have seven of you, I can't make any exceptions.'

My brothers

Zygmunt was the oldest brother, he was a jeweler by trade, but he studied bookkeeping for some time. He was born in 1902. He served in the Polish army. There, in the army, he made a lot of fuss and quarreled, because he was that kind of guy. He was strong and he thought that, as a Jew, he was no worse than others and if someone offended him, he'd react. There was no way to stop him. That's what his character was like.

Rzeszow was a predominantly Jewish town. I remember how once, when Zygmunt was on leave from the army, just before the Christmas holidays, he went to the market, where the Jews were laying out fish for sale. And there were some hooligans there who were throwing all those things on the ground. And my brother beat them up. Yes, then the same thing happened again. In Jaroslaw [approx. 70km from Rzeszow] where his unit was stationed, he was attacked by some hooligans, who wanted to beat him up. Jew and Jew. They called him a Jew and he says, 'Kiss his ass before another one comes.' They chased him to some alley near the church. And they made a horrible thing happen, because he was strong and he really hurt those hooligans. There were three of them and he was put on trial for inflicting serious injury. This Zygmunt! He had a court case and he was in the army fortress. I don't remember how long. It cost Father a lot of money, but he finally got him out of it. He hired an attorney, one of the most famous ones, and he got him out of this mess.

After Zygmunt, my parents had Abraham, whom they called Romek [affectionate for Roman]. In 1904. He was very handsome, with artistic talents. He had a very good voice and everything. He organized theater performances, wrote scripts for himself and those kinds of things. I remember that when I was a little girl he would organize plays in our barn. As a young man he left for Argentina, because he had had enough of life like here, outside of society. And as soon as they were recruiting, he was the first one to apply, because he said he didn't want to live here, in these conditions. Yes. That was the recruitment of some international Jewish organization [probably HIAS] 8. There was no recruitment to Palestine then, because those hakhsharas, only started then these preparations for emigration. So he left [in the late 1920s]. And this Romek somehow disappeared in Argentina. Disappeared in unexplained circumstances. They looked for him, but they couldn't find him.

The third brother was born in 1907 and this was Maks. His name was Majlech, but they called him Maks, and he dealt with farming. He managed our entire farm perfectly. There was an agricultural school near our farm and he had some friends there. It wasn't a Jewish school, but a Polish one, famous in all of Malopolska [historical region of Poland, consisting of the southern part of the country with Cracow as its capital], in Milocin near Rzeszow. It was located in a forest, the school was very beautiful. And Maks had contacts there and that was where he got information from. His left eye was sick - you can even see it a bit in the photograph I have and a famous surgeon from Vienna operated on the eye. I think the surgeon's name was Michorowski, or something like that. And it was a huge family tragedy, because this surgeon cut his pupil. Nobody knew why. And Maks couldn't see in that eye. He was the only one who managed to get married before the war. He had two small children [sons], but I don't remember their names. I don't remember his wife's name either.

Mojzesz was the brother I was closest to. Everyone called him Monek. At school he was known as Maurycy. There was only a small gap [age difference] between him and me. He was born in 1911, so I was only two years older. We both liked each other very much, yes we did. I remember that when we were children they would say that we held on to each other as if we were blind. Because we used to hold hands constantly. Yes, Moniuszek was very good. We used to plan everything together, do it together. He went to school, he helped me, I helped him, we were... exceptional siblings. And he also had these artistic talents, he was this intellectual; he later worked in a printing shop.

The fifth brother, Salomon, was seven years younger than I. I remember that when Salek was still very small, he used to walk around the village and there was this Jew there who raised goats, that's what he did for a living. Everyone in the village called him Kozubol [nickname derived from the Polish word for goat - 'koza']. So Salek used to go there, to that Jew, to see how the goats were doing and so on. And he used to address this Jew, 'You Kozubol' and the Jew would reply, 'You, listen, that's not my name.' Before the war Salek studied type-setting, but he later became allergic to this grease and he started working in trade, in a Jewish store. He was the manager of some warehouse, like those Jews used to have in those days, warehouses with textile materials.

Our religious life

At first we used to go for prayers to a synagogue in Rzeszow. There were two synagogues there. The one we attended was beautiful, very tall and old with these colored windows - it was said that it was some 800 years old then. [The New Town Synagogue, on 1 Maja Street, called the Great Synagogue was built in the late 17th century. During WWII the Germans turned it into a stable and, in 1944, burned it down completely. It was rebuilt in the period 1954-1963. It currently houses the Culture House - Artistic Exhibitions Office.] I remember how they set fire to this beautiful synagogue. Monek had this girlfriend, Giza, who later visited us with her father and he complained that his neighbors, Poles, came to him then and said, 'Look, Jew, they're burning down your temple.' And Giza's father, he was a witty man, told them, 'Why should I bother, it's God's house, so he should care for it, not me.' This was already during the war, those times had begun.

With time, ten Jewish families settled in Przybyszowka and all of them, instead of going to the synagogue in Rzeszow, started gathering at our house for holidays. These prayers were organized at our place. There was, of course a Torah and at first they paid someone [to lead the prayers], but later Father took over, because he had a very good voice and he knew the order of everything. The house was big - there were perhaps four rooms? One after the other, so people could easily gather there. Of course, the servant would clean up later, because many people used to come for the prayers. These people were very well-behaved, extremely polite, of course. They always thanked my parents for organizing the possibility.

I remember that Mother made sure we took part in the services. Well, the boys took part in the celebrations, because they were in the kohanim religious group - the family of the priests, this privileged group dating back to the oldest biblical times. So when there were prayer meetings, they would separate from the crowd during a special blessing. [Kohanite blessing, hands with the thumbs and index finger joined and on both hands middle and ring fingers are spread.] And it was said that they were blessing the people [The Torah contains a commandment stating that kohanim shall bless the people]. They weren't allowed to marry a widow or a divorcee. They couldn't take part in funerals, they couldn't go to the cemetery, they were not allowed to touch cemetery soil. The boys had a tutor, who used to come to our house. He taught them the biblical books, the prayers, the liturgy, everything. He taught them verses from the original of the Torah and later translated the verses with them. And they had to learn to read, translate and they had to know these things well.

Everything was very strict on Sabbath. Mother used to light candles. Everything was cooked a day earlier. The servant [shabesgoy] would heat the chulent. I remember Yom Kippur prayers. I remember that very well. Everyone fasted. I remember when I was 20 years old I came down with appendicitis, just before the holidays and I had to have surgery. They brought me home just before Yom Kippur and Father went to the rabbi. He asked about what they should do with me, whether I had to fast. Father, this progressive man. And the answer was that they should buy me some grapes and I was to eat one grape every five minutes. The boys went off laughing that I had to do this. But Father bought me these grapes and put them next to my bed, so I could eat them. Well, this means he must have been a religious man, because he couldn't have a guilty conscience. I don't know what rabbi that was who prescribed that diet for me. I remember that different rabbis visited Father and I think they must have been quite progressive people.

The other Jewish families from our village were not assimilated, only if it was necessary. They all had many children. Well, they were fully Jewish, but they weren't as tolerant. They mostly spoke Yiddish and didn't know Polish very well. Their children went to school to learn to read and write. But I don't remember if they were persecuted. One Jew there raised goats and that's how he earned a living. Another one was a tailor, another a shoemaker. They were honest people, they did honest work.

And the entire village was huge, altogether some 700 houses, a presbytery and a church. The remaining people were Poles, mostly farmers. Some of these farmers had children who became priests, teachers, because the village was very close to the city. The village was three kilometers from the railroad tracks and that was where the city limits began. Those neighbors also had different attitudes to us, Jews. It happened that they sometimes called us 'parch' [Polish, literally 'pimple', 'blister,' but also used as a derogatory term for Jews]. In spite of that my parents had friends and acquaintances among Poles. The priest would even come to play cards with Father in the winter and really enjoyed talking to him. He was an older man. He was the parish priest in Przybyszowka. I don't remember what his name was, but I didn't like him. Whenever he came, I'd leave. He must have pestered me with some questions about religion and I didn't like that. Why should he examine me like that? And that's what I told him. He later complained to Father that I was impolite.

World War I

I remember the first war [World War I] a little bit. Some man came on a horse and announced mobilization. I remember how, in the beginning, there were many announcements of deaths of men drafted into the army and how it would be said that such a family received the 'dead card.' I remember how I was moved from place to place because our village was being bombed. [In World War I Galicia was in the Austro-Hungarian and Russian front zone.] This servant carried me on her back across fields, to the city and we rented an apartment there. But I don't remember this very well, because I must have been very young. I was born in 1909, but I remember when those bombs were being dropped. I remember when Mother was outside in the yard and she was holding a cow on a line and a bomb fell right next to her. This bomb made a terrible hole and Mother miraculously jumped up and was saved, although the cow was wounded. During the war Father worked on the farm, only at the end of the war he was mobilized into the army and was stationed in Przegorzaly [near Cracow].

Of course, I do remember how Poland regained independence [see Poland's independence, 1918] 9. Euphoria, difficult to describe. Everyone took part in this: Jews, non-Jews, everyone was very happy. They cheered and everything. There were all kinds of assemblies. At first, it was fine for Jews, it [anti-Semitism] only came later, because that's how history went forward, the nasty face of fascism showed up everywhere.

Continuing my education

I didn't help Mother much at home, because I didn't have time, I was ambitious and wanted to do well at school. My favorite subjects? Not mathematics. This I remember for sure. Well, I was always interested in drawing and I received all kinds of distinctions for that. Literature - I used to read a lot, Russian literature was fashionable at that time. I also knew Polish literature very well. Slowacki 10, Mickiewicz 11 and other classics. I knew them perfectly. I knew them so well that when at one time I found myself among people who read and dealt with literature I was the only one to know Slowacki's 'Anhelli' [a poem written in prose, 1838]. Well, lots of things interested me. Except for math and geometry - everything.

I had two good friends in the village since the first grade - Poles. We were very close, like family. They really loved me. And I loved them. Henryka Raczy got married to a neighbor who had some position in sports in France and she settled in France even before the war. And there Henryka was called Henriette Raksi. And they really wanted to take me with them. And the second friend was Waleria Wisniowska; she died very early, of pneumonia.

They went to secondary schools, trade schools, in Rzeszow. Those were schools on the same level as my school - the Artistic Crafts School, because Father signed me up for that school after eight grades [Editor's note: There were only seven grades of elementary public school in Poland before the war], because he thought that I'd learn some trade, that I'd know something after graduating from this school. There was this girls' gymnasium in Rzeszow and, of course, different types of colleges - teachers' training colleges, trade schools; there were lots of possibilities for getting an education. My school was a private one, four grades and it had the status of a secondary school. It was a very good school. There were army headquarters in Rzeszow, and Polish officers weren't allowed to marry anyone who didn't have a secondary education. So girls from manor houses went to that school with me, daughters of officers and other officials. And again I was the only one [only Jew] there. There were more than 40 girls altogether. No, I wasn't separated. On the contrary, I had lots of friends.

I learned how to make hats, lingerie; I learned sewing, clothing design, all kinds of embroidery. I learned how to design dresses for operas, I was often given assignments for the holidays, to prepare dresses for some opera, or to draw them on these large panels. I remember this, because we took a special subject for that, costumology. So you had to know all kinds of costumes which were worn in Europe since the earliest times. I don't remember this today exactly, those were complicated things. I also studied French. I could learn everything there, including cooking and baking, but I didn't want to take advantage of that, because I didn't like that. [What the interviewee means is that she would not eat non-kosher food.] I had an internship during my fourth year of studies. This fourth year was not obligatory for all students. Only if you wanted to.

After this school, I unfortunately didn't do anything more, although I wanted to educate myself further in this area, but you needed to have a recommendation for another school. Yes, there was the 'numerus clausus' at universities and in those schools, when they had a look, they'd say, 'We don't have any openings.' There was no government statute, but they wouldn't accept you. Anyway, these schools were very expensive and, by that time, my parents were not doing so well anymore. After Grandfather died, the brick factory went bankrupt. Yes, it didn't take long. Grandfather was the first one to start a brick factory, but then all those people around us set up two more, so there was competition and, by then, there was already: 'Nie kupuj u Zyda' [Don't buy from a Jew.]. And that's when it started. I remember these signs and the first incidents. These signs - 'Nie kupuj u Zyda' and 'Bij Zyda' [Get the Jew] - were posted on all announcement boards. And there were these direct incidents too, I recall. They would barge into a house, shoot at the ceiling [the interviewee is referring to the Pogrom in Rzeszow] 12. My parents were very worried about my brothers, that they could be close to something like this.

But because my parents weren't doing very well financially, I took advantage of my education from that school of mine and started working on my own. I started sewing, embroidering, I gave cutting lessons. I didn't belong to any organization. I was interested in that, but I didn't have time for that, because I was already doing what I had learned to do, in order to help my parents. How old could I have been? Some 18 to 19 years old.

Yes, already then I thought I wouldn't settle there [Poland]. That I'd never stay there. And I rejected all the [marriage] offers I got as a young girl. I didn't want to start a family there and to live there. Nobody wanted to talk me into marriage, but I had some heroes. I called them 'heroes,' because when I was talking to one of them I'd say, 'You have to think very well about what you want! Do you know me very well?' But I knew there was no point in starting a family in those conditions. Because what would have happened? A cousin of mine graduated from law school in Cracow; she was my age. She married a physician and what was that for? Did it last long? Occupation came and she went to Treblinka 13 with that doctor of hers. She was a pretty girl this Renia.

During the war

I saw this exodus of Jews right after the war broke out, because they sent entire transports to us and those were people who didn't have anything left. [The Nazis deported approx. 6,000 Jews to Rzeszow from the Polish lands incorporated into the Third Reich.] By then I was aware that the end must be coming, because I saw what the Germans were doing. Local people were helping those Jews, but not for long, because they were liquidated shortly afterwards.

My brothers left for Russia soon. They did it while it was still possible. When the borders were not closed yet and the Germans had already reached Staroniwa. Father's brother from Gorlice came to us with his entire family and with horses, because they had them. But my parents, unfortunately, didn't want to go. They were too old, that they didn't want to wander about, that they had survived the first war, that they were independent. They had different arguments - yes, like all of those who would later die. So they [the family from Gorlice] took all three brothers on the horse- drawn wagon with them, without Maks, the married one, because he stayed with his family. From Russia the brothers telegraphed and asked for us to send them our picture. And this picture still exists. But Mother was already very worn out in that photograph, exhausted with all the experiences we were going through then.

At the very beginning of the war a German, a soldier, was quartered at our house. And these soldiers wanted to get in touch with us, because they had their eyes set on some nice girl, a teacher. A young one. And this German wanted to well... you know, with this teacher, but he didn't speak a word of Polish. So he followed me and kept saying 'Sabinchen, Sabinchen' to me, so that I'd tell him who could teach him a few words of Polish, so he could go to this teacher and somehow contact her. I told him I didn't understand anything and couldn't do it. He went to my neighbor and kept pestering her to teach him something nice. She spoke some German, she learned it at school, and she was a very witty person. 'Listen, fine' - she said to that German. Tell her this: 'kochana pokaz kolana' ['honey, show me your knees']. It was a joke, because he went there and this teacher was furious. She would have rebuked him, but she was afraid. He went there and said: 'Honey, show me your knees!'

I was working, one of the things I was doing was minding my friend's children. Her husband was at the front. Her name was Wiktoria Szalacha. She had two sons and I raised them. Once she said to me, 'I have this problem, because Christmas is coming, the family will come to visit and he should know how to sing a Christmas carol.' One of these sons, Tadziu, was very little. So I said, 'Fine, I can teach him.' When I went to school, I had to listen to these carols all the time. So I taught him 'Syn bozy w zlobie lezy...' ['Son of God is lying in a manger...', fragment of a Polish Christmas carol titled 'Do szopy pasterze' - 'To the shed, oh shepherds'] and he looked at me, he was 4 years old then, and said 'No! He's lying in bed!' I repeated what I had to say, he repeated what he had to say. Later, when I was telling my own [family] that I could even teach Christmas carols, they shook their heads in disbelief.

Yes, but this was happening early on, before this entire slaughter was organized. And, unfortunately, my brother Monek came back from Russia quickly. He had a girl here, his sweetheart, and this girl - Giza kept writing to him that she couldn't live without him. So he came back. And the Germans took him immediately. They took him to some quarry and he died there. I don't know what town it was in, when, nothing. And then this album which I gave to our neighbors before we were forced to move to the ghetto, got lost there. So I don't even have pictures of what Monek looked like. He was such a nice man, everyone's favorite brother. And then Maks went to Belzec 14 [probably in December 1941 when the ghetto was formed in Rzeszow]. He managed to have two sons, but the Germans destroyed it all. When the other brothers were running away to Russia, he wanted to stay with his family, because he was afraid to leave them without someone taking care of them. He was a very good father and husband. I didn't even say goodbye to him. There [in Belzec] I was supposed to meet my fate too, but at the last moment... I left.

My sister Malinka, my parents and I, we were all supposed to go to the Rzeszow ghetto 15. I don't remember how I found out about it, that we had to move to the ghetto [an ordinance was issued on 17th December 1941 about the creation of the ghetto in Rzeszow], but it was difficult not to know, because panic broke out among people. This was organized by the Germans very well. They designated Jews who were responsible for registering the remaining ones. And they had to make sure that everyone turned up in the ghetto. You could only take personal items with you. We walked on foot, it wasn't far.

In the middle of the city the Germans organized this 'Sammelplatz' [German for assembly point], where everyone had to show up; it was in the ghetto. Before that time, poor people traded there, they didn't even have stalls set up, but just sold some goods on the street. An old Jewish cemetery, several hundred years old was also a part of this 'Sammelplatz.' [Editor's note: it was a 16th century cemetery on the current Victims of the Ghetto Square (Plac Ofiar Getta), completely destroyed during the war, the tombstones were used for the construction of a road. Currently not fenced off, almost completely devastated, a park is located there and a road runs through it.] Of course, they destroyed the walls of the cemetery and this 'Sammelplatz' was there.

Well, we didn't know what to do. Malinka had completed seven grades of school and my parents wanted to educate her further. But, unfortunately that wasn't possible. Well, I was supposed to be working. My parents told me then, 'We believe that if you save yourself, you will save Malinka as well.' Malinka and I were designated for forced labor and asked to wait somewhere on the side, that's when we managed to leave that 'Sammelplatz,' because no one was watching us. There were these old tenement houses on one side of this 'Sammelplatz' and we climbed up into the attic of one of them with Malinka and we observed this square through this hole, like in a theater, all day long. The other people were sitting on the ground, one next to the other, beaten, harassed, and my sister and I saw everything. This massacre lasted all day long.

My parents were quartered together with a family of complete strangers, but they were nice, decent people. Not everyone was so lucky. Many Jews from Kalisz, who were deported to Rzeszow right after the war broke out, lived in that part of the city. And those people had been wandering about for some time, without the possibility of washing themselves, they were in horrible condition, they were living in some basements... And some of our Jews were quartered together with those from Kalisz.

Malinka worked in a workshop, where they repaired soldiers' uniforms. I saw her and my parents from time to time, not every day. I was assigned to unload bricks from cargo trains. That was in the fields, there was one railroad track running through the fields, from Rzeszow to Cracow. So it wasn't a developed area, it was outside the city. And the Germans had plans of building something there. Transports of bricks would arrive there. Large, railroad cars full of bricks, it was organized by the Germans, so that the bricks were passed on from one person to another, like a relay. Because there were so many of them, we had to take these bricks further into the fields. In the evening we went back to the ghetto. I lived with the people I worked with, so that I'd always be available for work.

