Travel

Zsuzsa Diamantstein

Zsuzsa Diamantstein

Marosvasarhely

Romania

Interviewers: Julia Negrea and Vera Badic

Date of interview: March 2004

Zsuzsa Diamantstein is an agile, open view woman. She related gladly about her family and herself, animating the stories with humor. She lives alone in a three room apartment in the nicest place of the town, in the neighborhood of the Faculty of Medicine. At home she is surrounded with old and comfortable furniture, and her favorite is an old rocker chair, she got it from her sons. There are amateur paintings on the walls, plenty of books on the shelves. Her husband died, she has a close relation with her sons, grand-daughters and relatives. She has a very active life, two nephews eat daily at her place.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

From my father’s side, the Riegelhaupt family was from Zakopane, so they were originally from Poland. Interestingly, in the camp where I was [in Cracow-Plaszow in Poland], I was together with Polish people – I spoke German, so I could talk with them – I told my name and a man told me that there was a street in Zakopane, Riegelhaupt ulice, 'ulice' means street, and a cobbler called Riegelhaupt. My paternal grandfather's name was Samuel Riegelhaupt, ‘Riegel’ means lock and 'Haupt' means main. I have no idea in which year my grandfather was born and when did he move near Olublo. My grandparents lived near Olublo in Czechoslovakia, or rather once it belonged to Poland, but now is in Slovakia. [Editor's note: Olublo, Stara Lubovna today, together with other towns from Szepes region was pawned to the Polish king in the 17th century (Hungary was under Turkish domination then).]

My grandmother's name was Regina Riegelhaupt, and I know she was born in Slovakia, but I don't know when. Her maiden name was Goldman. She was a housewife. I don't know how much education did she have, but she spoke German and she was religious. She had many brothers and sisters, but I only know about three of them. One of them was Fulop Goldman. He was a timber-merchant, and his brother Henrik Goldman, who also was a timber-merchant. They established the lumber mill in Lonya. Later they moved to Budapest, I don't know when, and both of them died there. When the Hungarian Soviet Republic 1 was established Fulop already lived in Pest, changed his name to Gati and convert to Unitarian religion. He had a wool-combing factory. He survived World War II. Henrik didn't convert and didn't change his name. The two brothers married accidentally two sisters, their name was Berger, if I remember correctly. They were originally from the Hunyad county, from around Hatszeg, but I'm not sure. From Fulop's marriage resulted a daughter, Agnes. She got married in Budapest. She had no children and unfortunately she died after World War II. Henrik had two sons, Sandor and Karoly. Sandor had no children, Karoly had a daughter, who lives in Budapest. I keep in touch with Karoly's daughter, whos name is Vera. She is single. We rarely talk, on the telephone, or sometimes when I go to Budapest we meet. I know only about one sister of my grandmother, her name was Szabin. She moved to Hatszeg, she got married there with a timber-merchant called Jozsef Abraham. They died after World War II. Their only daughter, Erzsebet, got married in Deva. Erzsike [Erzsebet] had two daughters, they live in Israel, but I don't keep in touch with them.

My paternal grandparents had two sons, my father, Fulop, and his younger brother, Sandor. There were no more children, because his first wife died in 1890, when the younger boy was born. My grandfather remained alone with two little children, he got married with a widow. I don't know the name of my step-grandmother, she was called Mrs. Friss, she was Jewish. I don't remember her at all, but I know she brought up her stepsons very fine, just as like her own child whose name was Armin Friss. He was older that my father, but they grew up together, like full brothers.

My [paternal] grandfather was the under-steward of a landlord. When I met him, that is as I remember him, he was an old man, he was already retired, he got a pension from the landlord, because he managed so honestly for so many years the estate. He lived in a village near Olublo, but close [to Olublo], because we went by carriage to this village, which if I remember correctly was called Kneza. [Editor's note: it's unlikely that the name was Kneza (in Arva county), but Gnezda (today Hniezdne, in Szepes county) which is 3 km from Olublo.] It wasn't far from Kassa [99 km far] because we went there to buy good things, and there was a bus service between Kassa and Olublo. My grandfather had a nice three rooms apartment, the local building style is very interesting. As I remember it, it was a direct entrance from the street into the house, there was a long corridor, and the rooms opened from the corridor, moreover, there was a stove in the corridor they used to bake bread during the winter. At the end of the corridor there was a door which gave onto the yard. There was a little garden, they even had a cow. A maid was hired to take care of these things.

My grandfather was an observant Jew, he had no payes, but he observed strictly the Jewish rules, he used to put on the tzitzit. I remember, he prayed every day. I remember the chamber my grandfather used to pray in the morning, it was a cool, big room. He observed the holiday rituals there. I can't tell whether there was a synagogue or not, but he prayed at home and I also remember that he was a well-respected man. The people from the village came for advice to my grandfather, because he was a smart, clever, old Jewish man, and they gladly listened to his opinions and advice. Not only Jewish people came to him, the dwellers of the village came as well. As a matter of fact, 'Tots' lived there – 'Tot' is the Hungarian name for Slovaks – and as far as I remember, they discussed in German. I remember that at my grandfather's home we discussed in German, not in Yiddish, because none of us knew Yiddish. We were there just once, after my father died, and we didn't go there anymore. He had a kosher household, even now I feel the smell of the cake with cinnamon they baked for Sabbath. His wife didn't wear a wig, but they were religious people. When they arrived to us in Lonya – I know this from family stories, I was too little then – my mother changed all the dishes, because they were kosher. We weren't kosher, but in their honor they observed the kosher rules.

My father died in 1928 in Marosvasarhely, and then mom, my uncle Sandor, my aunt Regina, Sandor's wife – they had no children – and I went together to tell to my grandfather that his son died. That was the last time when I saw my grandfather. Considering that I was the only Riegelhaupt grandchild, and for comfort, they took me with them. We were there for a few weeks, we stayed at my uncle Armin Friss in Olublo and at my grandfather's house as well. My grandfather died shortly after, approx. in 1930 in Olublo. I think nobody [from Romania] attended the funerals. I think not even my uncle, Sandor. There was already a border separating the countries, and it was quite difficult to travel. So, Armin Friss, the stepson [of my grandfather] and his two sons were there [probably they buried grandfather].

Armin Friss was older that my father. He lived in Olublo, he had a prosperous lawyer's office there. He was a very well-situated man, he had a nice house, almost like a mansion, with a large garden, a carriage and a coachman. I remember I was there in 1928, after my father died. Armin had a very kind wife, I know only her surname, Aranka. She was also Slovak, she came from around Kassa, she was originally from there. They had two children, a boy called Odon and a girl called Marta, they were much older than me. As far as I remember, Marta was in a ballet-school in Dresden, but she had an accident and she couldn't continue the ballet, so she entered the faculty of philology. The son graduated in law, like his father. Armin Friss had a very interesting life, because after his wife died, I don't know when, and he remained widower, he became depressed: he had a breakdown and he became a religious maniac.  In the 1930s he came to Romania and I met him and his daughter by chance in Kolozsvar, and we spent some very pleasant days together, he has fully recovered by then. Armin was deported during World War II, and he perished, so we don't know anything about him since. His son Odon, who was a leftist, got married with a Czech woman and fled to the Soviet Union before the war. We found out later that he went back to Czechoslovakia and he had given a high function in Pozsony, he was secretary general. He didn't keep in touch with my uncle Sandor because he was afraid that in his position a timber merchant could cause problems to him, although nobody persecuted my uncle, they liked him very much, he had no problems. Odon divorced his wife, and in the meantime the regime from Czechoslovakia changed, and he wasn't secretary general anymore, he worked in a history museum in Pozsony. Armin's daughter, Marta, fled to Budapest when Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia [in 1939], thinking that there would be no problems, but the Arrow Cross 2 men caught and killed her there. My uncle Sandor found out [all these], so Marta didn't survive the Holocaust, neither.

Together with my husband we made a very nice trip [in the then Czechoslovakia] in 1980, and on this occasion I wanted to visit my predecessors' residence, and to find my grandfather's grave. I knew that I wouldn't find anybody alive, because they all perished, some of them by natural causes, others as the victims of the Holocaust, but I wanted to see. I got to Olublo, I saw the little town was the same, only developed with huge blocks of flats, of course. I remembered when I was 6 there was a little park and a church in the main square, I only guessed where Armin's house was, because I couldn't speak with any survivors, and people told me that was a movie theater then. I insisted on going to the village where my grandfather lived and look for his grave. On the bus that took us from Kassa to Olublo I wanted to inquire about the village, but the Slovaks wouldn't speak in any language, no German, no English, no other language, so I wasn't able to find out anything. On the way back, at the bus station I heard a Hungarian conversation, and this is how we found out that the bus went to the village where my grandfather lived, but we didn't know about it [before] and we couldn't go back.

My father, Fulop Riegelhaupt, was born in 1887, near Olublo. My uncle Sandor related that an educator came to their home, I don't know whether one or more, but they learned to write, and in the meantime they also attended the elementary school in the village, but I don't know exactly how they finished school. Anyhow, both of them were very educated, even though they didn't had any higher education. I don't know in which language they studied then, most probably in German or Hungarian, but they had a beautiful writing. I wish the children of today could write as my father (I have one of his letters) or my uncle. My uncle was very cultured, he owned a big library later when he established in the Zsil valley, and he founded a family. My grandmother's siblings, the Goldmans, built a lumber factory in Lonya, Lonea in Romanian. This is a coal mine settlement in the county of Hunyad. Lonya is near Petrozseny, a few kms away, then comes Petrilla [the distance between Petrozseny and Petrilla is 5 km]. These are all coal mine settlements in the Zsil valley. There was this lumber-mill and this is how my uncle Sandor ended up there at the age of 15 to learn timbering. I don't know exactly how their life went on, but it is a fact that they got to the Zsil valley [together with my father] when they were already adults, and it was still a Hungarian world then [Editor's note: Zsuzsa Diamantstein refers to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy] and so they remained here, in Romania [Editor's note: that is Lonya got under Romanian authority after the Trianon Peace Treaty.] 3 My father was the manager of the lumber-mill and my uncle did the business part, he traveled, he was a timber merchant. The timber merchants had to bargain all the time, but this was only for a short period, because my father got sick and slowly the mill was closed down.

When my father wanted to get married, he came to Marosvasarhely, mom was introduced to him, and they ended up together somehow and mom got married in 1919. The fact is they were brought together. The marriage took place in Marosvasarhely, I don't know if it was a religious wedding with a rabbi, but I'm sure it was. I'm pretty sure because my mother's youngest sibling wedded there as well, and it was a normal wedding with a rabbi and chuppah. Mom never related about the wedding, I don't know why. It was such a short and sad marriage, they lived together only nine years of which four or five they spent going from one hospital to the other.

My maternal grandfather's name was Armin Mittelmann. He was born in Lippa, near Arad, in 1863, and from there he got to Marosvasarhely, in fact first to Szaszregen. My grandfather was a tall, slender, handsome man, he had a moustache even when he was old. He was handsome even when he became old. I have memories about him from when I was around 4. They loved me very much, I was the first grandchild and especially later, when my father got sick, my mother went to the hospitals with my father, I spent a lot of time with them. So I became very fond, especially to grandpa, because grandma was already dead by then.

Grandpa graduated middle school, and this was something then to finish middle school, even without having a diploma. That's why he was able to work at a bank, he was the manager of the savings bank from Marosvasarhely. Today the Casa Armatei [the Army House] is there, on the corner [on Petofi square]. This was a highly placed institution and he had a high position. He was very appreciated because he was a very honest and intelligent man. He wasn't rich, he had a fixed wage, and he sustained his five children and his wife with it. My grandparents were Neologs. Grandpa didn't pray at home, at least while I stayed there. He probably did it when he was young, but the Jews from Arad's neighborhood were usually assimilated who stayed with their religion, but they grew up in the Hungarian culture. Grandpa Mittelmann used to go to the synagogue on high holidays with a hat on his head, they had a kosher household at home while grandma lived, but after she died, when he got married for the second time, he married a Protestant woman so they didn't have a kosher household anymore, but he always observed the high holidays.

My grandparents' house was in Marosvasarhely, grandpa stayed in Regen only until my mother and his brother, Sandor were born. My grandfather had five children, the other three were born in Vasarhely. I don't know which year they moved to Marosvasarhely, but mom went to school there, so it means they moved when she was still very young. My grandparents didn't have their own house in Vasarhely, they lived in the Mestitz house, on the Dozsa Gyorgy street – today it's the dermatology clinic. The Mestitz family lived upstairs [Editor's note: Centropa made an interview with Julia Scheiner (nee Mestitz). Zsuzsa talks about her parents here] and my grandparents downstairs, they were on very, very good terms. When mom remained a widow, we lived there together with the grandparents, until mom, after two years, got married for the second time. My grandparents – interestingly, I remember very well the apartment – had three big rooms, a kitchen and a bathroom. Grandma took care of the household. There were two maids [helping her], Hungarian girls, they came from the countryside, one of them helped out in the kitchen – there were three normal meals and a hot supper, so they had to cook – the other girl cleaned, and she probably supervised the children.

My mother had four siblings, she was the eldest. The next was Sandor Mittelmann, who was born in 1898 in Szaszregen, like mom, he graduated high school and worked as a clerk, I don't know where. He married a Roman-Catholic girl from Marosvasarhely, called Iren Dudutz. They moved later [after World War I] near Regen, to Marosfelfalu. There was a mill my uncle managed. During World War I Sandor was in Italian captivity, he was a silver medalist lieutenant or chief lieutenant, I don't exactly know, but it is important because he was deported anyway [during World War II, even though he should have been under exemption from deportation] 4 and he perished there. In spite of the fact that he had Christian wife, he was a white arm-banded forced laborer first, and then he was taken to a camp in Austria where he died. They had a son, Istvan, he was born in 1927, he still lives in Szaszregen, he is single and retired.

The next child, Agnes, was born in 1903. She graduated high school and married quite young a bank manager from Szaszregen, Sandor Mendel. They had two children, a daughter, Johanna, who was born in 1926, and a son, Tamas, who was born in 1929. Unfortunately Agnes, along with her husband and Johanna, perished in Auschwitz. Tamas lives in Kolozsvar, he is an engineer and he is retired now. At the age of 15 he was deported, he was a bright boy and miraculously he survived. He was together with Laci Grun [Editor's note: Centropa made an interview with Laszlo Grun, as well]. A German foreman from there liked him very much, and he saw Tamas was a single child so he tried to help him as much as he could. Tamas lives in Kolozsvar, he has two sons, both of them live in Israel.

The next child was Aliz, Vertes after her husband. She was born in 1911 in Marosvasarhely. She married a merchant, Gyula Vertes, in 1933 in Arad, and they had a paint store there. Her husband died in 1955. Aliz wasn't deported, she had two children: Adam Vertes, born in 1936, and Eva, who was born in 1939. Both of them live in Bucharest, so around 1960 aunt Aliz moved to her son, Adam. Poor her died in 1986. My two cousins live in Bucharest, I keep in touch with them.

The youngest son, Gabor Mittelmann was born in 1912, he was a merchant, a charming, very kind boy, he was single and he perished in the Bor camp [in Serbia], supposedly he was shot.

Grandma and grandpa both had two siblings, who used to visit each other. The family was big, so they had quite a family life. Grandpa had two sisters, one of them was called Dora Mittelmann while the other was Rozsi, and she was even younger, but they seemed so old to us. I loved them very much. Dora married Jozsef Lazar as a 'spinster' and they lived in Vasarhely. They had no children because her husband was an old Jewish man, but he was a very honest, straight and religious man. He was an egg merchant, he had an egg warehouse in Marosvasarhely, but I don't remember where. They were Neologs too, Dora didn't wear a wig, but they observed the Jewish rules, they had a kosher household, and they went to the synagogue on holidays, of course. At that time, while Jozsef Lazar was still alive, they had a house on Hosszu street [today it's the December 1st 1918 boulevard]. The house is still there, on the side where the Radio Studio is, I can't tell which one, but it had a typical way up. They had a very nice, shiny, tidy home, furnished with contemporary furniture, and they had a bedroom, a dining room, and everything a middle-class house used to have. They had no maid.

The name of Rozsi's husband was Jakab Spitzer, he was originally from Arad, they lived there for a while, too. He died in World War I, as a hero. Aunt Rozsi, as a young widow, moved to Marosvasarhely. She took care of the household in my grandfather's house, after grandmother died young. Auntie Rozsi cooked very well, nobody could bake so good like her. I remember she could bake very delicious Purim cookies. When grandpa got married, she moved to her sister, Dora. They lived together because Jozsef Lazar was very old and he died shortly after, so they lived together with the help of grandpa. Grandpa assisted them financially because there was no pension then and they weren't rich. They moved from there [from Hosszu street], the house was sold and since they had no income, grandpa supported them. They moved to a little apartment in the so-called Foghaz street [today it's Retezatului street], opposite to the prison. There was an apartment house there, and they lived together in a one room apartment until they were deported. They were younger than grandpa, but even so they were over 70 when they were deported from Marosvasarhely. They used to visit grandpa on Friday evening, and we used to chat then – there was no radio then, it was a big deal to have one then. When grandpa got his first radio, one with an earphone, I was still a little girl, it was around 1929, and the whole family gathered around the earphones and listened to the radio.

My grandmother, Sarolta Mittelmann, grandpa's first wife was a Jewish woman, her maiden name was Sarolta Weisz. She was born in Belenyes [Bihar county]. I don't know how they got acquainted with each other, but it was a love match, not an arranged one – grandma was a pretty, charming and nice woman. While she was still alive, they observed the Jewish traditions, they had a kosher household. My grandpa wasn't a religious Jew, he wasn't Orthodox, he was Neolog. Grandma died very young, in 1926, she had brain tumor. Grandpa's sister took care of the household for a while, but even then we used to observe the holidays, for example the Pesach with changed dishes, without bread, and the eves of Seder. A garniture of dishes and china for the dinner was put away, and when Easter came they put the dishes what we used normally in a chest, and they took those which wasn't chometz. The family came together, at least who remained, and my grandpa leaded the Seder eves.

What I know about my grandmother's family is that they were perhaps six sisters. One of her sisters, Rozalia Weisz, lived in Vasarhely. She got married, and just like her husband, died very young. A daughter resulted from this marriage, Erzsebet, or Boske [which was her nickname from Erzsebet], who was adopted by my grandparents after she remained orphan. I was already a big girl when I found out she wasn't mom's sister, she was my aunt. She was older than mom with one or two years, she grew up in my grandfather's house and grandpa married her off. Boske married Jakab Laszlo, a Jew. They had three children, Miklos, Pal and Katalin. They lived in Meggyesfalva [Meggyesfalva, Mureseni in Romanian, is a suburb of Marosvasarhely today]. Jakab was the manager of a distillery there – he didn't own it, just managed it. When the family came together on holidays, they used to gather at grandpa's house, and Boske used to come with her family, as well. They slept at grandpa's, they didn't want to go back by carriage in the night to Meggyesfalva. So the family came together and we had a very nice Seder eve. When the distillery closed down, Boske's family moved to Vasarhely, I think Jakab took up accounting, but I don't know precisely. Boske, together with her husband and Katalin, perished in Auschwitz. Miklos, the elder son, came home from forced labor to Vasarhely, he got married and emigrated to Israel. They had a child. I didn't keep in touch with Miklos, he died in Israel in 1986. Pal, the younger son, also came back from forced labor, he got married and they lived for a while in Marosvasarhely. They had a son, Andras. Andras was the age of my elder son. They emigrated to America in 1960 or 1961. Pal died in 1986. His wife, together with his son, still live there. I keep in touch with them through letters.

Grandma had another sister, Berta Weisz, Konig after marriage. She remained widow very young and she raised her five daughters. They lived in Marosvasarhely, she sustained her family from sewing, the girls grew up slowly and all of them worked. The eldest, Piroska, married a Romanian pharmacist. They lived in Marosvasarhely, and they had a daughter, she was my age. Ilonka Konig wasn't deported because her husband was Romanian, and they moved to Temesvar for the period Northern Transylvania was reannexed to Hungary [according to the Second Vienna Dictate] 5, so aunt Ilonka wasn't taken away. Unfortunately she deceased, she died of natural causes. Then came Piroska Konig, she had no children. Paula Konig was married, she had no children, Margit Konig was married and she had two daughters. The youngest sister, Dora Konig was divorced. So, from the Konig family four daughters and their mother, not to mention Margit's children, perished in Auschwitz, none of them survived.

Another sister was Gizella Weisz, Abraham after her husband, I think she was the eldest, I don't know exactly. She also was a widow, when I met her, I only knew her as a widow. She had two daughters. Before World War II they moved to Bucharest and all the family died of natural causes there. The next sister was Lujza Weisz, Nagy after her husband, who was a Jew. She remained a widow, as well. She had a daughter, Lili, and they lived in Marosvasarhely for a while, but then they also moved to Bucharest, and died of natural causes there. My grandma probably had another Weisz sister, but I don't know her name, she was married and she had two sons. One of them lived in Marosvasarhely, he was a lawyer, and together with his wife perished in Auschwitz. Their two daughters came back, but they emigrated to Israel.

On holidays, at the Pesach dinner, there wasn't a great strictness in my grandfather's house, the youth was joking, there was a good atmosphere, and considering that there were no boy-children, I was the young child who said in Hebrew the ‘Mah nishtanah’. I attended the Jewish elementary school, but now I don't even know a letter today, although I could read well in Hebrew. Unfortunately we did not know the language, we learned automatically [memorized] the prayers, but we didn't understand what we were reading. We just said the prayer for the respective occasion, without understanding it. I had to hide the matzah [the afikoymen]. I remember I had a medallion with Moses and the Torah, I asked for it on one of these occasions, and once I asked for a pair of shoes, as well.

Grandpa went to the synagogue on holidays and we had the afferent dinner [at home], what was prescribed to eat: meat-soup, kremzli, 'yellow cake' with caudle, I didn't like it, but my mother baked it for those who liked it. The yellow cake was in fact a sponge-cake, flushed with a flavoring sauce to prevent it from being clammy. The sauce was made from sugar, egg and wine, this was the caudle. Not to mention the delicious dinner on Rosh Hashanah. The meat-soup was made before Yom Kippur, together with the apple-sauce and the apple-pie – this was the evening before the fasting. On the next day, when the fast ended, when we came back from the synagogue, after Yom Kippur, everybody got on an empty stomach – including the children – a drop of spirit, to keep them from eating immediately. They told this is the healthy way, and we all drank the coffee with milk and ate the delkli with curd then, and later, after a while, when we digested the first meal, we had paprika chicken. When grandpa's sister stopped taking care of the household, this habit disappeared [the family gathering to observe the Jewish holidays].

Grandpa's second wife was, Viola, a Protestant woman, her maiden name was Tavaszi. I know about one of her sisters, Margit, Rostas after his husband, they lived in Marosvasarhely. They had two daughters: Klara, who was my age, and I don't know the name of the elder sister. Both of them married Protestant priests. Klara Rostas lived in Marosvasarhely, she divorced and died young. Her daughter and her son live in Marosvasarhely.

Grandpa married Viola Tavaszi in 1928, she was an extremely decent woman, she adapted herself to the family very well. She lived in Marosvasarhely, she was a clerk when my grandpa married her. She was single before, grandpa was her first husband, but she wasn't young when she got married. They lived happily together until grandpa was deported. It didn't matter that his wife was Christian, he remained naturally Jew. They observed the Jewish traditions, Viola was already familiar with the ways how to do them, but because grandpa had his birthday on 24th December, my step-grandmother made her little Christmas three, and then the family came to greet grandpa and to celebrate Christmas. Our family did it very, very nicely. On holidays, on any kind of holiday, my grandparents used to cook always the meals adequate to the occasion. At the Jewish holidays my grandparents observed the adequate traditions, and on the Christian holidays, Christmas or Easter, they used to cook delicious dinners, as well. There always was a state dinner – auntie Viola cooked it. I didn't call her grandma, I called her auntie Viola.

Before the war [World War II] there wasn't a problem the dual nationality, dual religion. In our family it didn't matter, the essential was to be straight. (When I was in the camp and we worked on Christmas in the factory, I cried awfully. I worked near a Czech woman, she wasn't allowed to speaking to us, but she told me 'don't cry', but I kept crying because I remembered this... [the memory of Christmas times]).

My mother's maiden name was Paula Mittelmann. There was no Jewish school at the time my mother was a child, therefore she finished the four classes of elementary school and the four classes of middle school in Marosvasarhely in a Catholic denominational school. The building of the convent is now the art school on Szentgyorgy street [Revolutiei street today]. Nuns managed it, they were the teachers and my mother graduated middle school there. After middle school girls weren't used to attend high school then, there were no girls' high schools, so that was the highest school my mother finished. I don't know where was the girls' high school. Her younger sister, Agnes finished high school.

My mom was considered a beautiful woman at her time. She had white skin, and she hadn't a thin, boy-like stature, flepper as they called it then, but a full figured, tall one. In a word she was a very nice girl, with beautiful blond hair. She had a very long hair. As an adult, she kept her hair in a knot, her knot was heavy, and she told us the heavy knot always gave her a headache. Only after she got married – they were still living in Lonya–, in the 1920s, shorter hair came into fashion, so she had her hair cut in order to prevent her suffering more from the heavy knot. When she was a girl, she was the ‘belle of the ball’ in Marosvasarhely: she was Miss Ball and Miss Vasarhely. Her story is very interesting: considering that grandpa was a bank manager, thus an important person in a small town like Marosvasarhely, he was invited to the balls. During the war – as far as I know it happened in 1918 – there was a very high-class ball in Marosvasarhely, where archduke Jozsef also made his appearance [Editor's note: archduke Jozsef Habsburg (Alcsut, 1872 – Rain bei Straubing, Bavaria, 1962) field-marshal, governor, member of the Hungarian Academy (corresponding from 1906, full between 1917-1945), nephew of palatine Jozsef, participated in World War I as constable.] and he asked mom the first dance. It meant that mom was a very beautiful girl, she wasn't invited for her social position, but for her aspect, indeed. Mom related this proudly. I think the Palace of Culture already existed, and the ball was surely held there.

Shortly after the end of the war, mom got married in 1920, at the age of 23. She moved near Petrozseny. And since my father was a timber merchant, they lived in a lumber mill in Lonya. Lonya was a mine settlement, but apart from that there was a lumber mill, as well. Some of the clerks who worked there were Jews, on the other hand there were many Jews in Petrozseny, and a synagogue, too. Regarded to those times, uncle Goldman was a manager who had a very high social concern, and built beautiful workers' dwellings. These were storied, beautiful brick buildings. The workers had one or two room apartments, the clerks had a separate building and they also lived in Lonya, but not in the workers' dwellings, but in another area of the mill plant, where there was a separate building for clerks, with apartments with more rooms. A one room apartment was given to two singles and the newly married couples, while those with families got a two room apartment. There was a common bath, because they had a boiler. The guests who came to buy board or were on business trip, were lodged in guest-chambers, because there was no hotel in Lonya.

We had an apartment, too, in the building where the clerks lived. I don't remember exactly if we had one or two rooms. My dad managed the whole lumber mill while he was healthy. All the people had an extraordinary respect for my father. There was a man in Vasarhely, at the Jewish community, uncle Tischler, he also worked as clerk in the Zsil valley and he had business relations with my father, and he told me that when Fulop Riegelhaupt said something [yes or no], one could rely on it, no documents were needed because his word was enough. When my father fell sick and didn't work anymore in Lonya, we had a very nice apartment in Petrozseny then, four rooms, bathroom, balcony, in a word it was a very nice apartment we rented.