There was a gate in the ghetto, with one side facing the train station. Not the main train station, the smaller one, where there was a railroad track to Jaslo. And the Germans deported Jews from that station [Rzeszow Staroniwa; the first deportation took place in July, the second one in August, the third one in November 1942]. At first my friends, non-Jews of course, would walk up to the ghetto gate from one side. They brought me whatever they could. They really wanted to save me. They must have liked me. And they tried to convince me to leave that place, that it would be the end; this was in the first days of the ghetto [the ghetto was closed off in January 1942]. I didn't want to, because I was sick of it all. I didn't want to live in this world, I didn't like it. But they dragged me out, almost by force. I posed a condition, if you help me, you have to help my sister as well.

My parents were in the ghetto for a short time, a few months in the winter. I managed to say goodbye to them. They were probably sent to Belzec. [Editor's note: Her parents were most probably shot in the forest near Rudna or Glogow, the place of execution of several thousand Jews from the ghetto in Rzeszow].

Malinka was saved from the ghetto in the summer [of 1942]. It turned out that her friend had been designated by the Germans for forced labor in occupied Austria. Of course, a non-Jewish friend. And there was a huge tragedy there, because this girl, her name was Wladzia, Wladzia Zyracka, was in poor health. She was pretty, but so delicate. And then there was this project to take Wladzia's documents and give them to Malinka. Such bravado! And I came up with all of this. Friends led Malinka to the train with those documents and she went to Germany. She used the name of her friend, Wladzia.

I stayed in the ghetto. We were often segregated. [Such actions took place since the beginning of the ghetto, for example in March 1942 the Gestapo murdered the inhabitants of two houses in the ghetto, on 30th April, 35 people were shot, and on 12th May approx. 250 Jews were shot to death in nearby forests.] We had to stand in these long lines and the German guards came. They took whomever they liked from this line, took them to the side, and you know what. They sent them off into the unknown. I mean later we all knew where, because everyone from the ghetto in Rzeszow was sent to Belzec. This Belzec must have been nearby. [Belzec was the extermination camp located closest to Rzeszow, 239 km by train.]

They were observing me from time to time, because these line ups took place every day, these segregations - so the Germans were observing me. And that's how I felt that they didn't like me very much. But this didn't make me leave. What decided things was a hemorrhage, a very strong nosebleed. It was really hot, July or August, I don't remember. We were carrying bricks from railroad cars to these piles. And I got this nosebleed. My friends carried me to a pile of bricks and laid me down there, because if some German had seen me, he would have shot me right away. That's what it was like. I lay there for some time, I looked around and it happened to be an area I knew. Near my home. So I got up and started walking forward. I didn't run, I just walked on [Editor's note: The interviewee was working outside the ghetto unloading bricks, in an area which wasn't fenced in. The date of escape which she submitted to TSKZ (Social and Cultural Society of Polish Jews) raises doubts, because she spent almost three months with the three families that were hiding her after her escape. She reached the fourth family before Christmas, that is in December 1942. The circumstances of the escape also suggest that the date might be incorrect: it is not very hot in October and potato harvest is almost over. For these reasons it may be assumed that the interviewee's escape took place in late August 1942].

I remember that it was getting dark and I was feeling very weak. I went into a potato field where potatoes were growing and slept there in the open field. I had always detested lying down on the bare ground, but I did it then, among those potatoes, I slept there and nothing happened to me. I don't remember how long I slept. I woke up thinking 'where should I go?' But I had this friend, Janka. Her father played the organs at church. So I thought that maybe she'd take me in. And she did. She and her mother cried over me. Then they started washing me, because I was in horrible shape. Horrible. I had lots of ulcers on my face, because of the temperature, malnutrition, not just malnutrition but hunger. They cured me, but I don't remember their name. [Editor's note: According to a written statement submitted by the interviewee to TSKZ it was the family of Janina Stachowicz, a teacher from Staroniwa.] But I couldn't have been there for very long. Well, I don't know - perhaps some two weeks. I couldn't stay, because they detected me immediately. [After the escape from the ghetto she was hidden by Polish families in villages. Each of these families was threatened by neighbors.] Everywhere, wherever I was.

Moving around

I saved my life, but I had to move from one place to another, using my contacts. I couldn't stay anywhere longer, unfortunately, because Poles are not tolerant and anti-Semitism runs deep in them - well, not all of them, but most of them, yes. Well, so it was very difficult for me to survive, because there were immediately suspicions and denouncements, and so on, and no one wanted to keep me. But my friends, who risked their life for me, helped me. So after Janka's family it was the Wisniowski family who kept me, also neighbors from Staroniwa. This Mr. Wisniowski was a farmer, a very decent man. They carried me out in a basket at night to the barn and that's where I slept for two months, on these stacks of straw. But it was good for me there. Very good. They took care of me, they loved me. Well. They prayed for me. They went to holy places. Yes. They were such caring friends that they went to the presbytery and they found a birth certificate for me. This Wisnowski got the certificate of some 'hadra' [dialect from Lwow and Silesia: a quarrelsome woman], who had been sent off for labor to Germany. I took care of their daughter; I taught her whatever I could.

They wanted to save me, no matter what it took. Even though I didn't want that. I didn't. I had had enough of everything. I couldn't imagine a life like that: in hiding and constantly afraid someone would recognize me. It was life with a death sentence. But if the Germans caught me and proved that I was Jewish, they would have all paid with their lives. All those, who helped me. Because such was Hitler's law that those who helped, were punished as well. So I had to be aware of that. And then when I was so bored with everything that I had enough, I didn't know what to do with myself, because there was no way out. This Mr. Wisniowski would always say 'you'll be fine', but, finally, he couldn't keep me any longer. I cared about them. Especially since they had been suspected several times, because of their helpful neighbors... I had no enemies there, but it was like the plague. Yes, the plague. It was then that I understood what kind of a plague this anti-Semitism was and how prevalent it was among society, and how everyone welcomed it. And it's never as easy to entice someone to love as it is to entice them to hatred.

Almost everything [photographs] was destroyed during my wartime experiences. There were times when I had to cover my tracks, because there were people who were interested in my past, of course. Someone had some feeling, but nobody knew exactly. And, unfortunately, I didn't manage to save anything. I remember how I gave this Wisniowska an album which had a picture of my grandfather from Hungary. After I left their house at night, there was a search for me and, supposedly, they buried this album. And it was never found.

After the Wisniowski family, an acquaintance of mine, Wiktoria, whose children I had minded at the beginning of the war, helped me. She took me to her family. It was quite a distance from Jaslo, in some village. I don't remember the exact name. [Editor's note: Skolyszyn, according to a written statement submitted to TSKZ.] I worked there on the farm, with all the members of that family. The Germans used to come and take away everything they had. They were living very modestly; they didn't have proper food on that farm. I didn't stay there very long, because word got out in the village that they had some suspicious person out there, because I showed up suddenly, as an adult.

In my free time I taught them whatever I could: sewing, cutting material and so on. I don't remember what their name was. [Editor's note: according to a written statement submitted to TSKZ it was the Dybek family.] And they wanted to help me, but their neighbors threatened that if they didn't get rid of me, they would denounce them. They hunted me down. So they walked me at night through the forest, the father of that family and the brother, to the train station in Jaslo, so I could go to Cracow, because I had some addresses in Cracow from my friends. So I could stay there. I walked through fields for - how long could it have been? - several hours, I guess, at night. Because you couldn't walk in the daytime, that would have been suspicious. And from Jaslo I got to Tarnow.

I wanted to get on a train to Cracow there, but it was almost impossible, because there were so many people. There was a long line to the ticket office, young people were trying to get onto the train through the windows and doors. But I couldn't do that, because I was afraid I'd attract attention and, secondly, I couldn't simply hold on to the window and later enter through the window. I was quite fit, but not fit enough for such an endeavor. So I looked at that long line of people waiting to get on that train and wondered what I could do. And I noticed a nice looking lady who smiled at me. So I approached her and stood behind her. And I started talking to her. I pretended that I had been standing in that line. Such fraud. And I boarded the train with her. I started a conversation on the train and talked to her all the way to Cracow. And she liked me. She had visited her son in Tarnow. I told her I was going to Cracow to look for work and she told me that if I couldn't find anything better, she was looking for a secretary for her husband. They lived near Cracow, in Niepolomice [approx. 20 km from Cracow].

In Cracow it turned out that it was all unrealistic, because the Germans were everywhere and everyone was afraid. I couldn't use the addresses I had. I don't remember what street this was on, but there was this large tenement house, and someone who knew about me was supposed to be there, at the caretaker's. So I entered the backyard, but it was just after an action, lots of bodies in the yard. So I walked around Cracow all day, until late afternoon. My friends had also given me the address of the Ursulines [Ursuline Sisters of the Agonizing Heart of Jesus, a female order founded in Poland in 1920 by blessed Urszula Ledochowska, dealing mostly with education and charity]. They thought that if these Ursulines accepted me, I would be safe there, because they dealt with education. They ran private schools. So I could teach something there, but somehow I couldn't force myself to go there. Something repelled me, I couldn't enter. I don't know what it was until today. And I thought to myself that it was getting dark, it was December, there was nothing to wait for, nothing could be done. So I went to the train station.

And at this train station, same story, people everywhere. I was wearing a hat, I must have looked very interesting. And this railroad guard, who was supervising that train, noticed that I was standing helplessly on that platform and couldn't get inside, because there were so many people. More than these trains could hold. And he asked me, 'Do you want to go?' I said, 'Yes, I'd like to.' So he said, 'Well, you won't get on now,' he took my hand and led me somewhere to his place. He said, 'You're not looking well, perhaps you're hungry?' 'Oh, no' - I said. He got out some red pork fat with red pepper and wanted to share it with me. I looked at what he was eating and thought to myself, if I eat that, it's the end. Anyway, I was disgusted, I wouldn't have eaten anything of the kind. Never in my life. Such a thing - no.

Anyway, I was so bothered with it all. And when the train started moving I thought to myself something not very nice. I was thinking that if that train got derailed with me on board that would have been the end. I had had enough of everything, there was no direction I could go in. I couldn't live or anything. And this guard took me to Podleze with him [a settlement near Cracow] and wanted me to keep going with him. And I was supposed to get off in Podleze to go to that lady who had invited me [Podleze is the train station closest to Niepolomice]. And he kept asking me to stay, to stay with him. So I thought, what a perspective for me. A career like hell! Finally, he led me down the steps, said goodbye and then: 'Think about it again. I'll let you know after the war.' Well, he never did contact me, didn't look for me. There were these horse-drawn carts from Podleze, they took several people to Niepolomice. I reached that lady in such a cart.

It was a time when if one person from an entire family was saved, they'd say it must have been God's hand, that God must be looking upon him kindly. That's what people said about me, because I managed to make it through some incredible situations. And I managed to make it. At the last moment. When the danger was already very serious. Yes, for example when I was introduced into this German family: the Gemrots, one hundred percent German. This lady's husband, this Gemrot, was a true German. He had papers for this, German for generations. He came from near Berlin, but he wasn't a Volksdeutscher 16, because they were obliged to declare themselves as Volksdeutsche, but they didn't. They didn't speak Polish very well, but used some dialect, also a bit of Czech. This wife of his, whom I met in Tarnow, was Czech from Petrvald near Opava, she came from an aristocratic family. She was someone. Her name was Florentyna.

They used to live in Zaolzie and when there was a plebiscite there they voted for Poland. [The plebiscite planned at the Versailles Conference, which was supposed to decide the fate of Cieszyn Silesia, did not take place. It is possible that the Gemrots took part in another plebiscite, in Upper Silesia (March 1921), which was supposed to decide whether Silesia would be part of Poland or Germany. The result, unfavorable for Poland (40% of votes for Poland) led to the outbreak of the Third Silesian Uprising.] This Gemrot, his first name was Franciszek, was an educated man, he had graduated from some agricultural university and, before the war, was a manager at different manor houses, on the Polish-Czech border. And they moved around in that area. When it was bad for them, they looked for another manor house and managed those estates, so they were quite well off. That's what they were doing in Niepolomice before the war.

When the Germans came they entrusted Gemrot with the task of organizing German style agriculture in the district of Cracow. He was supposed to educate farmers according to German rules, teach them about crop rotation and so on. I got there before Christmas Eve. Perhaps earlier? I don't remember. As soon as I came, this Gemrot looked at my hands and said, 'She's not a country girl. She doesn't have coarse hands.' He told me this straight away. Before Christmas [in 1942] his wife came to me and said that I had to go to mass with her, because, as she said, 'What will the neighbors say, who am I keeping here?' And Grandfather [Franciszek Gemrot] said: 'You brought yourself a girl, so you take her, but I won't go to church, because I don't like it.' It had nothing to do with me. He practically didn't go to church, he was a kind of freethinker with regards to religion. He didn't have to go, but Mrs. Gemrot made sure that I practiced.

I remember that Christmas Eve, how happy they were to have a guest for Christmas Eve. Their son Wilhelm came, the one whom this lady visited in Tarnow, and that was when I met him. And he became interested in me right away. Right from the start. I remember they had this custom, I don't remember whether it was German or Czech, that they put money underneath everyone's plates. And they gave me some as well. And this Wilhelm - my future husband - lifted his plate and put all his money under mine. We became fast friends that Christmas Eve. Yes, we did.

Wilhelm, called Wilus, was the youngest son and the apple of their eye, pampered. A handsome man, very polite and cultured. Delicate, wise, not a simple man - absolutely not! In no way! He was a musician by trade, he was in the military orchestra in Cracow since he was 13 years old. His uncles Fredek [Ferdynand] and Rudolf were conductors at the Cracow Philharmonic. And Wilhelm was excellent on all the brass instruments and everything. He mostly played the trumpet and the cornet. He had four sisters. The oldest one was Henryka and she stayed in Petrvald, in the Czech lands. There was also Nuska [Franciszka], Maria and Waleria. One of them lived in Tarnow. These sisters were not as smart as he was. They all knew German, because, in Petrvald, their parents sent them all to schools run by nuns who taught in German.

Some Germans used to come to this Gemrot, for reports, because he had to submit reports of the results of his work. He told me everything and I wrote these reports. When he was talking with these Germans I would feel cold shivers running down my spine. When I was still at school our teacher told us that there are different dialects of German, that German is divided into different types, a different dialect in Vienna and a different one near Berlin. When I was listening to my father-in-law speaking with those Germans it was difficult to understand what they were saying. They barked, like dogs.

The Gemrots lived alone in a bungalow, they had a small yard, on the outskirts of Niepolomice. Some Jews who were forced to move must have lived in that house, because I found different things in the attic. When I had nothing to do, I'd go upstairs, find some rags, dye them and sew some fantastic things from that. They were delighted. I made bathrobes for this lady. All kinds of decorative things, because it was wintertime and I had nothing else to do.

And it was good, because when Mrs. Gemrot, my future mother-in-law, went to visit her son in Tarnow, she met some people from my village along the way and they started talking. And she told them what my name was. And they looked at her strangely: 'Damn, that's the greatest hadra around.' Because she gave them the name from the documents which that Wisniowski had arranged for me. My last name was Kloc, or something like this, I don't remember. My first name was changed to Maria.

The situation there was that I was working for them, I was a secretary and I also did whatever I could for them, so the neighbors became jealous. And some guys were interested in me. I didn't want anyone, which was suspicious. And there were other girls around who were attractive for them. Whenever I went somewhere, after all I had to leave the house, I was always sure I wouldn't be back because they would find out I am Jewish and arrest me. I always looked around to see if someone was following me, spying on me. And I even had this one incident when I met a man from near Cracow, who was a Polish officer, although he wore civilian clothing, because of the Germans... and he harassed me with his courtship so much, that at some point I told him off, I don't remember how exactly. And he said to me, 'Don't be so tough, because I saw you in Kazimierz 17 this and that year.' The earth was moving from under my feet. There was no place for me any longer.

My husband

Those friends of mine couldn't do anything for me, because they didn't have a place for me, they had been helping me for such a long time, they had used up all possibilities. But their son, Wilus, helped me and said he would marry me to cover the tracks. And that's what happened. This husband of mine was a very decent man - very. He was ready to do anything... anything. He took me from there at night to his kitchenette in Tarnow and wondered what to do with me. In the morning he took me to a small settlement near Krynica, I don't remember the name, to find a place for me there. I didn't stay, because my husband didn't like the conditions which they were offering me and he said, 'You'll go back with me.' And those friends of mine from my home village, the Wisniowski family, changed my documents to say I was married and my last name was Gemrot, they managed to get an official stamp saying that I was a wife and they even went to the local priest for this. And then no one could say anything, because I had a name that was not a wartime name. Because before that I had some pretty bad wartime names. [The interviewee used the names Maria Tomaka and Maria Kloc when in hiding.] Well, but my in-laws didn't like it, they didn't say anything, but they were suspicious. They didn't denounce me only because they were afraid there would be joint responsibility for this... And I couldn't be touched because of that name. They couldn't. No one had the courage to denounce me.

My husband worked in a German factory, they produced weapons in Tarnow. I worked as a babysitter. At the end of the war, because they were removing their employees further into the Reich, they offered a railroad car to my husband, so he could go to Germany with his family. Somewhere near Cologne or wherever - who knows, to some weapon factory. But I didn't want to go. It was the end of the war and I thought to myself 'I've been running away from them for so many years, why should I go there now? I don't want to, I don't want anything anymore!' And he was very sad, because he wanted to go. But I wouldn't go. We stayed.

Post-war

Of the six of us, siblings, four managed to save themselves. Zygmunt and Salek, who survived in Russia, Malinka who worked near Vienna and I. Zygmunt, in Russia, joined Anders' Army 18 and fought with that army in the Battle of Monte Cassino 19, but God must have been protecting him, because he wasn't wounded. By the end of the battle, he was only an undertaker. He told us how he had to pack the remains of his friends into bags and bury them in common graves. Those few who survived Monte Cassino were later sent to England. Each of those soldiers there received some benefits, so this brother of mine settled in England. He worked there as a jeweler. He didn't marry, but he was in touch with me, because he found me after the war. And I know that he took part in the war here, because he is listed in those documents from Plaszow [camp] 20. He had some contacts with the prisoners, but I don't know exactly. He helped somehow, but I don't know how. I know, because I found his name in some publication. [Editor's note: this was probably a different person with the same last name. In 1939 Zygmunt Krygier crossed the border to the Soviet Union, later joined Anders' Army and fought on the Italian front. Aiding prisoners from Plaszow would have been physically impossible for him.]

Salek also managed to survive in Russia and it was quite good for him there. He's a very resourceful man, he did different things there, he could buy and sell things, arrange something, he was also talented. He performed somewhere, taught in some school... He was always very handsome, exceptionally so. And this was his misfortune. Because when there was a girl somewhere, he always thought that one wasn't enough. During the Russian occupation he found himself one - some midwife or something like that at a hospital. They later came back to Poland, she was Polish, and unfortunately, he didn't marry well, this 'hadra' drove him nuts, because she wasn't Jewish. My husband did everything possible, so that Salek wouldn't marry her. But he did and it's his business. He was well off here; after the war they settled in Bielsko.

After the ghetto Malinka was assigned to the town of Niederstrahlbach near Vienna, for forced labor. [Editor's note: Niederstrahlbach is actually near Zwettl, Lower Austria, and about one-and-a-half hour's drive from Vienna.] She survived there. It was horrible for her there, because the lady of the house, a German, simply starved her, but she met some friends who taught her what to do, so she wouldn't die of starvation. And she fed herself eggs from that farm, raw eggs and everything else, so she wouldn't die. She came back to Poland, but she didn't stay here long. She left for Israel [in 1947 or 1948].

I remember when there was an account from America of the anniversary of the creation of Israel; I read about it somewhere. And those Orthodox Jews were demonstrating there [in the USA] on the streets against the creation of Israel, because they thought that God should have led the people... I remember my outrage, because how could they have protested against Israel. I remember the beginnings of Israel, because we followed this very closely and Malinka went there immediately, when there was this exodus after the war [approx. 12,000 people left with legal passports in 1947 and 1948. After the state of Israel was proclaimed legal emigration was significantly limited by communist authorities. Emigration of more people was allowed only in 1949] organized by this Hakhsharah organization [Editor's note: There was no such organization, hakhsharah means in Hebrew preparation for settling in Palestine]. Of course, they set her up to it.

My brother Salek helped her then. There was already some organization of life there and whoever was lucky managed to find these settlements which were being created. And whoever wasn't lucky had to live in very primitive conditions in the desert. They struggled in these shacks and farmed the land with their hands, because they didn't have anything. Luckily she had some contacts, she arrived in Haifa and entered a community of people who were already organized, and that's where she met her first husband, Kornhauser. He was considered an aristocrat there, because he came from this family of writers, well known in Polish literature. He left from those lands near Wroclaw. He was a wonderful man. They worked physically, because that was in fashion at that time, that each one had to work physically and was responsible for some situation. So they all said that they needed wise people there, for creative work.

Malinka married this Kornhauser and their first child, a boy, was born. On the very day the son turned one, Kornhauser died in some horrible accident at work and Malinka was left alone. But she became independent: she took some massage course, although it turned out soon that her hands were too weak for this. Then she remarried and her current name is Szif. Father's family from Gorlice helped Malinka a lot in the beginning, because they had some position there. They immigrated to Israel in the very first days after the war. They sold the house in Gorlice and went there with their entire family. This cousin Romek [Roman], also Krygier, organized the planting of forests, he was involved in forestry. He started setting that up there and immediately became somebody.

Father's second brother, Zelman [or Zalmen] from Glogow, didn't survive the war. Together with his sons and wife he died in Belzec. Only one daughter, Helena, was saved from Samuel Krygier's family, Father's brother who lived in Cracow. His son Dawid died somewhere in Ukraine. He was murdered by Ukrainians, they accused him of something, I don't know what. He managed to get married there, although he left a longtime fiancée in Poland. His sister, Maria, also died in Ukraine with her husband Edmund Milet, who was a lawyer.

And I started a family. From the remains of the estate I had some money, after the sale of the house in Staroniwa - I didn't manage to get anything else back - we bought a house in Wieliczka. And this is where I lived and gave birth to two children. Ala [Alicja] was born in 1945 [in Tarnow] and when she was a year old she got sick with Heine-Medina [children's paralysis, a contagious epidemic childhood illness; food infection, the course of the disease can vary from mild to fatal], because there was an epidemic in Poland at that time.

Ala was sick all the time. I had all kinds of problems, because they wanted to throw me out of the house. This was during the PRL. Yes, they would send all kinds of volunteers who liked the house and wanted to throw me out. When we bought the house, Salek purchased the second floor of the house, the previous owner moved out immediately and I moved in quickly, because I had been living in an apartment in a complex for railroad workers in Tarnow and we had to move out, because my husband was transferred to work in Cracow. They later pestered me, the authorities, that I didn't have an official allotment. [After the war there weren't enough apartments, due to wartime damages. Housing offices were formed to allot the remaining apartments to families. Some families which had more space per person than the norm accepted by the Housing Office had to accept additional new residents in their apartments.] Some official summoned me and told me that I had to leave, because this apartment was reserved for someone else. For some official. This was right before the Easter holidays, I think in 1949. Their holidays began on Good Friday, and on that Good Friday I was summoned there and they told me that after the holidays I had to empty the apartment for some buddy of theirs. And, of course, I talked to this official, but he made me angry by shouting, 'You can buy an entire street if you want to, but if you want to live somewhere, you need my permission,' and so on. He let me know that a bribe was needed. I understood that immediately. He made me so mad I said, 'I know what you want, just tell me how much and if I can... if I can get a receipt.' I did all I could to make him mad. I thought to myself there was nothing to lose anyway. He looked at me as if I was from a different planet. He told me to get out before he got really mad.

So I came home and thought to myself - what am I to do? I didn't have the other children yet, only Ala, so I thought to myself, 'What will I do with a sick child? Where will I go? I don't even have a place to go to.' And then I remembered that I had this friend from Rzeszow, a Jew, whom I knew since childhood; we were good friends. Milka Garfunkel was her name. She got married in Cracow to someone who was a printer, a well qualified printer. His name was Iziu, he survived the war in Russia and made it to Warsaw from there and they gave him a good position in some publishing house. And because he was a nice and kind man he had lots of contacts there. A Jew wouldn't have stupid acquaintances, only wise ones, that's how it was. They were both very assimilated and he was friends with the director of a department at the Ministry of Justice. And this Milka was in touch with me. So I thought that I would write her, perhaps she could help me somehow. My husband didn't know what to do either. But I thought: 'What if I write her and during that time they evict me? There's no time.' I had to board a train and in the evening, on that Good Friday, go to Warsaw. I left the child with Grandmother.

In the morning I reached Milka. She looked at me and asked, 'Holy Lord, what happened?' And I told her then and her husband, this Iziu, says: 'So what do we do? I'll go to this buddy of mine who is the director of the department and ask him for advice.' He went there and that buddy said - no problem. He wrote a certificate that they should .... well, that I was untouchable and his signature was on it, of course. So I took this certificate to those wise guys on the day I was supposed to move out and showed it to them. You should have seen the face of this guy who tried to be so smart when I wanted a receipt for the bribe, he must have thought I was crazy. And they left me alone. What nerve I had. But later others admired this and said, 'Were you crazy? How could you insist on a receipt for a bribe? You're not thinking like a sane person.'

I don't know who, but after the war someone on my husband's side was interested in who I was and where I came from. And they denounced me to the militia, that I had false papers, because I didn't have an identity card, but this German 'Kennkarte' [identity card] written out in my wartime name. They came, the militia, all dressed up in uniforms! They took this 'Kennkarte' from me, they tore it up and threw it in the corner. I was supposed to show up at the militia in Cracow, as a suspect. I went there with a heavy heart, because even the Germans never treated me like that. I went there, it was some important office. Several people were sitting behind a desk and I was being interviewed by some, forgive my language, ditz, no more than a teenager. So they looked at it [the document], because they picked up this 'Kennkarte' then and put the pieces together and glued them. And in this 'Kennkarte' I was seven years younger than in reality. I was born in 1909 and in those documents it was 1916. This woman looked at me angrily and said, 'You're one arrogant Jew to make yourself so much younger.' What a circus. And I looked at her and thought, 'You bimbo, why are you angry?' And I said to her, 'Why do you think no one ever questioned this before. You're the first one. And how dare you address me like that? Why? What times are we living in?'

A friend of mine, Marysia, a friend of the family and a Catholic was there with me. She got really scared. And she said, 'What is she doing?' But they didn't do anything to me for that, because she didn't have the right to address me like that. Oh, these are interesting memories. My husband would sometimes stop me and say, 'You know, you're behaving like a drunk.' And that's when they forced me to get a new identity card, the proper kind. I had to go to Rzeszow, find my birth certificate the way it was and now I have my last name and maiden name in my identity card and everything. That was the one and only time I went to Rzeszow, for that birth certificate, but I didn't visit anything, didn't walk around. I just went to the Jewish community, collected my birth certificate from them and went back. I couldn't even walk on those streets, because I remembered very well what it had been like.

I don't remember when these stories with the house and the 'Kennkarte' happened, but I know it must have been during the PRL [Polish People's Republic], when the PRL was in full bloom. I had some problems, but I didn't worry about them too much. Later, unfortunately, I got acquainted with the [Polish] society very well ... that was fascism, one hundred percent. The worst kind of anti-Semitism, sometimes a bit softer, but often the softer kind is enough. Cruel, ruthlessly cruel. I defended myself, because I had to, I couldn't tell them who I was in such a society, could I? But I always asked, 'Well, where's your commandment about loving your neighbor? Who do think is your neighbor anyway?' I tried to shake them up a bit.

That's why I never talked about my life with strangers. I wouldn't have wanted to, because those were times when one person spied on another and wanted to find out something. Those were the times - no use talking about it. That's why my children attended [Catholic] religious classes. I didn't want them to be different. One time a priest visited me, about the children. There was some kind of collection of money for the church... I don't remember it exactly, but I do remember how he looked at me and said, 'Why have I never seen you at church?' 'Well, I'm not attractive enough for you to notice me.' He blushed, said he was sorry and left.

I was never in close contact with the people here in Wieliczka. There was a neighbor here who wanted to keep in touch with me and she did, because I helped her when her daughter wanted to learn ballet, I sewed dresses for that daughter and so on. There was a second neighbor who really adored me, but she doesn't come anymore. She's afraid I'll give her something to do. Well, people are different... And those others, they're secretive, but they somehow managed to find out who I am. Well, people are helpful, aren't they? For example they were very interested in my birth certificate and in my marriage. Yes, the community is divided, but there are anti-Semites, intolerant people, they have no political class, no political orientation. They are just like everyone else and that's why they win elections; I know them.

My husband worked as a musician in an orchestra, he was often summoned to different units for all kinds of events, but he later reached the conclusion that he couldn't support a family by playing music. So I sewed. Two, three nights in a row I'd stay up sewing. Sometimes the lights would go out [during the PRL there were often restrictions in the supply of power], so I'd sew by a kerosene lamp. Tailoring, if you want to do it properly, is a lot of effort. There was this institute in Gliwice where you could learn a trade and my husband learned two trades there: locksmithery and welding. In both of them he had excellent results. He got a job at the ironworks [the Lenin Ironworks, created in 1954, the largest industrial plant in the area of Cracow] and that's when we started to have more money. And that's when he threw all my customers out. I wasn't allowed to continue sewing. 'If I come home and these hags are here, I don't know what I'll do.' But there were always two or three, waiting for measurements. But I was well prepared for this job, my customers were always satisfied and the clothes were always very carefully finished, even embroidered.

My children

Ala was born in 1945, Krysia [Krystyna] in 1950 and Edziu [Edmund] in 1951. I wasn't that stupid to have one child after another, but somehow it worked out that Edziu was born one year after Krysia. Ala spent several months receiving treatment in a hospital, in Warsaw. I had to be there with her, because they didn't have enough staff and those children were there after the epidemic, there were so many of them. I barely found a place for Ala. Milka helped me then. She kept me all that time in the apartment. I sewed for her, helped her do the housekeeping.

They were treating my Ala there, but they had some stupid method: x-rays. The child had to lie down on this table, face down and I had to put on rubber gloves, because those were x-rays, and a protective apron and I was supposed to hold her bottom and her head, so she wouldn't move around. It was about the backbone, the backbone was supposed to be exposed to the x- rays. It didn't hurt at all, but this machine made a strange sound which made her nervous, because she shouted at the top of her voice. And she flung herself about, I wasn't able to hold her down, because those gloves were so heavy and clumsy and the apron weighed me down. Dear God, I just wished this would all be over, because I couldn't handle it any longer. So I took off the apron, threw away the gloves and held her with my bare hands. The doctor came in, looked at me, outraged and said, 'What are you doing?' I explained that I couldn't do it. 'Do you know what you've done?' - he said. 'You could become infertile.' So I just asked him, 'Only?' And he said, 'Not enough for you?' So I didn't say anything more to him. I came back home with the child, I didn't say anything to my husband. Well, so I won't have any more children, well, that's fine with me. I thought I'd have just two and that would be good. And it turned out I was 'so infertile' that I got pregnant the following year.

And that's how Edzio was born in 1951. It was good, because when he was born I said 'Edmund' and my mother-in-law came and said: 'please, use Franciszek for his middle name.' So I said, 'Very well.' And when Edziu started growing up Grandma loved him very much, because he was such a clever child. So she used to say to him, 'You're not Edmund, you're Franciszek, because I want you to be like my husband, your grandfather.' Father-in-law was already dead by that time. And when Edziu started talking, he liked it very much when I told him, 'Edziu, there's company, please go and introduce yourself.' He would go, straighten his jacket, hold out his little hand and say, 'Jo jestem Jan Cisek.' [literally 'I am Jan Cisek.' He wanted to say 'Franciszek', but couldn't pronounce the word].

Milka's entire family went to America, because the family there told them: 'Either you leave Poland, or we never want to hear from you again, because there's no life for Jews there. Horrible things await you there and we won't try to save you, because it won't be possible.' And they took them all to America, with this printer and his daughter. She had graduated from high school by then. But this Irka was a nice girl and Milka is dead by now. The Wisniowski family, who hid me in Staroniwa, also immigrated to America. Their daughter is still there. She's sick now. I am in touch with her and that family treats me as one of their family members, because when her son comes from America he always pays me a visit. The second one also calls. They're in touch with Ala. I always get holiday and name day [widely celebrated in Catholic countries: each day of the year corresponds to one or more names.] cards, also letters from time to time, phone calls. All the time.

This marriage of mine, during the war, it was fake. I only later straightened all this out, after I had all the children. I don't remember exactly, but I know it was 15 years after this fictitious marriage, when I had a civil marriage [in 1958]. It was in Bielsko. My brother Salek did this for me. His friends joked that in such a situation they wouldn't get married. And my husband very solemnly... kept cheering me on to get married, for the entire 15 years - when and when? And I had so many other worries. It's just like Krysia says, 'Mom, you never got bored in your life.' Yes, I had a varied life, that's true.

None of us belonged to the Party [Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR)] 21. No one managed to convince my husband to sign up, in spite of everything. Even those friends from Warsaw, who helped me stay in that house, because they were in touch with my husband, would sometimes come and try to convince him. They'd say, 'You won't achieve anything, if you don't sign up for the party.' And he would answer, 'Too bad, I'm not fit for this. I won't do anything I'm unsure of.'

Ala studied pedagogy and then she also did library studies at the Jagiellonian University [in Cracow]. When she graduated from university, she started working in a library. She was very talented. She could do everything. She was involved in the theater. She made dolls and wrote scripts, so she was later well known. Krysia managed to be accepted at AGH [University of Science and Technology, in Cracow], because my husband worked in metallurgy, at the Ironworks, and somebody from there helped. She was not well suited for these studies, metallurgy, but this was the only department which accepted her, although she had excellent grades.

Then my brother Zygmunt wrote me from London, 'What will you do with those children there? There's no future for them. Send them to me, I'll take care of them.' Ala stayed, but Krysia and Edziu, who had just graduated from high school, were supposed to go. Edziu was about to be drafted into the army. He was terrified, he didn't want to join the army. He was terrified, because he had heard what they do there and he received notification that he had to show up one day before Christmas. Meanwhile, I was arranging all the papers from my brother and everyone was saying they wouldn't let him leave the country. And he left at the last moment. It was in 1970. Later, they came to get him. To our house. That's how it was. But Zygmunt had taken those two children of mine to England and helped set them up there. Zygmunt is not alive anymore.

Salek also left Poland, when in the 1960s they were forcing all the Jews to leave [Anti-Zionist campaign in Poland] 22. He felt threatened, so he sold everything and went to Sweden, because Sweden was accepting emigrants from Poland. He received some benefits there, he managed to work for ten more years at a factory, where they made all kinds of decorations. He made some money, he's now retired. And he's still there. He's alive, but this 'hadra', this wife of his, is killing him. Salek's health isn't very good.

I've never been to Israel, but I really wish I had. This is the biggest mistake I ever made in life. My sister Malinka's husband, the first one, used to say he wouldn't sleep until he got all of us there, but he died in that horrible accident, unfortunately. I wasn't sure, but I think I would have made the decision. It was always about my husband. He would have gone with me anywhere, without a doubt. He was a talented man, but he didn't have a knack for languages. He would have never learned. Well, the Germans worked on him all they could, but they never taught him German. I could communicate with them quite well.

But my Krysia, she did go to Israel. First she was in England, she was working there. And this cousin from Germany, Erich Sternszuss, Aunt Berta's son, he talked her into going to university there, because after the war he emigrated from Germany and settled in England. He married a Jewess from Austria, a kind and nice lady and he had one son. Krysia went there and they admitted her to the University of Jerusalem. And she managed to teach herself Hebrew so well in one year that she passed all the exams. Yes, it's true. Almost incredible. She later returned to England and that's where she lives now. She has this job where she has to go on delegations to all countries. She's working in some electronic corporation for computers, so she's someone important there.

Malinka has two very successful children and grandchildren in Israel. She has just written to say that Amit - whom I know, because she was here on a trip - a pretty girl with beautiful hair - passed her high school final exams and just this Sunday entered the army for two years [the first conversation with Salomea Gemrot took place on 3rd February 2005, so she's referring to Sunday, 30th January 2005]. Her brother is already serving in the army. In Israel Malinka is in touch with Giza, the one who couldn't live without my brother. She's alive there and has a family.

I belong to the Association of Jews [TSKZ]. Last year I had an accident, I fell so unfortunately that I broke some important element in my hip and what's left is this injury and pain. So I don't walk. Since that time I have rehabilitation at home, but I don't have much hope. When I was in hospital after this happened, the doctors started considering surgery. One doctor came to see me and I asked him, 'Well, how long will the recovery take?' He said, 'Up to three years.' So I said, 'We can't do it, because there's no guarantee I'll live for 100 years.' 'Yes, you're right indeed' - he admitted. Well, after all who's got a guarantee to live so indecently long on this earth? And, unfortunately, the way it is now, I can't really go anywhere, but earlier - well, I didn't go for events to the association [TSKZ], because I'm too old for such things, but for all these meetings, sometimes I did. Ala still attends them, pays the dues and so on. Every year I get compensation from the Germans, from the Foundation. [The foundation Polsko-Niemieckie Pojednanie (Polish-German Reconciliation) was created in 1992. The Germans have remitted 500 mln German marks to be divided between the living victims of the Third Reich]. This compensation arrives here in the mail.

After the war, I didn't really practice. I didn't practice, although I was never Godless. Never. I always thought something was watching over me and every evening I'd pray, not in Yiddish, but in Polish, I'd always say to myself, 'Thank you God for one more day of my life.' And there, at the association, when I was signing up, there was this chairman, I don't remember his name [Mr. Winnicki]. A very nice man. He was a Jew, of course, and he kept his wartime name. And he explained it to me: 'if you're a believer, you have to accept the name you were saved with as God's will, because he gave you that name.' This name was supposed to stay, because God interfered with life and gave you that name. Well, this was a possible interpretation for believers. And he listed the members of that organization who kept their wartime names. I had several of these last names: Kloc, Tomaka and one after some priest from Lwow, I don't remember. And there in Cracow they told me that I shouldn't have allowed them to take that name away from me, because none of them [members of TSKZ] changed their names, they all kept them. And they took my name away from me by force, after the war. But I couldn't keep any of the wartime names, because I had another last name - Gemrot, my husband's name.