They lived very happily there, my mother was well off, she was unbelievably pampered, she didn't work anywhere. She was on very good terms with her sister-in-law, Sandor's wife, they had the same age. Her sister-in-law was born in Vulkan (Vulcani in Romanian). Her name was Regina Lovi, she was Jewish. My uncle worked there and they met this way, they married very young.

Growing up

I was born in Vasarhely, on 17th June 1922, in my grandparents' house, in the Mestitz house, because my mom came home from Lonya to give birth, because Lonya was just a mill plant and she wanted to give birth here, near her mother. Women used to give birth at home then, not in the hospital. My mother couldn't feed me because there were no nutriments then, so I had a foster nurse. My grandmother found out in the meantime that in Vasarhely there were nutriments, some Swiss ones, called Nestle. This product appeared then and my grandmother sent it to my mother, to try to feed me with it, because I was starving a lot, so I cried almost all the time, because I had nothing to eat, the babies were raised by breast-feeding then. Later I had a governess called Grete, she was a girl from Szaszsebes and she remained with us until I started to go to school. I learned German from her.

My parents had a very nice life. There were many young people then. There were no pools then, but at the lumber mill there was tennis court for the clerks, and they used to play tennis. There was a canteen, a shared kitchen, a woman cook, so mom didn't have to cook. There was a jolly life, they used to go with a two-horse carriage to Petrozseny to the candy store and cafe. I don't know if there was a cinema or not, but it was a casino and they also used to get together there to play cards. They had a lot of fun, they lived well.

When my father got sick, mom took him to doctors from Pest to Prague, from Prague to Berlin, she took him to all the possible places. He was treated with radium because they said he had cancer, spine sarcoma, and he ended up in a sanitarium for neuropaths in Kolozsvar, where he was operated again. He was operated before that, as well, I don't know where, but the last place he was in was the Nerva Sanitarium in Kolozsvar. [Editor's note: the former sanitarium now is the building of the CFR (Romanian Railways) hospital today, it was built by the Wesselenyi family, and for a period it was the Nerva neuropath sanitarium. In 1929 it was reopened as a private urology-surgery sanitarium called Charite.] When my father got to the grade where nothing could be done, they took him home to Marosvasarhely to grandpa's house. From the hospital a young doctor and a nurse came together with him. He died after a short period, four or six weeks. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Vasarhely. I barely knew him. I was together with him just for a short period of time, however they said I resemble him. When he died, in 1928, mom moved home to grandpa's house in Vasarhely, together with all her things, furniture and everything. This traveling and all made mom spend all her money, and moreover, even grandpa’s and uncle’s money as well.

After my father died, uncle Sandor managed the factory for a while, then it became a stock company. We had no stocks there, but the truth is I don't know what happened after that. I remember that the lumber-mill operated for a while. After that it was closed down, before World War II, already in the Romanian era [Editor' note: Zsuzsa Diamantstein referred to the period between the wars, when following the peace treaty of Trianon, Transylvania returned under Romanian authority.] Each year I used to go to my uncle in Petrozseny, my father was already dead, but we always got to Lonya, to see what’s going on. When the holiday began, I spent the summer holiday at my uncle’s – I went by myself there. This was my second home. Together with the friends we went to excursions to Petrozseny's neighborhoods, the Zsil valley was beautiful, wherever one went.  We went on excursions for an afternoon or a whole day, we didn't spend the night there. Nobody had a car, but we rented one, so we got to the location. There we climbed the mountain, but we didn't do much climbing, we preferred eating. We ate cold meal then, I remember there were delicious salamis and cheeses. I don't know whether we drank alcohol or not, but it was a very jolly company, and we had fun. It was an interesting small town, Petrozseny was a miner town, it was asphalted, had water piping, in a word there was a very cultured life, the inhabitants lived well there. I have nice memories about Petrozseny. I went to my uncle for many years, until Northern Transylvania was reannexed to Hungary [in 1940]. My uncle was like a father to me. My uncle didn't like the timber business, and after World War II he became a photographer, this was his hobby. He became a professional photographer, but he had no private studio, he was the press photographer of the Romanian newspaper from Petrozseny. They liked and respected him all over the town. He was a very honest man. Naturally, after World War II I contacted my uncle. [After returning from the deportation] I visited him, and I was on the point of moving there, but in the meantime I got acquainted with my husband and I married him in Vasarhely. My uncle wasn't religious at all, but he stuck to his Jewish origins. My father's younger brother died in 1981 in Petrozseny, he is buried in the Jewish cemetery. His wife, Regina, who died in the 1960s is also buried there.

Mom was 31 when she remained a widow. She came home to Marosvasarhely and after two years married my stepfather. I think he was five years older than mom, and he was a bank clerk here in Vasarhely, but he was born in Fogaras, as far as I know. They knew our family very well, my stepfather's parents and my maternal grandparents were on very good terms. My stepfather, Karoly Riemer, graduated the Business Academy from Vienna. He was sent to the front as an ensign, and he was taken prisoner in as early as 1915. He came home from Russian captivity in 1922. He was taken to many places, but in the end he ended up in Tashkent [Uzbekistan]. He played very well the violin, and when they were allowed to move freely in captivity, except from letting them go home, they formed an orchestra. There were only a few people who played the violin and they began to play at the circus first. They began to play in restaurants, at weddings, Jewish weddings, to Mongolian yurtas in the steppe, they played everywhere. They evolved quite nicely, they even held classic concerts after they formed a quartet. Later he entered the music academy of Tashkent as a violin teacher. They were four, I believe they were all Jews, but I don't know precisely, anyway this lasted for 7 years. Mom was already married when my stepfather came home to Vasarhely, I was born just then. He also lived in Pest for a while, he was single. The two families knew each other very well, and so he got acquainted with mom and as this developed into a very nice love story. It was a happy, ideal and beautiful marriage, and I loved my stepfather very much because he never even said I should move over [he never had a bad word for me]. My step-grandfather had a very nice tailor shop in Vasarhely. He used to order the materials from England, and this was a very good, high class shop. Before mom married my stepfather, he wasn't even at home, but as a little child they used to take me to the tailor shop because my step-grandfather loved me very much, he had no grandchildren. Beside my stepfather, he had two sons and a daughter, but none of them had children. When mom married, my mother's father got scared because my mother had to live together with a man who had a fixed salary, and mom used to spend money like water, in the period when my father was healthy. But what people do for love? My mother became a brilliant housewife, although she barely knew how to cook, because she never had to cook before. At home, until she was a big girl, not to mention that she was the oldest sister and she used to direct the younger ones. The children were awfully afraid of her because otherwise mom was a very energetic woman. She was very severe with me, as well, while I was the only child. They had a beautiful marriage, although they only spent 15 years together.

My stepfather wasn't religious at all. They were assimilated Jews, they had the Jewish consciousness, but they weren't religious. Grandpa Riemer also began from nothing, and according to his wife, my step-grandmother, after the first year of marriage they were very happy they managed to buy a mattress, because until then they slept on a straw mattress. So they achieved what they had with their own hands. But they educated their children, everyone learned music. My stepfather attended the Business Academy in Vienna, and his next son, Oszkar Riemer, graduated high school and later he got to the front and died as a hero in World War I. There is a war memorial column in the Jewish cemetery in Marosvasarhely, which lists all the Jewish soldiers who died as heroes. Oszkar Riemer is one of them, moreover, as far as I know there is a memorial in the Protestant cemetery, as well, which also lists the soldiers who died during World War I.

They had a sister, Ilonka, who got married in Kolozsvar, she was a beautiful woman. Her husband was Mor Erdos, a Jewish engineer. Ilonka was a housewife, she wasn't entirely healthy, so Mor spoiled her, he was worried about her. They lived a very nice life, but they had no children. She had a beautiful voice, she was a good piano player, and they traveled a lot together. They had a very elegant, civilized home, a home of a couple of high intellect – the husband earned probably well as engineer. He built forest railways, as far as I know, but later he gave up this occupation and (when I was already part of this family) he had an wholesale store in Kolozsvar. They moved from this apartment to another one, which was also beautiful, big and splendid. When I came back from the deportation, I found out she, together with her husband, they were in Kolozsvar during the Holocaust because there was a Hungarian surgery professor, Klimko, who saved them and others, as well. He kept them in the hospital [this was one way of having exemption from the deportations], so he didn't extradite them when they wanted to take them away [to deport them]. So they both survived.

My stepfather's youngest brother, Erno Riemer, graduated business high-school, but he also knew how to play the violin, my aunt [Erno’s sister, Ilonka] knew how to play the piano and to sing. Erno learned tailoring and he went to Vienna and joined in a very elegant men's wear store. First he was and employee, but later he became an associate. The other associate wasn't Jewish, at least that's what I think, and the company ran under the name 'Stoll und Riemer' [Stoll and Riemer], but then Erno remained alone. He used to order materials from England, he did the tailoring. He did the following: he went to England to learn about English tailoring, ordered a suit, went home and unwove it to see how they did it. The next time when he went to England he was invited to a distinguished party. The party was organized on a ship deck, and he made a white tuxedo for himself. He was such a handsome man, he could easily be a movie star. London's best tailor also attended that party, and he was looking for my uncle to find out who this  elegant man was... So Erno was this type of man, who got married and later he divorced. The Anschluss 6 already had taken place, Hitler already invaded Austria. So my stepfather was very anxious – because his parents were still alive then – about what would happen to Erno, but he wrote all the time 'I'm well, I'm very busy...' He didn't write about whom he worked for or who needed his work, because it was prohibited for Jews to work then. Later, one day, they received a notice from him, from Belgium. He did the following: he had a right hand, a woman, who took care of the administration, and Erno used all the stock to make suits. He invested all his money into the suits, he sold them, and he bought a round-trip boat ticket to Australia, which was an enormous sum. And in the last moment he defected to Belgium, but it was really in the last moment, because the Gestapo got there on the next day. So he got to England and he settled there. He was a very good friend of mom's, she wasn't on good terms with my stepfather [in her childhood] due to the difference of age, she was in good relations with Erno, who was the classmate of my mother's younger brother, Sandor. They were good buds from childhood and they loved each other. But Erno didn't even ask me, after I was the only one who came back from the deportation, 'hey you, how are you? what are you living from?'.

Grandpa Mittelmann was my tutor from my maternal side, and after my father's death he took care of issues related to the life-insurance by buying a big house in which he also invested this money. This was a corner building on the boulevard, one side was opposite to the building which is the Unirea [high] school today, the other side gave onto the boulevard. The family was big then, the youngsters, Aliz and Gabi were still at home. They held the [wedding] ceremony at home, and considering that it was mom's second marriage they didn't make a big fuss about it. I remember that the chuppah was under the gate and the marriage took place there. I was in the first grade then, and they took me away from home during the ceremony. [Editor's note: according to the Jewish tradition, children are not allowed to attend their parents' wedding.] I know there was a dinner after the ceremony. It was the only time the family gathered. Mom and my stepfather went to Brasso for the great honeymoon. My name remained Riegelhaupt, but mom changed it to Riemer after the marriage.

When my stepfather married mom, my parents, together with the Riemer grandparents, moved to the Albina building, opposite to the Romanian Orthodox church. The bank was there, but there were flats as well, not too many, though. Usually the clerks of the Albina bank used to live in the flats, but they also rented them to others, and the Riemer grandparents lived in one of those flats. After mom married, the grandparents moved to Kolozsvar, because their daughter Ilonka lived there, and with the help of their son, Erno, they built a very nice house there. So they left the flat to us. It was a very nice flat with three big rooms, kitchen and bathroom. Heating was a big problem, they used wood for heating with stove, and it was difficult to heat the flat. We lived on the second floor, we had to bring up the wood from the cellar. But we had a maid servant, a household employee, and she used to take the wood from the cellar to the second floor, where we lived. They always ordered the wood during fall, and since there was a cellar, they used to store the wood there. They cut up the wood, there was a specialized company, for example a family who was doing this, they had a sawing-machine and they went wherever they were requested to. There was plumbing in the building, bathrooms with flushing closet – we lived in civilized conditions.

My parents read a lot, we had a library at home. I usually read Hungarian books, Hungarian literature and world literature. And my parents did the same. In my childhood I read all the novels of Jokai, the children from today consider them boring, but I liked them very much then. [Editor’s note: Mor Jokai (1825–1904) is a representative of romanticism in the Hungarian literature.] I used to read books by Jules Verne, and novels for youth, just about anything that that was published. One of my favorite prose-writers is Sandor Marai even today. [Editor’s note: Sandor Marai (1900–1989), novelist, short story and memoir writer, poet, journalist and playwright. A true cosmopolitan, he was a protector of civil values; he died in exile in San Diego, and his later writings could only be published in Hungary after the downfall of Communism.] My parents didn't intervene, they didn't tell me what to read. My stepfather was a high-cultured man, he read, wrote and spoke in five languages: he learned Hungarian [at home], he learned German at the Academy, Russian on the front, in captivity he learned English and he already knew French, and when he came back in 1922 he needed Romanian, he didn't just pick up Romanian, he learnt it with a tutor. He played very well the violin, and in our family there was chamber music every week – it was very nice. Many musicians came there, in turns. Dad was always the second violin. Etel Magos was the first violin and dad the second violin. Geza Kozma was the cellist, and a man called Muller was the violist. Sometimes they had a piano in the quintet. They played so well, that in Vasarhely they even had a concert in the Palace of Culture. In the Albina, where we lived, I slept in the dining room, I had my couch there. While they played the chamber music, I used to lie in mom's bed, and when the music was over, while I was still little, my father used to take me out in his arms, or I went there half asleep, because music always made me fall asleep. No other musician came there, they were playing only for their own pleasure.

When grandpa Mittelmann retired and my aunt Aliz got married - because in the apartment on the Boulevard there were six rooms – my parents decided to moved there from the Albina flat, and they divided the rooms: half of them was ours, the other half was used by my grandparents. My mother took care of the household, because we had only one kitchen. So we moved in there. We had a housemaid, my grandparents had another one, and then – because the apartment was big, and we were many there – both maids remained to help out mom. One of them used to do the work in the kitchen, while the other one used to clean up the place. It wasn't like today, when they only come once a week, they brushed the parquet daily and there was a serious cleaning. Not to mention that washday was a big deal then. The washwoman came, and they rubbed [the clothes] in two rounds, they boiled, starched and blued them. At that time there was no colorful table-linen, no colorful bed-linen, so the bed-linen and the table-linen was white. To make them white as snow, they put a liquid in the last wash water, it was called starch blue, which didn't stain the clothes, but gave them a nice, white color. The water became blue, and thereby the white clothes became china white. And the underclothes... I remember that I cried a lot in my childhood because there were the so called bodies, made from fine linen, cambric canvas, and they starched them and they hurt me so much I had to wrinkle them before using not to be too rough. It was terrible to wear them, as far as I remember. Not to mention men's shirts, collars, those were really difficult to clean. At that time they used to conserve food especially for the winter, they canned everything, from vegetables to tomatoes and pickles. As far as I remember, the cellar wasn't good in this big building, but there were larders we could use. In fall it was pasta conserving time. A woman, who had different sieves, came and kneaded the farfel, the thin pasta for the meat-soup, the square pasta and the wide pasta. The whole house was full with pasta, rolled out to dry everywhere on table-clothes, but this is how it all went then.

There was no bus then, it seemed it was so far away [the apartment on the Boulevard], and everybody asked us how was it possible to move so far from the center square, because the market was in the main square [Editor's note: the place is not even half km from the market]. There was a market everyday in the main square, but by 11 o'clock in the morning the main square shined, there wasn't even an apple skin there. I wasn't used to go to the market with my mom, I had no time for it, I had to go to school, but there were times, especially in the summertime, when they sent me there to buy things. But usually mom did the shopping. On Thursdays, when she used to do bigger shopping, a maid helped her, but if she needed only one or two things she went all by herself. I know a villager woman used to bring milk daily, and sour cream and curd cheese weekly. The main market day was on Thursday, and villagers from different regions, such as the region of Nyarad , used to come by carriages and brought lots of goods, but also poultry. The market was held systematically, there was a section for vegetables, another section for poultry and other for animals. The autumn sale, the Marton's day fair was the main market day of the year, and on this day the traders occupied the place between the big [Romanian orthodox] cathedral and the Albina building. It was very well organized then, people brought plenty of vegetables [from the villages], everything one could think of. Back then villagers everywhere were doing agriculture, so there were plenty of goods: fruits, everything one could imagine, eye's and mouth's delight. There were tents with different knick-knacks, candy traders, but there were no [fair] performances. The honey scone traders were also there, for the children's delight, because they sold very delicious scones with honey and nuts. I always waited mom to bring home some scones. There were three or four fairs every year. The big stock-market was in the November 7th district [Editor's note: November 7th was the name communists gave to a district in the northern part of Marosvasarhely, the fair was held there, on Szentgyorgy street].

The main square of Vasarhely was full of Jewish stores. There was Vamos' big textile store, he was a very decent merchant, we loved his store very much because one could buy things there on installments, especially the families with fixed incomes. Every family had a grocer, a store they used to buy from, and ordered the goods they needed for a month, they wrote it down in a book, which everybody kept for themselves, and probably the merchant had one, too. And usually the store apprentice brought the goods to the house, because they didn't buy one kg of sugar then, but a quantity enough let's say for a month. If the customers realized they need something else, they just went to the store and wrote it in the booklet. On the first day of the next month, when my father got his salary, he went to pay the debt and they settled the bill.

We had a sewing woman who used to come to us for many years, she made everything we needed, transformed clothes because my parents didn't buy new clothes all the time, they altered, replaced and fixed the old clothes very often. My mother only had the overcoats sewed by a tailor. Everybody had his own tailor, our was called Bence, and his tailor shop was in a little private house, opposite to the Albina building.

My mother used to go to the synagogue each Saturday, she lit candles on Friday evening, and she didn't cook on Saturday. We observed the high holidays, on Yom Kippur my stepfather also went to the synagogue and we followed the meal traditions, as well. We weren't kosher, but my mother cooked very delicious meals, and she held a light kitchen, not a Jewish one, it was rather a more modern, lighter one, and we ate lots of fruits. Not to mention that my stepfather had high blood-pressure based on nerve problems, and we already cooked with oil at that time, which was quite unusual then, but one could buy in the stores. Mom didn't buy often fat geese.

Vasarhely was a small town, it was called the barbecue Vasarhely. [Editor's note – in the Szekler region sometimes even today they call Marosvasarhely 'Barbecue village' ironically.] As far as I remember, in my time, when I was in school, it had 50 thousand inhabitants, we learned so. There was a Jewish club in Vasarhely, and a Hungarian casino, as well. My grandfather and my stepfather used to go to the Hungarian casino together. The Hungarian casino was in the Apollo Palace building then. [Editor's note: the Apollo Palace is on Trandafirilor square no. 5. Count Samuel Teleki built it in 1820-22. There were stores on the ground floor, flats on the first floor and a lodge on the second floor, where they used to keep balls and later, between 1824-1923, dramatic performances. The Albert Burger brewery owner bought and altered the building in 1923. On the ground floor of the building the Hungarian Casino functioned from 1923. At the moment different political parties and the Pro Europa league have their headquarters there.] My parents' friends were mostly Hungarians. Many Jewish families went there, mostly men, and the women followed their husbands. They didn't take the children there, it was only for adults. The men went there around 6-7 pm, while the wives at 8 pm, and it was open until 10 pm. There were card-tables and gambling. They used to play with Hungarian cards, they played rummy and bridge, and there was no other type of entertainment, there wasn't any alcohol there. The wives usually ‘kibitzed’ [they looked at the men play and they kept their fingers crossed] for their husbands, and this was rather a sober entertainment. My parents used to play bridge at home, as well with their friends. There was doctor Metz, and another Hungarian family called Nanasi, they used to get together with them. This was the way of living then.

There was no money left for holidays, and for the holidays my parents went to Kolozsvar for a few weeks to the grandparents – they got there by train. I used to visit them also, not very often though, I've been to my grandparents in Kolozsvar two or three times, during the holidays. My parents only visited once brother Erno, this uncle of mine, in Vienna. They had no money for a holiday at a spa. My father was a clerk, he had a fixed salary, they lived well, but they didn't live in great style, but we lived well at middle-class standards.

I finished elementary school in the Jewish school, which was on Horea street, today it's school number 4. The Jewish school had six grades, and I finished four of them. Usually those who wanted to continue their studies finished four classes, and they entered a local middle school or a high school. Those who couldn't afford this finished the six grades, but it wasn't mandatory to do so, only four grades had to be finished then. It was a wonderful school. We had an educator, Ferenc Rado, you could rarely find nowadays. Uncle Rado was a brilliant man, he was excellent skills in dealing with children, he was a very patient man and had answers for everything, he could tell stories about anything, and I liked him very much. I always used to say that it was him who taught me everything I know now. The director, Jeno Moskovits [Editor's note: he was Eva Deutsch's father, and Centropa made an interview with Eva, as well] was an extremely honest, very kind man, but he taught another form. Ferenc Rado was our educator during the four grades. In the school, in elementary school and middle school, we learned in Romanian, but at religion class we learnt in Hebrew. We learned the Hebrew letters from the prayer-book, and the religious things usually from the Bible – we learned everything from uncle Rado during the religion classes. After I finished elementary school, I used to go to uncle Rado to chat with him.

They used to organize very nice festivities in the Jewish school. We held the most important performances in the Jewish community center, but during the year there were self-culture clubs in the school, which they held in the Jewish school: they used to read out poems and humorous things. Uncle Rado and another educator, Boske Rosenfeld, poor her didn't come back from the deportation [Editor’s mote: As we can learn from the interview with Eva Deutch, Ferenc Rado and Jeno Moskovits also died in deportation.], put together once a tale of Purim, and it was a nice performance. Children performed it: one of my classmates was Queen Esther, she was a very beautiful girl, called Eva Citrom (she didn't dare to come back from the deportation because she didn't behave very well there), one of my boy classmates was Haman, there was a Mordecai and another classmate was Ahasuerus. The tale was about Ahasuerus who wanted to get married and different girls were taken to him, a Bedouin, a Turkish and a Jewish girl and he chose the Jewish girl. I was one of the girls, I got from somebody a very elegant Turkish woman's dress, and everybody said he should have chosen me instead of the Jewish girl, because I had such a beautiful dress...

There were very nice balls and performances at the Jewish community center. [Editor's note: the building became later the Progres cinema, on Tipografiei street no. 4. It was built in 1928, with the support of the Jewish community for cultural purposes. It was the scene of many celebrations, literary and religious gatherings. The Yiddish theatres from Iasi and Vilna used to perform there. From the 1930s, a cinema functioned in the building]. Once, the Jewish elementary school performed there the Blue Bird by Maeterlinck. It was a splendid performance. [Editor's note: Maurice Maeterlinck (1862-1949) Nobel laureate (1911) Belgian prose-writer. He wrote symbolic dramas. The mentioned piece is a fairy play with 6 scenes.] The entire school participated in the Blue Bird piece, which did not involve any singing, but dances. Because the tale had many parts, the school wasn't able to perform all of them. The tale was about two children who were trying to find the blue bird, they went to many places and the narrators told things about those places. They managed to link the stories this way. I wasn't a great actor, but I was chosen to play one of the narrators. The other one was Andras Mestitz [Julia Sheiner's (nee Mestitz) younger brother], who was one grade higher than me. The whole teaching staff of the school helped us to mount the piece. This was a very nice, serious performance. The parents were our audience.

There was a Jewish Women's Association then, the WIZO. Naturally they supported Zionism, so they organized charity performances and balls in the Jewish community center. My parents used to attend them. My mother didn't go to other balls. My parents weren't members of such organizations.

I was in the third form when I began to learn playing the piano. My piano teacher was Piroska Metz from the music academy [they called it in Hungarian playfully ‘Zenede’ (music factory) by then]. I liked auntie Piroska very much, although she was a very severe teacher, but I, who always had stage fright, I got used to playing in front of audience. She used to teach each pupil one quarter of an hour, but we had to stay there for the whole hour, until the other three pupils finished their lesson, so we played in front of each other, not to mention that we had some internal examination concerts. Then came a period when my parents had no money to pay the school fees, so another piano teacher, Eva Lorand took over, who used to come to our home. In the Zenede we had to pay quarterly, and that was a larger sum to spent for a fixed salary clerk.  That's how I ended up with Eva Lorand, she wasn't cheaper, but we only had to pay monthly fees. The music school was the same as the normal school, with first grade, second grade and third grade. As far as I remember, I attended the Zenede for three years, and I studied another three years with Eva Lorand, but my habit of playing in front of an audience was gone, and I wasn't talented after all. She taught a more modern method – according to the method called Chovan-Czerny. [Editor's note: the name of the method comes from Kalman Chovan and Karl Czerny. Czerny became a world famous piano teacher, he was the teacher of many famous pianists of the19th century. Ferenc Liszt was one of his students.] So I had to learn the new method, with a different system for the positioning of the hands, which is a very important thing when playing the piano. I didn't like my teacher very much, so this teacher change turned out to be a total miscue [failure] and even though I studied for many years, I discontinued to play the piano.

In 1932 when I entered the Unirea high school – it was the part of the building that gave onto the Boulevard, a university is there at the moment – the high school was a very good school, with an outstanding lady principal, Doamna Georgescu [Mrs. Georgescu in Romanian] who was an extremely decent person. I finished there the four grades of high school. Towards the end, around 1936, there were so insecure years, it wasn't a warlike atmosphere, but anti-Semitism was already present. I can't say they made us feel it, we knew there were Iron Guard 7 girls, but otherwise we didn't feel it. There were several Jewish pupils in the class we were on good terms with. At the age 14 I was a backward girl, I always had one girlfriend, and I used to go everywhere with her, I never liked big crowds. I was on good terms with everybody, but I didn't like to go to parties. From this point of view I had a quite difficult personality, I was full of inhibitions. I had a very good girlfriend, a Romanian girl, Margareta Moldovan, and a Jewish one, Juci Traub. Juci was a very clever girl, she was the best in the class in every subject. No matter whether it was arithmetics or we had to write an essay in French, she was always the best. She was a very, very smart girl. Unfortunately her parents lived in very poor conditions, so she wasn't able to continue her studies, she learned sewing. We finished high school in 1936, we had this so called little graduation, and most of the Jewish girls decided to learn a profession. After the little graduation I didn't learn together with Juci, but I know she had a boyfriend with serious intentions, Sanyi Rosenblatt whom we called Kokisch. I know they were in love, but the war came, and then the deportation. Juci didn't come home to Vasarhely after the deportation. She survived the deportation, moreover, she still lives, but we didn't keep in touch. She got married, she had a lot of problems in her life, and finally she settled in Vienna, and she lives there as a widow. Her daughter lives in Vienna, too. This is my last information about her. The last time we met was in 1987.

After the fourth grade of elementary school, when I entered the Unirea high school, we went to rabbi Dr. Ferenc Lowy for religion class. The rabbi had a family in Vasarhely, he had four children, and he was an extremely intelligent man. One of his daughters was a pediatrician, one of his sons was a doctor, the other one a lawyer, while the other daughter finished two or three years at the medicine school, but she didn't graduate it. The rabbi was a member of the Zsigmond Kemeny Society [Editor's note: the Zsigmond Kemeny Society was a literary and cultural society established in 1876 by Lajos Tolnai, a Protestant priest from Marosvasarhely, and by baron Karoly Apor, who became its chairman. There were 42 founder members, 69 regular members and 4 honorary members. The goal of the society was to promote the liberal arts, to study, gather and publish the old and new Szekler idioms, as well as to publish Zsigmond Kemeny's works. They had to organize a monthly lecture and a yearly festivity.] Now, just like back then, it is a literary society. They held performances within the society, they invited writers and poets who read their works on evenings. My parents used to go there to see the more interesting performances. For example, Zsigmond Moricz came once from Hungary, as well as many other writers. [Editor’s note: Zsigmond Moricz (1879–1942) was a prominent 20th-century Hungarian prose writer. He was primarily a novelist and short-story writer, and his work is remarkable for its realistic portrayal of life in Hungarian villages and provincial towns. His finest novels include the historical trilogy Erdely (Transylvania, 1922-35). Moricz was also the editor of the literary journal Nyugat (West), which supported modernist literature and liberal politics.]

It was mandatory to attend the religion class then. Everybody attended the class for their respective religion. Religion class was just line any other class in the school, held weekly. The Jewish religion class, that is the religion class of minorities, was held at the Jewish school. The rabbi taught us the religion class there. We didn't like it, but we attended the religion class. 'Have you said your prayers?' the rabbi asked everybody, and he pushed our nose to see whether we were lying or not. I was too honest to lie, so I always took my prayer-book in the morning, I read the morning prayer, so I could tell him I have prayed. When we came back from the deportation, I came through [Nagy]Varad, we got off the train there and they checked those who got off.  There was a Jewish policeman. 'Who are you?', he asked. I said my name, Riegelhaupt. 'This is a German name!' There were other people from Vasarhely. ‘She was with us – they said – look, she has a tattoo!’ 'Everybody can have a tattoo! Do you speak Jewish?' 'No, I don't.' He ordered me out because he thought I was a ‘shady element’. The others I was with asked him not to do that... And I had to guffaw that I was put aside as a suspicious element! I’ve just came back from the concentration camp and I was a suspicious element! He came back to me after a while and asked me if I can speak Yiddish or Jewish? I said no. He asked me if I could pray. Then I remembered the morning prayer, what I learned like a parrot, because even today I know the first words: 'Majde ani lofonelho…' [Editor’s note: It is about the morning prayer 'Modeh ani l’fanecha…, I’m thankful to You…(, ever living King, for compassionately returning my soul to me, how great is Your faithfulness’.)] I only know these words from the prayer even today – thanks to that he left me alone.

The little graduation means graduation of high school. Those four grades of high school meant much more than the eight grades today, they represented a higher degree. An anti-Semitism wave began then, and it was very hard for the Jews to enter the university. Usually we, Jewish girls, didn't study further [at a university], we rather learned a profession – we got to a tailor shop or a hairdresser salon or in other places – because our parents considered thus we will have better success in life. Mom sent me as apprentice in a tailor shop because she thought it was a very good profession, and I would see later I would go to my uncle to Vienna etc., etc. There were two sisters in Vasarhely, the Kun sisters, they were very decent people. They had a tailor shop at the end of the Saros street, upstairs, where the Azomures has a store now. We made a contract, mom paid the fees, but I had to go to an apprentice school, which was a public school. When we went to learn a profession, we made a contract with the employer, which stated that we had to work there three years as apprentice, and only then we got an employment record so we could work there as assistants. Usually, those who went to work didn't pay, but worked there to learn the profession.

I started apprentice school in 1939. It wasn’t needed to graduate high school for that, four grades were just enough. We had the little graduation only for ourselves, the girls who finished the four grades of high school had to finish only two years in the apprentice school. Those who had just elementary school, had to finish three years of apprentice school. The school's building is the fire-station at the moment on Horea street. In one section of the building there were the girls, in another one the boys. There were apprentices for all professions. We had many interesting classes there, nice and meaningful classes, but we didn't learn the profession there. We learned only general subjects there: grammar, history, geography, arithmetics, book-keeping and so on. There was an excellent arithmetics teacher. Learning was serious there. We learned in Romanian because it was a public school, but only an apprentice school. We had different teachers for each class. There was an interesting class, ethics, based on religion, but on the Christian religion.

When a new [ethic] teacher was assigned, Straja, a member of the Iron Guard, he entered the classroom with a Hakenkreuz [swastika]. [Editor’s note: The Iron Guard had its own emblem, other than the swastika. Its symbol was composed by three horizontal and vertical green stripes which could fit in a square and symbolized iron bars, and in the center there were three horizontal and vertical black stripes in a circle, which could fit in a square.] We were scared about what would happen. So a handsome young man entered the classroom, and his first action was to put the Jewish girls into the first row – we were five or six Jewish girls in the form who finished high school. He was very smart and he didn't tell bad things after all, he was talking about – in a rather communist manner, so he woke up the consciousness of the girls – not to be shy because we learned profession and we were equal to those who were doing other things. When I came home after the first day, I told mom if the eye could kill Straja would be dead because I was very angry with him because he looked at me all the time and he always asked me from the New Testament when the others couldn't answer. Once Straja 'gave a speech' to the class that if we had a gallant there is no reason to be ashamed, and we didn't have to walk on back alleys, we could use the main streets and not to have any prejudice. He didn't manifest itself in a negative manner towards us, moreover, he appreciated that the Jewish girls were more intelligent than the others. He was a dedicated member of the Iron Guard, but he probably had nothing against the Jews, he probably had something with the regime. He was our teacher just for a short period, because he was removed, they relocated him, but I can't say anything wrong about him.

At the end of the 1930s the Jewish youth still organized conventions, but slowly the atmosphere got worse. Anti-Semitism appeared in Romania, and the Iron Guard began to rule, and this left a mark on the Jewish social life and mood – we could already feel the war psychosis.

I feel I have to tell you that in the meantime my parents decided to build a small house, because they wanted to move out. Considering that my inheritance was also invested in the house on the Boulevard, grandpa sold the big six room apartment and gave the adequate sum to my parents, so they could build the new house – on the Sportivilor street, a bystreet on which the maternity hospital is today. My grandparents moved into a flat on Kazinczy street, Kogalniceanu street today, now the police building. It was a private building then. Our house was built in one summer, and it was a great success. We moved there in 1938, I mean the three of us and one of the girls.

In the meantime, while in apprentice school, my stepfather was relocated to Szaszregen. The name of the bank he worked at as manager was Banca de Scont, a savings bank. It had two provincial branches, one in Medgyes and another one in Szaszregen. The general manager was an evil Jewish man, he was on very bad terms with my stepfather. In summertime, when the manager of the Medgyes branch went to holiday – he was one of the general manager's relatives – my dad had to go there to replace him. On the Christmas of 1938 the manager of the Medgyes branch committed suicide. I still don't know why, but the general manager was happy that he got rid of dad, and he told him to take over the Medgyes branch. My parents were desperate because they just built our house, so how could they move so far from the family just now? My mother's younger sister, Agnes, and her younger brother, Sanyi, lived in Regen, they settled there. Eventually they solved the problem with the manager from Regen, Horicska, who was single, so he went to Medgyes and we went to Regen. Thus we had to move to Szaszregen in 1939. I continued to learn this 'beautiful' profession, so I remained with my grandparents, I lived with them until I finished the two years of apprentice school in 1941 – I even went to work from there.

During the war

The reannexing [the so called ‘Hungarian era’] 8 came and my stepfather was soon laid off. There was a law [the numerus clausus in Hungary] 9 in the 1940s about I don't know exactly how many percent of the clerks could be Jewish. Instead of divide the sum between dad and himself, or at least giving something to dad, the general manager kept the whole sum for himself. Dad remained jobless. I think he worked in 1940, but in 1941 he became jobless. It was a terrible thing because we weren't rich, and my parents had no money. Dad did some book-keeping at home for a gas station owner then, who wasn't Jewish, and we managed to get by somehow.

When I finished school, I ended up in Regen, and my life somewhat fell apart. I don't have too pleasant memories from this period. I can't say I had a beautiful youth there. I got to a tailor shop, and the salary I got there was minimal. Not to mention that I hated, I hated it so much... An old Jewish woman was the owner, Sari Kraus, and the tailor shop was full of spinsters. They hated me because I was young, and because they knew I didn't really live from what I earned there, I didn't have to slave because I had parents, so it was terrible what I have gone through in that tailor shop. Not to mention that I hated sewing and I wasn't skillful at all, so it was a hard period for me, I cried a lot... Then grandpa said it was enough, and told me to stay at home. It was only for a short period, until 1944. I helped out mom at home. I didn't like Regen. I had a very good girlfriend there, she was a smart, capable girl, she was an excellent piano player. Her name was Miri Szabo, and she attended the music academy in Vasarhely, her teacher was Sari Trozner. She loved Miri very much, and when Sarika had tendovaginitis, Miri replaced her, despite all the Jewish laws which already existed then. Poor Miri perished in the gas-chamber.

The Saxons from Szaszregen respected my stepfather very much. For example there was a Saxon bookseller who on Saturdays, when he closed the store, gave him the German newspapers to read. I had to bring them back. And there was the grocery we used to buy things from, a couple ran the store, they were very decent. My stepfather used to listen to radio London every evening. We learned for the first time about gas-chambers from there, but we didn't believe it. We thought it was just propaganda. When the Hungarian army came in [in 1940], the Hungarian Jews came in officer uniform. Many officers came to my parents, who were in the uniform adequate to their rank. Then slowly they were demobilized. Then began to take the men to forced labor. My uncle Gabi was taken away, my cousins and maternal second cousins from Vasarhely they all went to forced labor. We, the children, adored uncle Gabi. He was a tall, well-built German type young man, he was single – he was taken first to a camp in Bacska, but they were doing well there, they worked and he came home eventually. But he was summoned again to the ill-famed camp from Bor, a cooper mine in Serbia. He perished there after he was shot. The Saxon couple from the grocery managed to get through a letter to my uncle with the help of a German soldier. So there were decent persons among them, as well. On the other hand, in Regen, which was a small town, everybody knew we were Jews, and when we went to the lido, they threw at us thing, not stones, but green apples or something... So after that we, the Jewish youth, used to bathe in a Jewish gardener's creek. We had a nice time there.

Mom's younger sister, Aliz, lived with her husband in Arad. The first actions of the Iron Guard took place there. They were not allowed to have a maid, they took away their paint store, they had to employ a ‘strohman’ 10 who managed the store, so my parents kept their fingers crossed for them. Aliz's husband, my uncle, was thinking about moving to Northern Transylvania, but my aunt didn't agree with that, so it appears that she had a hunch, she had two little children. Not to mention that here the harder things were just to come. After the Germans invaded Hungary, this was in 19th March 1944 11, we had to wear the yellow star. Terrible things happened after that. They removed us from the apartment, and they told us that if we moved together with others we could remain in the town. Our friends from Regen had a bigger flat, and we, together with another family, moved in with them. I know I slept in the kitchen, my parents in one room, the owners in another room, and the other family, with the children, in a further room. Mom took care of the household because the wife of our friend was sick. But this lasted only for a month. We, the young people, were working in different places from day to day, and once I went on the street and when a spinster from the tailor shop saw me, she spat once. This was the only thing that affected me personally. When I came back I tried to find her and get my revenge, but I forgot her name. After many years, when I remembered it, it was too late.

The ghetto of Szaszregen was also in the brickyard. They told us to pack up our things because they would come for us the next morning. We took with a carriage what was allowed, but we hadn't many things. We didn't have food at all. I remember there was a forced laborer doctor from Vasarhely, doctor Fridler, he brought us a piece of bread. We got into the ghetto of Regen... First they took us to the brickyard, and then they brought the people from the villages, because the Jews from Hargita county, Toplica and Udvarhely ended up there, as well. By the road that leads to the brickyard there were small rural houses, they removed the inhabitants from them and put us in them. The women were in the rooms, while the men in the loft, and we, the young people, in the hayloft. It took one month just to take people to the ghettos. In the meantime they took a few of us, young girls, I don't remember how many, they vaccinated and examined us because they took us to work in the officers' casino. The casino was in a family house downtown Regen, in a big storied house, a beautiful apartment, and there they accommodated the mess hall for the German and Hungarian officers. It was exactly opposite to our apartment they removed us from, and I could see into the apartment, the furniture was still there. They assigned me in a little room where we washed glasses. A soldier came in the morning for us and they took us back in the evening. We went to the ghetto on foot, but with escort. There was a big store in the casino's building, the relatives of Eva Deutsch's husband owned it. Once I looked down while in a break, and I saw they brought things which belonged to Jews and I recognized my aunt's fur-coat, as well as the paintings. You wouldn't believe how I cried. The soldier with whom I worked together called me and told me the following: 'Don't cry, don't make them laugh at you even more. Don't show your pain! Leave it at that, all of this will end. My family perished in Dresden during the bombardments. Don't cry.' So he had this humane attitude. They didn't give us food in the kitchen, but if there were any leftovers in the pot, we were allowed to eat that. But where Hungarian soldiers were, there was pork, and of course I didn't eat it. When we went back to the ghetto I told that to Mom, but she answered 'Forget about it, eat what they give you, who knows what will happen.' We ate in the ghetto from a common cauldron. This only lasted for a short period.

Then they deported us. As far as I know, they completely emptied the ghetto from Regen with one train [Editor's note: 3,149 people were deported from the ghetto of Szaszregen on 4th June 1944]. By chance, it happened that we were together with my parents in the wagon, mom and my stepfather and another family, the Steuers and some other acquaintances. We were many. They told everybody that they would take us near Kassa, to ‘Kenyer mezo’ [Bread field] for work, this was the story. The journey was terrible. They gave us buckets to use them as toilet, but I couldn't piss in front of strangers, not even when my abdomen was this big [she showed it]. Somewhere in Czechoslovakia, when we already passed Kassa, the train stopped and a Jewish doctor came to see whether there were any sick people. Mom told him I couldn't piss. It wasn't about the stool, I couldn't even piss. He advised us to put hot water on my abdomen. But where to take hot water from? We were on the open track, they let us get off. I hid behind a bush, I thought nobody could see me. Surely they could, but it didn't matter. They put us us on the train on Thursday, we came out from the house on Thursday morning, and we arrived in Auschwitz on Monday, and I couldn't piss until around Saturday.

The German soldiers came and took over the train and a German soldier told us they would take us to work and there also wouldbe an orchestra. Dad thought how good it would be, because he could play the violin. But my mother was extremely strong. Dad was a pessimist soul, so was I, but mom said: 'We either all kill ourselves or I don't want to hear a word!' And we sat in the wagon and it was terrible, because there was a very old lady, I didn't know her, and she was blind too, and she fumbled and wailed all night long. It was terrible, the train was carrying us through the night and she fumbled and shouted: 'Oh dear! Oh dear! Oh dear!...' – it was awful.

When we arrived, I was together with mom then, and they separated us immediately from the men. We got off the train, and we went arm in arm with mom in front of the selecting committee. How should we know where would they send us? We arrived in the front of the selecting committee, and the selector – I don't know who he was because I wasn't attentive – signaled mom to go to the left and me to go to the right. But then I said in German 'Aber meine Mutter!' (But my mother!) and my mom said 'Aber meine Tochter!' (But my daughter!) and the selector pushed mom to the right side where I was and he said: 'Oh, you can still run.' We didn't understand what it meant, and I remained with mom...

When they undressed us in Auschwitz they took away even my shoes. I had a beautiful pair of ski boots and when they took us to the shower room they caught hold of them immediately – probably the Jewish girls, because they undressed us there – and when I came back I didn't even have my boots. And then they gave me a green one and a black one, but one of them was high heeled and the other one low-heeled.

We spent just three nights in Auschwitz and then they took us to Cracow-Plaszow. We were together with mom and aunt Agnes there. They told us in Cracow not to mention that we were mother and daughter, but to say we had a profession. We both said that we were sewing women. They selected mom for construction works and me to a warehouse, so I had no problems there, there were acceptable circumstances, but mom had to carry bricks. She got vitamin deficiency and blisters appeared on her legs. The great thing was that from the first moment we had no menstruation, otherwise it would had been awful – I don't know what they gave us. Everybody had his place in the barracks. I was on good terms with the Polish Jews, they loved me, so they helped me. There were no acquaintances from Vasarhely there, because I went together with the Jews from Regen. The Cracow-Plaszow camp was the former ghetto of Cracow. The camp was built on the territory of the Jewish cemetery, the Polish Jews remained there from the ghetto. This is the location of the movie Schindler's List [by Steven Spielberg].

We worked in several commandos in June, July and August. When they put me to work for the first time, in a warehouse, there was an older man, he was at least 35, I chatted a lot with him. He procured a pair of normal sole boots for me. This man was a hardware dealer, and very interestingly, he had a very serious knowledge of Yiddish literature. He asked me about what we used to read. I knew just one Yiddish writer, Sholem Asch, we knew rather the Hungarian literature [Editor's note: Sholem Asch (1880-1957) of Polish origins, Yiddish novel and drama writer]. They put me in a warehouse, where they spilt the nails which they took away from the stores of Cracow, and we had to separate them in order of height. This was piece of cake, we finished quickly and we asked what else we should do? They mixed together the nails that we separated before and we had to start over. In a word it wasn't work. The main point was that when I got to another commando, I worked again in acceptable circumstances. In the meantime my mom's leg had blisters and they took her to the infirmary. Mom was 46, she looked older compared to the others, but she was a modest [silent] person, she didn't complain, they kept her in the infirmary as long as it was possible to prevent her to be put to work. And we met every evening.

Finally, they put me in a tailor workshop, it was a very important tailor workshop. They brought us the uniforms of the fallen and wounded German soldiers, after disinfection, to mend, button and patch them. They assigned me there. The clothes were disgusting, there were lice and other things. There was a foreman – he looked old, but he wasn't even 40, he just looked very bad – he picked me out and ordered a warmer coat for me and mom to prevent us from catching a cold in the dawn, when we had to stay at the roll-call. This foreman told me he made an exception for me because I reminded him of his child, who was together with him for a while, but then she was moved to an easier work somewhere else. At least he knew so. That's why he was so nice to me. The Germans killed her wife in front of him.

An interesting thing happened in Cracow. One of my colleagues came to me one day with the following: 'Come with me, there is somebody who is maybe your relative, speak with her!' Since we were together with mom then, we went together. There was a lady in the other barrack, she seemed old to me, she was at least 30. She couldn't say precise things about our relation, but she knew she had a Goldman in her family – it was interesting, because my grandmother's maiden name was Goldman. She told us she had a little boy she helped to flee to Italy. She hoped that his son is alive, she was the wife of a judge from Cracow otherwise. But it was interesting that she told me, even if she didn't find out that we were namesake, or we are some kind of relatives, but when she saw me in the street she knew we are relatives because my eyes were the same with her son's. I couldn't find out more about her, because they emptied the camp and they took us back to Auschwitz. This was in August 1944. My mom had white hair already, because she grew gray hair very early. I lost mom then, they separated us, and they took her to the gas-chamber.

We already heard about the gas-chambers, and we could smell the terrible smell of burnt flesh, but we didn't want to believe it was happening. Practically we didn't want to believe these things, somehow one tends not to believe bad things, we tried to keep away ourselves from this [thought]. We spent a month in Auschwitz and they took us to a working camp. They took us from one camp to another, in several working camps. Naturally it was terrible, but there was no more torture, there was no more murder. There was bad treatment, hunger and work. There were no more executions, the front was already approaching. Considering that towards the end I ended up in the Sudet region and the Russian troops were closing in, they were afraid to mistreat us. Oberalstadt was the name of the town where the factories were, and we worked there. [Editor's note: Oberalstadt was the commando of the Gross-Rosen camp in Poland.] Many Czech people worked in this town. They took us, the people from Regen, approx. 10 Hungarian Jews, to work there. The other workers were Polish girls. They weren't in Auschwitz, they were there since one and half year, and they had their own clothes, even their hair grew longer because they were not trimmed like us. We were together with them.

After the war

The Russians liberated us there on 9th May 1945 [Gross-Rosen was liberated on 5th May 1945]. The woman doctor of the camp was from Szaszregen, she was originally from Bessarabia, she spoke Russian and she could deal with the Russian commanders. She arranged that we, the 10 people from Regen to start off together towards home. We weren't an organized group, we just kept on going... We didn't try to get any help, we just were in a hurry to get home. Why? We hoped. We got from one train to another. It didn't matter where we slept, we slept in the open air on the ground so well we can't sleep that easy with al the pillows today. It was essential to get to [Buda]Pest. Hungary was liberated before, and the Jews already organized the assistance in Pest. There was a school, I don't know in which part of the town, where the Jews arrived, we could obtain information there, and there were lists on the walls about who have arrived, who were asking about whom, it was truly an inquiry office. We spent a night there, we washed up, ate, even got some money and we set off for home.

I didn't go to Vasarhely, I went to Arad knowing that my aunt Aliz lived there, and this was a sure thing. I thought that I would also find there uncle Sandor, my father's younger brother who fled to Arad during the rule of the Iron Guard. The relatives from Arad were frightened that they would be deported, so they prepared for this, they fled my cousins, aunt Aliz's little children, to a reliable Romanian family, to a village. Fortunately it didn't happen, they took my uncle's store but they all survived. [Editor's note: Southern Transylvania remained under Romanian authority after 1940, so the Romanian anti-Jewish laws applied to them, not the Hungarians]. Interestingly my aunt wasn't at home in Arad because she went to Vasarhely to search for the family. So I waited for her in Arad. She found out in Vasarhely that I was alive, and I got home healthy and I was at her house. So I arrived to my aunt's place, they gave me something to eat, they made me fat. I was like a garbage can, I ate all the leftovers. I spent a few weeks there, my uncle Sandor from Petrozseny came after me, and we went together to Vasarhely. We thought I would move in with him, and I would settle there. But first I came back to Vasarhely to see whether I could find somebody at home. I was convinced that I would find there my mother's youngest brother, Gabor, who was in forced labor. Unfortunately I couldn't find even him.

So I came to Vasarhely, but I saw there was very little hope here. Our small family house was in a terrible condition when I got there. Although if it was a newly built house, in 1938, the Russian and German soldiers ravaged it, and it was raining into the house, it was all moldy. It was all ruins, in an awful condition. Considering that my stepfather was a very respected man in Vasarhely – in terms of humanity, culture and honesty – they knew him because he was a bank clerk, so I went to the Albina bank, there was a manager called Boros, and he helped me very ingeniously to solve the problem. He gave me a long-term credit which I used to repair the house. I went to my grandfather's second wife, who was Christian and she wasn't deported. We were on very good terms and I directed and managed the things from there. In the meantime I got acquainted with my husband...

I had a passing acquaintance with my husband, Imre Diamantstein, before the war, and when we met in Vasarhely, everybody was glad to see anybody who was alive. He was a very good friend of my cousin, Pal Laszlo, Boske's son, who was grandpa Mittelmann's adopted child. And we met there because Pal Laszlo got home much earlier and he was already working, he created a genuine public kitchen, and those who had no place to eat, could eat there. We met several times with my future husband there, that's how our friendship started. I was still thinking about moving to Petrozseny to my uncle Sandor, but in the meantime I fell for my future husband, and I didn't want anymore to leave Vasarhely and I also got a job. There was a perfumery in the Rozsak [today Lalelelor] square, the main square, the Fekete perfumery, I think it's called Velur today, the owner's name was Fekete, he was an old inhabitant of Vasarhely, I got to work there at the cash desk. This was in 1945.

In the meantime I went to Szaszregen, to see what I could find there. I found nothing. Our dining room furniture, the kitchen furniture and the furniture from my room remained there because a police officer moved in, and when he moved out he left all the things there. But I couldn't find the furniture of the room, which was a very nice drawing room suit, not even a piece remained from that. I couldn't find the books and any valuables. On the other hand, in the kitchen, from where they took away everything, I found a mass of papers, photos and documents, but it looked like a garbage heap. [All this time] I stayed at the sanitarium in Szaszregen. This was someone's villa, and they organized such a sanitarium in each town to accommodate people who got home from the deportation, because they didn't have anywhere to go. In Marosvasarhely they organized the sanitarium in the building where the maternity hospital is today. There they fed people who got home. Of course it was a Jewish organization, they organized all these places. I spent a few days in the sanitarium of Regen, hoping and waiting for some news, and one day I got some false news telling me to wait for my stepfather because he would come home. It was impossible, because I found out he perished quite early, not in Auschwitz, but in Austria in a terrible place, he was one of the first who died. Therefore I don't know even today why that person told me to wait for my stepfather.

So that was it. I came back to Vasarhely and, to my uncle's great disappointment, I told him I would not move to Petrozseny. They talked me out of moving there because they told me I was young, and I would bury myself between old people if I went there. The truth was I felt good only between people of my age, who went through this hell. When I was in Arad and I met people who hadn't gone through what I did, it was beyond them what we went through there. I felt wrong and I had no [mental] contact with them anymore. The least we cared for then were the clothes, we were glad if we had anything to eat, clothes to wear, we were happy if we could sit down. I always used to say I wouldn't stand anymore, I would lay down or sit in an armchair, I am sick of standing because we stood quite enough. The daily inspections checking whether we were still there, these so-called appels (roll-calls), which were a headcount, were awful. Twice a day, regardless of rain, snow or searing sun, we had to stand and stand and stand and stand... I also said I will erase the number five from my vocabulary because we always marched in rows of five, and they always counted five, five, five... Fortunately, however, one forgets these things.

I got married one year later, in 1946. I was 24, while my husband 31. Our wedding turned out to be very comic. We went to Petrozseny together, so my aunt could meet my husband, and suddenly my uncle decided he wants a religious marriage, because my father surely would have liked it. How could this occurred to him, who wasn't even religious? Although he observed the Jewish holidays. So what happened? The little synagogue in Petrozseny was close – it was more like a prayer house, because we couldn't call it a synagogue, really. He called in ten old Jewish men, one of them was very religious, they brought the chuppah with them, and we had a religious marriage at my uncle's house, in the presence of another married couple. My husband didn't even have a hat because it was summer, so we had to rent one – this really amused us – it was a joyful marriage, so to speak. And later, in October, we had our civil marriage in Vasarhely.

My husband's cousin, Eva Diamantstein, came home as well. Their house on Vorosmarty street survived the war, and in the backyard there was a little two room apartment, and we moved there after we got married. As a matter of fact, when I took the credit to repair my house, mom's cousins, who fled to Temesvar, wanted to come back, and they offered me to pay my debts in exchange for a rent, so I could have moved in with them. And it happened so, and we had an agreement that if I needed the house, they would have handed over the house to me, of course. I stayed there for a very short period because I got married and I didn't need the house, we moved to the two room apartment. When my elder son Peter was born in 1948, and he was already older, I told them I needed the house because the family was growing. And one of their relatives who lived in the house and who sustained the old couple, didn't want to move out and hand over the house to us. In the meantime a rumor spread that a new nationalization would take place and we were afraid that they would take this house, as well, so we sold it for nothing. We could buy a bicycle and a winter coat from that money. So this is what happened to the house and we remained all three in the small two room apartment.