This is fate. The way my life turned out, it's as if there was some fate for me. Something awaited me, everywhere something. My husband used to tell me that he was also unlucky. In 1939 when they were running away from the Germans, he evacuated from Tarnow with the unit where he was working. And he said that when they reached the borderlands, close to the Russians, they started bombing. They were walking in one group, all those who were running away, through fields, walking forward. And my husband broke away from this group and told his buddies not to go that way, because he didn't want to. He told them to go off the main road and take the smaller paths. They listened to him and as soon as they got off the main road, bombs were dropped there and made these huge holes. No one would have survived that. So there's something to it [fate]. I believe that. This terrorist of mine [the rehabilitation specialist who visits her two times a week] she gives me such a workout that I cannot move at all afterwards. But that's good, because the following day it's always a bit better. I remember I was always dissatisfied, because how can you be satisfied with such a fate? My husband used to say, 'Don't cry, it can always get worse.' That's what he told me. He died 20 years ago [1985], of heart failure.

Glossary

1 Galicia

Informal name for the lands of the former Polish Republic under Habsburg rule (1772-1918), derived from the official name bestowed on these lands by Austria: the Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria. From 1815 the lands west of the river San (including Krakow) began by common consent to be called Western Galicia, and the remaining part (including Lemberg), with its dominant Ukrainian population Eastern Galicia. Galicia was agricultural territory, an economically backward region. Its villages were poor and overcrowded (hence the term 'Galician misery'), which, given the low level of industrial development (on the whole processing of agricultural and crude-oil based products) prompted mass economic emigration from the 1890s; mainly to the Americas. After 1918 the name Eastern Malopolska for Eastern Galicia was popularized in Poland, but Ukrainians called it Western Ukraine.

2 Anti-Jewish Legislation in Poland

After World War I nationalist groupings in Poland lobbied for the introduction of the numerus clausus (Lat. closed number - a limit on the number of people admitted to the practice of a given profession or to an institution - a university, government office or association) in relation to Jews and other ethnic minorities. The most radical groupings demanded the introduction of the numerus nullus principle, i.e. a total ban on admittance to universities and certain professions. The numerus nullus principle was violated by the Polish constitution. The battle for its introduction continued throughout the interwar period. In practice the numerus clausus was applied informally. In 1938 it was indirectly introduced at the Bar.

3 Hahalutz

Hebrew for pioneer, it stands for a Zionist organization that prepared young people for emigration to Palestine. It was founded at the beginning of the 20th century in Russia and began operating in Poland in 1905, later also spread to the USA and other countries. Between the two wars its aim was to unite all the Zionist youth organizations. Members of Hahalutz were sent on hakhshara, where they received vocational training. Emphasis was placed chiefly on volunteer work, the ability to live and work in harsh conditions, and military training. The organization had its own agricultural farms in Poland. On completing hakhshara young people received British certificates entitling them to emigrate to Palestine. Around 26,000 young people left Poland under this scheme in 1925-26. In 1939 Hahalutz had some 100,000 members throughout Europe. In World War II it operated as a conspiratorial organization. It was very active in culture and education after the war. The Polish arm was disbanded in 1949.

4 Autonomy of Galicia (1867-1918)

Following the 1867 Ausgleich (Compromise between Vienna and Hungary and the founding of the Austro- Hungarian double Monarchy) the predominantly non-German provinces of Cisleithania (The Austrian half of the double state) were also provided greater authonomy, although the previous Czech and Polish plans for incorporating their lands into a greater federal structure failed. Although the Poles were in majority only in Western Galicia, in 1867 the Galician Sejm (Parliament) was founded in the Eastern Galician city of Lemberg (Lwow, Lvov, today Lviv). It was responsible for various internal matters, i.e. education, taxation, culture, etc. The Galician Sejm also delegated deputies to the Reichsrat (Austrian Parliament) in Vienna. In 1871 a Minister for Galician Affairs was appointed in Vienna. Polish was declared official language in the whole province and administration, justice sytem and education was distincly Polish, while the overwhelming majority of Eastern Galicia was Ukrainian. The Universities of Cracow and Lemberg were Polonized (1870) and the Polish Academy of Sciences was founded in Cracow (1872). The Polish administration of Galicia attempted to Polonize Eastern Galicia that invoked Ukrainian resistance. Many of the leading Galician Polish intellectuals (Jozef Szujski, Stanislaw Tarnowski, Stanislaw Kozmian, Ludwik Wodzicki, etc.) welcomed the chages and emphasized economic growth and the streangthening of Galicia's authonomy within the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy instead of armed struggle fot national independence. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Galicia_%28Central_Europe%29)

5 Polish Scouting

Soon after the founding of the Scouting movement by R. Baden-Powell and the publishing of his 'Scouting for Boys' in 1908, Polish Scouting was created in 1911 by Andrzej Malkowski in the Galician capital of Lemberg (Lwow, Lvov, today Lviv). The magazine 'Skaut' (Scout) was issued. Troops were soon organized in the Polish lands under Germany and Russia too. The scouts were actuively involved in the fight for Polish independence before and during WWI. In 1918, after Polish independence was gained, the troops from all the three partitions (Austria, Germany anmd Russia) were joined into one organization - ZHP (Union of Polish Scouting).

6 May 3rd Constitution

Constitutional treaty from 1791, adopted during the Four-Year Sejm by the patriotic party as a result of a compromise with the royalist party. The constitution was an attempt to redress the internal relations in Poland after the first partition (1772). It created the basis of the structure of modern Poland, as a constitutional monarchy. In the first article the constitution guaranteed freedom of conscience and religion, although Catholicism remained the ruling religion. Members of other religions were assured 'governmental care.' The constitution instituted the division of powers, restricted the privileges of the nobility, granted far-ranging rights to townspeople and assured governmental protection to peasants. Four years later, in 1795, Poland finally lost its independence and was fully divided up between its three powerful neighbours: Russia, Prussia and Austria.

7 Kosciuszko, Tadeusz (1746-1817)

general, Polish national hero. Born in Poland, studied military engineering in Paris and later moved to America, where he joined the colonial army. Gained fame during the American Revolution for his fortifications and battle skills, especially during the siege of Saratoga. Returned to Poland in 1784. In 1794 he led a rebellion against occupying Russian and Prussian forces, known as the Kosciuszko Uprising (Powstanie Kosciuszkowskie). Jailed in Russia from 1794 to 1796, later left for France, where he continued efforts to secure Polish independence.

8 HIAS (Hebrew Immigration Aid Society)

founded in New York City by a group of Jewish immigrants in 1881, HIAS has offered food, shelter and other aid to emigrants. HIAS has assisted more than 4.5 million people in their quest for freedom. This includes the million Jewish refugees it helped to immigrate to Israel (in cooperation with the Jewish Agency for Israel), and the thousands it helped resettle in Canada, Latin America, Australia, New Zealand and elsewhere. As the oldest international migration and refugee resettlement agency in the U.S., HIAS also played a major role in the rescue and relocation of Jewish survivors of the Holocaust and of Jews from Morocco, Ethiopia, Egypt and the communist countries of Eastern Europe. More recently, since the mid-1970s, HIAS has helped Jewish refugees from the former Soviet Union. In Poland the society has been active since before 1939. After the war HIAS received permission to recommence its activities in March 1946, and opened offices in Warsaw, Bialystok, Katowice, Cracow, Lublin and Lodz. It provided information on emigration procedures and the policies of foreign countries regarding emigres, helped deal with formalities involved in emigration, and provided material assistance and care for emigres.

9 Poland's independence, 1918

In 1918 Poland regained its independence after over 100 years under the partitions, when it was divided up between Russia, Austria and Prussia. World War I ended with the defeat of all three partitioning powers, which made the liberation of Poland possible. On 8 January 1918 the president of the USA, Woodrow Wilson, declaimed his 14 points, the 13th of which dealt with Poland's independence. In the spring of the same year, the Triple Entente was in secret negotiations with Austria-Hungary, offering them integrity and some of Poland in exchange for parting company with their German ally, but the talks were a fiasco and in June the Entente reverted to its original demands of full independence for Poland. In the face of the defeat of the Central Powers, on 7 October 1918 the Regency Council issued a statement to the Polish nation proclaiming its independence and the reunion of Poland. Institutions representing the Polish nation on the international arena began to spring up, as did units disarming the partitioning powers' armed forces and others organizing a system of authority for the needs of the future state. In the night of 6-7 November 1918, in Lublin, a Provisional Government of the Republic of Poland was formed under Ignacy Daszynski. Its core comprised supporters of Pilsudski. On 11 November 1918 the armistice was signed on the western front, and the Regency Council entrusted Pilsudski with the supreme command of the nascent army. On 14 November the Regency Council dissolved, handing all civilian power to Pilsudski; the Lublin government also submitted to his rule. On 17 November Pilsudski appointed a government, which on 21 November issued a manifesto promising agricultural reforms and the nationalization of certain branches of industry. It also introduced labor legislation that strongly favored the workers, and announced parliamentary elections. On 22 November Pilsudski announced himself Head of State and signed a decree on the provisional authorities in the Republic of Poland. The revolutionary left, from December 1918 united in the Communist Workers' Party of Poland, came out against the government and independence, but the program of Pilsudski's government satisfied the expectations of the majority of society and emboldened it to fight for its goals within the parliamentary democracy of the independent Polish state. In January and June 1919 the first elections to the Legislative Sejm were held. On 20 February 1919 the Legislative Sejm passed the 'small constitution'; Pilsudski remained Head of State. The first stage of establishing statehood was completed, despite the fact that the issue of Poland's borders had not yet been resolved.

10 Slowacki, Juliusz (1809-1849)

one of the most outstanding Polish romantic poets and revolutionary, next to Mickiewicz and Krasinski, called 'the national bard.' Born in Krzemieniec (Kremenets, Ukraine), graduated from university in Vilna (Wilno, Vilnius, Lithuania), later went to Paris as the Courier of the National Government and settled there. He spent several years in Switzerland, traveled all over Europe, to Egypt, Palestine, Syria. His poems dealt with the struggle for independence, the past of the nation and the causes of the partitions. After the Wielkopolskie Uprising (1848) broke out, Slowacki went to Poznan (Posen, Prussian partition) in spite of advanced pneumonia, later he joined the Polish expatriots in Paris, where he died. (http://www.encyclopedia.com/html/s/slowacki.asp)

11 Mickiewicz, Adam (1798-1855)

Often regarded as the greatest Polish poet. As a student he was arrested for nationalist activities by the tsarist police in 1823. In 1829 he managed to emigrate to France and worked as professor of literature at different universities. During the 1848 revolution in France and the Crimean War he attempted to organize legions for the Polish cause. Mickiewicz's poetry gave international stature to Polish literature. His powerful verse expressed a romantic view of the soul and the mysteries of life, often employing Polish folk themes. 12 Pogrom in Rzeszow: It broke out on May 3rd, 1919. Due to food shortages an angry crowd gathered in front of the District Seat in Rzeszow and started protesting. In response, the officials announced that local Jews had lots of food. The angry mob stormed Jewish stores and apartments, destroying and raiding them. One of the synagogues was seriously damaged, as was the shtibl (Chasidic house of prayer). Sixty Jews were wounded during the incidents, many seriously.

13 Treblinka

village in Poland's Mazovia region, site of two camps. The first was a penal labor camp, established in 1941 and operating until 1944. The second, known as Treblinka II, functioned in the period 1942-43 and was a death camp. Prisoners in the former worked in Treblinka II. In the second camp a ramp and a mock-up of a railway station were built, which prevented the victims from realizing what awaited them until just in front of the entrance to the gas chamber. The camp covered an area of 13.5 hectares. It was bounded by a 3-m high barbed wire fence interwoven densely with pine branches to screen what was going on inside. The whole process of exterminating a transport from arrival in the camp to removal of the corpses from the gas chamber took around 2 hours. Several transports arrived daily. In the 13 months of the extermination camp's existence the Germans gassed some 750,000-800,000 Jews. Those taken to Treblinka included Warsaw Jews during the Grossaktion [great liquidation campaign] in the Warsaw ghetto in the summer of 1942. As well as Polish Jews, Jews from Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Greece, Yugoslavia and the USSR were also killed in Treblinka. In the spring of 1943 the Germans gradually began to liquidate the camp. On 2 August 1943 an uprising broke out there with the aim of enabling some 200 people to escape. The majority died.

14 Belzec

Village in Lublin region of Poland (Tomaszow district). In 1940 the Germans created a forced labor camp there for 2,500 Jews and Roma. In November 1941 it was transformed into an extermination camp (SS Sonderkommando Belzec or Dienststelle Belzec der Waffen SS) under the 'Reinhard-Aktion', in which the Germans murdered around 600,000 people (chiefly in gas chambers), including approximately 550,000 Polish Jews (approx. 300,000 from the province of Galicia) and Jews from the USSR, Austria, Belgium, Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Holland, Germany, Norway and Hungary; many Poles from surrounding towns and villages and from Lwow also died here, mostly for helping Jews. In November 1942 the Nazis began liquidating the camp. In the spring of 1943 the camp was demolished and the corpses of the gassed victims exhumed from their mass graves and burned. The last 600 Jews employed in this work were then sent to the Sobibor camp, where they died in the gas chambers.

15 Rzeszow Ghetto

It was created in January 1942 and contained a total of approx. 25,000 Jews from Rzeszow and the surrounding area. In the summer of 1942 over 20,000 people were murdered in the extermination camp in Belzec, several thousand were shot to death in the forests near Rudna, Szebnie and Glogow. The ghetto was finally liquidated in September 1943. Persons suitable for labor were deported to labor camps in Szebnie and Plaszow, the remaining ones were killed in Auschwitz. A few Jews remained in the Rzeszow labor camp until July 1944.

16 Volksdeutscher

In Poland a person who was entered (usually voluntarily, more rarely compulsorily) on a list of people of ethnic German origin during the German occupation was called Volksdeutscher and had various privileges in the occupied territories.

17 Kazimierz

Now a district of Cracow lying south of the Main Market Square, it was initially a town in its own right, which received its charter in 1335. Kazimierz was named in honor of its founder, King Casimir the Great. In 1495 King Jan Olbracht issued the decision to transfer the Jews of Cracow to Kazimierz. From that time on a major part of Kazimierz became a center of Jewish life. Before 1939 more than 64,000 Jews lived in Cracow, which was some 25% of the city's total population. Only the culturally assimilated Jewish intelligentsia lived outside Kazimierz. Until the outbreak of World War II this quarter remained primarily a Jewish district, and was the base for the majority of the Jewish institutions, organizations and parties. The religious life of Cracow's Jews was also concentrated here; they prayed in large synagogues and a multitude of small private prayer houses. In 1941 the Jews of Cracow were removed from Kazimierz to the ghetto, created in the district of Podgorze, where some died and the remainder were transferred to the camps in Plaszow and Auschwitz. The majority of the pre-war monuments, synagogues and Jewish cemeteries in Kazimierz have been preserved to the present day, and a few Jewish institutions continue to operate.

18 Anders' Army

The Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, subsequently the Polish Army in the East, known as Anders' Army: an operations unit of the Polish Armed Forces formed pursuant to the Polish-Soviet Pact of 30 July 1941 and the military agreement of 14 July 1941. It comprised Polish citizens who had been deported into the heart of the USSR: soldiers imprisoned in 1939-41 and civilians amnestied in 1941 (some 1.25-1.6m people, including a recruitment base of 100,000-150,000). The commander-in- chief of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR was General Wladyslaw Anders. The army never reached its full quota (in February 1942 it numbered 48,000, and in March 1942 around 66,000). In terms of operations it was answerable to the Supreme Command of the Red Army, and in terms of organization and personnel to the Supreme Commander, General Wladyslaw Sikorski and the Polish government in exile. In March-April 1942 part of the Army (with Stalin's consent) was sent to Iran (33,000 soldiers and approx. 10,000 civilians). The final evacuation took place in August-September 1942 pursuant to Soviet-British agreements concluded in July 1942 (it was the aim of General Anders and the British powers to withdraw Polish forces from the USSR); some 114,000 people, including 25,000 civilians (over 13,000 children) left the Soviet Union. The units that had been evacuated were merged with the Polish Army in the Middle East to form the Polish Army in the East, commanded by Anders.

19 Battle of Monte Cassino

Also known as the Battle for Rome, it was a costly series of battles fought by the Allies at a strategic hill, with the ancient Benedictian monastery, with the intention of breaking through the Gustav Line and seizing Rome. The first battle started on January 4th, 1944 and the monastery was destroyed by Allied bombing on February 15th. During three failed attempts to take the heavily-guarded monastery of Monte Cassino, the forces of the USA, the UK, India, Canada, Australia, South Africa and New Zealand lost approximately 54,000 men yet did not manage to seize the city or the castle. The Fourth Battle of Monte Cassino was fought by the 2nd Polish Corps under General Wladyslaw Anders (May 11-May 19). The first assault (May 11-May 12) brought heavy losses but also allowed the British Eighth Army under General Sir Oliver Leese to break through German lines in the Liri river valley below the monastery. The second assault (May 17-May 19), carried out at immense cost by the Polish troops and the key outflanking movement in the mountains by skilled Moroccan soldiers (French Expeditionary Corps CEF), pushed the German 1st Parachute Division out of its positions on the hills surrounding the monastery and almost surrounded them. In the early morning of May 18th a reconnaissance group of Polish 12th Podolian Uhlans Regiment occupied the ruins of the monastery after it was evacuated by the Germans. The capture of Monte Cassino allowed the British and American divisions to begin the advance on Rome, which fell on June 4th, 1944 just two days before the Normandy invasion. Over 74,000 soldiers, including over 1,000 Poles, were killed in the battle. (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/May_18)

20 Plaszow Camp

Located near Cracow, it was originally a forced labor camp and subsequently became a concentration camp. The construction of the camp began in summer 1940. In 1941 the camp was extended and the first Jews were deported there. The site chosen comprised two Jewish cemeteries. There were about 2,000 prisoners there before the liquidation of the Podgorze (Cracow) ghetto on 13th and 14th March 1943 and the transportation of the remaining Jews to Plaszow camp. Afterwards, the camp population rose to 8,000. By the second half of 1943 its population had risen to 12,000, and by May-June 1944 the number of permanent prisoners had increased to 24,000 (with an unknown number of temporary prisoners), including 6,000-8,000 Jews from Hungary. Until the middle of 1943 all the prisoners in the Plaszow forced labor camp were Jews. In July 1943, a separate section was fenced off for Polish prisoners who were sent to the camp for breaking the laws of the German occupational government. The conditions of life in the camp were made unbearable by the SS commander Amon Goeth, who became the commandant of Plaszow in February 1943. He held the position until September 1944 when he was arrested by the SS for stealing from the camp warehouses. As the Russian forces advanced further and further westward, the Germans began the systematic evacuation of the slave labor camps in their path. From the camp in Plaszow, many hundreds were sent to Auschwitz, others westward to Mauthausen and Flossenburg. On 18th January 1945 the camp was evacuated in the form of death marches, during which thousands of prisoners died from starvation or disease, or were shot if they were too weak to walk. The last prisoners were transferred to Germany on 16th January 1945. More than 150,000 civilians were held prisoner in Plaszow.