My husband was originally from Deva, and his father, Jakab Diamantstein, was a merchant, but I didn't know my father-in-law personally. They were three brothers, the elder brother, Miklos, the younger brother Istvan (Pista) and my husband, Imre. At first my father-in-law and his family lived in Deva, they had a store there and I believe they went bankrupt already in 1935, so they came home to Vasarhely to reunite the family, because there were several brothers of my father-in-law living here. As far as I know, my husband's elder brother worked in Arad for a while, in the so-called Neumann factory, it was a famous, big factory in Arad. Later he ended up in Vasarhely and he had some interest in the Diamantstein ironware store. It was a family matter, as far as I know, and he did the book-keeping, the old man didn't work, he was too old for that. My husband's mother – I don't remember her name – fell ill and died in 1939, so the old man, my husband and his elder brother lived together. Pista got married soon and he moved to Bucharest. So the three of them were at home. Miklos was a very cultured, serious man, he was single, he never got married because he wasn't entirely healthy, he had problems with his thyroid gland. My father-in-law and his elder son were deported, they perished there. His younger brother Pista was also a clerk in Bucharest. His wife Anna Szucs was a commercial artist and had a very nice studio there. They didn’t get to be deported because they lived in Bucharest and so they survived the Holocaust. They weren’t religious at all, they had a daughter who was born after ten years of marriage, and than they emigrated to Israel, and then to Canada together with the youngsters. My brother-in-law died two years ago [in 2002], at the age of 91, while my sister-in-law Anna still lives there.

In the meantime my husband graduated law school in Kolozsvar and worked here in Vasarhely at a law office as articled clerk, in Dr. Gusztav Hirsch's law office, until he was taken to forced labor. My husband's family was very religious, moreover, my husband used to pray even at home each morning, following the prescriptions. They weren't Orthodox Jews, but they were observant and used to go to the Orthodox and not the Neolog synagogue. They had no payes and such, but all the Diamantsteins, because there were many Diamantsteins in Vasarhely, were all religious.

My husband was in a terrible place for forced labor, they took them to the swamps of Pripet, which, as far as I know, is in today's Ukraine [Editor's note: It is the largest swamp in Europe, covering Southern Belorussia and Northern Ukraine. On 12th August 1941 6,526 Jews accused of looting were shot there. They wanted to sink the women and children into the swamp, but it turned out it wasn't swampy enough. www.jewishvirtuallibrary.org/jsource/Holocaust/Pripet.] He was there with Naci Rosenblatt, and they marched over a thousand kilometer, and, almost miraculously, he came back safe and sound. It was in November 1994, at the age of 29, when he got home in rags from forced labor. He had a near touch, even though he was a slim figure, but it looks like he was very resistant in the extreme misery. Unfortunately all those who came back from that hell stopped being religious, because the holidays were family holidays and they had no families anymore, none of them had.

My husband went first to Bucharest, to his older brother, and he came to Vasarhely from there. And he got a job. At first, as a lawyer, he got a job at the court as judge, but the wage he got there wasn't enough to help him subsist. When I married him he had an office with a lawyer called Bela Harap, opposite to the today's maternity, in a corner building. But this only lasted for a short period, because it was closed down during the nationalization 12. Then he got a job in the timber business in Vasarhely and retired from there. This company he was working at had several names, because it was reorganized many times and they had authority over the entire Csik [region] for a period, then didn’t have – this was the period of the regional reorganization, when the regions were transformed into counties in the 1960s. [Editor's note: Zsuzsa Diamantstein refers to the regional reorganizations in 1952 13 and in 1968 14]. In the last period he worked at the IFET [a timber trading company] in Regen, because a manager called Florea, the manager of the local furniture factory, advised him to do so because he was approaching retirement and if he transferred to IFET, he would have had a larger pension. So he transferred there, and even after he retired he still went to work there voluntarily. He was a very active man, he hated idleness. When he finally stopped working, he typed state exam works for students. He always found something to do.

Music was his passion, classic music. My husband learnt to play the piano in Deva, but there was no chance for a career in music in a middle-class family – that was not a career, rather a bohemian thing, they should choose a serious profession [this was the general view then]. So he became a lawyer and since he was a very thorough man and always learned and did everything perfectly, that is very thoroughly, he was very good at it and became a very respected lawyer in Marosvasarhely. We had a piano for a while, but one day we sold it because we needed the money to support our children, who were university students. But we were amongst the first who had a record player, a trashy old Soviet record player, and we also bought many records. It's true I learned to play the piano and I grew up with music, but I really learned the music [to qualify it] beside my husband, so I could tell the difference between a very good and a very bad piece. While we were still a young couple and our children were still small, we used to go all the time to symphonic concerts, theatres, cinemas, and there was no performance we didn't see. We had a nice circle of friends, but we never played cards when we were together.

None of us ever discussed politics. Back then it was all the same for a young girl what was going on throughout the world or in politics. My parents never took part in any political organization, and my stepfather, although he was somewhat leftist, never took part in anything. When we came back [from the deportation], it was natural for the youth to consider that socialism was the future. It's unfair to accuse Jews for introducing the communism, because it was natural, they really believed discrimination, both racial and religious, will end, and this idea dominated amongst the youth. In 1945 my husband joined the party and he took seriously his duty. As intellectual he held seminars, taught Marxism in the party school, this was his task. He had no particular task, he was only assigned to do this, and so did many others. In the beginning the youth joined the party because they believed in its goals. I didn't join it because I was quite backward, and I had an inferiority complex that I wasn't smart enough for that. The fact is, that as time passed by my husband became utterly disappointed by the turn of events, and he even became ill when he saw what that beautiful idea turned into, but that's a different story. Unfortunately he didn't live to see the collapse of that terrible regime [cause by the Romanian Revolution in 1989] 15 that crushed people, personality or thought. He died in 1986, but he suffered terribly when he saw what this world has become.

We never thought about emigrating, none of them was that brave, we didn't have enough courage. We preferred safety, our small home. We have never been wealthy, but we had a very nice life. My husband had a small salary because lawyers weren't appreciated then, with all the law school he had, and he was a legal adviser, a 'consilier juridic', as they called it at the company, and when the counsels were created he never thought about joining them. He didn't really like his job because he was more like an artist, a very good musician, an outstanding piano player.

My son was two years old in 1950 when I went to work. I got a job at the ear, nose and throat clinic as clerk. I worked there for nine years. In 1955 my second son Gyuri was born, and then I was transferred to another company called 'Inspectoratul de calitate' [Quality control], and I retired from there in 1977.

Immediately after the war many boys have been born, but none of them was circumcised. Our children, neither, and we would have wanted it not because of the religion, but rather due to reasons of health, but by that time there was no rabbi anymore in Vasarhely. Our children had no problems in school, the others never made them feel they were Jews.

We kept in touch with the Jewish community, the membership ran under my name, and I paid the membership fee, I was indicated as member. Later it didn't matter, when my husband retired he used to go quite often to the community and helped uncle Grunstein, so it wasn't a problem. We used to observe the holidays at home, I used to cook the prescribed meals, on Pesach we had that coffee with matzah.

Before my older son graduated high school I always had a paid assistant in the household. There was no one I could leave the children with. In the summer we used to go to Petrozseny to my uncle Sandor, he was the 'grandpa' and we used to spend our summer holidays there. Petrozseny has always been the last stop, we rested there, and then we used to go to the [Black Sea] coast. Usually we made a tour of the country by train. Everything was very cheap, so we managed to go everywhere. We used to go to the Black-Sea cost more often, and used to stay at [private] houses, in villages, but later, when the children grew older, we used to stay in hotels. We traveled abroad for the first time in 1973, to Hungary. In 1980 we had a very nice trip, because we could get currencies of the socialist countries, so we didn't depend on anybody, and thus we were able to visit every socialist country, except Russia. Unfortunately we didn't manage to get there, and I'm disappointed I never got to see Leningrad [today Saint Petersburg]. We traveled to Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Poland, East-Germany and from there we managed to visit West-Berlin because one of my husband's cousin, Tibor Diamantstein, lived there. We had a pass, of course, and went there without our children. In West-Germany we traveled to Berlin, passed through Munich, Stuttgart, Karlsruhe, and on our way back we visited Salzburg, Vienna, Hungary and we came home from there. We used to travel by train from one place to another. We always arranged for lodging, always had some food with us, we had no problems. We managed to obtain the visa to West-Germany without any difficulties, so they considered us reliable.

I never had problems with my children. I'm not a biased mother, but I had very good children, and I never had any problems with them. They were good pupils. Peter, who became an electronics engineer, was a really outstanding person, was accepted to the university first go, but this department only existed in Bucharest, and after he graduated he remained there as research engineer. His wife is a Romanian girl, Angela, a mature woman now, whom he met in Bucharest. She was working in the city library, but in the meantime she finished law school, and that's how they met. They got married in 1981. His Jewish origins never caused him any problems. He was a hard-working boy, almost stupidly honest. In the meantime they had a girl, Andrea, after five years of marriage. So Peter remained in Bucharest and worked at a research institute, he was very respected, he worked very well. After the revolution [after 1989], my daughter-in-law wanted to emigrate at all costs. They were getting these news about how in Israel everything is made of gold, and she had a feeling that she may have problems with this name, Diamantstein here. She told me this although she is a 'get-beget' Romanian (to the backbone), and she insisted, so in 1992 they emigrated to Israel. Now they live in Petah Tiqwa, my son has a job in his profession, while my daughter-in-law finished again law school, but in Ivrit, and even the locals can't believe that someone could learn a language so well, especially in a profession where speech is a must. My granddaughter was six years old, so he learned it quickly. My son Peter knows the least Ivrit in the family, but, as I have heard, he can manage. Peter's daughter Andrea will graduate high school this year [in 2004]. She is 18 and wants badly to become a doctor.

Now here's a very interesting story. While I was in the concentration camp, there was a girl from Regen with me, some six years younger than me. Her name was Lia Struminger, but after her stepfather she was Lia Weisz. At one of the selections for work in Auschwitz her mother was taken away and she was left by herself. But she was a very smart girl. And we ended up together and became very good friends, because she is much more resourceful than me. So we stayed together until the end, she was my intimate friend. After we came home I never heard of her, the only thing we knew was that her father came home too, and took her with him. This was the only news I heard about her, no one knew anything else. One day, my son was already working in that lab in Israel, there was a lady there who asked him whether he was new there. She said 'I see you can't really speak the language. How would you talk: in Romanian, Hungarian, because I know these?' 'It's all the same to me' 'What's your name again?' He said 'Diamantstein'. Then the lady said: 'I knew a Diamantstein in Szaszregen.'  My son said: 'That's not me, he's just a namesake, I knew him.' Then this lady looked at him and asked him: 'Aren't you Zsuzsa Riemer's son?' – People knew me by that name. 'Your have her eyes.' It turned out that she was this lager mate of mine, with whom we spent all these years together. She emigrated to Israel long before, and I met her, but unfortunately she died. Of course we began to exchange letters. My son told me they both cried when the truth came out, and what life can bring.

My younger son Gyuri has done a lot of thinking about what to do and made quite a choice: he became a history teacher. He graduated in Iasi with outstanding results. He worked a long time in Bucharest. In fact he wanted to become an archeologist, but there were no openings in any museum nearby, so he remained in Bucharest thinking that Bucharest is a good place for a transfer. But it wasn't easy at all, he wasn't able to change places with anyone. He got married in 1982, he married a local Hungarian girl, Zsuzsa Derzsi, who graduated the Economics university in Kolozsvar. After my husband died his former general manager, a incredibly decent man – unfortunately he died too, his name was engineer Argint –, created an inspector position in Szaszregen, because the company had a school, and asked Gyuri to fill it so he could return home, because he was a man with a family by then and used to commute to Regen. After the revolution he ended up again in the public education system, and since he didn't find any other openings, he still works in Gernyeszeg in two schools. [Gernyeszeg is 18 km from Marosvasarhely.] He is content with his job. His wife Zsuzsa worked in that period at the National Statistics Institute , and later got a transfer to the Asirom as economist. Five year after they got married they too had their elder daughter, in 1987. Her name is Kati. Their second daughter was born in 1990 and is called Judit.

My son Gyuri knew we were Jews, there was no problem about it, but his Jewish identity woke up in him during the Six Days War. One day he came home saying 'These aggressor Jews...' Then my father took him to task for saying that, telling him how could the Jews be the aggressors when they only had that small country, surrounded by all those enemies, so how could this small country be the aggressor? From that moment this Jewish feeling woke up in Gyuri, in 1967, when he was still a little boy, and he has this sentiment. This is not that strong in Peter. I don't know how strongly he considers himself Jewish, but he lives there and thank God he's fine.

Me and my husband were to Israel in 1975, but I also went there in 1993 and 2000, as well. I liked it very much there, especially when I was there for the first time, because I was traveling all over the place, I wasn't afraid then, there weren't any of the current problems. So, even though I don't know the language, I wasn't afraid to get on the bus and go to another city. We have seen many things with my husband, in that three week period we were there we visited the whole country, because our friends showed us everything. Last time when I visited Peter it was different, I couldn't just go wherever I wanted to. He didn't really have the time for trips, worked very much and still does. Not quite anymore, because they don't allow them to work overtime, and they don't pay them for it.

My husband's elder brother Pista emigrated to Israel because his daughter fell ill. She is about Peter's age, a half year separates them, and she contacted a very serious diabetes at 7 and they recommended them to move to Israel. He already had a job. They were living in Bucharest, my sister-in-law was a commercial artist, but become deaf when she was a child, and couldn't hear anything, could only read from lips, so she couldn't find herself a job. But she was extremely skilled and she managed to do well in Bucharest, but later they had hardly anything to sustain themselves, especially after their child was born. They decided to emigrate to Israel thinking that maybe diabetes is easier to treat abroad. Well they didn't manage to heal her, not to this very moment, but eating was easier with all those fruits and stuff, so my niece lives in Canada, has a husband and a daughter. We kept in touch with them, unlike any other relatives we have abroad.

In 1989, at the time of the revolution, my greatest joy was that we didn't have to take the typewriter we had at home to the police anymore. I was so bored of taking it there each year in order to check it and make sure there would be no secret document written with this typewriter – the whole thing was a formal inspection. So the revolution came and this whole thing stopped. This was my greatest satisfaction, at least we didn't have to carry that typewriter and type those letters. Otherwise we were happy because it was awful that they looked even in people's beds, controlled everything, they would not let  you sleep if they didn't know everything. I didn't have any particular problems, except that my husband's cousin was living in Pest – she moved from here, married an actor –, and when she came to Vasarhely she used to stay at our place, of course, and we always had to go to the police and request a permission for her to stay there, even though she attended and graduated school here, but we always had to do these things.

I never liked big differences, that is the difference between the very rich and very poor people. You could say I'm a leftist, but I was never a communist or member of the party, but even though I still can't understand and accept these differences, that is one being in need and the other rolling in wealth. I'm not saying I liked the earlier era better, because it was terrible to stay in those lines and to have those nightly surprises. It's true it didn't affect me personally, but one could hear, read, knew about what was going on, and it was awful – everything took place in the night, just like in the camp, always unawares. We had nothing to fear of, we had no reason at all, but of the picture of having to stay in line from dawn for hours if you wanted to eat some meat or drink some milk. These were horrible things. But there weren't these big differences between people, it was more sympathy because everyone had to cope with the same difficulties.

After 1989 there were no major changes in terms of religiousness. The only change you could feel was that the Jewish community could function more freely, and there were more events organized. Solidarity was stronger, the central Jewish organization probably helped more the community here, but I don't exactly know because I wasn't involved in the activities. Lately, as far as I know, there are more gatherings, maybe Jews have a stronger solidarity. I get some food supplies from the community, and that's a very big deal.

My husband died on 21st February 1986. Three weeks later my granddaughter Andrea was born in Bucharest, and they needed my help because my daughter-in-law had no relatives. This was partly good for me, I had something to do. While they were still in Romania, until 1992, I could say I was half a year with my granddaughter, because I used to go there twice a year, and not just for a week, but for two-three months, and the child always spent their summer here. So I had a preoccupation. When they emigrated to Israel, my help was needed here because Judit, the younger granddaughter, was born in the meantime, while the elder one, Kati, was looked after by the parents of Zsuzsi, my daughter-in-law. So there was more of us helping them, so they can only bless us because we helped them so much, and we still do.

I don't have any other traveling plans. I went to America in 1998, and I stayed there some three months at the widow of my cousin Pal Laszlo, Vera, because we practically did everything at the same time. We got married at the same time, Peter and her son were born three days apart, and our husbands died several weeks apart. It was very nice at my cousin's, the trip was beautiful. Then I went to Belgium with the Gyuri's family, because the school where he works in Gernyeszeg made friends with a Belgian group who are supporting not only the school in Gernyeszeg, but the town of Gernyeszeg, as well. My son made very good friends especially with one of the families who used to come quite frequently to Vasarhely and usually stayed at my place because there is no room in Gyuri's apartment. When in 2000 one of their children got married, they insisted on me going there because I was the ’granny from Romania’, so I was together with Gyuri and his family in Belgium. It was very nice and we also visited Holland because Zsuzsi's best friend lives there. So this was a beautiful journey and in the same year I also visited Peter's family in Israel. In the meantime I went to Pest quite often, but now I've decided to stay at home, I don't want to go anywhere. I will not go to Israel, there's no point, and I'm not telling you why, it's a long story. But they will come to me. I'm not feeling that I couldn't be able, but at 82 is not really recommended to jump around.

Glossary

1 . Hungarian Soviet Republic

The first, short-lived, proletarian dictatorship in Hungary. On 21st March 1919 the Workers’ Council of Budapest took over power from the bourgeois democratic government and declared the Hungarian Soviet Republic. The temporary constitution declared that the Republic was the state of the workers and peasants and it aimed at putting an end to their exploitation and establishing a socialist economic and social system. The communist government nationalized industrial and commercial enterprises, and socialized housing, transport, banking, medicine, cultural institutions, and large landholdings. In an effort to secure its rule the government used arbitrary violence. Almost 600 executions were ordered by revolutionary tribunals and the government also resorted to violence to expropriate grain from peasants. This violence and the regime's moves against the clergy also shocked many Hungarians. The Republic was defeated by the entry of Romanian troops, who broke through Hungarian lines on 30th July, occupied and looted Budapest, and ousted Kun's Soviet Republic on 1st August 1919.

2 . Arrow Cross Party

The most extreme of the Hungarian fascist movements in the mid-1930s. The party consisted of several groups, though the name is now commonly associated with the faction organized by Ferenc Szalasi and Kalman Hubay in 1938. Following the Nazi pattern, the party promised not only the establishment of a fascist-type system including social reforms, but also the ‘solution of the Jewish question’. The party's uniform was consisted of a green shirt and a badge with a set of crossed arrows, a Hungarian version of the swastika, on it. On 15th October 1944, when Governor Horthy announced Hungary's withdrawal from the war, the Arrow Cross seized power with military help from the Germans. The Arrow Cross government ordered general mobilization and enforced a regime of terror which, though directed chiefly against the Jews, also inflicted heavy suffering upon the Hungarians. It was responsible for the deportation and death of tens of thousands of Jews. After the Soviet army liberated the whole of Hungary by early April 1945, Szalasi and his Arrow Cross ministers were brought to trial and executed.

3 . Trianon Peace Treaty

Trianon is a palace in Versailles where, as part of the Paris Peace Conference, the peace treaty was signed with Hungary on 4th June 1920. It was the official end of World War I for the countries concerned. The Trianon Peace Treaty validated the annexation of huge parts of pre-war Hungary by the states of Austria (the province of Burgenland) and Romania (Transylvania, and parts of Eastern Hungary). The northern part of pre-war Hungary was attached to the newly created Czechoslovak state (Slovakia and Subcarpathia) while Croatia-Slavonia as well as parts of Southern Hungary (Voivodina, Baranja, Medjumurje and Prekmurje) were to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later Yugoslavia). Hungary lost 67.3% of its pre-war territory, including huge areas populated mostly or mainly by Hungarians, and 58.4% of its population. As a result approximately one third of the Hungarians became an - often oppressed - ethnic minority in some of the predominantly hostile neighboring countries. Trianon became the major point of reference of interwar nationalistic and anti-Semitic Hungarian regimes.

4 Exemption from Deportation in North Transylvania

In March of 1944, the Germans occupied Hungary and North Transylvania. After the occupation, the openly Naci-friendly and anti-Semitic Dome Sztojay formed a government, and a series of anti-Jewish laws were introduced. The law for ghettoization of Hungarian Jewry made exception in certain cases. The sphere of exemptions were defined in a decree on May 10, 1945. The widows and children of those Jews who received a high commendation for bravery in World War I, or those widows and children of Jews who disappeared or died a hero’s death in World War II as a soldier (not during ‘work service’ in the Labor Battalions) were exempted. Foreign Jewish citizens living in Hungary were also given exception under this rule. There were other modes of escaping deportation. Rezso Kasztner, Zionist leader from Kolozsvar, exemplified this when he secured the release of 1300 Hungarian Jews (250 of which were Kolozsvar families) as a result of negotiations with Adolf Eichmann. The North-Transylvanian Jews' other means of escape was to flee to Romania, and hide there through Christian help. Three doctors played a major role in hiding Kolozsvar Jews: Imre Haynal, Dezso Klimko and Dezso Miskolczy, offering help through their exaggerated diagnoses and extra-extended treatments. In Spring of 1944, the clinic of Imre Haynal hid and sheltered a number of Jews, the greater part of his ‘intensive care’ ward were Jews fleeing deportation, since the expulsion of the seriously ill was often overlooked by the authorities.

5 . Second Vienna Dictate

The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless. In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties. The verdict was pronounced on 30th August 1940 in Vienna: Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants. This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary. Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5th September. The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

6 . Anschluss

The annexation of Austria to Germany. The 1919 peace treaty of St. Germain prohibited the Anschluss, to prevent a resurgence of a strong Germany. On 12th March 1938 Hitler occupied Austria, and, to popular approval, annexed it as the province of Ostmark. In April 1945 Austria regained independence legalizing it with the Austrian State Treaty in 1955.

7 . Iron Guard

Extreme right wing political organization in Romania between 1930 and 1941, led by C. Z. Codreanu. The Iron Guard propagated nationalist, Christian-mystical and anti-Semitic views. It was banned for its terrorist activities (e.g. the murder of Romanian Prime Minister I. Gh. Duca) in 1933. In 1935 it was re-established as a party named Totul pentru Tara, ‘Everything for the Fatherland’, but it was banned again in 1938. It was part of the government in the first period of the Antonescu regime, but it was then banned and dissolved as a result of the unsuccessful coup d'état of January 1941. Its leaders escaped abroad to the Third Reich.

8 . Hungarian era (1940-1944)

The expression Hungarian era refers to the period between 30 August 1940 - 15 October 1944 in Transylvania. As a result of the Trianon peace treaties in 1920 the eastern part of Hungary (Maramures, Crisana, Banat, Transylvania) was annexed to Romania. Two million inhabitants of Hungarian nationality came under Romanian rule. In the summer of 1940, under pressure from Berlin and Rome, the Romanian government agreed to return Northern Transylvania, where the majority of the Hungarians lived, to Hungary. The anti-Jewish laws introduced in 1938 and 1939 in Hungary were also applied in Northern Transylvania. Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19th March 1944, Jews from Northern Transylvania were deported to and killed in concentration camps along with Jews from all over Hungary except for Budapest. Northern Transylvania belonged to Hungary until the fall of 1944, when the Soviet troops entered and introduced a regime of military administration that sustained local autonomy. The military administration ended on 9th March 1945 when the Romanian administration was reintroduced in all the Western territories lost in 1940.

9 . Numerus clausus in Hungary

The general meaning of the term is restriction of admission to secondary school or university for economic and/or political reasons. The Numerus Clausus Act passed in Hungary in 1920 was the first anti-Jewish law in Europe. It regulated the admission of students to higher educational institutions by stating that aside from the applicants’ national loyalty and moral reliability, their origin had to be taken into account as well. The number of students of the various ethnic and national minorities had to correspond to their proportion in the population of Hungary. After the introduction of this act the number of students of Jewish origin at Hungarian universities declined dramatically.  

10 Strohmann system (new)

sometimes called the Aladar system; Jewish business owners were forced to take on Christian partners in their companies, giving them a stake in the business. Sometimes Christians would take on this role out of friendship and not for profits. This system came into being because of the anti-Jewish laws, which strongly restricted the economic options of Jewish entrepreneurs. In accordance with this law, a number of Jewish business licenses were revoked and no new licenses were issued. The Strohmann system insured a degree of survival for some Jewish businesses for varying lengths of time.

11 19th March 1944

Hungary was occupied by the German forces on this day. Nazi Germany decided to take this step because it considered the reluctance of the Hungarian government to carry out the ‘final solution of the Jewish question’ and deport the Jewish population of Hungary to concentration camps as evidence of Hungary's determination to join forces with the Western Allies. By the time of the German occupation, close to 63,000 Jews (8% of the Jewish population) had already fallen victim to the persecution. On the German side special responsibility for Jewish affairs was assigned to Edmund Veesenmayer, the newly appointed minister and Reich plenipotentiary, and to Otto Winkelmann, higher S.S. and police leader and Himmler's representative in Hungary.

12 Nationalization in Romania

The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

13 Territorial reorganization in 1952

The new constitution adopted in 1952 declared Romania a country, which started to build up communism. The old administrative system was abolished, and the new one followed the Soviet pattern: the administrative partition of the country consisted of 18 regions (‘regiune’), each of them subdivided into so called ‘raions’. In the same year the so-called Hungarian Autonomous Region was founded, a third of which was made up by the Hungarian inhabitants living in Romania. The administrative center of this region was Targu Mures/Marosvasarhely, and it was subdivided into ten ‘raions’: Csik, Erdoszentgyorgy, Gyergyoszentmiklos, Kezdivasarhely, Marosheviz, Marosvasarhely, Regen, Sepsiszentgyorgy, Szekelyudvarhely.

14 Territorial reorganization in 1968

In 1968 a new territorial reorganization took place in Romania. As a result of the new administrative reform adopted on 16th February 1968, the 18 regions founded in 1952 were replaced with 39 counties plus a separate administrative unit consisting of Bucharest, the capital of the country. In Transylvania the reform led to the administrative division of the Hungarian community.

15 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Cornelia Gatlan

Cornelia Ileana Gatlan
Braila
Romania
Interviewer: Roxana Onica
Date of the interview: April 2004

Cornelia Ileana Gatlan is a retiree who used to work as a nurse. She is a short woman who dresses very elegantly; her eyes are blue and her hair is short and dyed in a golden hue. She was glad to have a visitor, because she is all alone and her only living relative is a niece who lives in Craiova. She loved her mother very much and she stood by her in old age and sickness, giving up any prospect of getting married. She now lives on her own in a two-room apartment filled mostly with old pieces of furniture. The place is located near the Braila railroad station.

Family Background

Before the War

Pre-War Jewish Traditions

During the War

Growing Up After the War

Adult Life

Communism

Jewish Life in Romania Today

Glossary

Family Background

My paternal grandparents were from Moldova 1, and they lived in Barlad. My grandfather’s name was Leon Gatlan, but he was also registered as Leone in some records, and people called him Leiba [Leibe]. This was a Hebrew diminutive form. He was born in Harlau, in Iasi County, but he later moved to Barlad.

My grandmother, that is, my father’s mother, was named Clara, but they called her Haia [Haile] – this was her Jewish name. She was born in 1876, in Vaslui. I don’t know what her maiden name was, because I never even met her. I know from old photos that she had two sisters, Pesy and Eufrosine, but their names are all that I know about them. All the members of the Gatlan family were Jewish.

I don’t know how they got to have this name, which is their initial name. It’s a Romanian name, but, since they lived in Moldova, it must have been the name they bore from the very beginning, because people didn’t use to change their names back then; this is something they do nowadays.