21 Polish United Workers' Party (PZPR)

communist party formed in Poland in December 1948 by the fusion of the PPR (Polish Workers' Party) and the PPS (Polish Socialist Party). Until 1989 it was the only party in the country; it held power, but was subordinate to the Soviet Union. After losing the elections in June 1989 it lost its monopoly. On 29th January 1990 the party was dissolved.

22 Anti-Zionist campaign in Poland

From 1962-1967 a campaign got underway to sack Jews employed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the army and the central administration. The background to this anti-Semitic campaign was the involvement of the Socialist Bloc countries on the Arab side in the Middle East conflict, in connection with which Moscow ordered purges in state institutions. On 19th June 1967 at a trade union congress the then First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], Wladyslaw Gomulka, accused the Jews of a lack of loyalty to the state and of publicly demonstrating their enthusiasm for Israel's victory in the Six- Day-War. This address marked the start of purges among journalists and creative professions. Poland also severed diplomatic relations with Israel. On 8th March 1968 there was a protest at Warsaw University. The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded by launching a press campaign and organizing mass demonstrations in factories and workplaces during which 'Zionists' and 'trouble-makers' were indicted and anti-Semitic and anti-intelligentsia slogans shouted. After the events of March purges were also staged in all state institutions, from factories to universities, on criteria of nationality and race. 'Family liability' was also introduced (e.g. with respect to people whose spouses were Jewish). Jews were forced to emigrate. From 1968-1971 15,000-30,000 people left Poland. They were stripped of their citizenship and right of return.
 

Ester Josifova

Ester Josifova
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Dimitar Bozhilov
Date of interview: June 2002

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary

Family background

My family on both my mother's and my father's side originally comes from Spain. My father's ancestors hadn't settled in Bulgaria straight away - they first lived in Western Europe. I know that my paternal great- grandfather, Iacov Pinkas, was born in the Netherlands but went to live in Germany later, and my grandfather, Naftali Pinkas, was born there in the 1860s. He was the one who came to Bulgaria, settled in Kovachevtsi village [50 km west of Sofia] and built a dairy there. He made kosher cheese and sold it to the Jews from Dupnitsa, Kjustendil and other nearby places. I suppose that his ancestors had also been in the dairy business. The village of Kovachevtsi was a relatively small one. Only a few hundred people lived there; they were stock-breeders and supplied my grandfather's dairy with milk.

My paternal great-grandfather and grandfather were very religious and they had both been rabbis in the Netherlands and Germany. They wore payes and had studied in special schools for rabbis. My grandfather spoke and wrote Ladino fluently, and he also knew Hebrew. He strictly observed Jewish traditions and rituals. Despite the fact that he lived in a village far from Sofia, he used to come to Sofia to buy kosher meat from the kosher butcher's in the central market hall.

My grandfather married Rebeca Farhi, who was born in Dupnitsa, and went to live in Kovachevtsi village with her. Unfortunately she died of tuberculosis very young - shortly after my father, Buko Pinkas, was born. My grandfather married Mazal Alkalai after that. She was born in Sofia and she was an educated and refined woman, she spoke French and often used French expressions in her speech. She originated from the rich Jewish kin of Alkalai, who were leaders in the tobacco business. I remember that she was a very beautiful woman with blond hair and blue eyes. She looked after my father as if he was her own child. Though her family was rich she did the housekeeping on her own. She treated all her grandchildren very well. My father supported her until the end of her life - he used to send her money every week. It was a tradition in Jewish families that the older children looked after the younger. That's why, after my grandfather's death in 1908, my father looked after his mother as well as his brothers and sisters.

My grandfather's first wife, my real grandmother, had a brother, Haim Farhi, who was one of the most eminent Zionist leaders in Bulgaria. He knew Theodor Herzl 1 personally. He warned my father many years before the Holocaust that hard times for Jews were to come. He even advised him to leave for Israel with the family. My father said that it wasn't the right time because the children had to continue their education in Bulgaria. However, he bought land in Israel, before the country was even founded, with foresight for his children's future. When my sisters went to live in Israel in 1948 they settled on this plot of land.

Haim Farhi was a close associate of King Ferdinand. He was sent to Spain as a diplomat for five years thanks to his excellent knowledge of Spanish. He had studied diplomatic science before that. I remember that he lived on Pirotska Street and there were security guards in front of the house. He held a very high public position. I remember that he visited my father in 1926-1927 to advise him to emigrate to Palestine. Haim Farhi supported many Jewish emigrants financially when they left for Palestine. After World War I, Haim became the Foreign Affairs Counselor of King Boris III, the son of King Ferdinand. He was sent to Palestine in the 1930s with great respect from the King of Bulgaria. There is a street named after Haim Farhi in Jerusalem.

At the beginning of the 20th century Jews could work in high diplomatic positions in Bulgaria. Religion wasn't an issue regarding the social or political position of people back then. Grasiani and Tacher, for example, became colonels during World War I just because of their personal merits. [Editor's note: They were both of Jewish origin: Grasiani was a doctor and Tacher a lawyer.] I didn't feel any anti-Semitic attitude until Hitler's rise to power. I lived in a Bulgarian neighborhood, and my family always got along very well with the Bulgarians.

My maternal ancestors lived in Nish, Serbia. My grandmother, Lucia Ninio [nee Benmajor], waa born in 1847. She emigrated to Sofia after the invasion of Serbia by the Turkish army in the 1860s. She was almost 15 years old when her family loaded their luggage on carts and moved to Sofia. She said that the whole family came to Sofia to live with some relatives. She remembered and used to tell me how Vasil Levski 2 was hanged in 1873 on the central city square. There was a lake there back then, and now the King's Palace is situated on the spot. The first Bulgarian monarch, Alexander I Batenberg, built it after the liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish rule 3.

My grandmother was a very beautiful girl, and Serbs used to call her 'avaklata' [Serbian expression for a beautiful woman] because of her nice black hair and her lovely eyes. Being the wife of a famous Jewish citizen, my grandmother used to wear a bonnet, a special hat made of fine textile with gold pieces on it. She spoke Serbian and Ladino until the end of her life. She died in 1949 when she was 102 years old.

My maternal grandfather, Moshe Ninio, was a merchant. He exported eggs, flour and grain from Bulgaria to Austria, Greece and the Czech Republic. He was a very rich man and owned a big property in the center of Sofia, where the Sheraton Hotel stands today. Their house was there. It was a low building and consisted of several wings and an inner yard. There were houses of other families in the yard, and only Jewish families stayed there. They lived in harmony and gathered every morning to have coffee in the yard.

My grandfather was very religious, he had a long beard and used to spend the entire Saturday praying. He was the president of the Jewish community in Sofia and the director of the Jewish school. He wasn't only well-known in Sofia but in the whole country.

They used to talk in Ladino in the family but my grandfather also knew ancient Hebrew. He died in Sofia in 1906. After my grandfather's death the children looked after my grandmother. I recall that my father took her to live with us for some time in the 1920s.

My maternal grandmother was married twice. The first time her mother arranged for her engagement, she was only 18 years old. Unfortunately her first husband was ill and died. My mother, Sofi Pinkas, is the oldest child from my grandmother's second marriage. She was born in Sofia in 1888 and went to school there. She completed four classes of the Jewish elementary school. My mother had two sisters, Victoria and Tamara, and a brother, David.

Aunt Victoria married a Greek Jew, Mois Arenos. They lived in Plovdiv where Mois owned a shoe shop. They had one daughter, Zelma. They were sent to Greece during the Holocaust. Later they were deported to Poland and killed in a concentration camp. My other aunt, Tamara, lived in the town of Shumen. She married a rich merchant called Meranda, and they had five children. Her husband went bankrupt and for a certain period of time my father provided for their family. Aunt Tamara's family left for Israel in 1948 and settled in Jaffa.

My mother's brother, David, was a very good musician and a singer. He was the founder of the well-known Sofia choir 'Gusla'. He completed his musical education in Italy. My father provided for his studying there. David got married in Sofia and had one son. His family went to Israel in 1949. He was a musician there, too. Unfortunately his son died in an accident in Israel.

My father had three stepbrothers and two stepsisters. Josif was born in 1897 in Kovachevtsi. He graduated from the commercial school in Sofia and became a merchant. He lived in Sofia with his wife Estrea and their children: Mati, who became a famous singer later, and Klara, who became a philosophy professor. Josif died in 1937.

My father's second stepbrother, Nisim, died very young, in 1933. My father's third stepbrother, Leon, was born in Sofia in 1906. He was a merchant and a musician - he sang in the Sofia choir called Gusla, founded by Uncle David. My father's stepsisters were named Rebeca and Victoria. Rebeca was also born in Sofia. She got married and had a son who became a famous opera singer. Victoria married a woodworker and they had two children. In the 1940s they went to Israel and settled in Jaffa.

My father was born in Kovachevtsi in 1885 and moved to Sofia as a young man to study to be a hakham - that is what we call the rabbi's assistant in our synagogue, who can also read prayers and perform religious rituals. A hakham has a lower position in the hierarchy than the rabbi. There was a special Jewish religious school in Sofia that existed before the Central Synagogue was built in 1913.

My father married straight after graduating from the hakham school, stayed in Sofia and started trading. My father wasn't a chazzan at the synagogue, but he often went there to recite prayers because he had a lovely voice and knew a lot of prayers in Hebrew. He translated several books from ancient Hebrew to Ladino, including one book of the Talmud. This way my father contributed a lot to Jewish culture in Bulgaria. I donated his religious books to the synagogue after his death.

My father took part in both Balkan wars from 1912-1913 and in World War I from 1916-1918. He was awarded several medals for his military exploits. He sang very well and he used to lead the soldiers into battles with a song. He had always been devoted to Bulgaria and when he got a notice that he would be interned from Sofia in 1943, he and a group of ex-Bulgarian army soldiers, who had taken part in the wars, took their medals and went to the palace of King Boris III to return them. That was how they wanted to express their disappointment in the policy the king and the government pursued towards Jews, and especially the people who had defended Bulgaria in the long hard wars. In my father's opinion King Boris III respected the Jews deeply, but he didn't have the courage to oppose the German policy during World War II. When the Jewish delegation arrived at the gates of the palace they were told that the king was absent and they couldn't meet him. The truth was that the government didn't allow the king to have this meeting.

My mother and my father met each other on the great Jewish holiday of Purim. My father lived in the village of Kovachevtsi at the time and came to Sofia especially for the holiday. He saw my mother in the carnival - she was dressed as Queen Ester. He fell in love with her at first sight. My father was tall and well built and my mother was very short but very beautiful. He was very impulsive and he introduced himself immediately. I remember my mother telling me about what my father looked like at their first meeting. He was dressed in typical Bulgarian village clothes. He wore poturi, traditional loose trousers worn by villagers, and socks with beads on them. He spoke the local Kovachevtsi dialect fluently and also sang the local folk songs very well. My father eliminated another candidate for my mother's hand. They got married in 1907 in Sofia. They had a religious wedding with a rabbi in the synagogue. All my father's relatives from Kovachevtsi attended the wedding.

My parents settled in Sofia after the wedding. They lived in the city center. My brother, my two sisters and me were born in that house. My brother, Moshe, was born in 1908, my older sister, Lika, in 1910, I followed in 1914 and my younger sister, Lili, in 1925. The part of the city has changed a lot since then, and at present the main building of the Central Universal Shop is situated at the place where our house used to be.

Growing up

More than 30,000 Jews lived in Sofia in the first half of the 20th century. The richer Jews lived in the city center and the poorer ones in Iuchbunar 4. There were many people in Iuchbunar who needed help to survive. There were many refugees from Aegean Trace and Macedonia who were forced to emigrate after the Balkan wars. This district looked like a ghetto compared to the center of the city. The richer Jews had an interesting way to support the needy ones. They had small boxes at home into which they put as much money as they could afford during the week. A sexton used to come every Friday to take the boxes to the synagogue and returned them empty later. Our family also had such a box at home. The funds were mostly collected for the education of the children of poorer families. This way these children could be sent to study abroad.

My father and some other men sent the future conductor of the Jewish choir in Sofia to study in Vienna and provided for his education. He was the son of a humble washerwoman. My mother-in-law's brother from Pleven studied commerce in Vienna with the financial support of the local Jewish community. Many of the poor Jewish girls couldn't get married because their families couldn't put together dowry for them. They received money from these voluntary donations. When a great Jewish holiday was forthcoming, for example Pesach or Yom Kippur, the rich Jews used to send hens or other poultry to the synagogue, and they even bought matzah. The chocolate factory 'Beraha' also made matzah. Some people didn't have white tablecloths for Pesach and all the poor Jews used to receive a white tablecloth with at least twelve table-napkins.

My father had a shop for glass and crystal goods. The shop was very big and we had three branches. There were two laborers and an accountant, and my mother worked at the cash-desk. My father's clients were rich people because fine glass and porcelain were expensive. He didn't produce things, he only traded with fine glass, crystal and porcelain. He imported it from Austria and the Czech Republic. He always closed the shop on Sabbath and Fridays. I remember that on Fridays in winter he used to close at 4.30pm so that he could go to the synagogue.

Our house was big: my father had the first floor for himself and there was a signboard on the door which read Pinkas. Bank Alkalai was situated on the second floor. Our family lived on the third floor. My sisters and I lived in one room; our parents in another one, and my brother Moshe had the biggest room. He had a piano and an easel for his violin there. He had portraits of great composers, such as Beethoven and Mozart, on the walls.

Moshe expressed his musical talent from his early childhood on. My mother told me that while my father was in the war in the 1910s, my brother often used to visit my grandmother's house. Some Gypsy [Roma] families had settled there, who were very musical and sang and danced a lot. My brother was very interested in them and used to spend the whole day listening to them. When my father came back from the front my mother told him about Moshe's passion for Gypsy music, and he immediately sent him to take music lessons. He developed his musical talent very fast and enrolled to study violin with the well-known Czech professor Koh, who introduced violin education in Bulgaria.

We had housemaids. They were Bulgarians and came from some nearby village. We had housemaids from Vakarel and even from Kovachevtsi, my father's birthplace. Their duties were to clean the house. Cooking wasn't their job, my mother cooked herself. We considered our housemaids members of the family. We ate at one table and slept in one and the same room. My father even introduced the maid from Vakarel to one of his shop attendants and found a lodging for them. They got married later. My older sister, Lika, also helped in the household. She went to school, played the piano and took care of our upbringing. My mother left home early to work at the shop.

Unfortunately my father couldn't cope with both jobs - being a merchant and a cantor at the synagogue - simultaneously. He went bankrupt in the 1920s. I was in elementary school then, my older sister was in high school and my brother was a first-year-student at the Music College. I remember that my father closed himself in one of the rooms and solely devoted himself to books and prayers. My mother was more pragmatic and managed to convince him that they had to take certain steps. Thanks to my mother we found a small shop and a new lodging. My father went on trading with fine glass, crystal and porcelain.

We used to gather at my father's stepmother's for our greatest holiday, Pesach, to show her our respect. My maternal grandmother, who was a widow, used to come with aunt Tamara's, Miranda's and Uncle Moshe's families. Around 40 people used to gather. We arranged long tables with white tablecloths, left the doors open and put a lit candle on the window sill. This meant that if a hungry man passed by he was welcome to come in and join our table. The oldest in the family, my father, read the prayer in Hebrew. [Editor's note: Ester probably means the Haggadah.] He also translated the texts into Ladino. The oldest child in the family, my brother Moshe, was given a clean white bag into which the matzah was put. He had to hold it the whole night so that he would always remember how the Jews had saved themselves in the desert. That's how the story of the 40- year wandering of Moses in the desert and the exodus from Egypt was reconstituted.

We observed all other Jewish holidays as well. We had dinner at six o'clock on Yom Kippur and went to the synagogue. We stayed there until eight o'clock in the evening. The next morning we went to the synagogue again and either spent the whole day there or went several times a day. We didn't eat anything the whole day. We sang and after that we went home. The song was about the hardship of the Jewish people.

The first thing to be served on the table after the fasting is a sweet called tespishtil. It's made of thin pastry and a lot of walnuts and almonds and soaked in sugar syrup. There should be apple with honey on the table and the oldest child gives a piece to everyone. This is done in order to make sure that the forthcoming year would be as sweet as honey, nice as an apple and peaceful. On Sukkot adults went to the synagogue every morning before sunrise for the whole week and there was a special tent, the sukkah, in the yard of the synagogue. There were a lot of delicacies in that sukkah. We celebrated the holiday of fruits, Fruitas, in February and Purim, the day of the masks, in March. [Fruitas is the popular name of the Tu bi-Shevat festival among the Bulgarian Jews.]

I remember a tradition in Sofia which started in the early decades of the 20th century: the Jewish sports organization Maccabi organized parades on the great Jewish holidays. It was a festive procession and the strongest youth led it holding a torch in his hand. The youth passed on the streets and people stopped to watch them and show their respect.

When I was a child we spoke both Ladino and Bulgarian in the family. I think that my parents didn't have the best pronunciation of Ladino. I learned a lot from my mother-in-law after I got married. She spoke Ladino perfectly. Sofia Jews have a special pronunciation of Ladino. The pronunciation of some consonants resembles Portuguese. You can hear the best-spoken Ladino in Plovdiv and in South-Eastern Bulgaria. Jews in Russe also speak very clear Ladino. Sometimes the difference in the pronunciation in Sofia and in some other towns is so big that we hardly understand each other. For example the Jews in Sofia pronounce the word for woman 'mojer' and Jews in Plovdiv 'moher'. I find the Sofia Ladino a little rougher.

My father believed that we had to have secular education and sent us - my two sisters, my brother and me - to study in a Bulgarian school. He wanted his children to speak Bulgarian well. Many Jewish children went to Bulgarian schools. I had friends who went to Bulgarian schools just like me.

I graduated from the economics high-school in Sofia. That school was the closest to our house. After that the Jewish choir sent me to a private music school because I had a nice voice and they thought that I should develop my singing talent. My favorite subjects at school were history and singing. I even went to an opera singing competition at the Sofia Opera before our internment in Kjustendil. I won it but my brother advised my father to make me give up my career in singing because he thought that I might enter an 'unsuitable' surrounding. I dealt with the household until our internment and did some dressmaking - I sewed clothes and designed models. My older sister, Lika, graduated from a classical studies high- school.

Most of my father's and brother's friends were Bulgarians. My brother Moshe played in the royal orchestra and lived a Bohemian life with his Bulgarian friends. Moshe and the popular Bulgarian singers Lea Ivanova, Zdravko Radoev and some other musicians founded the first jazz band in Bulgaria in 1933. Our house was bigger than those of the other musicians so they used to come to us for rehearsals. Another famous musician who first played his repertoire at our home was Asparuh Leshnikov 5. Moshe was a universal musician and he used to play saxophone in the orchestra. His band was very popular in Sofia in the 1930s.

There were matinees in the Royal Cinema-Theater in Sofia every Sunday, and the symphonic orchestra and my brother's jazz orchestra used to play there. Those matinees were very successful, and there was always a big audience. The owners of the cinema-theater were Jews from a rich tobacco business family. There were three Jews in the jazz band. The drummer's name was Eshkenazi and he was the best drummer around at that time. His rhythm drove people crazy. Lea Ivanova was the singer. Those matinees existed for many years, I remember them as early as of 1931, and they ended in the 1940s during World War II.