I don’t know the names of any other ancestors of mine. I know that they were generally located in Moldova and spent the last part of their lives in Barlad. They had been living in Barlad for a long time. The house in Barlad was rather large and roomy as far as I could see, but how it looked is something I don’t remember very well.

I don’t know if they were landowners, but they did have some land which was a sort of leasehold. I saw a photo of my grandfather on a horse: he must have been either a landowner proper, or a leaseholder who took care of the estate.

I don’t know much about my paternal grandmother. Frankly speaking, at my age, I feel sorry I didn’t really talk to my parents about my grandparents when I grew up. Maybe this was also my parents’ mistake. Now I have to make connections between the few things I heard and what I see in pictures. I try to make the best out of my few memories. My grandfather died before I was born, but I don’t know in what year – I believe it was in the 1930s. My paternal grandmother died in 1940-something, when I was very young.

My father had three brothers and a sister: Victor, Arnold, Izu and Luiza, whom we called Aunt Luta. She lived in Vaslui. Aunt Luta was a housewife, but I remember the boys ran a business – a clothes workshop and store – like all Jewish tradesmen used to, but they had no university education.

When I was four or five, in 1942 or 1943, when World War II came, my sister, Lolita, and I left on vacation: she went to Barlad, and I went to our aunt in Vaslui. This is how we wanted it: one of us at our aunt’s, the other – at our grandparents’. I remember one of the things I liked about the place in Vaslui is that they had some eiderdowns on the bed and I used to jump all over them.

I didn’t spend much time in Vaslui, because the war broke out and my poor mother rushed in from Braila, traveling all night in a freight car. She arrived in the morning and took me, and then my sister, who was in Barlad, and we all went back to Braila.

Our aunt left to Israel before my [maternal] grandparents did, but I think she went by herself and got married there. Her husband was a Polish Jew, so he wasn’t from Romania. I don’t know what his name was. I know my aunt brought him to Romania once, and we met him. At that time, my mother was still alive and was living with me. They only had one daughter, Corina, who lives in Israel. I don’t know her last name. She’s a lawyer and has two children of her own. I don’t know their names either. Aunt Luiza died about five years ago, in 1999 or so.

I only met Victor and Izu, the youngest brother. Victor was born around 1896, and Arnold – in 1901 or so. My father’s brothers left for Israel, but I couldn’t tell in what year. They said they were going to their country. No sooner had the State of Israel been formed 2 than all the Jews wanted to go there, to the place that is actually our country. The last of my father’s brothers who left was Izu. I kept in touch with the family in Israel for a while, by mail or phone, as long as my mother was alive. We weren’t too close though, at least not as close as other families, whose members came to the country once in a while.

They were all married. I don’t know what they did for a living, but I know they didn’t have a university education. I couldn’t say they were religious people, bigots – they were moderate. Of course, they kept the Sabbath and the major holidays, like any Jew, but they didn’t overdo it.

Arnold died at a rather early age, just like my father for that matter, at 60-something. He had diabetes. The ones who lived longest were Aunt Luiza and Izu. The latter was the last to die – it happened about ten years ago, in 1993. He got married on 22nd November 1942 and his wife’s name was Rica. I have the exact date of my uncle’s marriage on a photo from their wedding. I don’t know exactly what they did for a living: maybe they had a store, or maybe they worked for some company, like my cousin, Izu’s son, is working for now. This cousin of mine is named Leonard and has a daughter, Lili, who, in her turn, has a boy and a girl. Leonard’s wife calls me from time to time. Uncle Victor never had any children.

My father’s name was Noe. He was born in 1904. I look more like my father. He studied in Italy. His family sent him to medical school there – he studied surgery in Turin between 1924 and 1929. So he was a medical school graduate. He didn’t become a surgeon; he was specialized in skin and venereal diseases. Even the post on the practice our family used to have said that. I don’t know if my father did his military service, but I know he worked as an army physician in Braila. I don’t know for how long he did that, because I don’t have any papers. Had I had such papers, I might have got some aids, because I know they sent some from Germany. So he worked as a physician in the Romanian army for a while.

Here’s the story of how my parents met. They didn’t meet in Iasi, but in Barlad. My mother had breast eczema. My father was studying medicine – after the 2nd or 3rd year, they were already calling him ‘Doctor’ – and had the right specialization. Their parents already knew one another, because Barlad was even smaller than it is today, so his parents said, ‘Look, our boy, Nae – this is how they called him – is going to come to your place and examine the girl.’ In the end, my grandmother took my mother to my father’s for the examination, and this is how my parents met. My father treated her and cured her.

Of course, during the repeated house calls and the treatment, the two youngsters came to like each other; and, because their parents already knew one another, they decided to get married. It was a love marriage and they loved each other very much. She married young, when my father was in the senior year at the medical school. She was almost 18 when they got married, on 6th January 1929, on Epiphany. My father had to spend one more year in Italy, so he took my mother with him and they both lived there. After that, my maternal grandmother moved to Iasi.

There are other things that I can tell you about my maternal grandmother, whose name was Paula Perla. Her maiden name had been Scharf. I knew her pretty well. Grandmother Paula Perla lived in Braila, with us. She had several sisters, but I don’t know how many they were, or what their names were. Before saying anything else, I must say she was a beauty – and not just in the way in which we all speak of our grandparents. My grandmother was quite a woman. She was a perfect housewife. She was married twice: her first husband was a certain Iosif Feldman, and the second was called Iancu. She lived in Barlad when she was with the former. I know that man was my mother’s natural father.

My mother’s name was Rebeca Scharf – she bore my grandmother’s maiden name – and she was born on 16th October 1911. My mother was a gorgeous woman too. Grandfather Iosif Feldman left for America – I don’t know why – and didn’t come back until my mother got married. I don’t know the reason why Grandfather Feldman and my grandmother got separated, but I know he went to America, where he remarried. I know from a photo that his second wife’s name was Anne Feldman.

After my mother’s wedding had been announced, I know he came to Barlad and suggested to my grandmother to join him in America. I don’t know why my grandmother stayed; by the time my parents had their wedding, my grandmother wasn’t married to Iancu Haim yet – this happened much later.

This Feldman did what he was required to do by tradition: as he had a very good financial situation, he gave my mother a dowry – this is how fortune was called back then. So my mother got money from him, and my father used it to set up a medical practice.

Feldman had another daughter in America, but we didn’t keep in touch with him or his daughter. After World War I, the bank whose stock he had bought or where he kept his money went bankrupt, and he lost everything. This happened in the period of the Great Depression 3, between 1929 and 1933. I heard that maybe he committed suicide.

I met my other ‘grandfather,’ that is, my grandmother’s second husband, the one named Haim; I used to call him ‘Uncle Haim.’ Iancu Haim was the one I met last, so I considered him my grandfather. My grandparents lived in Iasi, in the Podu Ros quarter. Their house was pretty small – it wasn’t elegant or luxurious. They had electricity and running water, both in Barlad and in Iasi. They may have had those, but the houses they lived in were modest. They didn’t own them – they paid rent.

My maternal grandparents didn’t have animals. They didn’t hire people to help them with the house either, because they weren’t rich people. As far as I know, their financial situation was rather modest and they didn’t have servants.

They spoke Romanian. They also spoke Yiddish, because Grandfather Iancu Haim used to sing at the synagogue. But the language they used at home was Romanian. I know very few expressions in Yiddish. They observed the tradition, but didn’t speak Yiddish. Of course, there were some expressions that couldn’t be translated into Romanian, but the use of Yiddish was only restricted to those.

Neither of my grandfathers wore sideburns – only the ultra-orthodox Jews did. They did wear hats. My grandmother dressed in an ordinary fashion. Only the wives of rabbis used to dress differently. My grandparents didn’t have any political orientation; that was also because my maternal grandfather was a very religious man. As for their education, I don’t know anything about it. My grandmother didn’t use to tell me much, and I’m now sorry I didn’t find out more things. I remember my grandmother from Iasi with Grandfather Haim; they were already nearing old age when I met them.

Grandfather Haim went to the temple every day and kept all the holidays. They didn’t eat pork. When we sat at table, he would grab a piece of bread, dip it in salt, and say a prayer. This is what he used to do before meals. My grandfather was the only one who said the prayer, because he was into religious things. Of course, they kept the holidays, and they ate kosher, just like they were supposed to. Back then, there was a slaughterhouse where they slaughtered cattle and poultry by kosher rules. Grandfather served as a shochet at the temple.

My favorite place to spend my childhood vacations was my grandparents’ house. I used to go to Iasi and I felt great there. When I stayed with them in my vacations, my grandparents used to take me out for a walk in Iasi. My grandfather would go to the temple every morning and he would come back with pretzels and all sorts of treats. They had a courtyard, and, in the morning, when he came with the buttered pretzels on a string, it felt like an entire ceremony – like kids feel when they’re at their grandparents’. The city of Iasi was renowned for its pretzels. And, besides, you know how it is with kids – their grandparents spoil them. The food at their place tasted better than what my mother cooked.

They had a round straw table, with straw chairs, in the courtyard. I remember the garden had many flowers, especially flowering tobacco. We used to spend our afternoons sitting at that table and having sorbet with fresh water. Iancu Haim was a very good man, an exceptional man. I was there the day he died.

My grandmother remained in Iasi for some time after Haim’s death, and then she came to Braila, to live with my parents. She stayed with us for a while – I don’t know for how many years – but, around 1948, she signed up for Israel and she left there by herself. I don’t know how old she was when she emigrated – she wasn’t that old though – but she left nonetheless, because she had a daughter there – Frida Scharf, my mother’s sister – and two granddaughters.

I know my grandmother lived in an old age home down there, but the conditions were good. She spent quite a number of years in Israel, but she didn’t live at her daughter’s. She suffered from diabetes, and she used to eat a lot of fruit and sweets in Israel, so she got into a diabetic coma at some point, and never recovered from it. She died in Israel, in 1959 or 1960. I don’t know in what town she lived and I often blame myself for not having tried to find out more things from my parents. I now realize the importance of all this data that has remained unknown to me.

Frida Scharf – who we used to call Frisca and who was my mother’s only sister – was born in Barlad too. The two girls spent their entire childhood and youth in Barlad. Then Frida moved to Iasi. Her husband, who was a very handsome man – tall and brown-haired – was seized in the street or in his store, and taken to the Death Train 4, which left Iasi towards an unknown destination. The ‘passengers’ weren’t allowed to get out; they didn’t get any water or food. They were crowded into a freight car where there was no air and water, and they ended up drinking their own urine. The man died there. He was her first husband, but I don’t know what his name was. I heard his entire family was herded into that train.

Frida was a housewife, she had no occupation. She then moved to Bucharest. I also have two cousins, Nina and Dida. Their father was Frida’s first husband, the one who died on the Death Train. What I know about her and her daughters is that they eventually left for Israel in dreadful conditions, after World War II. They got there way ahead of my grandmother, when the place was still called Palestine. All those who went there like that helped to create the State of Israel. My mother’s sister was one of the pioneers who built the new country.

Here’s the story of how she left. She got separated from her daughters and couldn’t leave together with them. The girls were helped to get there by the Red Cross. Frida left clandestinely – she crossed the border, although she had recently had an operation, and she suffered many mishaps, and I know she had a really hard time. She got to Vienna, where she stayed for a year. It was from there that she finally managed to leave for Israel, with the help of the Red Cross too. She was reunited with her daughters either in Vienna or in Israel, after they hadn’t seen one another for a long time. They were among the first ones in our family who set foot on Israeli soil.

Aunt Frida remarried in Israel. My cousins, Nina and Dida, are younger than I am, but I haven’t heard from them since then. I know one of them got married to an embassy diplomat, and so she got to see other countries as well. I know they once went to a third world country – Kenya or Somalia – where there was a riot, and all the embassy staff had to come back. I know they took that rather badly – they were in a state of shock because they had been forced to run for their lives. I know all this because Frida wrote to my mother about what had happened to her daughter. I don’t know anything about my folks there anymore. And I feel the need to hear from them, because I’m all alone. The only thing I miss is my family, the little that is left of it.

My parents got married in Barlad. They didn’t tell me about their wedding, but I’m sure it was performed in observance of the Jewish tradition: under the canopy, the man breaks a glass and says ‘Mazel tov,’ that is, ‘Good luck.’ ‘Mazel tov’ is also something people say to a woman who is expecting a child. Afterwards, my parents moved to Braila, because my father had an uncle there, Adolf Gatlan – a brother of my paternal grandfather – who was a dentist and owned a dental practice.

Adolf had been living in Braila for a while. He was younger than my grandfather, and he had been born in Vaslui, in the 1880s. It was this uncle who called my father to Braila – he probably told him about the possibility of opening a medical practice there. He was married and I remember my parents told me that his wife had a mental condition. I know for sure that they didn’t have children. He died after my grandfather, because he was younger, in the 1930s or so. He was buried at the Jewish cemetery in Braila; he has a tombstone there, which I take care of.

Right after he graduated, my father came to Braila, where he started in fact his medical career, thanks to this uncle. His practice was where we lived. Generally speaking, the center of Braila was full of practices owned by Jewish physicians; there were a lot of Jewish doctors and druggists in Braila, and they occupied the central part of the town. One could even say that being a doctor or a druggist was a traditional occupation for the Jews in Braila, because there were so many of them. But this was back then; today, all the streets are full of all sorts of practices and businesses.

Before the War

I only had one sister, Lolita, who was my elder by seven years and a half. I was born on 1st September 1938. So my sister was born in 1931, in February. I was born in Braila and I totally belong to this place. When I was born, the war was about to break out. During my early childhood, my mother had servants: she hired a woman who did the laundry and the cleaning, cooked and went to the market place, but she also had a sort of nanny for us, the children. She kept them as long as my father kept his medical practice. And she couldn’t afford a servant and a governess until my father opened that practice.

My mother didn’t have an occupation. She was a housewife, but she wasn’t anything like those ladies who just sit around doing nothing; she took part in the activities related to our household, she didn’t spend her time having coffee in the living room. When she would go some place, she would leave me with the nanny.

We didn’t have a nanny for a long time, she just stayed with us until we were nine or ten. When she left, I was still a child, and we were living on Galati Street. We also lived on Vasile Sasu Street, but not for long, and I don’t remember when. I still know where the house is located, but what I distinctly remember is the other house, the one at 5 Galati Street – in the center of the town, close to the kindergarten and the clock.

We lived on the second floor. There was no one living downstairs. The courtyard looked like the interior of a country inn. The entrance was rather ugly, through an archway, although the place was right in the center of the town. It opened onto the large courtyard; our quarters were the first thing you saw to the left, and then there was nothing else. At the back of the courtyard, there were several small houses, with apartments. The people who used to live there are no longer among us.

So our place was on the second floor and it was very nice. The hallway led to the main rooms: my father’s practice, the bedroom, and the living room, which was large enough to house private concerts, in the company of friends. The house was big and it had stoves. Heating it was a bit of a problem, because there were many rooms and the woodshed was downstairs; you had to climb four steps to enter the corridor that led to the courtyard and from that corridor, you could access the kitchen and the dining room. Back then, people didn’t eat in the kitchen, like they do now; they sat at table in a room next to the kitchen. We had electricity and running water. I can’t believe the kind of life we used to have.

Let me tell you about our furniture. The house on Galati Street had nice furniture, the kind that was fashionable in those days, with Moldova-type sideboards, as they used to call the pieces in the living room. It was some massive, quality furniture, with sculptures and crystal mirrors. We had delicate china, Persian rugs, a piano, a telephone, and everything else we needed. My parents were among the first people from Braila who were connected to the telephone network.

These candlesticks you see on my table are very old. Any Jewish family used to have some of those, especially the elderly. I have many things that belonged to my parents, including a tray and some china. But I don’t have silver. My parents didn’t really think about securing our future, because they imagined their children’s lives would be no different from their own.

My parents had paintings with landscapes on the walls. I am now more modern in taste, but the ones I have used to belong to my mother. At my age, there’s no point in getting new ones. My parents gave their older paintings to the first daughter who got married, that is, to my sister, Lolita. They were all about fruit and flowers, for this is what people used to hang on their living room walls. There were also family pictures. But no one hung icons on the wall.

My mother gave all the prettier things to my sister, when she got married. There was little left for me. Those things are now probably kept by my niece, my sister’s daughter. People didn’t have TV sets back then. Despite all those things we used to have, we weren’t considered really rich, because it was common for all the doctors to be rather well-off back then. We never owned real estate.

The living room of our house at 5 Galati Street had a balcony, which extended along the entire length of the room. In the summer evenings when a family or some guest paid us a visit, we would place a little table on that balcony, which gave onto Galati Street and onto the Main Garden, and beheld the crowd of people who were taking a walk there, because the area was very beautiful.

When I was young, I used to spend my spare time in the Main Garden, in Monument Park, or at Lacul Sarat, where I went bathing and sunbathing on the nudist beach. I was the first one to get to the beach in the morning. The Main Garden was very nice; it had a restaurant, and a terrace that gave onto the Danube, and fiddlers.

There was a lot of music playing going on in our house. My parents would organize small violin and piano concerts, where they would invite all the high-life of Braila. Our place had an intense musical life. My father had been playing the flute since he was young, and he mastered the notes perfectly. I don’t think he had been to some special music school, but he must have taken private lessons as a child, since he could decipher the musical notes and play the flute. He even did some composing – he wrote modern tunes, like tangos, and foxtrots. He also played the piano, and his compositions were for this instrument. But his specialty as an instrumentalist was the flute.

Naturally, he was a member of the Composers’ Union. I don’t have his old partitions anymore; we left them at the house on Galati Street. We took piano lessons in our childhood. My father composed, and we played the piano; we studied this instrument for quite a number of years. I didn’t enjoy it too much, but I did it anyway.

My father ended up teaching classes. I know he taught many renowned fiddlers in Braila, and they were really playing by the notes, not just because they had an ear for it. It was a people’s school, as they used to call it in those days. When my father took my sister to Bucharest, he met Dimitrie Cuclin, who was a great composer and conductor – he wrote symphonies and concertos. [Dimitrie Cuclin (1885-1978): Composer, essayist, poet, playwright, translator (who translated some of Mihai Eminescu’s poems into English, among other things), he represents a landmark in the Romanian art and culture.] I don’t know how my father got to this great composer, but it was an honor for him, because Cuclin was an authority in music.

My father was into music for a long time. After being a physician, he was a musician. Doctor Teodorescu, a radiologist from Braila, wrote a book in which he mentioned my father, because he was one of the town’s intellectuals who had a major contribution to the musical life. There were other physicians who did that, and there was even a physicians’ orchestra at that time.

For a short while, my father worked as the physician of the State Theater in Braila, at the beginnings of this institution. Being his daughter, I acted in ‘The Little Red Riding Hood’ for some time. They needed children for the play. One of my acting partners was actress Vasilica Tastaman [Vasilica Tastaman (1933-2003) made her debut in 1949, at the State Theater in Braila; she was one of the founders of the Comedy Theater, and she played at the Giulesti and Bulandra theaters.]

I entered the theatrical world and I went on tours to Galati. I grew up in an environment filled with culture, art, music, theater. I was very young when I acted in those plays. My father was still alive, and I was going to elementary school. I earned my first pennies and I became familiar with that world – with dressing rooms, actors and tours.

My parents spent their vacations in the mountains or at the seaside [of the Black Sea], and they took us along. However, my sister got to go more often than I did, I think. By the time I was born, their trips had probably grown scarcer.

I remember my parents took us everywhere they went, from an early age. This is why I loved art. I didn’t miss one single performance. For instance, when Ion Dacian [operetta artist, head of the Operetta Theater in Bucharest] came to town with his operetta performance, I was there. We didn’t have a nanny anymore, so our parents couldn’t leave us at home, and took us with them to operetta and opera performances, and to the movies. They probably did that partly because they couldn’t find anyone to baby-sit. As for us, we really enjoyed going out like that.

The way to acquire a musical education is to start going to performances at an early age. I was ‘impregnated’ with music and concerts in my childhood, and I know all there is to know about it. I can hum operas from the beginning to the end, because I listened to them many times. I don’t want to brag, but I really have a musical culture, more than I have a literary one. I used to read and I still read, but I always felt more attracted to theater, cinema, and music. I didn’t want to become an actress, but I would have liked to work as a movie set technician or something, just to be part of the artists’ world, which is an exceptional world. Theirs is a totally different life than ours – it’s as if they came from another planet.

Both our parents took care of our education. I couldn’t say they told me what to read. I always read what I was required to read at school, so they didn’t have to guide me. My parents didn’t help me with my homework – I managed all by myself. I didn’t have tutors either, like they have today. My sister and I were average pupils – we didn’t excel in anything, but we never repeated a year. I didn’t like math, but I passed.

We had books and a bookcase at home. Our library mostly consisted of medical books. I still have some of them, but they’re all in Italian, because my father studied in Italy. We also had literary works. I remember the bookcase was large. There was a time when having a bookcase in a living room was a must.

Of course, my parents also read newspapers. I remember the years of the war, when they listened to the radio and read the press. I was very young, so I can’t remember what kind of papers those were. My father’s clinic kept him busy most of the time – he had to work hard, because he was the breadwinner of the family, my mother being a housewife. We belonged to the petit bourgeoisie.

Pre-War Jewish Traditions

My mother would light the Sabbath candles on Friday night. My father wasn’t very religious, and people often told him he was an atheist. But he wasn’t. Circumstances forced him to deviate from his faith a little. We kept the Sabbath, but didn’t overdo it. We didn’t eat the same special dish on every Sabbath, like Jews who really observe the tradition do; and we didn’t use separate covers for dairy products and meat. However, my mother did have vessels that she used only for meat and fish, and vessels that she used only for milk.

I don’t make this distinction anymore, although I’m an old woman now and I really should. I don’t think the young ones observe this tradition anymore. Apart from that, I do light candles every Friday night and I do my best to keep the other traditions. On Saturday, I obey the rules of the Sabbath as much as I can. This day is like Sunday is to Christians. I don’t go to extreme, but I avoid doing certain things that oughtn’t to be done on Sabbath, which is a day for rest.

My parents were moderate in observing the Sabbath too; they didn’t go to the synagogue on Saturday, because they weren’t bigots. They only did it when the major holidays came. In general, they weren’t very religious people. Their circle of friends mainly consisted of Jewish physicians. There were also Christian physicians, but most of the physicians were Jewish.

Our relationships with the Jewish families were very good, and holidays were observed as tradition required. I may be emphasizing this a bit too much, since I’m not a bigot. However, I remember when the great fast is – the black fast [on Yom Kippur] – and I go to the synagogue on certain holidays. I could tell you that the Jewish New Year, which everyone celebrated, was celebrated at our place. September marks the beginning of fall and announces the high holidays. On Rosh Hashanah, we didn’t use to go to the restaurant, but we invited people over to our place. Everyone brought something: steak, cakes, wine.

For other holidays – as far as I remember, because I was very young – guests would only bring cakes. People used to call on one another on holidays before. They would send cakes to one another for Channukah and Purim – but especially for Purim, when all sorts of cakes were made. Everybody enjoyed themselves, but I was just a kid and couldn’t be part of it.

When I was young, my parents didn’t insist that I learn Hebrew, but they behaved in a normal fashion. Like I said, they were less religious people. They had relationships with all the Jewish families in Braila, and my father was renowned for being a very good physician, but he wasn’t too much of a bigot. Religious traditions weren’t kept by the book for as long as my father lived, because he was more or less an atheist.

My mother must have suffered because of that, for she wasn’t like my father. After all, she was the descendant of some Jews who had settled in Moldova centuries ago. My mother tried to guide us on a religious path, but she didn’t manage all the time, because our father was around. My parents weren’t active members of the town’s Jewish community. Their circle of friends may have been composed of Jewish families mostly, but religiousness was not their strongest point.

As far as religion is concerned, I think I’m more committed to it than my parents used to be. We went through times of war [World War II], some very troubled times, and people weren’t at ease with admitting they were Jews. I’m not blaming my parents. They tried to refrain themselves for our sake, because they wanted us to survive and get an education. This is why they weren’t very religious. But I, for one, do my best to observe the religious tradition by the book. I have no problem with the [Christian] Orthodox holidays, and if someone invites me over on such a holiday, I go. I have friends who aren’t Jewish, but I make no discrimination.

My parents didn’t use to go to restaurants. But there were charity balls and house visits, which are now gone. They used to receive two or three family at a time, not just one person. This is what social life used to look like: visiting other families and going to balls to meet the others. Balls were held at the Communal Hall, which now houses the ‘Maria Filoti’ Theater. The Army House also organized huge balls.

I remember the family of Doctor Bizamcer. They were Jewish and had a daughter, Gratiela. We used to pay visits to one another on major holidays. They left for Israel about 25 years ago. His wife is still alive, but he’s not. The girl married a Romanian Christian-Orthodox, who had to adjust himself to the life in Israel. As I was growing up, the parties thrown by my parents were getting scarcer.

During the War

I don’t know whether there were any military parades, because I was born right before the war began. I can’t remember any 10th May 5 celebration. My parents had witnessed such marches.

My father’s clientele was multi-ethnic. During the war [World War II], he was very busy, especially after the Russians occupied us. As he was a gynecologist – he mostly practiced gynecology and had a gynecological table – Russians used to come to him to treat their gonorrhea. So many of my father’s clients were Russian officers – they asked one another where they had their condition treated, and this is how my father’s name came up.

There was also that dreadful period when Jews were sent to sweep the streets. But my father kept his practice for a while. He wasn’t deported to Transnistria 6, like others were, but he did get sent to forced labor here, locally, in 1942 or 1943. They took white-collar and blue-collar Jews out in the street and made them do chores.

Jews had a really hard time in Bukovina 7 and Transylvania 8. Those in the Regat [Kingdom] weren’t forced to do hard labors. [Editor’s note: ‘Kingdom’ was used by Transylvanians in everyday speech when referring to the Romanian Kingdom, before the unification of 1918. It remained in use after the unification, designating the regions of Moldova and Wallachia that had formerly composed the Romanian Kingdom.] They were sent to sweep the streets. But they knew that Jews from other regions were being sent to Auschwitz or to Transnistria, so, of course, they were afraid not to end up there themselves.

I was very young – only three or four – and I didn’t really know what kind of talks took place in my family. My father was very affected by what was going on; he was afraid they would seize him and he was worried about what might happen to us, so he almost went as far as to deny he was a Jew. He did it all for our sake, lest something bad should happen to us. And we survived.

Growing Up After the War

Afterwards, because he had had a cold attitude towards the Jews and he had tried to deny his being Jewish, the town’s Jewish community looked down on him. But everyone knew he was a Jew after all, and, eventually, they all understood what the situation had been during the war. There were Jews who gave in, and Jews who didn’t. My father was among the former – because he got scared, as they’d put it.

In 1948 or so, my father took down the sign on his practice. It read ‘Dr. Noe Gatlan, specialized in skin and venereal diseases.’ Had he not done that, my sister would have never been admitted to college, because she would have been considered petit bourgeois, which would have dramatically diminished her chances. So my father took the sign down. My sister had just graduated from high school, having completed the eleven years of education of the old-style theoretical education system. That was right at the time when there was no room for the petit bourgeoisie.

The new regime didn’t confiscate my father’s practice, but he was forced to close it. He later took an exam in Iasi – while I was there myself – and was certified as a generalist physician. He got a public job. He worked at the Hospital no.1 on Calarasi Street, in Braila, and at a precinct clinic. When he became very ill – because he had a hemiparesis and had to use a walking cane – he served as a physician at the former ‘Balcescu’ High School, because he couldn’t stand not being active.

All the friends my parents had were Jewish physicians. Of course, we had relationships with other ethnic groups too, but I remember from my childhood that many Jewish physicians gathered at my parents’ place. For instance, they were friends with the doctors Grunberg and Nutescu, and their families. One of the reasons why they had relationships with them is that they were doctors. There weren’t many physicians in Braila at that time.

My father also had relationships with Romanian doctors. He died at an early age, while the others were still alive and well. He worked at the Hospital no.1 on Calarasi Street and he had friends there: Doctor Vintilescu, who came from a Christian family, Doctor Hercica, and other Romanian doctors. He had many friends because he worked both at the Hospital no.1 and at the high school. He was a very communicative man, and I’m like him.

When the State of Israel was created, in 1948, I was still young. My grandmother left for Israel because her daughter was already there. And, besides, she really wanted to get to Israel. She felt all right here too, but she wanted to go. I wanted to go too, with my parents [at the end of the 1940s], but our application was rejected and my father wouldn’t file another. I was 12 or 13 back then and I would have been better off if I had left.

Now it’s difficult for me to do that. But I would like to spend a month or so in Israel. Of course, I’d like to go there. What we can see [from here] is nothing compared to what really is there – and we should see it with our own eyes. Although it’s a small country, it’s very beautiful, and people work really hard there.

There’s a lot of fighting going on there, because Israel is surrounded by enemy states. Naturally, their security forces are unequalled – the Mossad is the best of all the secret services. Life goes on there. But, things have got quite unpleasant lately, because you never know what might happen to you if you get on a bus or enter a club. The situation has worsened these last years, but still, life goes on. I don’t think there is one single family who didn’t lose someone because of what’s going on, because of the Palestinians. I hope it will all end once and for all, in peace.

After my father got a public job at the hospital, my mother was the one who did the shopping and the cooking. Our situation was pretty good until my father got sick, which happened about the time I turned 18. As long as my father was alive, he had a clientele and a reputation – he was renowned in our town and we didn’t lack anything. My father died before my mother. His views were different from ours: he told us to have his body cremated, and put the ashes in an urn. But it didn’t happen like that. We buried him in the Jewish tradition, at the town’s Jewish cemetery, with everything that tradition required. He was only 59 when he died, in 1963.

At a funeral, a prayer is recited both in Hebrew and in Romanian. There is only one God above all of us. The prayer is recited by the rabbi. There is now a rabbi in Galati, who comes to Braila too. I don’t know his name. What’s special about Braila and the surrounding area is that the deceased Jewish men are not dressed in the traditional way – in the white shirt they wore when they got married. Here we take a few meters of cloth and make a pair of pants with no holes for the feet, like the ones babies wear. We also dress him in a blouse, and pull a hood over his head. We wash the deceased with wine and hot water, then we get him dressed. A small pillow is put under his head, but it is filled with clay instead of down. There are no blankets or anything underneath the dead. The little pillow with earth signifies the fact that the dead is buried in earth.

The deceased isn’t kept in this outfit for three days, like Christians do. The funeral takes place the next day. We don’t keep our dead in the house for three days. The casket looks different from the typical Christian one – it is nothing more than a box made of planks joined together with nails. We put sawdust and the little pillow with earth. Everything is very simple. Of course, one may be buried in a more modern fashion, but those who really care about the tradition would never do that.

We don’t give alms immediately after the funeral, because people are really upset at that time. One may hold a commemoration of the deceased every year. You go to the synagogue and prepare a traditional meal, with fish – not steak – with cheese and cakes. Serving ‘rachiu’ [strong liquor obtained generally by distilling fermented sweet fruit juices or by diluting distilled ethyl alcohol with water] used to be considered a Jewish tradition. But nowadays brandy or vodka will do. In the morning of the commemoration, twelve men come to the meal at the synagogue.

After my father died, difficulties began for my mother, my sister, and me. We didn’t own our house – we never had any real estate. We paid rent. We exchanged the place for an apartment in an apartment house. My sister worked at the ‘Progresu’ Enterprise. A family there had been assigned an apartment. But, since there were many of them – with grandparents and children – they needed a larger place, so they agreed to the exchange. It’s not this apartment, but the one on the opposite side of the hallway. It was a newly-built house that had just been opened.

We hastily moved out from the house on Galati Street, and we had to leave the bookcase behind. This was not the only piece of furniture we didn’t take: in fact, we gave up a lot of furniture, because it didn’t fit in the new apartment. We sold the old furniture and the piano, because we didn’t have room for them anymore. I should have gone with my mother and retrieve the books, or, at least, sell them. My father’s old gynecological table and all the instruments were carried in the attic, and this is where they stayed. We grabbed what we could take, and sold the rest. I have almost nothing of what we used to have. I still have some books, but I keep them inside the sideboards.

My mother was the housewife’s type. After my father died, she began to read a lot – as she was getting older, you’d say. Not a single morning went by without her reading something. We both slept in the same bed and she kept the lamp on, which bothered me a little.

My parents kept in touch with our relatives. After my father died, my mother only exchanged letters with her sister in Israel, and, of course, with my grandmother, until she died.

I went through all the states of education: kindergarten, elementary school, then the others. I first went to school at the age of seven, because I was born on 1st September. There was a Jewish school in Braila, but they didn’t send me to that one. I have Jewish friends who went there. In the first years, until I got to the 4th grade, I attended a Catholic school for nuns, ‘Sancta Maria.’

It was a boarding school run by Catholic nuns, and the teachers were nuns too. They had all the classes, from the 1st elementary year to the senior high school year. It was located on the spot where the old maternity on Campiniu Street used to be. My sister went for more than four years at this school. Eventually, it was dissolved – I believe it happened during the Dej 9 regime, when the Communists came to power. My sister completed her secondary education at the Theoretical High School.

I went to the ‘Sancta Maria’ School for a few years, but I didn’t go to high school there. Although we were Jewish, the nuns admitted us. Tuition was really high, but my father was a doctor and could afford it. So, he paid, and we got in. Classes were held in Romanian. Then I went to the Elementary School no.4 on Galati Street. Afterwards, I went to the theoretical high school on Calarasilor Street, today’s ‘Murgoci’ High School. I got my graduation certificate – which was called ‘maturity diploma’ back then – in August 1955, while at the Secondary School for Girls no.1.

My favorite subjects were history, geography, Romanian literature, logic, and psychology. I didn’t like math and grammar. Among my favorite teachers was Miss Hinkes, who taught history; she died a few years ago, at the age of 80. Then there was Miss Filipescu, the geography teacher. We didn’t have a close relationship with our teachers, like nowadays – we only had a student-teacher relationship. I remember Mrs. Popescu, who taught math, and was a Sorbonne graduate. I never sensed anti-Semitism from the part of my teachers or classmates.

I had some Jewish classmates in high school, but most of them left for Israel. Miriam Schroner, Isabela Goldschmidt, and Bertha Solomon, whose father was a tailor, are all in Israel. My friends emigrated rather late, in the 1960s; most of them had left by 1970.

I didn’t play many games when I was a child. I have admiration for today’s young generations, who are clearly superior to us. It’s only natural to evolve. We didn’t have computers. In kindergarten, we used to write on a slate first, and then we moved to a pen, not a fountain pen. I couldn’t say we didn’t learn back then, and I did acquire a general culture, but that was nothing compared to what youngsters learn today. We were into old mathematics, geometry, algebra, and trigonometry; now everything is done using modern techniques. It’s not my fault, it’s not that I wouldn’t study – but this was all they taught us back then.

There were cars in Braila when I was young, of course there were. I don’t remember what kind of cars. My parents didn’t have a car; they didn’t go after such things – owning a house or a car. I didn’t ride in a car when I was a child. Even today, I avoid riding in cars, because I have a fear of that. I traveled by train in my childhood, and think I was braver as a child than I am now. I used to travel to Iasi, to my grandmother’s, all by myself, without my mother accompanying me. I sometimes went with my sister, when we were really young.

Adult Life

While I was an employee, I used to go to the spa on my own. Now I need to have someone to come with me on the train; it’s years since I haven’t gone to a spa, because there’s no one I can go with. I find it difficult to get on a train all by myself.

My sister’s name was Lolita Leoni Gatlan. After her marriage, her last name was Dumitrescu. In the beginning, my sister attended the Charity Nurses School – these were similar to today’s pediatric nurses – after which she attended the Institute for Economical and Commerce Studies in Bucharest, as it was called in those days. After graduating, she became an economist and worked in Braila for quite a number of years. After her marriage, she worked in Craiova as well.

My mother insisted that my sister and I marry Jewish men – I know that she wanted us to marry Jewish men. And my sister’s first marriage was to a Jewish engineer from Iasi whose name was Weissenberg. But they were not married for long, only for a couple of years. I went to visit them during the period when I worked at Sfantu Spiridon Hospital in Iasi. Yet they didn’t get along well and they separated.

Afterwards, my sister returned to Braila, where she met her second husband, Dumitrescu, through my father. Dumitrescu was a Christian-Orthodox Romanian. But religion is not important in choosing your spouse, what matters is education, social standing, character. What one does is not important, what matters is that one receives a good education. They and my niece lived together in Craiova. My niece’s name is Manuela Dumitrescu, and she’s also married in Craiova, to a certain Ifrim. My sister died in 1981, when she was 50. She died at an early age, but she had a brain tumor that could not be operated.

Before I took the admission exam at the School for Nurses, I also sat for an exam to enter drama school – because I wanted to become a movie actress. I got a passing grade, but it wasn’t high enough to get me admitted. I would have liked to go in this direction, because I was always fond of art. I still like music, opera, theater – everything that means art. What I didn’t like was math.

When my mother went to Bucharest to withdraw my admission file, she met an actor who was from Braila and worked in human resources in the movie sector, and the man asked her, ‘Why didn’t you look for me to tell me about Cornelia?’ But how was my mother supposed to know that this man worked there? It was too late, I failed my entrance, so I went to the nurses’ school. This was my destiny. I would have loved to become an actress. I still have an inclination for beauty and for arts. I am a sensitive being. I’m not into exact sciences and foreign languages. I’m an old-fashioned person.

So I hadn’t been admitted to drama school, and I took an entrance exam for the Law School in Iasi, where I wanted to be a part-time student, in 1955 or 1956. Back then, a worker’s or a peasant’s child had more chances to succeed than the child of an intellectual. In order to become a part-time student, one had to hold an employment in order to prove that he or she wasn’t able to attend courses on a daily basis. I wasn’t employed, but I managed to provide the required certificate for a while, until it didn’t work anymore. I went to Law School for two years, but had to quit. In that period, I would only go to the faculty at certain times.

Then, in 1958 or so, my father met some doctor named Calciu, who was the manager of the Medical Technicians School in Braila – back then the job was called medical technician, not nurse – which had just been founded, and the man asked my father, ‘If your daughter is not in college, why not send her to the nurses school?’ I was about 20, and medical science didn’t really appeal to me, but I did register, and I got to like it. The medical technicians school was what we call a vocational school today – a school for nurses. It lasted four years.

I also have a head nurse certificate; I got it to improve my qualification, and I had to pass an exam for it. I graduated from the Medical Technicians School in Braila, in 1959. I took the exam to move to head nurse between 1st and 7th September 1971, in Galati.

I worked as a nurse in Iasi because I had been appointed there. Of course, it was very nice, because there were all those university clinics, and we had a broader opening. On Sabbath, a friend of mine, whose name I’ve forgotten, and I went for a sort of tea party at a family of old actors, the Friedmans.

The first Jewish theater was at the ‘Pomul Verde,’ in Iasi. [Editor’s note: The first professional Yiddish theater in the world was founded in the ‘Pomul Verde’ Garden, on the spot where the park in front of the National Theater in Iasi lies today. It was targeted to the Jewish audiences, whose members lived predominantly in the Podu Ros quarter.] I really lived near the ‘Pomul Verde’; my landlady was an actress who played at that theater. So I frequented the world of actors and of the theater, and it was really nice, because I had a lot of fun.

This lady was named Rene – I’ve forgotten her last name. Actors used to come to her place to play poker. I had a circle of friends made up of artists and I used to go to this Friedman family. They were elderly actors who had a very prosperous material situation. Many young people used to visit them. I don’t know if any Christians came there, but I know there were a lot of Jews. There must have been Christians too, because there was plenty of room in those large parlors. I made friends with a painter. There was music – piano playing. The attendance was refined. I really had a great time while in Iasi.

After finishing my studies at the School for Nurses, I worked for two years as a nurse at Sfantu Spiridon Hospital in Iasi. I had asked to be appointed to work there, because Iasi was the city of my childhood. I worked in the maxillofacial ward in the beginning, and afterwards, I obtained a transfer at the skin and venereal diseases section of the same hospital, which housed several clinics. The job was good and, since our class was the first to graduate from the Nurses School, I was appointed head nurse.

However, although things were going pretty well, I was feeling homesick and wasn’t comfortable with being away from home. I had a good job, I had a lot of fun; in these respects, my life here in Braila has never been as good as in Iasi. But most of my former classmates were returning home at that time from where they had been appointed to work, and my father managed to obtain some sort of transfer between me and a nurse from Braila, who wanted to go to Iasi, where her parents lived.

Her name was Duduta Ionescu, and she married Doctor Ionescu from Braila, who was the manager of the Hospital no.1. My parents had rented Duduta my old room in Braila during my stay in Iasi. She wanted to go to Iasi, and I wanted to return to Braila. She didn’t leave in the end, because she fell in love with Doctor Ionescu; as for me, I did return home to Braila, and initially worked for about five years at the Hospital no.1 on Calarasi Street, which is still there today.

After that, I got transferred to the newly-founded Hospital no.3, in the Hipodrom quarter, where I worked until my retirement. I was employed there for many years as well. I don’t want to boast, but my work was highly esteemed everywhere I went. I spent 31 years working in hospitals.

I can say I sensed some anti-Semitism at work, but not from the part of my close coworkers. They loved me and esteemed me, and looked forward to Pesach, because I used to bring them matzah. I always had to keep a box just for them, because they liked it. They literally fought over it. I didn’t sense an open anti-Semitism. They knew I was Jewish, because I had never tried to keep this secret.

One day, when I was nearing retirement, I brought them matzah, as usual. I distributed shares of it to everyone and, of course, I gave them to drink of the quality wine I had brought along with the matzah. The head of the section, Doctor Georghe, now a retiree, didn’t touch the matzah or the wine, and I think he said something about the matzah and the wine – which was allegedly made with Christian blood. I hadn’t expected that from him, especially since he was the head physician of our section. But every time I noticed something like that, I just pretended not to hear and kept my mouth shut.

I couldn’t say that I simply wouldn’t marry; but it wasn’t meant to be. Although I didn’t get married, I can’t say I was as innocent as a nun, because I did have my share of relationships, more or less. I am a very difficult person and I admit that things would have been easier for me if I hadn’t been so picky. I wanted to have someone to talk to, I didn’t care about the material aspects, and I rarely came across someone who had any idea about music and who didn’t sneer if we went to a concert or an opera performance, or if we just talked about music. I didn’t meet too many boys like this.

The ones I got close to marry were all Jews, because mothers used to talk to one another and there were the matchmakers too. There were matchmakers in Bucharest, and Timisoara, and they even had catalogues with the Jewish bachelors. This is how one found a boy in those days. I had suitors from Timisoara, from Bucharest, from Botosani. There was a suitor from Petrosani to whom I even became engaged; but that was all. This is how things happened.

Now I’m sorry I didn’t get married – there must have been someone among all those suitors who would have been good for me. They all liked me, but I didn’t really like any of them. I don’t know what was in my head at that time, but I wouldn’t do it again. Although those seemed to be acceptable matches, I’m not sure a marriage would have lasted. Time erodes a relationship and both spouses have to be diplomats. They must communicate, in order for each of them to understand what the other wants. I put my faith in my destiny.

First of all, I really wanted to be with my mother; I had my sister in Craiova indeed, but she was married. I was also a nurse, and I had to stay close to my mother, because she was getting old. I always had an important condition for all my suitors: either to let my mother stay with us, or to live at her place. I wouldn’t have it any other way, and none of my suitors was enthusiastic about this.

I was told that my mother could also spend a few months at my sister’s every year. It wasn’t about that – for starters, my mother didn’t have money to support herself, because she only received a successor’s pension, as a widow. I said I wouldn’t abandon my mother in sickness, and, since I was a nurse, I would know how to help her.

This is why I emphasized the importance of fate: my mother died in my arms. She fell down, because she had a large-scale heart attack. I was home, in the living room, on the night of 24th August, and I had returned from hospital, after ending my shift. My mother fell down in the kitchen. I rushed in, but all I could do was apply pressure onto her body. She didn’t recover. She had arthrosclerosis and high cholesterol, and she died in my arms. I always claimed I couldn’t leave home because I had to take care of my mother, and my mother died with me by her side. When she died, in 1977, she was 65.

I could have had children – you don’t have to be married to give birth to a child. My mother wanted me to have a baby, but she wanted it to be within an official framework. Later, as she grew older, she began to tell me, ‘It would be good to have a baby anyway.’ I am sure this was my fate, for this is how God works. Some things are hard to explain. I didn’t have children, but my sister died and left behind this niece of mine, who’s like a daughter to me. She is a college graduate, but suffers from schizophrenia and receives a small sickness pension. Although she graduated, she couldn’t work; and her husband is unemployed.

Communism

During the communist period, I kept some of the holidays. For instance, when there was the commemoration of the dead, I took some hours off from work, or I arranged with a coworker to fill in for me, so that I could leave a few hours earlier. I went to the synagogue to commemorate the death of my parents, and then I went to their graves, for both of them had been buried in a most appropriate way.

I listened to various radio stations under the communist regime, including [Radio] Free Europe 10. I know my parents used to listen to the Voice of America 11. I became a fan of the Communists at an early age. When I was just a girl, I was already a supporter of Petru Groza 12. I wasn’t fully aware back then, because I knew very few things about how life had been before.

During Gheorghiu-Dej’s regime, I was very young, and didn’t know what had happened before World War II in Romania. My parents knew about these things, they had lived through them, and they could make comparisons, whereas I couldn’t. They told me that, a number of people who had been in politics were arrested during Dej’s regime.

My parents had nothing to do with politics – they were intellectuals. They weren’t arrested, like others were, for being members of the Peasants’ Party 13 or of any other party. As I grew up, I had my own moments of rebellion; but I wasn’t the only one who suffered under the regime of Ceausescu 14. I reached adulthood in the communist period, and I can say that the last 10-15 years of Ceausescu’s ‘reign’ were the worst.

At the beginning of the 1980s, things changed dramatically. I don’t consider Communism to be a good thing and I couldn’t say what I agreed to. This is how laws were back then. I can’t adjust myself to today’s new reality, but the youth can. We, the elderly, are to blame, because we hold on to too many things that belong to the past. I had got used to Communism and couldn’t tell what was really good for our country. I have no regrets though – there is no point in that.

I doubt people really regret Communism – what bothers them is that most of them are now unemployed. Enterprises were set up, but they went bankrupt at a certain point. They are now living better than how they used to live before, but providing the daily bread is what puts them in difficulty. A part of the retirees still work, on the black market or on their own. One who really wants to work is bound to find a job, even if it’s poorly paid. What we need is working, not sitting around doing nothing. It’s high time we made a distinction between work and spare time; but I believe it’s going to take us another 20 years to learn that. People don’t regret Communism, but only the stability which came with it.

In 1989, I was all alone already, because neither my mother, nor my sister was alive anymore. I saw what was happening on TV, and heard about it on the radio. I was preparing to go to work when everything started. I spent the days of the Revolution 15 in the hospital, as a nurse, because I wouldn’t want to stay home all alone. Everyone advised me not to go back home and return to work as long as there were still shootings in the street. Wounded people were brought to the hospital; corpses too. It wasn’t about surgery anymore – it was about everyone going downstairs and giving a hand.

I was very happy, because I thought everything would take a turn for the better. But the others laughed at me, especially the elderly. I was delighted because the TV program became more diversified, I could watch movies and listen to the radio at home. I had never realized we could attain this degree of freedom. TV and radio made me understand that things are beginning to change. I’d like to see them improve further.

It’s hard to change mentalities – it takes several generations. The influence of the 45 years of Communism is not to be neglected. However, everything one accumulates should come from clean, honest sources. Today, it’s ‘every man for himself,’ but no one seems to care about the country. In Israel, they put the country first. Education received the most generous funds. In all the civilized states, with an old democratic tradition, like Israel, the money went first to education, research and military. Anything else came after these three.

Of course, my life changed after the Revolution. After 31 years of work, my retirement pension was very small, because salaries were very low back then. If someone who earns 5 million retires today, his or her pension will be better than what I got – the money won’t be great, but acceptable. As for me, I haven’t even reached the 3-million threshold.

Jewish Life in Romania Today

However, the Community is helping us both financially, and through packs with gifts and clothes – new clothes, not second-hand. There is, for instance, the Joint Organization 16, a large contributing Jewish organization, and there’s another one, whose name I don’t remember. Their contributions have diminished lately – affecting our Community – because the Joint and the State of Israel especially help the Jews from Russia – there are a lot of Russian Jews.

In the last 10-15 years endless convoys of Russian Jews left to Israel – they spread everywhere and became ubiquitous. All the Jews from Ethiopia left the country in 48 hours, in two planes, a number of years ago. Jews are to be found in all the countries of the world. The support funds diminished, because the Israeli economy weakened at some point. Compared to ours, theirs is a strong economy, but they don’t see things like that; they claim their pensions are lower and they can’t help us anymore. I hear they recovered, to a certain extent.

I had both Jewish and Romanian friends. Miris Schreiner and Isabela Goldschmidt, for instance, have been my friends for a long time. They are now in Israel, but they call me every now and then – once a year – they write to me, they visit me and we talk. I had some Christian friends, but, after they retired, our relationships got colder, because they became grandmothers and had other kinds of problems than my own. Although we had promised one another to spend more time together after retiring, we never got to.

I noticed I have no friends anymore. Even my oldest friends stopped visiting me, isolating themselves from the world. All I expect from them is to lend me their ears and a shoulder to cry on. I never argue with anyone and don’t end relationships in arguments or insults. But a wall of silence has been building up between us. The people I meet and with whom I exchange casual remarks – that’s something different than my friends. I wish I had a close friend; I don’t need material help, but I would have liked to hear her tell me, when I’m not able to walk anymore: ‘Relax, I’ll come over and bring you your bread and yogurt.’ One can’t make friends in old age. Only young people can make friends.

The apartment I’m living in was bought rather recently, after my mother and her sister died. In fact, the one who paid for this apartment was the Community. They helped me buy it. They gave me a donation, through a notary. It cost me 92,000 lei 12 years ago [in 1992]. I will spend the remaining years of my life in this apartment.

When I die, the apartment will go to the Community, like I have already stipulated in my will. I don’t regret being all alone. My niece from Craiova lives in an apartment left by her mother. I decided to give my apartment to the Community, because they help me so much. Hadn’t it been for the Community, I think I would have starved to death. I bought the furniture I have here, by installments.

An elderly, rather lazy person like me would find it difficult to get used to living in Israel. I have never been there. I would like to go, but they never specifically invited me or provided me with the means to get there. They probably have their own problems, because that is not a land of milk and honey. They all work hard there, and don’t have time to entertain guests. I almost lost contact with the people I know in Israel.

A number of years ago, a cousin of mine from Israel, who’s a lawyer, came to Romania with her husband. She’s the daughter of a sister of my father’s, Aunt Luta, that is, Luiza. They didn’t stay long, but my mother took her to the hospital where I worked. Three or four years ago, this cousin returned to Bucharest, but didn’t call on me anymore. She phoned me, we talked, but we didn’t see each other. My contacts with my relatives are very scarce. I sometimes get a call from a cousin of mine, son of Uncle Izu, but he only calls every ten years of so. He is probably a great-grandfather by now, if he is still alive.

Many years ago, I tried to maintain a correspondence, but I didn’t stick to it. When my mother was alive, she and her sister wrote to each other from time to time. After my mother died, this connection was lost. I have no idea if my nieces are still alive, if they still live in Israel or not. I don’t know anything of anyone anymore. This is why I’m sorry. Some people who are just friends manage to keep in touch, while I, with close relatives there – cousins by my father’s brothers and by my mother’s sister – wasn’t capable of maintaining a relationship with them. Well, I suppose I’m to blame for this. Now, it’s too late, because I don’t know their addresses.

The Jewish community life in Braila is very active. Ours is one of the most active communities in the country, despite the low number of members. The president of the Community is a man named Esrich, an engineer by trade. The secretary of the Community is David Segal. Most of the members are elderly, and some of them are unable to play an active part.

The rest of us, the ones who are still more or less all right, often come from inter-ethnic families, but we get along well with one another and observe the religious tradition. The Christians who are married to Jews are ‘sympathizers,’ and some of them enjoy coming to the synagogue for the holidays. Those who are still young, that is, under 40, are the ones who have an active life within the Community.

We have the Talmud Torah classes, the Hebrew classes, the choir, the dances; they organize seminars and are invited to all the seminars held in Bucharest, Timisoara, Brasov. Many of the younger members took trips to Israel, touring the country, visiting various places, getting to know how people study there.

Like I said, Jews in Braila have a very active life; and so do those in Timisoara, I suppose, where there’s a rabbi, but also those in Oradea or in Brasov. Compared to us, Jews in Galati have a less active community life. This is true for Focsani too. I can say that in this particular part of the Kingdom, in Braila, the Jewish community is very much alive and interested to stay connected to what is going on. We like what we do.

Of course, there aren’t as many weddings as there used to be. I haven’t seen a traditional one in ages. But we still have bar mitzvahs and circumcisions, scarce as they may be. Once in many years, a young woman gives birth to a boy, and the baby is circumcised. I don’t know if they used to have a bat mitzvah for the girls, but I’m sure about the bar mitzvah tradition. 

At the bar mitzvah, they use those mantles and the boy then becomes a man, and enters manhood. I don’t remember exactly the year, it was about ten years ago, around 1994, when I went to the bar mitzvah of Itak Bulikovici, the son of some friends of mine; I also went to the bar mitzvah of the son of the Ustinescu family. His mother is a member of the Community’s council, too. Her name is Nadia Ustinescu, she has two sons, and she organized bar mitzvahs for both of them. One of her sons has already graduated from college in Bucharest, and the other lives in Braila.

They are both active members of the Community. There are many young people active in the Community. I am no longer in my prime, but there are young people who sing in the choir in Hebrew. There is a conductor, who comes from Bucharest, and they all sing using their partitions; the words are in Hebrew. They sing beautifully, on holidays. They bring accordions and violins and they play beautiful songs.

For example, traditional cookies are baked on Purim; they are called hamantashen, are made with walnuts and honey, and have a three-cornered shape. I’m not very good at baking these cakes, and so, I go to another lady to bake them together with her. On Purim, they are distributed in the synagogue, because some are baked to be taken to the synagogue, too. The hamantashen are placed inside a little bag together with a small slice of sponge cake, called lekakh. [Editor’s note: Lakakh is honey cake, eaten generally on Rosh Hashanah.] These cakes with walnuts and honey are traditional on Purim. This year [2004], Purim will be celebrated on 7th March and will last for a couple of days. At the Community headquarters, there are a few elderly ladies who are better at baking these cakes.