During the War

Our family had to leave the house in the center of Sofia after the Law for the Protection of the Nation 6 was accepted in 1939. We had to move to the Jewish neighborhood of Iuchbunar. The law said that Jews didn't have the right to live in the center of Sofia. Boulevard Hristo Botev marked the border. I didn't know the district of Iuchbunar before then. We rented a house on Nishka and Sofronii Vrachanski Street. That's how we became neighbors with my future husband Menahem Josifov's parents. My mother found a relatively big house, and we lived with Uncle Josif and his two children. We were interned in the town of Kjustendil in 1943 from where we were to be sent to concentration camps.

There was a great demonstration in Sofia on 24th May 1943 7 against the politics of repressions against Jews and, most of all, against the decision according to which Jews were interned from their homes. A large group of Bulgarians - workers, students, doctors and lawyers - went out to demonstrate their support for Bulgarian Jews. The Jewish youth also took part in that demonstration. I recall that mounted police came from Sofronii Vrachanski and Tzar Simeon Streets and chased the demonstrators away using force. It was very scary and many people were arrested.

Our landlords during the internment in Kjustendil were Sabbatarians 8. They got along very well with my father, who was a very well-educated man and had many common topics to talk about. These people were very polite and friendly to us. They got up early in the morning to bring us a newspaper and a loaf of bread. We were forbidden to go out ourselves before 9 o'clock. We were only allowed to leave home for two hours - between 9 and 11 in the morning. There were days when we couldn't go out at all - we were in a terrible situation, but our landlords did their best to help us. I became friends with the neighbors' children. My mother made tasty pastry as a sign of her gratefulness, and I sewed clothes for them.

Our relations with our neighbors and landlords during the internment in Kjustendil were fine, but trouble was awaiting us on the street. I remember that one night my younger sister and I were waiting on the street for our father to come back from the synagogue. He was wearing a yellow star, which he managed to hide discretely. Suddenly two youth stopped us on the street, one of them was the son of the well-known Bulgarian army general Zhekov. They were Branniks 9 and acted in a hostile manner. They stopped us to check if we were wearing the yellow star. One of them even took liberties with my sister. Then my father got angry, caught his jacket lapels and shook him. He explained to them that he had fought in the wars for them and that they didn't have the right to behave that way. My father was very proud of his war medals and put one of them next to the yellow star. He showed them the yellow star and the medal and told general Zhekov's son that he had fought side by side with his father in the war. When we went home my father felt really bad because of the humiliation he had had to experience.

My brother Moshe also experienced such trouble. He used to play in a band of Jews, and one evening they organized a small concert. A group of Branniks intercepted and attacked them. They wanted to take my brother's violin away. He fought bravely and managed to keep his violin but they stole his expensive watch.

I remember an incident from the beginning of the 1940s. I had already got engaged to my future husband, and I was walking with my sister-in-law on Klementina Street, which was a Jewish street back then. Suddenly Branniks started to come out from all the small streets and intercepted us. They started to pull us, humiliated us and even tore my sister-in-law's blouse. When they attacked us, a group of young Jewish men saved us in a very witty way: they chose a Brannik, claimed he was a Jew and attacked him.

We experienced terrible times but the attitude of Bulgarians towards Jews was mostly good. I remember that general Zhekov desisted from his son, the one who had humiliated my father during the internment in Kjustendil, in the state newspaper after 9th September 1944 10. He did that because of his son's outrageous deeds as a Brannik. The general went to the Jewish community to ask for a public excuse because of his son's behavior.

There was a lot of violence against Jews in Dupnitsa. Some witness told me that Brannik members used to take girls against their will to the Germans. There wasn't anything like that in Kjustendil, probably because there was a strong pressure on behalf of the local deputies against the repressions of Bulgarian Jews.

Our family was in a difficult situation after the failure of our first shop. We all did our best to help. I was a dressmaker and helped my family, even during the internment. Thanks to the fact that I was a dressmaker I managed to earn some money. My parents had sent me to a dressmaker and designer's course, held by the court dressmaker at the palace, and that was where I learned my profession very well. I managed to help my fiancéJosifov, who was in Pleven back then. I used to send his family parcels. I also provided for my brother and my sister Lika, who came to live with us to give birth to her first child. My life was hard, but I didn't think that way back then, and I cannot say that I suffered because I worked hard to help my family. I have always been in high spirits and believed that I had to work to provide for my family. I still think that way today.

We came back from the internment at the end of 1944 and found our house completely robbed. It was very cold and one of the walls was ruined. Lika and her child also came with us because her husband had gone to the front with the Bulgarian army. After the Soviet army entered Bulgarian territory many Bulgarian soldiers joined it and took part in the battles against the Germans. My brother was also mobilized. I couldn't even see him off because he left straight after he was freed from the labor camp where he had been sent to from 1942-1944.

After the War

Our father owned a little shop opposite our house and a Bulgarian rented it. He turned out to be a very good person and even came to Kjustendil during the internment to assure us that the shop would be ours again when the internment was over. That shop was where I began to work later and that was how we started our life in Sofia again.

My husband's father, Israel Menahem, was an important egg merchant - he exported production wholesale to Austria. He lived in the town of Pleven. There was such a concurrence of circumstances that he went bankrupt and died. His family moved to Sofia in 1935. They rented a lodging in the town and started to work. The Jewish choir was a meeting place for young Jews. My husband and I met each other in the choir of the synagogue where we both used to sing. I married him on 30th June 1945. Our marriage was one of the first civil marriages in Sofia. Our love lasted and we waited for several years for each other while we were interned from Sofia. My family was interned in Kjustendil and his in Byala Slatina in Northern Bulgaria.

We went to live on Ekzarh Josif Street opposite the central public baths after we got married. Several families lived there. It was very packed, so we rented a lodging on Dondukov Boulevard with the help of a friend of my father's. We didn't live on our own there either - we shared the place with one more family. Menahem and I hardly managed to see each other in that period for we were both busy working all the time. We worked hard, and I even had to look after my two children after work. My older daughter, Lora, was born in 1946 and my younger one, Iza, in 1950.

Young Jews couldn't study at university between 1939-1944. My future husband had to interrupt his education in law at Sofia University. He continued studying after 9th September 1944 but he didn't graduate. It was his own decision not to. He started to work in the choir of the Ministry of Internal Affairs as an announcer. After we married our family financially relied entirely on me. I was very good at my profession as a dressmaker, and I worked with two other girls. Later my husband found prestigious work as deputy general manager of the trade and industry association called Co- operative Union. Even so we were short of money and I continued working.

The great Jewish departure to Israel began in 1948. I was very sad that my two sisters were leaving. My daughter, Lora, was grieving a lot over my older sister's child. When my husband saw how sad I was because I wasn't leaving with my family, he told me that I could leave if I really wanted to. However, he insisted that I left our child with him. He didn't want to go to Israel, and that's why we stayed in Bulgaria. My brother and my sick parents also stayed here. My brother said that he had to stay here and take care of them. Moshe became a first violinist at the Musical Theatre and retired from there later.

I was very happy and enthusiastic in the first years after 9th September 1944. We had survived the hard times and were safe. Gradually I started to understand what was happening in the country. Many people without any education were privileged and allowed to work in leading positions. My husband's director, for instance, was an illiterate man. My husband was the one who wrote the reports all night long and did all the work for him. I suppose that his Jewish origin was the main reason for that. He also got disappointed with the communist rule, especially after a visit to the Soviet Union. He met a Georgian Jew there who was afraid to tell that he was a Jew. My husband was an extremely honest person, and he truly believed in communism, but he got quickly disappointed with it because of the great injustice of the totalitarian system that stimulated privileges and theft.

It was difficult for Jews to go on living their traditional life during the times of the Communist Party rule. It wasn't a secret that the authorities kept the people who entered the synagogue under observation. It wasn't desirable to go to the synagogue, especially not for young people. I didn't have any problems because I used to accompany my husband's old mother. Old people could go there unobstructed. There was a certain anti-Semitic attitude towards me at my workplace though. I heard unpleasant things about my origin but only in everyday conversations. For example, after I became the director of the Zoia designer's studio, a colleague of mine said that Hitler should have killed us all so that I wouldn't have become her boss.

I continued to observe all Jewish holidays after 9th September 1944. My husband's mother lived with us, and we used to prepare for all the Jewish holidays together. In recent years I've been going to the Central Synagogue regularly as it's very near our home. We make special dishes for Pesach. We have been conducting a seder in the last ten years. We have a specially arranged table: there must be fish on the table.

I have suffered a lot during the two wars in Israel [the Six-Day-War and the Yom Kippur War] 11, because I have many relatives there. We also suffered because there was no objective information in Bulgaria at that time, and there was an anti-Israeli campaign. The authorities were pro-Arab during the wars in Israel.

I started work at the dressmaker's studio of the Joint. It was founded by the Joint 12 in order to provide jobs for Jews. I worked there until I retired in 1970. I was asked to go back to work after that because the studio needed a designer. Several dressmakers' studios merged back then. I fell severely ill with radicolithis. A Jewish doctor advised me not to have an operation and told me how to cure it myself. Upon that I started work as a quality controller at the Rodina dressmaker's studio.

Both my daughters are musical. My older daughter plays the piano very well. Lora was a ballet dancer as a little girl, and it was her decision not to continue with music. She has two university degrees, one in chemistry and one in journalism. She works as a journalist now. Iza graduated from the Faculty of Pharmacy at the Medical Academy. She owns a small pharmacy now and works there. My two daughters aren't married.

Life became more agitated after the political changes in Bulgaria in 1989, and people feel less secure. My daughters are extremely busy all the time. I think that Bulgaria hasn't been developing very well in recent years.

I welcome Eastern Europe's opening to the West. We can travel freely everywhere now. I was investigated for a month before I could go to Israel in the 1960s. I was instructed what to say when I would return from Israel. My cousins used to come to Bulgaria more often, and it seems they didn't experience the problems we did.

I visit the Jewish cultural center regularly now. The Jewish organisation in Sofia, Shalom, gives us the chance for entertainment, cultural events and meetings. We are organized in clubs that we visit several times a week. We have the Health Club where we do physical exercises, the Ladino Club where we practice our language and we also have a doctor at the club who takes care of our health. When I went on vacation to Kovachevtsi with Shalom, I asked a local man to take me to my grandfather and father's dairy. He took me there and it really looked ruined but there was someone who continued to take care of it.

I live with my daughter Lora, who is very dedicated to me, and her younger sister. I meet my friends, who come here often to see me and I spend a lot of time doing handiwork. I have always had many close Bulgarian friends. In my opinion, nowadays the attitude towards Jews is a question of intelligence. There are many uneducated people who cannot define their negative attitude towards Jews. Such people have a negative attitude to other ethnic groups in Bulgaria. There are also many intelligent people who don't pay attention to people's ethnic origin.

Glossary

1 Herzl, Theodor (1860-1904)

Jewish journalist and writer, the founder of modern political Zionism. Born in Budapest, Hungary, Herzl settled in Vienna, Austria, where he received legal education. However, he devoted himself to journalism and literature. He was a correspondent for the Neue Freie Presse in Paris between 1891-1895, and in his articles he closely followed French society and politics at the time of the Dreyfuss affair. It was this court case which made him interested in his Jewishness and in the fate of Jews. From 1896, when the English translation of his Judenstaat [The Jewish State] appeared, his career and reputation changed. He became the founder and one of the most indefatigable promoters of modern political Zionism. In addition to his literary activity for the cause of Zionism, he traveled all over Europe to meet and negotiate with politicians, public figures and monarchs. He set up the first Zionist world congress and was active in organizing several subsequent ones.

2 Levski, Vasil

Bulgarian national hero. Vasil Levski was the principal architect of the campaign to free Bulgaria from the oppression of the Ottoman Empire. Beginning in 1868, Levski founded the first secret revolutionary committees in Bulgaria for the liberation of the country from the Turkish rule. Betrayed by a traitor, he was hanged in 1873 as the Turks feared strong public resentment and a possible attempt by the Bulgarians to free him. Today, a stone monument in Sofia marks the spot where the 'Apostle of Freedom' was hanged.

3 Liberation of Bulgaria from the Turkish rule

Russia declared war on the Ottoman Empire in early 1877 in order to secure the Mediterranean trade routes. The Russian troops soon occupied all of Bulgaria and reached Istanbul, and Russia dictated the Treaty of San Stefano in 1878. This provided for an autonomous Bulgarian state, under Russian protection, bordering the Black and Aegean seas. Britain and Austria-Hungary, fearing that the new state would extend Russian influence too far into the Balkans, exerted strong diplomatic pressure, which resulted in the Treaty of Berlin in the same year. According to this treaty, the newly established Bulgaria became much smaller than what was prescribed by the Treaty of San Stefano, and large populations of Bulgarians remained outside the new frontiers (in Macedonia, Eastern Rumelia, and Thrace), which caused resentment that endured well into the 20th century.

4 Iuchbunar

The poorest residential district in Sofia; the word is of Turkish origin and means 'the three wells'.

5 Leshnikov, Asparuh (Ari) (1898-1978)

Bulgarian musician. Ari Leshnikov was a man of extreme fate which stretched from world fame to complete oblivion. He studied at the Berlin Conservatory and in 1927 he became the first tenor of the Comedian Harmonists, the sextet which later gained international recognition. When Hitler came to power, the sextet had to split because of its three Jewish members. Leshnikov returned to Bulgaria, but in his native country no one trusted a singer who had performed in Germany. Bulgaria thought of him again on his 70th anniversary in 1968. This belated recognition was due mainly to the political conjuncture rather than to lack of respect from his colleagues and the audience.

6 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expulsed from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In occupied Macedonia and Thrace the Bulgarians treated the Jews with exceptional cruelty. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria was halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

7 24th May 1943

Protest by a group of members of parliament led by the chairman of the National Assembly, Dimitar Peshev, as well as a large section of Bulgarian society. They protested against the deportation of the Jews, which culminated in a great demonstration on 24th May 1943. Thousands of people led by members of parliament, the Eastern Orthodox Church, political parties and non-governmental organizations stood out against the deportation of Bulgarian Jews. Although there was no official document banning deportation, Bulgarian Jews were saved, unlike those from Aegean Thrace and Macedonia.

8 Sabbatarian Socinians

This judaizing sect was founded in Transylvania, Hungary, towards the end of the sixteenth century. Their first principle, which led them to separate from the rest of the Unitarian body, was their belief that the day of rest must be observed with the Jews on the seventh day of the week and not on the Christian Sunday. The greater part of this particular Sabbatarian sect joined the Orthodox Jews in 1874, thus carrying out in practice the judaizing principle of their founders.

9 Brannik

Pro-fascist youth organization. It was founded after the Defense of the Nation Act was passed in 1939 and the Bulgarian government forged its pro-German policy. The Branniks regularly maltreated Jews.

10 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union unexpectedly declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

11 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on June 5th, 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

Yom Kippur War: The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October, 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

12 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during WWI. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re- establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

Zlata Tkach

Zlata Tkach
Kishinev
Moldova
Interviewer: Natalia Fomina
Date of interview: March 2004

Zlata Tkach is a well-known composer in Moldova. Before visiting her I looked into the Musical Encyclopedia published in Moscow in 1991 where I read that she is the author of a few operas, a ballet, cantatas, concerts, sonatas, etc. Zlata met me wearing an original sweater that she had made herself and a long multi-colored skirt. She is short and quick in her movements, a fatty woman with fluffy reddish hair. Zlata has an independent way of thinking, she has a bright, artistic and charming character. There are a few details of her everyday life in her story. Her story is full of emotional recollections. She remembers her reaction to events rather than the content. After her husband died, Zlata has lived alone in a bright four- bedroom apartment designed to make an impression of being spacious. Zlata's pet, the playful cat Asia, thinks of herself as the mistress of the apartment. There is a piano in the study where Zlata works and gives classes to her few students. We talked in the living room where there is a big carpet on the floor, a set of bookcases full of books, armchairs and a sofa. There are graphical and artistic portraits of the master and mistress of the house on the wall over the sofa: they are works of the friends of the family who are artists of Kishinev. After the interview, Zlata invited me to have gefilte fish and homemade liqueur; everything was delightfully delicious.

My family background
Growing up
During the War
Post-war
Glossary

My family background

My maternal grandfather, Mendel Kofman, was born in the 1870s in Kishinev and lived there all his life. When I was small, we lived in my grandfather's big four-bedroom apartment on Lankasterskaya Street, in the lower part of Kishinev. This street no longer exists. My grandfather was a businessman. Like any other businessman he had his ups and downs. He was deeply religious. He prayed twice a day: in the morning and in the evening, with his tallit and tefillin on. My grandfather secluded himself to pray in a room, but I was inquisitive and used to follow him there secretly. I was very interested in the process. I don't know whether he went to the synagogue every day, but he certainly went there on holiday. He always had a small yarmulka on at home. He dressed smartly and accurately, and my grandmother took care of his clothes. My grandfather's photographs have been lost, and I don't remember whether he had a beard.

My grandmother, Riva Kofman, was a few years younger than my grandfather. I didn't know her maiden name. She was an impeccable housewife. I remember how ideally clean she kept the house, it was just perfect. My grandparents spoke Yiddish and I understand the language thanks to them. They both died before the war [see Great Patriotic War] 1, in the mid-1930s. My grandfather died first and then my grandmother followed him less than a year later. I have no doubts that they were buried in accordance with the Jewish rites, but I was about seven years old and I hardly remember anything. Besides, my parents protected me from negative emotions, and during the funeral I think I stayed with some acquaintances. My grandparents had two daughters. My mother's older sister Esther was married to Mordekhai Lerner. Aunt Esther also lived in Kishinev. Her son Aron was about eight years older than me. Before the war, Aron studied in the violin department at the Conservatory.

My mother, Fania Kofman, was born in Kishinev in 1905. She graduated from grammar school where she was a good and industrious pupil. She was musical and sang well. My mother was of average height, had brown hair, a round face and black eyes. Her most prominent feature was meekness. My mother was a beautiful woman, but she grew plump when she was young, for some unexplained reason. She didn't have to go to work. She married my father when she was young, and was a housewife.

My paternal grandparents also lived in Kishinev, but I don't know where they were born. I didn't know my paternal grandfather, Bentsion Berehman. He died young in the 1910s. My grandfather dealt in selling prunes that he produced in the village of Lozovo near Kishinev. My grandfather purchased 'vengerka' plums that were dried in loznitsa boxes [special box for drying plums]. My grandfather owned a whole prune production facility. This was a profitable business. Prunes were in great demand and were even shipped abroad. My grandmother, Kenia Berehman, took over the business after he died. She was an imperious businesswoman. She owned a house on Lankasterskaya Street, two to three houses away from where my mother's parents lived. There were seven rooms and a big corridor in the house. There was a big yard with a cellar in it, there was a gate to the garden, and in the garden there was a raspberry yard, my favorite playground. My grandmother rented out one half of her house for additional income. I can't remember whether my grandmother had housemaids. I believe she managed everything herself, so full of energy she was. She raised two sons.

My father's older brother, Isaac, studied abroad like many other young men in Bessarabia 2. He graduated from the Law Faculty of the University of Rome and worked as a lawyer in Kishinev. Uncle Isaac was married. His wife's name was Zhanna. He died in 1973. Zhanna died some time before. Their son Boris lives in Kishinev.

My father, Moisey Berehman, was born in Kishinev in 1902. He got his strong will and extraordinary energy from my grandmother Kenia. He was gifted in music and finished the violin class at the Conservatory. He also learned to play brass instruments at the Conservatory. He played the trombone, tuba and the horn. After graduating from the Conservatory my father taught the violin at the Conservatory and gave private classes. He founded a small orchestra consisting of his students. My father was a very handsome man, and naturally, women were attracted to him. Like many artistic characters my father was amorous, and later my mother lived through many hard times in this regard.

Growing up

I don't know how my parents met, but I know for sure that they had a love marriage. This happened in 1927. My mother told me that they had a traditional Jewish wedding with a chuppah. I was born on 16th May 1928 in Lozovo in Nisporensk district, where my grandmother Kenia had her business, and my parents probably lived there for some time. When I turned three, we moved in with my mother's parents Mendel and Riva Kofman in Kishinev. They had an apartment on the second floor. There was a big hallway, a kitchen, some storerooms and a toilet in the apartment. My grandparents and my parents had their own bedrooms. There was also a big dining room and a salon with a big piano where my father gave his classes. I also slept in this salon: I had a desk and a small sofa in the corner. My father's students had their classes when I was at school. There was a woman in the house who must have cleaned the house and brought food products from the market. My mother didn't go to the market.

My family led a traditional Jewish way of life and I liked everything associated with Jewish traditions. It was like I lived in a fairy-tale wrapped in love. It's wonderful when two to three generations live together. The six of us sat at a big rectangular table. There was my grandmother and grandfather, my father and mother, I, and my grandmother's sister I think. The table was covered with a snow-white tablecloth and there was silverware. I still have a silver spoon reminding me of the time when we sat at the table and the adults ate slowly, which is different from how they nibble on food quickly nowadays.

I remember how on holidays my grandfather Mendel recited a prayer standing at the head of the table. This was very solemn, and holy, and I believed it all so much. On Pesach we ate from special crockery kept in a locked cupboard during the year. By the way, I always had my own crockery for Pesach and hullin [Hebrew, in Ashkenazi tradition: everyday kitchen utensils]. I remember how my grandparents taught me the fir kashes - the four traditional questions to be asked on Pesach: 'Mah nishtanah halaylah hazeh mikol halaylot' in Hebrew. Though I don't know Hebrew, I still remember some extracts of fir kashes. It's amazing how memory keeps some things, though I remember no other details. Later, the war erased so much from my memory.

My parents went to the synagogue on all holidays. Sometimes they took me with them and I sat on the balcony with my mother and the other women. The men sat downstairs, I remember this well. However, I don't remember what the synagogue was like. I remember the celebration of New Year - Rosh Hashanah. There were special dishes on the table: apples, honey and round challah. Chanukkah was the merriest holiday. We usually had many guests. I remember color toys and garlands that my grandmother decorated the rooms with. We danced and had lots of fun. There were gifts, but I don't remember been given money - I didn't care about money.

Purim was also a wonderful holiday. I liked it very much. There were delicious hamantashen and fluden: walnuts boiled in honey, hard and sweet, and I liked them more than hamantashen. There were guests and masquerades and I had a Pinocchio costume.

My father was a musician and my mother was very musical and there was always a lot of music in the house. When I turned three, my father began to teach me the violin. I had a little quaver violin: a very rare instrument. Pupils usually start with a quarter, then a half, three quarters and then an integer violin, but I was little and had a little quaver violin. When I grew older, I began to learn the piano. My teacher was Mademoiselle Kaplun. Every Sunday morning we had morning parties in our salon where my father's orchestra also took part. I played the piano and my mother sang sometimes. This was so festive! These were family music festivals, a tradition that has now been lost regretfully. My talent in music showed up early. At the age of four I already performed on stage. However, I can't remember where it was. I remember going onto a stage to play the little violin.

I didn't have a nanny. My mother educated me and walked with me. She was a wonderful mother: devoted, tender and wise. My father was sporty. He was fond of sports. He swam and walked long distances. I remember how he sometimes walked from Lozovo to Kishinev. He wanted to make me sporty. When I turned six, he began to teach me swimming. We went to a swimming pool near the railway station. I sailed on my father's back. Once, I slid down and began to drown. He pulled me up, but I had swallowed a lot of water, and I've been afraid of swimming since then.

My parents spoke both Yiddish and Russian to me at home, but I first learned to write in Russian. I started learning Romanian when I went to a Romanian elementary school for girls on Harlampievskaya Street. I remember my first day at school well. We lined up in the school yard. Our director, Bugaeva, came from a noble Russian family. She made a nice speech to us. She approached each one of us, stroked our hair saying that we were taking up some responsibilities which we had to take seriously to become decent people. Everything was so solemn like at an inauguration of a president. We wore dark uniform robes and white aprons and wore our hair in gauze hair pieces. I picked up Romanian fast and studied well. Bugaeva taught us crafts. In the course of four years I learned to knit, embroider and cook a little. She also taught us taste in dressing and good manners. She was a friendly, tactful and charming lady. She loved me for some reason.

After finishing elementary school I went to the grammar school 'Regina Maria', on Podolskaya Street. I had a good conduct of Romanian by that time and was a good and industrious pupil. I had almost all excellent marks. I didn't do so well in humanities, but I was good at certain subjects. I always had the highest marks in mathematics. Our mathematics teacher was a rough woman. When somebody gave a wrong answer she would say, 'You have a straw head and a hole in it.' However, our teachers were well-educated for the most part. There were a few Jewish girls in the grammar school but I didn't face any prejudiced attitudes. Perhaps the high level of education of our teachers explains this. The children also came from educated families: 'Regina Maria' was considered to be a prestigious grammar school. There was strict discipline in the grammar school. There was also a Romanian grammar school, 'Principessa Dadiani,' in town, where French was also taught. Unfortunately, I didn't study it for long and have poor knowledge of French.

Besides school I also attended my violin and piano classes and hardly had any leisure time left. In the rare moments of leisure my parents didn't allow me to play with other children in the yard who probably had a different mentality. Instead, they took me to the confectionery shop on Alexandrovskaya Street, the main street of Kishinev, where we had ice cream. Alexandrovskaya Street was paved with gravel like the majority of the streets in Kishinev, and there was a tram running there. There were one- storied houses, some of them were nice. There were many shops owned by Jews on Alexandrovskaya Street. There were a few markets and many gardens and parks in Kishinev. One of the oldest parks was the park with the monument of Stephan the Great [the ruler of the Moldova principality from 1457-1504, who conducted the policy of centralization]. I remember there was a terrible earthquake in Kishinev in 1940. It happened at night. I was sleeping in my corner by the outer wall. My father grabbed me and rushed outside, when the wall collapsed right on my bed. My father saved my life.

I remember that the late 1930s, when the Cuzists 3 came to power, were troublesome years. My parents were very concerned as the elements of anti- Semitism began to emerge. Young people marched in the streets and there were collisions. Perhaps for this reason our family was happy when Bessarabia was annexed to the USSR [see Annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union] 4. Besides, we had no idea what the USSR was like. We were told that everybody was equal there, but this sounded so naive. I, a twelve- year-old girl, was just curious. I remember watching the Red army troops marching along the streets, when they came into town. There was new administration. There were jokes told about the wives of the military who bought olives to make jam. Of course, the Soviet military and their wives weren't highly cultural. It seemed to me that the life of our family didn't change. My father was a teacher and we lived in our apartment. However, my grandmother Kenia let a part of her house to her tenants without charging them. She said, 'Let them live here, I don't need their fees.' I went to the sixth grade of a Russian school.

During the war

On 22nd June 1941 the war began. Our family had different views regarding evacuation: some were for it and some were against it. My uncle Mordekhai was adamantly against evacuation. He said, 'I'm not leaving here.' They stayed and perished in a ghetto in Transnistria 5. Their son Aron was mobilized to the Soviet army on the first days of the war and this saved his life. He was at the front during the war, survived and met the Victory Day in Hungary. After the war Aron returned to Kishinev and worked in the State Symphonic Orchestra of Moldova. He got married and had a daughter. Aron died of cancer at the age of 53 in the early 1970s. His wife Zhanna lives in Kishinev, and their daughter Lisa moved to Israel.

My father demonstrated strength and activity. He arranged for my mother and I and my grandmother Kenia, to leave Kishinev by railroad. There was an air raid near Kishinev and the refugees grabbed their bales and jumped off the train. Somebody said that it was best to hide under the railcars, but my father dragged us to the field and this saved our lives. A bomb hit our railcar. Then, I remember this well, we headed to the Northern Caucasus in open platforms. On our way we ate whatever we could get trading our belongings for food. We got off in Ordzhonikidze. My father was mobilized to the army and sent to a distribution point in the town of Prohladnoye near Ordzhonikidze. My mother went there to see him. The front line was approaching Ordzhonikidze and we had to move on.

The three of us took a freight train heading to Makhachkala [1700 km from Kishinev], a port on the Caspian Sea. Near Makhachkala we were told to get off the train. They said, 'This is the end of the track. You can get a lift on trucks or whatever.' A few families got together and hired a truck trading some things for the ride. The drivers were Chechen or somebody else speaking a language we didn't understand. Somehow the men who were with us didn't like their attitude. They probably wanted to rob us and leave us in the middle of nowhere, but fortunately there was a column of trucks moving in the opposite direction on our way. The men jumped off the truck and spoke to some military men telling them about our situation. The military offered us a truck to take us to Makhachkala: there are wonderful people at all times! There was something awful in Makhachkala. There were crowds of people waiting for a ship to go to Central Asia across the sea.

We stayed in the open air for a few days. I remember one episode. It was getting dark and it was rather cool and uncomfortable. I was lying on our packs of luggage. Right before where I was the lights went on the first floor. I looked in there and couldn't take my eyes away. There was a table set in a bright cozy room with two girls sitting at a table: a nice homely scene. I looked there and tears poured down my face. Boarding on the ship was announced. I followed the others, when I was horrified to discover that there was no mother or grandmother beside me. I got lost. I began to scream, 'Mama! Mama!' Somebody said, 'Your mama is on board already.' I was 13 and should have guessed that my mother would never board a ship without me, but I believed this and went up. My mother and grandmother stayed ashore. A Tatar woman, who had two children, shared her miserable food with me on this ship.

I got off in Krasnovodsk [today Turkmenbashi - 575 km from Makhachkala]. From there we were taken to an aul village. I stayed with this family but I don't remember their names. It was thought that they would send me to a children's home later. There were low saxaul trees in this aul. Their branches served for stoking in this area. There was flat bread made on the fire. There was little food, even mill cake [milled and pressed sunflower oil production wastes] were hard to get. I decided to leave this family and go to Namangan [1625 km from Krasnovodsk], which was about 30 kilometers from this village to find a children's home there. When I got to Namangan I fortunately bumped into a Jewish woman. She happened to be the director of a children's home in Drogobych [Lvov region]. Her name was Rosa Abramovna, but I've forgotten her surname. She was arrested in 1945 or 1946, I don't know for what charges. She had a rare kind heart. She took me with her.

So I began to live in the children's home and go to school. We had sufficient food, four to five of us slept in one room. At this age it was no problem for me. It's nowadays that I don't like to share my room with anyone in a recreation home. I told Rosa Abramovna that I could play the piano and violin, and she engaged me right away. I formed a small band of the children from this children's home, found some patriotic poems and composed the song 'Red army troopers'. We learned this song, and I even staged dances. My father's energy emerged in me. Later, our band went to the Olympiad of Children's Amateur Arts in Tashkent. We were a great success and took the second place. Rosa Abramovna was very happy and provided additional rations of food for the 'artists.' It was amazing but I don't remember any of these children.

Life in the children's home was totally different from my life in Kishinev, but it wasn't that bad for me. I was 14 years old, I was full of energy, had my music and joined the Komsomol 6. Imperceptibly I became an atheist like all Soviet children. Rosa Abramovna helped me to search for my mother and grandmother. She wrote to Buguruslan in Orenburg region [today Russia], where they opened an evacuation inquiry office, and my mother finally responded in 1943. As it happened, my mother and grandmother were in Kokand [about 100 km away] near Namangan. My mother had been looking for me all that time. She and my grandmother were exhausted and miserable. They moved to Namangan. Rosa Abramovna employed my mother as a tutor in the children's home. My mother had meals in the children's home and took food for my grandmother. They rented a room and I lived with them.

My father served in an orchestra platoon. However, he had venous congestion and wasn't fit for military service and they demobilized him in 1943. He went to Tashkent where he was hoping to find us, but it wasn't that easy. When my father was sitting at the railway station one of our acquaintances from Kishinev called his name, 'Moisey! Do you know that your family is in Namangan?' Just imagine! One chance in a thousand! In Namangan my father went to work in the School of Military Musicians evacuated from Moscow [today Russia]. He taught the tuba, French horn and horn: he was much valued for knowing to play brass instruments. We reunited. Our relatives began to move to Namangan: my father's brother Isaac, and my grandmother Kenia's distant relatives. Life was very hard and we had miserable food. There was a terrible disease called 'shpru' raging in this area. It may have been dystrophy. The hunger resulted in durable diarrhea and death. My grandmother Kenia tried to support us. She said she had had enough food and gave her food to her sons. She fell ill with 'shpru' and died. My grandmother was buried in the town cemetery in Namangan.

When re-evacuation began, Zlobin, the director of the School of Military Musicians, tried to convince my father to move to Moscow. He also offered my father an apartment but my father only wanted to go back to Kishinev, 'I want to go to my homeland, to Kishinev.' In August 1944 the Soviet army liberated Kishinev and we returned home, but there was no home left. Kishinev was ruined. There was a pile of stones left from my grandmother Kenia's house. In the house across the street, a Moldovan woman kept chicken in a room with a window in the ceiling. She let us live in this room. We cleaned it, whitewashed the walls and moved in there. Later, we had another small room built. It looked like a corridor, but there was a window in it. Our prewar tradition to set the table covered with a snow- white tablecloth faded away and Jewish traditions were forgotten: we were just surviving. My father went to teach in a music school, he had no private classes, and our life was hard.

I finished the ninth grade while in evacuation. When we returned I bumped into my former mathematics teacher, Lidia Samoilovna. She remembered me well and taught at elite school # 2 7. She said, 'Let's take this girl to our school.' So I went to the tenth grade in this school, and also, began to work in kindergartens as a music tutor. They didn't pay well but they provided meals and I could even take some food home with me. I composed music for children. I remember the song 'Little leaves': 'Swing with me, my little golden leaf. Little leaves, green, maple leaves' - 'Listiki', 'Pokachaysa nado mnoy, moy listochek solotoy. Listiki, listiki selonie klenovie.' The children liked it. The war was over. Victory Day 8 is a big, a very big holiday. There was a meeting at school. However, for me Victory Day is associated with the song 'The Day of Victory' by Tukhmanov [David Tukhmanov, a Jew, a popular Soviet composer of popular songs]. I think it's just a brilliant song.

Post-war

My father was happy that I worked with music and had a positive attitude to my composition experiences. He was happy that we had survived, but we were so bothered looking for food. We starved. I'm not ashamed of this word. We all starved. I needed good food: butter and milk. There was no food like this and I fell ill with bronchoadenitis, but thank God, there was a pulmonary doctor, Fishov. He brought me to recovery free of charge. However, I developed chronic bronchitis that has bothered me ever since. I finished school. At my graduate exam in mathematic I solved mathematic problems for the whole class. I finished school with a golden medal and decided that my vocation was to be the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics. I had no problems with entering Kishinev University, which had just been founded [1945]. However, it was a disappointment. Probably, the lecturers there weren't so good.

At that time Leonid Simonovich Gurov, a renowned pedagogue and composer, came to work in the Kishinev Conservatory from Odessa. My second cousin sister Dora Fridman was a musician and advised me to show my compositions to him and I did so. Leonid Simonovich listened to my songs. They were probably naive but they came from my heart and had nice tunes. He liked them and told me to enter the Preparatory Faculty of the Conservatory. I tried to study at both the University and Conservatory, but it was too hard and I quit the University.

After finishing the Preparatory Faculty I entered two Faculties at the Conservatory: the violin class of Iosif Lvovich Dailis, and the Music History Faculty. Unfortunately, I couldn't get in Gurov's class of composition: his class was full. I was hoping that later there might be a chance, but there wasn't. There were two anti-Semitic campaigns: the struggle [campaign] against cosmopolitans 9 and the Doctors' Plot 10, when I studied in the Conservatory. We understood that these were fabricated campaigns and we followed the events, but we were more bothered about our hard life. There was a card system in the country and we were hungry. I remember sitting in class, and there was a bakery store under the windows of the Conservatory building, and we couldn't focus on the subject of studies as we looked through the window trying to guess whether the bread had been delivered to the store. Our teacher reassured us, 'They haven't delivered the bread yet. Sit still.' When the card system was cancelled and it became possible to buy bread and sugar, there was so much happiness. I remember my fellow student, Yefim Bogdanoskiy, sitting at the table to have a cup of tea, 'How many spoons of sugar do I put? One, two, three... Hey, I'm all confused, let me start again.'

The Jews we knew were happy about Stalin's death [1953]. There were talks in Kishinev that there were trains waiting to deport all Jews to Birobidzhan 11. However, on the outside this was mourning. There were fanatics who thought that nothing could happen without Stalin. I still believe that we can't cross out this figure. Besides all cruel features he did a lot of good. Well, perhaps if he hadn't done them, the others would, but there were things about the Soviet regime that are gone for good: free medicine and free education. One can't forget such things. As for what Beriya 12 was doing, I don't think it was a secret to Stalin. I think he knew. This was Soviet fascism. Speaking about this subject I can say that when at the Twentieth Party Congress 13 Khrushchev 14 denounced Stalin, it wasn't staggering news for my husband or me. We knew it at the back of our minds.

I met my husband, when I was a third year student, in 1949. In summer every week in the Alexandrovskiy garden [Town Park in the center of Kishinev] the conductor of the Kishinev Philharmonic, Boris Milutin, and the Philharmonic orchestra, gave symphonic concerts. They were very popular in the town, and we, students never missed one of their concerts. I paid attention to one guy during a concert. He was different and had such a spiritual face, when the orchestra played Mozart. I liked him and he also paid attention to me. His name was Yefim Tkach and he studied in the flute class at the Conservatory.

Yefim was born into a wealthy Jewish family in Beltsy in 1926. His father, Mark Tkach, was a fur specialist, and his mother, Nehama, helped him. Yefim studied in a grammar school. His younger brother Yevgeniy graduated from elementary school. When the war began, they left Beltsy on foot. The German troops caught up with them in Kryzhopol in Vinnitsa region and they were taken to the ghetto in Kryzhopol. They survived since they knew Romanian and there were Romanian guards in the ghetto. Yefim's mother was a cook for a Romanian officer and his father also worked for somebody. When in 1944 Soviet troops approached Kryzhopol, the Romanians escaped. Yefim's family returned to Beltsy. Yefim finished school and studied at the Pedagogical College in Beltsy. He didn't like it and went to Kishinev where he entered the flute class at the Conservatory. His parents moved to Lvov. They died in the 1970s. Yevgeniy graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics at the Pedagogical College in Beltsy, and was a mathematics teacher. Now he is a pensioner and lives in St. Petersburg with his wife. They have no children.