Years ago, I used to go and lend a helping hand, but now, there are other ladies who bake many cakes. Jews aren’t the only ones who come to the Community – there are also our ‘sympathizers.’ So, there are plenty of people, and many cakes have to be baked. There is this story about Purim, with King Ahasuerus and Esther. ‘Pur’ means ‘lots,’ and people wear masks.

As for the Talmud Torah, I enjoyed it a lot and went to classes. Rabbi Sucher, who comes to Braila from Galati, is the one who teaches these classes today. Mr. Sucher is not very old, I’m not sure he turned 50 yet. He doesn’t hold the actual title of rabbi, but he attended some special courses. He is the representative of the religious Jews in Galati. He lives in Galati, but he also comes to Braila. There was no one left to teach religion here in Braila, because the ones who could do it were very old. Before him, Mr. Berenstein taught these classes, but he underwent a heart operation and gave up performing the service, because he was no longer able to do so.

Some four years ago, there were classes for learning the Hebrew alphabet, writing, and phrasing. I attended them for one year, but it was very difficult for me and I gave them up because of my old age. I am currently attending a class for reading, learning, and interpreting the Torah. I started going to this class last year. It is taught by Nadia Ustinescu, and it is held once a week, on Sunday. Most of those who attend are young people, especially in Sucher’s class of grammar and language. I chose to attend the class for the study of the Torah, which lasts two hours a week. It is a continuous process, because it isn’t so easy, and it is done every year, yet you do not receive a diploma after graduating.

I attended these classes and I even enjoyed them, but lately – and may God and the community forgive me for this – I haven’t gone there because of the bad weather. It is also true that I didn’t attend the classes because I am going through a bad period from an emotional point of view; but it also snowed, and there was ice in the streets, too.

As a child and a teenager, I used to stroll more than I do now, when I’m retired, and even more than I did when I was working. Now I no longer have someone to go for a stroll with, and I don’t usually do that on my own. In the summertime, I walk downtown especially, to the historical center of Braila, not the modern one. I take a detour in order to see all the old buildings; there are in quite a bad state, but they bring many memories to my mind: here was the library; there was the shooting range, and all the side streets coming from the Main Garden.

Now, even though I’m retired, I wake up at about 7am in winter, and around 6am in summer. I open the windows and the balcony door, I air the bed sheets, I make my coffee, smoke as much as I can, especially when I am very upset. I clean up my apartment, because I am a person who likes order, and then I go to the marketplace. In the morning, I cook in my little pot, so that everything is fresh.

Glossary:

1 Moldova

Historic region between the Eastern Carpathians, the Dniester River and the Black Sea, also a contemporary state, bordering with Romania and Ukraine. Moldova was first mentioned after the end of the Mongol invasion in 14th century scripts as Eastern marquisate of the Hungarian Kingdom. For a long time, the Principality of Moldova was tributary of either Poland or Hungary until the Ottoman Empire took possession of it in 1512. The Sultans ruled Moldova indirectly by appointing the Prince of Moldova to govern the vassal principality. These were Moldovan boyars until the early 18th century and Greek (Phanariot) ones after. In 1812 Tsar Alexander I occupied the eastern part of Moldova (between the Prut and the Dniester river and the Black Sea) and attached it to its Empire under the name of Bessarabia. In 1859 the remaining part of Moldova merged with Wallachia. In 1862 the new country was called Romania, which was finally internationally recognized at the Treaty of Berlin in 1886. Bessarabia united with Romania after World War I, and was recaptured by the Soviet Union in 1940. The Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic gained independence after the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and is now called Moldovan Republic (Republica Moldova).

2 Creation of the State of Israel

From 1917 Palestine was a British mandate. Also in 1917 the Balfour Declaration was published, which supported the idea of the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Throughout the interwar period, Jews were migrating to Palestine, which caused the conflict with the local Arabs to escalate. On the other hand, British restrictions on immigration sparked increasing opposition to the mandate powers. Immediately after World War II there were increasing numbers of terrorist attacks designed to force Britain to recognize the right of the Jews to their own state. These aspirations provoked the hostile reaction of the Palestinian Arabs and the Arab states. In February 1947 the British foreign minister Ernest Bevin ceded the Palestinian mandate to the UN, which took the decision to divide Palestine into a Jewish section and an Arab section and to create an independent Jewish state. On 14th May 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the creation of the State of Israel. It was recognized immediately by the US and the USSR. On the following day the armies of Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon attacked Israel, starting a war that continued, with intermissions, until the beginning of 1949 and ended in a truce.

3 Great Depression

At the end of October 1929, there were worrying signs on the New York Stock Exchange in the securities market. On 24th October ('Black Thursday'), people began selling off stocks in a panic from the price drops of the previous days - the number of shares usually sold in a half year exchanged hands in one hour. The banks could not supply the amount of liquid assets required, so people didn't receive money from their sales. Five days later, on 'Black Tuesday', 16.4 million shares were put up for sale, prices dropped steeply, and the hoarded properties suddenly became worthless. The collapse of the Stock Exchange was followed by economic crisis. Banks called in their outstanding loans, causing immediate closings of factories and businesses, leading to higher unemployment, and a decline in the standard of living. By January of 1930, the American money market got back on it's feet, but during this year newer bank crises unfolded: in one month, 325 banks went under. Toward the end of 1930, the crisis spread to Europe: in May of 1931, the Viennese Creditanstalt collapsed (and with it's recall of outstanding loans, took Austrian heavy industry with it). In July, a bank crisis erupted in Germany, by September in England, as well. In Germany, in 1931, more than 19,000 firms closed down. Though in France the banking system withstood the confusion, industrial production and volume of exports tapered off seriously. The agricultural countries of Central Europe were primarily shaken up by the decrease of export revenues, which was followed by a serious agricultural crisis. Romanian export revenues dropped by 73 percent, Poland's by 56 percent. In 1933 in Hungary, debts in the agricultural sphere reached 2.2 billion Pengoes. Compared to the industrial production of 1929, it fell 76 percent in 1932 and 88 percent in 1933. Agricultural unemployment levels, already causing serious concerns, swelled immensely to levels, estimated at the time to be in the hundreds of thousands. In industry the scale of unemployment was 30 percent (about 250,000 people).

4 Pogrom in Iasi and the Death Train

During the pogrom in Iasi (June 29-30, 1941) an estimated 4,000-8,000 people were killed on the grounds that Jews kept hidden weapons and had fired at Romanian and German soldiers. Thousands of people were boarded into two freight trains 100-150 people were crowded in each one of the sealed carriages. For several days, they were transported towards Podul Iloaiei and Calarasi and 65 percent of them died from asphyxiation and dehydration.

5 10th May (Heroes’ Day)

National holiday in the Romanian Monarchy between 1866 and 1947. It comprised three major events of the establishment of the Romanian Monarchy and state-building: on 10th May 1866 the first Romanian King, Carol I of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen swore on the Romanian laws; on 10th May 1877 it was also him who announced Romania's independence; on 10th May 1881, after the Great Powers acknowledged Carol I as king, the Romanian Monarchy was proclaimed. The greatest emphasis was laid on the celebration of 10th May under the rule of Carol I (1866-1914), the greatest festivities were organized in 1881 (in honor of the Monarchy's proclamation) and in 1906, when they celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Monarchy's proclamation and the 40th anniversary of Carol's accession to the throne. The commemoration of 10th May was repealed in 1948, following the overthrow of the Romanian Monarchy in 1947.

6 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews. Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities. Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation. The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

7 Bukovina

Historical region, located East of the Carpathian Mountain range, bordering with Transylvania, Galicia and Moldova. In 1775 it became a Habsburg territory as a consequence of the Kuchuk-Kainarji Treaty (1774) between the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empire. After the fall of Austria-Hungary Bukovina was annexed to Romania (1920). In 1939 a non-aggression pact was signed between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact), which also meant dividing Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres of interest. Taking advantage of the pact, the Soviet Union claimed in an ultimatum from 1940 some of the Romanian territories. Romania was forced to renounce Bessarabia and Northern-Bukovina, including Czernowitz (Cernauti, Chernovtsy). Bukovina was characterized by ethnic and religious pluralism; the ethnic communities included Germans, Poles, Jews, Hungarians, Ukrainians and Romanians, the most dominant religious persuasions were Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism. In 1930 some 93,000 Jews lived in Bukovina, which was 10,9% of the entire population.

8 Transylvania

Geographical and historical region belonging to Hungary until 1918-19, then ceded to Romania. Its area covers 103,000 sq.km between the Carpathian Mountains and the present-day Hungarian and Serbian borders. It became a Roman province in the 2nd century (AD) terminating the Dacian Kingdom. After the Roman withdrawal it was overrun, between the 3rd and 10th centuries, by the Goths, the Huns, the Gepidae, the Avars and the Slavs. Hungarian tribes first entered the region in the 5th century, but they did not fully control it until 1003, when King Stephen I placed it under jurisdiction of the Hungarian Crown. Later, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Germans, called Saxons (then and now), also arrived while Romanians, called Vlachs or Walachians, were there by that time too, although the exact date of their appearance is disputed. As a result of the Turkish conquest, Hungary was divided into 3 sections: West Hungary, under Habsburg rule, central Hungary, under Turkish rule, and semi-independent Transylvania (as a Principality), where Austrian and Turkish influences competed for supremacy for nearly two centuries. With the defeat of the Turkish Transylvania gradually came under Habsburg rule, and due to the Compromise of 1867 it became an integral part of Hungary again. In line with other huge territorial losses fixed in the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Transylvania was formally ceded to Romania by Hungary. For a short period during WWII it was returned to Hungary but was ceded to Romania once again after the war.  Many of the Saxons of Transylvania fled to Germany before the arrival of the Soviet army, and more followed after the fall of the Communist government in 1989. In 1920, the population of Erdély was 5,200,000, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,400,000 Hungarian (26%), 510,000 German and 180,000 Jewish. In 2002, however, the percentage of Hungarians was only 19.6% and the German and Jewish population decreased to several thousand. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition. 

9 Gheorghiu-Dej, Gheorghe (1901-1965)

Leader of the Romanian Communist Party between 1952 and 1965. Originally an electrician and railway worker, he was imprisoned in 1933 and became the underground leader of all imprisoned communists. He was prime minister between 1952-55 and first secretary of the Communist Party between 1945-1953 and from 1955 until his death. In his later years, he led a policy that drifted away from the directive in Moscow, keeping the Stalinist system untouched by the Krushchevian reforms.

10 Radio Free Europe

Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block. The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central European communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

11 Voice of America

International broadcasting service funded by the U.S. government through the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Voice of America has been broadcasting since 1942, initially to Europe in various European languages from the US on short wave. During the cold war it grew increasingly popular in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe as an information source.

12 Dr

Groza, Petru (1884-1958): Romanian statesman. Member of the Great National Council of Transylvania (1918), parliamentary deputy (1919-1927), state minister (1921; 1926-1927), vice-president of the Council of Ministers (November 1944-February 1945). He was the president of the ‘Frontul Plugarilor’ [‘Ploughmen’s Front’] Organization (1933-1953), which activated under the guidance of the Romanian Communist Party. Under Soviet military pressure, King Michael I. consented to the appointment of Petru Groza as prime minister. On 6th March 1945, Groza formed a new cabinet, in which the key positions were held by Communists. Acknowledged and validated by Great Britain and the US (February 1946), the Groza cabinet took a series of measures, including the trial and execution of Marshal Ion Antonescu and his main lieutenants, the falsification of the results of the parliamentary elections in November 1946, the annihilation of the opposition and of the historical parties, the arrest and extermination of the leaders of these parties, the forcing of the abdication of King Michael I. etc. Between 1952 and 1958, he was the president of the Presidium of the Great National Assembly (an office equivalent to that of head of the State). At his death, national obsequies were held.

13 National Peasants’ Party

Political party created in 1926 by the fusion of the National Party of Transylvania and the Peasants' Party. It was in power, with some interruptions, from1928 and 1933. It was a moderately conservative and staunchly pro-Monarchy party. Its doctrine was essentially based on the enlightenment of peasantry, and on the reform of education in villages, where teachers were to become economic and social guides. Its purpose was to give the peasantry a class conscience. The National Peasants' Party governed Romania for a short period of time, between 1928-1931 and 1932-1933.

14 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989)

Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries. The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police. The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable. In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

15 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

16 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe's liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re-establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

Eveline Ciocoiu

Ciocoiu Eveline
City: Braila
Country: Romania
Interviewer: Roxana Onica
Date of interview: February - July, 2004

Ciocoiu Eveline is an elegant woman whose former dark hair is now starting to grow a little white, while the features of her face bespeak determination, resolve, a fact that doesn’t give away her real age, as she looks much younger than she is, despite her being a grandmother.

She responded immediately, enthusiastically when requested to give this interview. She is living with her husband in a neatly decorated apartment located one bus station away from the train station in Braila.

She inherited from her parents a chest where she keeps her photographs. She is always eager to travel to Israel where her sister lives and where she has a very good time.

From her daughter she has a small grandchild whom she is very thrilled with. In a sense, judging by the way she talks, she is an artist by nature, it being no coincidence that she is married to an actor. 

  • My family background

The grandparents from my mother’s side were from [the region of] Dobrogea [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Dobruja], from Braila. Their name was Braunstein. My grandfather’s name was Leon, and my grandmother’s name was Sofia. I knew them, but I couldn’t tell for sure when they were born as they had no official papers.

My grandmother was born around 1890. She was born in Tulcea and they fled when the Bulgarians occupied their territory. [Ed. note: On 22nd October 1916, German and Bulgarian troops were entering Constanta, which was deserted and devastated by bombardments, the authorities and the population having been previously evacuated. (...) The Bulgarian soldiers (...) committed acts of unprecedented cruelty, a behavior that was entirely different from that of the German allies (...). In September 1918 Bulgaria was dealt a decisive defeat by the Entente, and Dobrogea returned within the borders of the Romanian nation. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Istoria_Dobrogei#Sub_ocupa.C5.A3ia_Bulgariei ] 1

My grandmother used to say that ‘she didn’t attend her baptism ceremony,’ but she thought, nevertheless, that she was born in 1890. I don’t know about my grandfather.  He was a tinker, while my grandmother was a housewife. These grandfathers had a regular household. They had both electricity and running water. 

They even had a bathroom. My grandparents didn’t raise livestock. I couldn’t say that the grandparents from my mother’s side were religious people. My grandfather didn’t return home one day and we don’t even know where he is buried. He didn’t return home which is to say he eloped with a woman.

My grandmother lived until 1956, when I was in my 2nd or 3rd year at the university. I remember that my grandmother was very cheerful [by nature]. She lived right here in the courtyard [of the Jewish Community in Braila], with the Obermans. Only the grandparents from my mother’s side spoke Yiddish.

The grandparents from my father’s side were from Sapanta, [near] Sighetu-Marmatiei [Ed. note: 18 km north-west of Sighetu-Marmatiei]. My grandmother’s name was Blima Wegh, married Basch, and my grandfather’s name was Coppel Basch. I knew them, but I was little then and they were caught by the Hungarian occupation

[Ed. note: Mrs. Ciocoiu is referring to the 1940-1944 period when the North of Transylvania was under Hungarian rule.] 2 and they died at Auschwitz. I know that my paternal grandparents were very well-off, that they had forests and a mineral water well. That’s what my parents told me. I was never there because the war had broken out. Nor did I go there to reclaim anything. It seems to be fated that whenever I intended to go to Sapanta I never made it there.

My paternal grandparents begot my father, Moses, born in 1898; his sister, who was married to a rabbi, lived in the neighborhood of Beclean [in the Bistrita Nasaud county, 150 km south of Sapanta] during the war [World War II]. This sister had several children whom I myself met, but I no longer remember their names. I’ve met one of them ten years ago in Israel. I no longer remember the name of my father’s sister.

My father had left Sapanta and went to the Regat [Kingdom] when he was in his 20s, around 1923. [Ed. note: ‘Kingdom’ was used by Transylvanians in everyday speech when referring to the Romanian Kingdom, before the unification of 1918.

It remained in use after the unification, designating the regions of Moldavia and Wallachia that had formerly composed the Romanian Kingdom]. I don’t know, however, why he left in the first place. My parents’ marriage wasn’t arranged since they met here for the first time, in Braila.

My maternal grandparents had been living here since the occupation of Dobrogea, when the Bulgarians came. However, my paternal grandparents remained in Sapanta.

My mother’s name was Etty Braunstein. She was born in 1908. My mother was very young when she married, she was 20-21 in 1929, and they only married religiously. Back then, the engagement was held at the synagogue, too. They also gave out invitations for the marriage ceremony and party.

They married on the day of the Epiphany, on 6th January 1927. My parents had a wedding celebration when they married. My mother was a beautiful bride, you could swear she was right out of Hollywood, she had a very nice wedding attire. She wore a short dress and she was a splendor to look at.

Wedding dresses were custom-made to suit the taste of each bride. They were sewn by dressmakers. A Jewish ritual was performed at weddings. I didn’t marry religiously and I have no idea in which way it is different from other rituals. In any case, in our tradition, it is the parents who are usually the godfathers, the parents of the groom and of the bride.

My mother was a sworn atheist. My father was a very religious Orthodox Jew. When his parents came to meet my mother and found out she wasn’t a zealot, they didn’t really want my father to marry her, but then they thought that she was young and that any offshoot can be converted.

But the exact opposite happened, for it was my father who swayed. When he came to Braila, my father was a religious person, and my mother changed him completely. My father attended religious schools in Austria-Hungary, for Jews had such schools back then, just as they do nowadays in Israel.

Here, in Braila, the custom was to attend the synagogue on holidays; the men remained on the ground floor and the women went upstairs, and my father would accompany my grandmother to the synagogue because I believe my mother never set foot inside the synagogue after the wedding.

Concerning the languages my parents spoke, my father used to say that he doesn’t speak Romanian and that he forgot Hungarian. He spoke Romanian very poorly, but he could speak and write Hebrew. My parents didn’t speak Yiddish at home.

I can safely say that my parents were well-to-do. My mother certainly had hired helpers around the house. There were times when she even had two women who helped her with household chores. As a rule, there were many women in our house: there was my mother, the grandmother from my mother’s side, and one of my mother’s sisters, Tilly, who lived with us until the end of the war when she got married.

She died last year, in 2003, in Israel. This aunt was younger than my mother and I believe she was born in 1914.

We didn’t really have relatives so I couldn’t say whether my parents kept in touch with them or not. My mother’s sister lived with us, and my father’s sister lived in Ardeal [Transylvania]. They had news of one another, but there were times when they didn’t keep in touch. I remember that his sister used to write him.

We lived on Sfantu Petru St., or Petru Maior as it is called nowadays. Formerly, its name was ‘The Jewish Street,’ because many Jews lived on that street back then. This is where Mr. Silo Oberman lives [Ed. note: Centropa made interview with Mr. Oberman too.], and next to his house there is the Jewish Community in Braila and the Choral Temple.

We lived opposite Mr. Silo Oberman’s on this street, where there is a passageway. There was a large courtyard at the end of the passageway and we were the sole occupants. Nowadays it is riddled with gypsies, but that’s how it is. Be that as it may, my grandmother shared the courtyard with Silo Oberman.

My parents’ house was nicer than the house of my maternal grandparents. The house where we lived didn’t belong to my parents. I remember that there was Studio type furniture there, which was fairly rare in those days, and hand-made rugs on the floor.

People had sofas in those days, but we had a Studio bed with a chest. We had a nice bedroom. There were six rooms all in all. It was customary in my parents’ family to adorn the walls with various paintings. My parents also had books, mainly literature. And they always kept pets: birds and a dog.

My parents had a butcher’s shop where they sold meat products and their pastrami was famous, so that when the renowned actor Radu Beligan [http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Radu_Beligan] visited Braila a few years ago he inquired about my father. It was my father who founded the business, he wasn’t born into it. As a rule, Jews were craftsmen and salesmen. They were watchmakers, doctors, and some were administration clerks. Their professions were more independent, let us say.

  • Growing up

My maiden name is Eveline Basch, I was born in December 1932, and my married name is Ciocoiu. I had a brother, Silviu, who was older than me, he being the firstborn, in 1929. I also have a sister, Grete, who was born in December 1936 and has been living in Israel since 1970.

My brother had a bar mitzvah. The ceremony was performed at the synagogue. There was the rabbi Thenen, but there was another rabbi as well, who lived opposite the Community, but I forget his name. [Ed. note: Rabbi dr. Mayer Thenem is one of the most important Jewish personalities in Braila.

He served until 1940. He authored the first Romanian translation of the Rosh Hashanah and Yom Kippur prayers. One should also mention Rabbi Ihil Michel Dobruschin, who served at the Bet’h Iacob Synagogue from the age of 20 (1932) until 1956, when he left for Israel.

He was the town’s last rabbi. http://www.romanianjewish.org/en/mosteniri_ale_culturii_iudaice_03_11_12.html] He had two sons with whom we used to stroll and make conversation. I remember the bar mitzvah ritual very well. There was a large feast which was held at our house. My brother had a navy blue suit tailored for him, with a lounge coat, and he sat at the head of the table. I remember everything very well.

My mother didn’t have separate dishes for preparing the food. She didn’t cook kosher food. We usually observed traditions and holidays in the family, such as Purim, Passover, the autumn holidays, but as my mother wasn’t a religious person, she didn’t even urge us to fast [on Yom Kippur]. Nevertheless, our grandmother and our father did urge us to fast. We were more influenced by our mother, for you are always influenced by what suits you best.

Not all my parents’ neighbors were Jews. But there were many Jews in Braila. I was rather little back then, I couldn’t tell how many Jews there were, but downtown, in the area where we lived, there were many Jews and Greeks. The Jewish community in Braila was very large in those days. The society my parents frequented wasn’t Jewish, however. They had many friends. My mother used to play cards with other ladies.

When I was little, it wasn’t customary to go on vacations or holidays. I do know, however, that my parents used to go to restaurants. I remember even to this day that they used to go to an evening restaurant located somewhere on the shore of the Danube and afterwards they would go sledging. They used to party in nightclubs. My parents had a group of friends and they all used to go to parties. We, the children, stayed home.

We did our market shopping at the Main Marketplace and I went along, for there was a tramline along the Regala St. We used to return from the market by tram and get off at the Sfantu Petru tram station. There were carriages and trams.

My father had no political views and wasn’t a member of any organization, cultural or otherwise. I know about my father that he did his military service and I even found his military papers. He was a cavalry volunteer in the Austria-Hungary war 3 [in World War I] and he was wounded in one arm there.

This happened when he was in Ardeal. He told us afterwards where he was during the war, but children aren’t generally interested in that. Also, I left home early in life, after graduating high school, but whenever I visit my sister in Israel, she tells me more details, for she left our parental home later in life.

To be sure, there were military parades in the town of Braila. I recall that on May 10 4 we were hanging from the windows in order to see the military parade on Republicii St. We enjoyed seeing mounted officers riding their horses. Even today I still take great pleasure in seeing a military parade.

  • During the war

I was little during the war but I lived with the fear that they were going to take us to Bug. We waited with our luggage packed because we knew that Jews and Gypsies were taken to Bug. [Ed. note: Mrs. Ciocoiu is referring to the deportations to Transnistria.] 5 Whenever we saw someone carrying a briefcase we thought they were coming to take us there. I was exposed to anti-Semitism even as a small child.

I was tormented by the complex of not being able to attend the same school as my friends living on our street. We, the children on our street, would organize these school parties to support the soldiers. We collected money and took cigarettes and food to the wounded. One of my girl friends, who lived in our neighborhood, said that she no longer wanted to be the ‘Jews’ buffoon.’ No matter what people say, one could feel the anti-Semitism.

I remember my father being drafted for labor during the days of the Legionary Movement 6; they called him ‘the Jew.’ One could feel the anti-Semitism. My father was drafted to perform forced labor. He was very ill, he was suffering from a vertebral affliction he contracted during the war when – he used to tell us – he lay in water and his vertebral column became stiff as a result.

He kept going in front of all sorts of commissions so that he would be exempted from doing forced labor. All these can be found in his military papers. He didn’t serve the entire period of forced labor. He would go there for two days and then he would again be taken in front of a commission.

During the war [World War II], my father transferred the business on my mother’s name. It was then called Etty Basch, for I found some work permits stating that my father was her employee. My mother was registered as the owner because Jewish men were not allowed to own businesses back then. And my father worked there, as an employee.

This is how my father was allowed to work. My mother would help him with the store. [Ed. note: In general, Jewish people had a ‘double’ (strohmann) 7, a Romanian in their business, some were even in the official papers, hence some abuses. This was possible only if the mother was a second-degree Jew which meant she had additional rights as heir of a war veteran. But Mrs. Ciocoiu makes no reference to this aspect, so the situation is ambiguous.]

  • After the war

In fact, the first time I ever traveled by train was just after the armistice was signed [Ed. note: Mrs. Ciocoiu is probably referring to 23rd August 1944, it was the term they used at that time] 8, when I accompanied my parents to Bucharest. Jews weren’t allowed to travel by train.

I had been bitten by a rabid dog and there was no vaccine against rabies in Braila; I had to go to Galati, but my parents weren’t allowed to travel by train 9 and so they left me there with some acquaintances. This was during the Legionary movement, in the 1940s.

I attended the Catholic kindergarten when I was little. After kindergarten, I attended primary school, which is to say 4 primary grades, at a Jewish school called ‘Baroneasa de Hirsch,’ because in those days during the war we couldn’t attend other schools [Ed. note: In October 1940, Jewish pupils and students were denied access to public education of all degrees. The Jewish people were free to organize private primary and secondary schools. The Jewish schools were allowed to function but they weren’t allowed to be advertised.

The graduation diplomas were not recognized by the state and had no practical validity regarding the graduate’s admission into a profession.] Braila was one of the towns that had a Jewish school. There were very many cities in Moldavia, in Iasi, for instance, where Jews received no education during the four years of war, because they couldn’t attend anywhere.

[Ed. note: Mrs. Ciocoiu is probably referring to the fact that they weren’t admitted in state schools, yet there were Jewish schools in Iasi during the war, and in other regions as well, wherever there were enough Jewish pupils to form at least one class.] During my first year of high school I attended the Schäffer High School, this corresponds to the fifth grade in secondary school nowadays. I attended there for one year.

Afterwards, I studied with the nuns, at Sancta Maria [Saint Mary], until 1948 when the educational reform took place 10. That was a school that was allowed to be advertised and the high school was very good. Classes were taught in Romanian, but I was learning German as well. I studied the history of the arts, painting, musical instruments, foreign languages and much knowledge.

I learned Hebrew in school, but I was a catastrophe and it was very difficult for me. However, I can speak German and French. I managed to get by fairly well when I traveled to Germany and in the course of a week I was speaking fluent German. But if you don’t speak a language on a regular basis, you are bound to forget it.

I received private lessons at home: piano lessons and French lessons. Mademoiselle Lambert, who was French, used to teach me French. On the whole, I believe that my parents tried to give us the education they didn’t receive. My private lessons ended when the communists came to power.

In 1948 the school for nuns was closed and then, when the educational reform was introduced, I was transferred to the Theoretical High School, where the Murgoci High School can be found nowadays. After the reform, it was the only theoretical high school. Come to think of it, chemistry was my favorite subject at school.