Yefim and I got married two years after we met, on 4th December 1949. We just registered our marriage and our closest relatives got together at home. I didn't have a veil or a white gown. We had a modest dinner. We resided in the annex with a window. In 1952, I finished the Conservatory and got a mandatory job assignment 15 to teach in a music school. I worked there for a few years. I inherited my father's pedagogical talent. I still like teaching. In 1953, our son Lyova [Lev] was born. It was hard to have no comforts at home, but my mother helped me a lot. However, I was so full of energy that at night we would build the walls to make a two-room apartment where our shed was. Yefim was very handy and did the water piping, made a toilet, and even steam heating. We also fenced a small yard and lived there till 1970.

My parents lived in two rooms nearby, which we had refurbished a little. My mother helped me to do the housework and cooking. I worked at the music school and was very busy, but I continued to compose music and felt that I lacked special education. In 1957 I entered the Faculty of Composers to Gurov's class and I only studied my specialty. In 1962 I graduated from this faculty and went to work at the Conservatory. I lectured on solfeggio, harmony, analysis of music works and reading of symphonic scores. Later, I gave up teaching solfeggio since I had to sing a lot with students and developed a catarrh. Now I teach composition, orchestra, instruments for symphonic orchestras, and choir arrangement which I like so much.

Lyova was a cheerful and sociable boy. I remember his morning parties in the kindergarten. Our neighbor, the father of one of the children, and I dressed up in fairy-tale costumes and made performances for the children. We were young and enjoyed it as much as the children. Lyova went to a music school where he also studied general subjects. My father worked at this school. My parents loved my son and he returned their feelings. He adored his grandfather calling him 'dyedushk' [Lyova pronounced the word 'dyedushka' wrong]. He had many friends and I liked it when they came to our house. Later, they moved away, but Lyova still keeps in touch with some of them. Two of them live in the USA. They correspond and call each other.

My father loved teaching. He particularly liked working with little children. He formed a violin ensemble with his pupils at school and they often played at children's concerts. His pupils loved him, and his work was very effective. One of his postwar pupils, Lidia Mordkovich, was a laureate of numerous music contests. She lived in Israel and now she lives in England. Another one is Galina Buynovskaya, director of a music lyceum in Kishinev, and violinist Mila Volnianskaya who lives in Israel now. Once I looked through his archives and found a number of photos of his students with inscriptions, 'To dear beloved Moisey Bentsionovich...'

In 1967 I wrote my first opera for children: 'A nanny goat and three kids'. It was staged in our Opera Theater. I joined the Association of Composers of Moldova [a professional creative association of composers]. The chairman of our union was Vasiliy Georgievich Zagorskiy, a student of Lev Gurov. He was Russian, born in Bessarabia and he knew Romanian well. He was a nice person. It was to his credit that there was no anti-Semitism in the Association of Composers. He created a very good creative atmosphere. There were many Jewish composers: Shapiro, Aranov, Fedov, Mooler. There were hardly any Moldovan composers. Since we lived in a very small apartment, I enjoyed trips to the House of Creativity of Composers [specialized recreation homes to create conditions for creative work], where I could forget about everyday routines and dedicate myself to work. We communicated with composers all over the Soviet Union at congresses of composers. I traveled a lot to hear the works by Georgian, Armenian, Moscow and Kiev composers. Soviet composers and performers arrived in Kishinev. I was fortunate to meet Dmitriy Shostakovich [Shostakovich, Dmitriy Dmitrievich, (1906-1975): one of the foremost 20th-century Soviet composers] at a meeting in the 1960s. He wasn't only a genius, but also, a wonderful, humble, and intelligent person.

One can say that I've accomplished a lot, but I took a huge effort to reach it, it was very hard. Firstly, because there were many jealous people, which happens in the creative environment, secondly, because I'm a woman, and there aren't many women composers, and thirdly, because I'm a Jew. This became a problem for me when numbers of Jews began to move to Israel, but I must say that Yefim and I never considered departure. It's hard to say why, perhaps, it's just an inner conviction that a person must live where he was born and where his ancestors were buried. Perhaps, one lives with this never questioning it. The establishment of Israel in 1948 instigated the feeling of happiness and inner pride that Jews got their own country, finally. Since then I've considered Israel to be my country.

We often had friends at home celebrating the first nights [of performances], birthdays and just having gatherings. I've always enjoyed having guests. Nobody taught me to cook at home, I was protected and spoiled, but when I went to recreation homes I liked going to the kitchen to talk with the cooks. I just adored them, common wise people. They taught me to cook, 'Here, Zlatochka [affectionate for Zlata], this is how it must be.' I learned a lot, but the thing I can't do is baking. I mean I bake, but it's nothing special. However, I must say that I have a taste for the Jewish cuisine. I make gefilte fish tasting exactly as the fish I had in my grandmother Riva's home. Once in the recreation home in Sortavala [a town in Karelia, a climatic resort] I made it for Soviet composers. That year Sviridov [Sviridov, Georgiy (1915-1998): Soviet composer, pianist, public activist] worked and rested there. He was a fond fisherman. He and his young wife caught 21 pikes.

Somebody mentioned to him that I could make good Jewish fish and he asked me to cook the pikes. At first other dames wanted to assist me, but they dispersed seeing that it was hard work. Only one of them stayed, my assistant, a composer from Baku, and we finally did it. It was delicious and there was a lot of it, but we smelled of onions and went to take a shower. In the bathroom I felt dizzy from fatigue. I fell on the cement floor, hit my head and fainted. She dried me with a towel, helped me into my clothes, and called the others who took me to my room: there were cottages where we stayed. I was fortunate that her father was a doctor, staying with her. He examined me - there was a bruise on my head. He told me to stay in bed a whole week, and they had the delicious gefilte fish. They liked it, and I gained the title of an excellent cook.

In 1970, we received a four-bedroom apartment with all comforts for me, my husband, my son, and my parents. My mother saw it and we bought chandeliers for all the rooms, but my mother didn't enjoy living in this apartment. She died that same year. We buried her in the Jewish cemetery without following the Jewish ritual. After my mother died, I composed a concert for violin and orchestra and dedicated it to her memory. Lyova finished school in 1972 and entered the music history department of the Conservatory in Kishinev. After finishing his first year he decided to go to Moscow Conservatory. It was hard, but he managed. At that time I had to have training in Moscow for six months. We both stayed in the hostel of the Conservatory on Malaya Gruzinskaya Street. I had a room for myself, of course, and Lyova shared his room with two guys from Central Asia. They are all excellent cooks, and the guys taught Lyova to cook. He makes such delicious plov dishes! [Editor's note: Plov is originally an Uzbek dish, rice mixed with boiled, or fried meat, onions and carrots (and sometimes other ingredients such as raisins).]

After he graduated from the Conservatory Lyova was taken to the army. He served in the music band of the Moscow regiment. He sang in the choir. After the army he married his former co-student Mila Gordiychuk, a Ukrainian girl. Mila and her mother lived in a one-bedroom apartment in Moscow. Her father had left them a long time ago. There was a wedding in Moscow, in Mila grandmother's apartment. I bought many pink roses that I kept in the bathroom of the hotel room where my husband and I were staying. After the wedding, Lyova and Mila moved to Kishinev. Lyova went to teach in a music school. We rented an apartment for them. In 1979 my granddaughter, Yulia was born. Then Lyova was offered an administrative position in Moscow in the All-Union Bureau of Propaganda of Soviet Music. Mila's mother moved in with Mila's grandmother, and Lyova and his family got her a one-bedroom apartment. I missed them a lot and traveled to Moscow whenever I had the chance.

In the early 1980s, a Moldovan writer Bukov [Bukov, Yemilian (1909-1984): Bessarabian poet, wrote prose after the war], offered me to compose music for the ballet after his fairy-tale 'Andriyash.' Somebody told him that I was the best composer to write it and he was very insistent. Frankly speaking I wasn't quite sure that I could handle this genre, but I have a decisive character. Oleg Melnik, chief ballet master of the Kishinev Opera and Ballet Theater, was going to stage this ballet, but when the score was ready, he happened to be chief ballet master in Samarkand [today Uzbekistan], he somehow had problems with the administration of the Kishinev Theater. I was confused, but he called me, 'Mail me your score. I'll stage the ballet in Samarkand.' I did so. Some time later Melnik sent me an invitation to the first night. I went there two days before the performance. Since there was no direct flight to Samarkand, I had to take the flight Kishinev-Tashkent with stopovers in Tbilisi [today Georgia] and Ashgabat [today Turkmenistan].

In Tashkent I was to take another plane to Samarkand. There was fog in Tbilisi and there was a delay, then there was another delay in Ashgabat due to poor weather conditions, and I was afraid that I wasn't going to make it to Samarkand on time, when all of a sudden I heard, 'The crew of the plane apologizes, but we need to force-land in Samarkand.' One wouldn't believe it. From the airport I rushed to the theater. I went to the dress rehearsal. Then I went to wash and change in the hotel and rushed back to the theater. The first night was successful. I took a tape of the performance and brochures and went back to Kishinev. I showed these to the director of our Opera theater and he got very interested. He started preparations for the performance. To cut a long story short, 'Andriyash' was staged in Kishinev and I was awarded a State Award of Moldova in 1982. [State awards of the Union Republics were awarded in the Soviet Union since 1966 by special committees for outstanding accomplishments in science, technical fields, literature and art.]

We were used to the Soviet way of life. I didn't care about politics and I didn't join the Party. As for our spiritual life, Yefim or I never felt any suppression. My husband collected classical literature. I'm very fond of foreign classics. My creative activities were closely connected with Moldovan literature and we often discussed works by Moldovan writers: Aureliu Busyok [Moldovan Soviet writer, based on his novel 'My Parisian Uncle', Zlata Tkach wrote an opera in 1988], Dumitriu Matkovskiy, a Moldovan writer and poet, and Grigore Vieru - a Moldovan poet, who was a friend of our family for many years. We went to all the performances in the Opera Theater, and symphonic concerts. Many popular musicians came on tours to Kishinev, I remember Yevgeniy, Mravinskiy, a conductor from Leningrad, Oleg Krysa, a violinist, Soviet composers: Khachaturian [Khachaturian, Aram (1903-1978): Soviet-Armenian composer], and Khrennikov [Khrennikov, Tikhon NIkolaevich (1913): Soviet-Russian composer, public activist]. We didn't often go to drama theaters in Kishinev as Yefim wasn't fond of them. We only went there when producers whom we knew invited us to the first nights.

My husband and I lived for 52 years together, longer than a golden jubilee. I think I'm a happy woman who had a happy family life. I married for love, we lived in harmony and we were united by profession. Yefim was a smart and wise man, talented in his field, and he cared about my success. Yefim taught in the music school for many years and later worked in the Philharmonic. He lectured on the history of Moldovan music in the Kishinev College of Arts. He specialized in Moldovan music, wrote many articles for the press, presented regular radio programs in Moldovan that he knew well. He had a strong will and had a goal to polish the Moldovan language to perfection. He understood that this was the only way for him to describe the cultural life of Moldova in every detail.

My husband and I never cared about everyday comforts: we were more interested in spiritual life. We only bought a 'Ganka' set of furniture [Soviet-Moldovan furniture brand] for the housewarming party in 1970. It was rather difficult at that time. The owner of the furniture store, whose son, a pianist, entered the Moscow Conservatory with our son Lyova, helped us to get it. He made arrangements for me to buy this set of furniture without having to wait in line. I bought another carpet for my living room before the New Year [2004], just because the old one got very shabby. I received a bonus of one thousand rubles from the Conservatory. And I decided: now or never. My student's mother helped me to take it home in her car.

When Gorbachev 16 came to power and perestroika 17 began, for me it was a possibility to give freedom to my thoughts and turn 180 degrees to Jewish life. I've composed music my whole life. I was born in a Moldovan village, lived in Moldova and had an ear for Moldovan music, while I've never had an expressed need to write Jewish music. Life was difficult: the war, evacuation, and the Soviet reality kept me within certain frames. As soon as I felt free for expressing myself, I felt like writing music for my own people. Music is always in the genes. My husband helped me with it. He found a rare book by Berezovskiy for me: 'Jewish folklore.' I began to use arrangements of Jewish pop songs in my works.

Unfortunately, the beginning of perestroika was marked by a tragic event in my life. My father died in a car accident in 1985. He outlived my mother by 15 years. We buried my father in the Jewish sector of the 'Doina' international cemetery. I made arrangements for my mother's reburial near my father's grave. It was hard, but I managed. Now they are together under a black marble gravestone where their names are inscribed, a candle and a violin are engraved. My parents' death had a huge effect on me, and my thoughts turned to God again. After my father's death, I decided to compose a concert of two flutes and dedicate it to him. This was the first work where I used Jewish motives and tunes. There was Irina Mishura, a wonderful vocalist. She is non-Jewish, but her husband is a Jew of Kishinev. She wonderfully performed the works by Bitkin, a Jewish composer. When I heard her, I felt like writing something for the vocals. I had a collection of poems by Ovsey Dreez [Dreez, Ovsey (1908-1971): Soviet Jewish poet, author of a collection of lyrical poems, and fairy-tales and poems for children] in Yiddish, which my former student gave me. I wrote a vocal cycle based on his poems. Therefore, I began to write Jewish music in vocal cycles, instrumental music, music for a quartet and an orchestra. I have a number of pieces of Jewish music that I composed.

My son worked in the Bureau of Propaganda of Soviet Music till the breakup of the USSR in 1991. The Bureau was closed and Lyova was jobless for almost three years. By that time it was my turn in the line to buy a car. [In the USSR people who wanted to buy a car had to wait in line for years before their turn came.] I bought it, and Lyova took it to Moscow and earned money by working as a cabdriver in a cooperative. Later, he worked as a director of the collection fund of musical instruments, and now he works in the Glinka 18 State Central Museum of Musical Culture in Moscow. His wife Mila works for a real estate company. She is the breadwinner of the family. My granddaughter, Yulia is 25, she didn't want to study music. She took a two-year course of language studies and now she is a tour guide.

For me perestroika was a good thing, but there were also negative features. When the USSR broke up, all creative relations between the former republics fell apart. As for me, this made my creative life poor, though I continued to work at the Conservatory. The leading musicians and orchestras don't come to Kishinev on tours. Regretfully, our television adds to the negative side of it showing vulgar unprofessional clips. There is no serious symphonic music on the screens since nobody pays for it. There is only the 'Mezzo' channel, a French channel, but it also has a tendency to worsen. I used to listen to the 'Symphony of Psalms' by Stravinskiy. But now they broadcast some jazz fragments. Being a musician, it's hard for me to have no music replenishment. My husband left a big collection of classical music. My son gave me a nice music system, and I listen to music. I listen to what I like. This is all I have.

In 1992, I traveled to Israel with a delegation of Moldovan musicians at the invitation of the Kishinev composer Kopytman, who was one of the first to move there. He had an important position in the Rubin Musical Academy in Jerusalem, and Maria Bieshu [Moldovan singer (lyrical-dramatic soprano) soloist of the Kishinev Theater of Opera and Ballet, laureate of international contests]. We spent a week there and stayed in a hotel. This was a busy week: concerts, meetings and many tours across Israel. We visited the Wailing Wall, and I left a note there, of course. This was like a fairy-tale! Israel is a wonderful and beautiful country. I sensed its amazing aura and I felt like traveling many decades back, I felt an inner connection with the history of my people. I was very impressed by this tour. I visited Israel again in 2001 at the invitation of Izolda, the daughter of Kishinev conductor Boris Milyutin. She lives in Bat Yam near Tel Aviv. Life in Israel is progressing.

My husband and I witnessed the rebirth of the Jewish life in Kishinev seven years ago [1997]. Yefim began to collect material about the Holocaust and anti-Semitism. He had cancer and hurried with his work. Two other activists of the Association of Jewish Organizations and Communities of Moldova, Aurel Guzhel and Yefim Levit, worked with him. They prepared and published with the help of Joint 19 four collections of documents and articles on this subject under the title 'We won't forget,' in Romanian and Russian. My husband was chief editor of this collection. Yefim died in April 2003. On the day of his funeral I saw how much he was loved in Kishinev: by Jews and Moldovans alike. Many people came to pay their respects to him. We buried him near my parents' graves. Employees of Hesed 20 Yehuda, our charity center, helped me to make all necessary arrangements. I invited a rabbi and he recited the Kiddush. I installed a red granite gravestone on his grave to match my parents' gravestone.

I'm alone but my son often visits me and I teach at the Conservatory. I have a few students. At the invitation of Joint I teach talented Jewish children composition. One of the officials in Israel said, 'the accomplishments of the Jews of the Diaspora are the achievements of Israel.' Hesed Yehuda provides assistance to me: a volunteer comes to clean my apartment once a week and I also receive food packages.

Glossary

1 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

2 Bessarabia

Historical area between the Prut and Dnestr rivers, in the southern part of Odessa region. Bessarabia was part of Russia until the Revolution of 1917. In 1918 it declared itself an independent republic, and later it united with Romania. The Treaty of Paris (1920) recognized the union but the Soviet Union never accepted this. In 1940 Romania was forced to cede Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR. The two provinces had almost 4 million inhabitants, mostly Romanians. Although Romania reoccupied part of the territory during World War II the Romanian peace treaty of 1947 confirmed their belonging to the Soviet Union. Today it is part of Moldova.

3 Cuzist

Member of the Romanian fascist organization named after Alexandru C. Cuza, one of the most fervent fascist leaders in Romania, who was known for his ruthless chauvinism and anti-Semitism. In 1919 Cuza founded the LANC, which became the National Christian Party in 1935 with an anti-Semitic program.

4 Annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union

At the end of June 1940 the Soviet Union demanded Romania to withdraw its troops from Bessarabia and to abandon the territory. Romania withdrew its troops and administration in the same month and between 28th June and 3rd July, the Soviets occupied the region. At the same time Romania was obliged to give up Northern Transylvania to Hungary and Southern-Dobrudja to Bulgaria. These territorial losses influenced Romanian politics during World War II to a great extent.

5 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews. Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities. Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation. The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

6 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

7 School #

Schools had numbers and not names. It was part of the policy of the state. They were all state schools and were all supposed to be identical.

8 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany, and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

9 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

10 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

11 Birobidzhan

Formed in 1928 to give Soviet Jews a home territory and to increase settlement along the vulnerable borders of the Soviet Far East, the area was raised to the status of an autonomous region in 1934. Influenced by an effective propaganda campaign, and starvation in the east, 41,000 Soviet Jews relocated to the area between the late 1920s and early 1930s. But, by 1938 28,000 of them had fled the regions harsh conditions, There were Jewish schools and synagogues up until the 1940s, when there was a resurgence of religious repression after World War II. The Soviet government wanted the forced deportation of all Jews to Birobidzhan to be completed by the middle of the 1950s. But in 1953 Stalin died and the deportation was cancelled. Despite some remaining Yiddish influences - including a Yiddish newspaper - Jewish cultural activity in the region has declined enormously since Stalin's anti-cosmopolitanism campaigns and since the liberalization of Jewish emigration in the 1970s. Jews now make up less than 2% of the region's population.

12 Beriya, L

P. (1899-1953): Communist politician, one of the main organizers of the mass arrests and political persecution between the 1930s and the early 1950s. Minister of Internal Affairs, 1938-1953. In 1953 he was expelled from the Communist Party and sentenced to death by the Supreme Court of the USSR.

13 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

14 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

15 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

16 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

17 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

18 Glinka, Mikhail Ivanovich (1804-1857)

The first important Russian composer. He wrote the first Russian national opera, A Life for the Tsar, as well as overtures, symphonies and orchestral suites.

19 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re- establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

20 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.
  • loading ...