I had a very stern chemistry teacher, Mrs. Rascanu, who would kick you out of the classroom if you so much as sneezed. I believe 32 of the 40 graduates of the class of 1951 continued their studies in fields related to chemistry and medicine. This Mrs. Rascanu was an exceptionally good teacher, but she was also exceedingly demanding.

I still keep in touch with the friends I made in my school years. My girl friends live in Bucharest and they are all chemists, by mere coincidence. They studied food chemistry, it was fashionable in those days, and they received jobs in Bucharest.

I only had one Jewish friend, Marta Berenstein, who also happens to have studied chemistry. We see each other when I travel to Israel. I remained friends with classmates from the period when I attended the Jewish school; all of them emigrated. I kept in touch with them and I still receive phone calls from them.

I remember that when I was in school, but also as a young woman, we used to stroll during our spare time along the Corso or go to the Main Public Garden. When we graduated we wanted to have a banquet [throw a party], but banquets weren’t customary in those days.

My good friend, Guti Gardis, lived on Fortificatiei St. and a policeman also lived in that courtyard. And since we didn’t return home until 9 o’clock in the evening, they sent the policeman to get us, to gather us, the pupils who had graduated high school.

As a rule, I didn’t travel anywhere during the holidays, because neither did my parents. I once went to Cernatu, in the Brasov county, I was invited by some friends who lived on our street, the Popescu girls; they had a house there and I accompanied them.

I traveled by train when I went to Cernatu, to Brasov, in 1947, I was in the 5th grade in high school. I once went with my mother to Vatra Dornei, it was surely in 1948. Usually, we crossed the Danube and sunbathed. We also went to Lacu Sarat. I didn’t go on summer camps, as there weren’t any in that period, nor was I a member of any club.

There were very few automobiles in Braila in my childhood. There were mainly carriages in those days. There were carriages even when I was a student in Cluj. My student years were beautiful in the sense that I was young, but I was in dire straits in those days because I didn’t receive accommodation in the students’ hostel.

I lived in a very wretched room. Around 12 girls lived in a students’ hostel room. I used to go to the hostel every now and then to study with my classmates, for there were no written lectures. The room that I lived in was rented.

There were 2 persons in my year who weren’t members of the U.C.Y. [members of the Union of Communist Youth], me and Silvia Barbu, the daughter of a priest from Campia Turzii. And we were very tense because they held meetings where they said that those who weren’t members of the U.C.Y. should leave, and we were embarrassed.

There were many young people in our class who graduated from high schools for the working class, those who graduated from high schools by ‘taking the shortcut’ [under the optional attendance system] and who were given a degree after only two years of studies. Nevertheless, they did very well in school and they were very committed.

Until 1948-1950 my parents’ financial situation was very good, meaning that one person was working, namely my father, and he was able to support seven others. Afterwards, my father had to give up the store, but I forgot the actual year when that happened. I was still a student then. My father started working in a state-run butcher’s shop.

That is why I say that the financial situation worsened afterwards, because my sister started working after she graduated from high school. She even received a qualification afterwards, for she attended a technical high school and supported me during my university studies. She didn’t attend the university.

I was given a position in Cluj after graduating from the university, but I had married during the 5th year of my studies and my husband who was an actor obtained a transfer to the theatre in Turda; as a result, I myself went to Turda. The ministry officials were very surprised at my request to be given a position in Turda instead of Cluj.

Then we moved to Braila, because the reconstruction in Ardeal was non-existent. I received a newspaper clipping from my parents with an announcement that they were building a Fiber Combine in Braila. I applied for a transfer, stating that I would like to go to Braila; it was with great difficulty that I received the transfer from Turda, where I worked after finishing my studies.

When the artificial [synthetic] fibers combine was built in 1963, I moved from Turda and came to Braila, because they gave apartments to those who worked at the combine. Otherwise, I might have never returned to Braila. I loved my father very much and this was another reason for my return. I moved there and my father died soon afterwards, in February 1964.

My mother died in February 1973. Silviu died in February 1989 as well. I mean to say that they all died in the month of February: both my mother, and my father, and my brother. That’s how it came to pass. My parents are buried in Braila, in the Jewish cemetery. I believe that there was still a rabbi in Braila when my father died.

The grief was so great in those days that I’m not really sure of this. The religious ceremony was as it is nowadays, meaning that our rituals are much shorter and less pompous, which is to say that the priest [the rabbi] puts on less of an act. Actors and priests are alike in nature, in my opinion. I even had a photograph once taken on the occasion of the blessing of my father’s tombstone. We observe the Yahrzeit, meaning the ‘Commemoration of the dead.’

My husband’s name is Nicolae Ciocoiu. He is 5 years older than me. Actually, we met for the first time on the beach in Braila. He didn’t live in Braila, but he had come there on a tour. I was still in school when we met; we saw each other again three years later, in Bucharest.

We exchanged letters, and three years later I sat for the university admission exam in Cluj. However, my husband had attended the university in Bucharest. He was an actor then, playing for the Youth Theatre in Bucharest and he obtained a transfer to Cluj. I got married when I was in my 4th year at the university. We married in Cluj and were married only at the registrar’s office, we had no religious ceremony.

After we got married we observed both the Christian and the Jewish holidays. We have an only child, a daughter, Ioana, who was born in 1971. My daughter attended the Nicolae Balcescu High School in Braila and the Faculty of Economic Sciences in Bucharest. She is living in Bucharest at present. We didn’t give her a traditional Jewish education. She has a little boy named Avi who is circumcised. It was her husband who wanted the child to be circumcised, because he too comes from an interfaith family.

After we married we used to go to the theatre, to concerts. Also, I used to go to the Opera in Cluj three times a week. We also used to go to the cinema. Furthermore, there wasn’t a single year when we didn’t go on a holiday. After 1973 I started traveling abroad, too, but I was going alone for you weren’t allowed to take your family with you.

I went to Israel, Turkey, Germany. I remember that once I received a negative answer to a visa request for traveling to Germany. My director saw that I was upset and asked me what the matter was; I told him that I had no support from local authorities. I know that he made a phone call and two days later I received the visa.

I couldn’t say that Judaism played an important role in choosing my friends. I believe that my parents would have been more content if I had married a Jew. My father in particular wanted me to marry a Jew, but my parents were not against it when I married a Romanian and they even told me that it is with my husband I will be living, and not with them.

After our return to Braila we no longer lived with my parents but were given an apartment near the Sfantu’ Constantin church; after the earthquake of 1977, when my daughter was of school age, we bought an apartment, for this was the period when it was possible to buy an apartment. We bought one located near the Sfantu Gheorghe church.

It wouldn’t be fair to say that I had political views just because I was a member of the Communist party. I was literally forced to become a member of the Communist party because my position implied that I was going to be in charge of several employees, so I was told that I had to become a party member.

Yet I never denied being Jewish because I was never ashamed of it. However, I always felt different from those around me. Since my name after marriage is a Romanian one, Ciocoiu, I heard it said many times about Jews: ‘jidanii’ [Ed. note: Highly pejorative term for ‘Jew’]. I even admitted that I don’t mind using the word ‘jidan,’ but if others do it, it bothers me.

During communism I took part in agricultural activities and the August 23 celebration parades. It was mandatory for everyone and even more so for me as head of a compartment; I had to set an example. I fought with all my strength to keep my job, for I was also afraid that something unpleasant might happen to me.

During communism, I used to listen to the Free Europe 11 and Voice of America 12 radio stations. There were no Jewish newspapers or newspapers containing Jewish information.

When the state of Israel was established, we were filled with joy because the Jewish people has lived as a Diaspora from time immemorial, and finally Jews have their homeland. Of course I was overjoyed. With regard to my intention to move permanently to Israel, I can say that I wouldn’t describe myself as courageous. I have a certain reticence for newness, which augmented under my husband’s influence as well.    

I also traveled to Israel, to attend the wedding of my nephew, the son of my sister Grete. My sister’s family name is Avram. She married when she was living in Bucharest. Her son’s name is Dan, but they call him Dany over there, and he changed his family name from Avram to Aviram, so that it sounds more Jewish. In our tradition, the parents of the groom and bride are the godfathers. There are two godfathers. My nephew wasn’t born in Israel, he was born in Bucharest, but his parents left Romania when he was two and a half years old.

After 1989, I couldn’t say how much my life has changed financially and socially. There is also the age factor. I was already too old when the revolution took place 13 and in addition there was the mad episode of retirement. Young people would write ‘eligible for retirement’ on my door, but I stubbornly continued to work and kept working until I was 60 and it hasn’t made much difference.

Financially, I was better off and had more security during communism. I couldn’t say that I am poorer at present, for in fact I am not, but before the revolution you could plan anything 3-4 years in advance and now it is impossible to do so for the upcoming month.

I must however admit that I receive support from my sister. My previous trip to Israel was no farther than last year and I will go there again on this year’s Passover. I’ve been there many times. I never felt fear or lack of security when I was there. I was never afraid of anything over there. My sister lives in Tel Aviv, but she lives in a residential area, where nothing bad ever happened. She is now retired, just like me.

I don’t receive aid from the Community, but there are plenty who do. I can say that nowadays there is quite a lot of activity at the Jewish Community in Braila owing to the fact that its secretary, David [David Iancu], is a great organizer who knows how to bring people together.

I don’t remember a single occasion when Jews gathered on the Passover evening to celebrate the holidays together with the others. There are very few remaining Jews nowadays, and the young belong mostly to interfaith families. Mr. David knows how to bring them together, and he even convinces my husband to attend, who is a Christian.

Formerly in Braila, there used to be a house of prayer on Tamplari St., there was this synagogue, the Choral Temple, opposite the Community Center, there was one on Coroanei St., and there might have been yet another one. I’m more familiar with the area around the Community Center, for this is where I spent my childhood.

[Ed. note: In 1930, there were 1140 Jews in the Community in Braila, while at present there are only 172 members, of whom only 72 are Jews, the remaining members being partners as a result of interfaith marriages. http://www.obiectivbr.ro/date/2005_04_15/Z_social.htm ]

  • Glossary:

1 Bulgaria in World War I

Bulgaria entered the war in October 1915 on the side of the Central Powers. Its main aim was the revision of the Treaty of Bucharest: the acquisition of Macedonia. Bulgaria quickly overran most of Serbian Macedonia as well as parts of Serbia; in 1916 with German backing it entered Greece (Western Thrace and the hinterlands of Salonika).

After Romania surrendered to the Central Powers Bulgaria also recovered Southern Dobrudzha, which had been lost to Romania after the First Balkan War.

The Bulgarian advance to Greece was halted after British, French and Serbian troops landed in Salonika, while in the north Romania joined the Allies in 1916. Conditions at the front deteriorated rapidly and political support for the war eroded. The agrarians and socialist workers intensified their antiwar campaigns, and soldier committees were formed in the army.

A battle at Dobro Pole brought total retreat, and in ten days the Allies entered Bulgaria. On 29th September 1918 Bulgaria signed an armistice and withdrew from the war. The Treaty of Neuilly (November 1919) imposed by the Allies on Bulgaria, deprived the country of its World War I gains as well as its outlet to the Aegean Sea (Eastern Thrace).

2 Hungarian era (1940-1944)

The expression Hungarian era refers to the period between 30 August 1940 - 15 October 1944 in Transylvania. As a result of the Trianon peace treaties in 1920 the eastern part of Hungary (Maramures, Crisana, Banat, Transylvania) was annexed to Romania.

Two million inhabitants of Hungarian nationality came under Romanian rule. In the summer of 1940, under pressure from Berlin and Rome, the Romanian government agreed to return Northern Transylvania, where the majority of the Hungarians lived, to Hungary. The anti-Jewish laws introduced in 1938 and 1939 in Hungary were also applied in Northern Transylvania.

Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19th March 1944, Jews from Northern Transylvania were deported to and killed in concentration camps along with Jews from all over Hungary except for Budapest. Northern Transylvania belonged to Hungary until the fall of 1944, when the Soviet troops entered and introduced a regime of military administration that sustained local autonomy.

The military administration ended on 9th March 1945 when the Romanian administration was reintroduced in all the Western territories lost in 1940.

3 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army

The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system.

Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

4 10th May

national holiday in the Romanian Monarchy between 1866 and 1947. It comprised three major events of the establishment of the Romanian Monarchy and state-building: on 10th May 1866 the first Romanian King, Carol I of Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen swore on the Romanian laws; on 10th May 1877 it was also him who announced Romania’s independence; on 10th May 1881, after the Great Powers acknowledged Carol I as king, the Romanian Monarchy was proclaimed.

The greatest emphasis was laid on the celebration of 10th May under the rule of Carol I (1866-1914), the greatest festivities were organized in 1881 (in honor of the Monarchy’s proclamation) and in 1906, when they celebrated the 25th anniversary of the Monarchy’s proclamation and the 40th anniversary of Carol’s accession to the throne. The commemoration of 10th May was repealed in 1948, following the overthrow of the Romanian Monarchy in 1947.

5 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews.

Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities.

Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation.

The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

6 Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs.

The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions.

The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

7 Strohmann system

sometimes called the Aladar system; Jewish business owners were forced to take on Christian partners in their companies, giving them a stake in the business. Sometimes Christians would take on this role out of friendship and not for profits.

This system came into being because of the anti-Jewish laws, which strongly restricted the economic options of Jewish entrepreneurs. In accordance with this law, a number of Jewish business licenses were revoked and no new licenses were issued. The Strohmann system insured a degree of survival for some Jewish businesses for varying lengths of time.

8 23 August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich. The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies.

9 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime.

According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery.

More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc.

Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

10 Educational reform in Romania in 1948

Based on the new Romanian constitution, introduced in 1948, the 1948 ‘educational reform’ stated that public education is organized by the state only, and that public education is secular (this way the denominational and private schools were outlawed, and were soon nationalized), and at the same time it introduced compulsory and free elementary education for everyone.

According to the law it was compulsory to learn the Romanian language from the 1st grade, and in place of the French or Italian language the Russian language was introduced from the 4th grade. The compulsory elementary school became a 7-grade school, and was followed by a 4-grade high school.

According to the educational reform, ownership of school buildings, dormitories, canteens was transferred to the state, and the Ministry of Public Education became their administrant.

11 Radio Free Europe

Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block.

The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central European communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

12 Voice of America

International broadcasting service funded by the U.S. government through the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Voice of America has been broadcasting since 1942, initially to Europe in various European languages from the US on short wave. During the cold war it grew increasingly popular in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe as an information source.

13 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife.

A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Elza Fulop

Elza Fulop
Cluj Napoca
Romania
Interviewer: Emoke Major
Date of the interview: May 2004

Mrs. Elza Fulop is a short, slim person. Her face keeps the record of many years that didn’t go easy on her; at first sight, she seems a rough, grumpy individual.

However, when one starts talking to her, she turns out to be quite the opposite of that: she has a friendly and cheerful nature, and she possesses a faith in people that can be rarely seen these days, and an extraordinary will to live.

And these are things that cast a spell on the others – people always return to her place, and it is difficult to find a moment when she is all alone.

Her house is modest, but well arranged, capable of securing all the comforts a person needs, and the door is always open for guests.

Welcoming them begins every time with the ritual of preparing the coffee. When it is ready, it is served, and, in order for the delight to be complete, a few teaspoonfuls of ice cream can be added to the hot coffee. No wonder her place is always full!

Family Background

Unfortunately, I never met my paternal grandparents. When I was born, they weren’t alive anymore. But I know that they lived in Huedin until the end of their days and that they died at a rather early age.

My father, Moricz Fulop, came from a large family: with him included, there were three brothers and four sisters. They were all born in the town of Huedin. The boys, my father’s brothers, lived in Oradea. The oldest, Ichak Fulop, owned a kosher sausage and salami factory.

He was married to a woman named Sara and had four children: Erzsi, Iren, Margit and Zoltan. The boy, Zoltan, was the only one who survived World War II, after which he emigrated to Israel; it is there that his three children live today – they all have their own families and have already become grandparents.

The other brother of my father’s, Naci [Nathan] Fulop, owned a restaurant. I can’t remember his wife’s name, but I know they had a son who was married and worked as a clerk. The oldest sister, Regina Fulop, had two daughters – Lenke and Matild – and a son, Dezso. Lenke was married to Moricz Simon, who died before the deportations. The two of them had three children: Didus, Ocsi and Babu.

Another sister of my father’s, Eszter Fulop, was married to Jakab Marton; they didn’t have children. My mother and Eszter were first cousins. The other two sisters, Mari and Zali, were widows. Zali, the youngest of them, had been married twice, but both her husbands had died. All these people were killed during the Holocaust; all except Zoltan, Ichak’s son.

My father, Moricz Fulop, was born in the town of Huedin, in Cluj County, in 1873. His parents had a fairly satisfying material situation, so they could afford to provide their offspring, especially the boys, a good education, both religious and intellectual.

My father, like all his brothers, went to religious studies at a rabbinic institute in Czechoslovakia, in the city of Bratislava, which was called Pozsony at the time. That institute actually equaled college – it was considered a form of higher education.

So we could say that my father was an intellectual who had graduated from college. Apart from the religious studies, this institute also taught worldly sciences. My father lived in Huedin until he married my mother. Then they moved to Aghiresu.

My maternal grandparents were landowners and lived in a village called Nadasu, in the Cluj County. My grandfather, however, whose name was Avram [Abraham] Mandel, had been born in Cuzdrioara, in the Cluj County. My grandfather was a learned man too: he had studied a lot, mostly religion, but he was also cultivated. He was a very active and modern person, although Nadasu was a small village and there were only three Jewish families living there.

Back in those days, there were many Jewish beggars who came and went. Most of them were from Maramures, a region where Jews were very religious. Of course, they got to our village too, for being a beggar makes you resourceful and gets you anywhere.

My grandfather was very religious and it’s worth mentioning that he would keep those beggars for weeks, providing them with food and shelter. This way, he could have a religious service, as, with Jews, you need at least ten men [a so-called minyan] in order to hold such a service. This was done in the house – there was no temple, since the Jews were so few in the village, so they couldn’t afford a temple, and there were not enough people for it.

My grandfather had enough room for those beggars, whom he offered shelter, food, plus money. He could afford it. He kept all the necessary objects of cult in his house. He had prayer books. With Jews, it’s much easier than with Christians.

With Jews, a room and two candles, or even a single one, are all that’s required in order to recite the prayers. Of course, there are specific prayers, like in the Christian faith: the morning prayer, the afternoon prayer, the evening prayer, the prayer for the holidays, the Friday evening prayer, the Sabbath prayer.

Jews, especially those who are very religious and observe the real customs and rituals, have little respect for women when it comes to religion. Not one, not ten, not one hundred women can replace one man at the religious service. This is why my grandfather sheltered those beggars. Because of that, he had become famous in the entire country, and the word was out among the beggars: ‘Go there, for there they will give you everything you need.’

My grandfather was a hard-working, energetic and intelligent man. He had no tolerance for what he found inappropriate. We, the grandchildren, had to obey him. We had a lot of respect for him. He didn’t allow us to do what wasn’t right. Beside that, he had his principles, and we generally borrowed these principles: honor, honesty and especially respect for the elderly.

My grandmother, Sara Mandel, had been born somewhere in the vicinity of Bistrita – Lechinta, if I remember correctly. My grandfather was her second husband. All I know about her first was that he drowned trying to save somebody when the River Nadas flooded the village. It was after this incident that my grandmother married my grandfather. In fact, the estate had been inherited from the first husband.

Grandmother was an extraordinary woman; she was kind and intelligent. As she came from a region inhabited by Transylvanian 1 Germans, she had learned their language. Not only could she speak German, but she could also read and write, which constituted a very rare thing back in those days. As for my grandfather, he spoke his native tongue, Yiddish, and also Romanian, Hungarian and German. I owe most of my foreign language skills to them.

Every morning, my grandmother would pray for one hour using a large prayer book. She would sit on a chair and say the prayers that were supposed to be recited while standing. Everything she did, she did like a man.

My mother only had one sister, Roza, who was much older than she was, as Roza had been the first-born child, while my mother had been the last. All the other children died very young, so my mother only knew Aunt Roza. Out of eleven children, only the oldest and the youngest stayed alive.

My mother and Roza were only half-sisters actually, because the latter’s father was Grandmother’s first husband, not my grandfather. The age difference between the two sisters was of 12-13 years, which meant that, even when my mother was still a child, her sister was already married.

Roza’s husband was named Abraham Goldstein. The two of them lived in Izvorul Crisului and had four sons: David, Moricz, Vilmos and Zsiga. David was the oldest. He was a notary in Izvorul Crisului, had a large, beautiful house and a carriage with two horses. His wife, Malvin, came from the Somes region.

Moricz owned a store in Izvorul Crisului and wasn’t married. Vilmos and Zsiga left the country even before World War II – the former went to Cuba, the latter to some place in South America – and I never heard from them again. All the others were deported.

My mother, Maria Karolina Mandel, was born in Nadasu, in 1880. In the spirit of those times, she was raised to become honest, respectful, and not rude in any way. She inherited more from my grandfather, who was a rigid, determined and independent man.

At the age of 16, she was already an independent person herself. She knew what she wanted. She was pretty and rich, she didn’t lack anything, and she had a lot of suitors. She possessed the two qualities that were required by the suitors: she was both rich and beautiful; and she was also intelligent. In short, she had those things that any man would like to see in his wife.

I found out most of the things I know about my mother from my grandmother. It was my grandmother who told me most of the things I know about my mother, as she had five children and was too busy to tell us stories and make her autobiography. Like my grandmother used to say, my mother had four suitors in one single day. But, despite all of them, she chose the fifth, my father.

The Jewish religion, like other religions, allows for one to marry a relative. My mother and father were second cousins. My maternal grandmother and my paternal grandfather were first cousins. They had shared the same last name, Fulop, until my grandmother got married.

Of course, my grandfather was not very happy about this marriage, although it was not forbidden by the religious law. He wouldn’t have my mother marry a cousin. However, he didn’t object to my oldest sister’s marrying our cousin David, Aunt Roza’s oldest son. Anyway, my grandparents had little choice, and, of course, they gave their blessing to this marriage.

Neither my grandparents, nor my mother ever regretted this. It’s how they say: had she worn out a pair of iron boots wandering in search for the right man, she still wouldn’t have found a better husband than my father.

They lived a beautiful life together, in peace and understanding. They had five children: Bella, the oldest, Erno, Iren, Margit and myself, Elza, the last one. Hardships left aside, theirs was a successful marriage. And they both worked for that to happen.

Since my father was a tradesman, he worked for David Sebestyen, Grandfather Mandel’s brother; they traveled throughout the country, but finally settled in Aghiresu. This was a small industrial center: it had two plaster factories, a chalk factory, chalk was made of plaster, a power station that even supplied the city of Cluj, and coal mines. It is a large commune – they are now planning to turn it into a town – and the peasants are cultivated and civilized; they are not illiterate.

The Jewish community in Aghiresu was a significant one. There were about 30 Jewish families and most of them had children. There are none left at the present time. There used to be a synagogue, with all that was necessary.

We had a hakham, a president, a secretary and some members of the council. There was a religious service every morning, every evening, on Saturday and on Friday night. All the customs related to the Orthodox faith were observed in this small synagogue.

Rabbis were only to be found in cities. The closest one to us was Cluj and they would send us a rabbi, Glazner Achiba. He was roughly my father’s age. He was a very beautiful man who resembled the Christ from the paintings and icons of the Christian churches.

His beard and moustache were so black and his clothes were so neat and tidy, that the Christians respected him because he looked like Jesus. This rabbi thought so highly of my father, that he would often summon him to Cluj for certain religious studies and the two of them would discuss the explanation of the teachings.

These learned Jews master the Talmud – the Jewish higher science – which explains the Torah – the Ten Commandments – and all the other teachings. For each there is a chapter where different explanations are written.

My father was the kind of man who took up butchery at almost the age of 50. Him, an intellectual! Jews only eat the front part of an animal. The rear part is forbidden from consumption. Why is that? My father once explained to me that there are veins and arteries with blood and the Jews have to remove them, as they are not permitted to eat blood.

They can’t be removed from the rear, where there are more of them than in front. In order for the meat to be kosher, clean, ritually pure, these veins and arteries must be removed without damaging the meat. It requires a certain technique, and it is actually an occupation. Imagine that my father was able to learn it. He had two Hungarian associates who sold the meat from the rear part. And this is how we had a butcher’s shop.

Then we had a stone quarry in Nadasu, where my mother was born. All that was left from the estate was this quarry; its stone was good in constructions and for tombstones. We had a company, as they’re called today, with one employee who had been an apprentice and had learned to make tombstones.

He worked for Jews, for Romanians, for Hungarians. He was very industrious, his name was Sos, and he was a Hungarian from Huedin. The Hungarians there were called Tartars – they were said to be the successors of the Tartars who had invaded our country, which might have explained why most of them were so rough.

My father would carve the Hebrew inscriptions without wearing any glasses. We weren’t rich, but my father earned money and did everything he could so that we wouldn’t go short of anything.

Of my two parents, my mother was more energetic. She was kind, but did not tolerate any mistake. Of course, she punished the children the way a child’s mistakes should be punished – to the extent of his deeds, for an educational purpose, so that the child may remember the punishment.

My mother had this principle: the time for a child to acquire some qualities is the time when he is still very young and can be influenced. They say that the first seven years of one’s life, those years spent at home, are very important. And my mother cared about this.

Growing Up

Like all children, we had our little sins ourselves. But, half willingly, half out of fear, we had to get used to our mother’s ways, lest we should be punished. And I will always think of that with gratitude, for, without that sort of upbringing, I couldn’t have survived the things I had to go through in life.

Let’s take the table, for instance. There were seven of us plus the maid sitting at the table. Like any other child, or even adult, we were picky eaters – we didn’t like this or that. My mother would not have this kind of behavior.

When we refused to eat something, she didn’t scold us, but she took the food away from us: ‘That’s all right; you’re not eating now, but you’re going to eat tonight.’ If we still refused to eat at dinner, she’d go, ‘No problem, you’ll eat in the morning.’ This way, you can imagine that the next day we would finally eat, because we were too hungry not to. This is how we got used to the idea that, no matter what was laid on the table, we had to eat it.

There was only one exception: my sister, Iren, who was into this negative habit of not eating beef. My mother went to see our family doctor about this, we had a family doctor, and he told her not to force Iren to eat beef, because that was bad for her health.

The only thing he allowed her to eat from a veal or beef soup was the bone marrow. So she had been under pressure for a while, it hadn’t worked, and it wasn’t her fault. Of course, the rest of us envied her because rules didn’t apply to her. And she was very kind, or, in fact, very clever: she gave everyone of us a piece of the marrow, so that we wouldn’t be angry with her.

Thanks to these habits, I was able to eat anything when the rationing came and we were entitled to 100 grams of bread per day, not to mention the lack of other foods. There were robust people, strong men who died of starvation because they couldn’t eat that compulsory food. I, for one, could, and I can say that I owe my survival to this.

This sort of upbringing was based on a healthy principle, and I can say that I grew up a healthy person. I didn’t have children of my own, but I did raise children, and I applied this method myself. The result was that they were always grateful when they grew up.

As we were four sisters at home, clothes were passed from one to another. Four years separated me from my oldest sister. I was the youngest, so I always came last. And I kept praying to God to grow up so that my sisters’ things wouldn’t fit me anymore and I could have some clothes of my own.

That, I did, but not as many as my oldest sister, of course. The worst part was that my sisters were very pedantic and kept their clothes in a very good state, so it was considered a shame to spend money on new ones. We had to save money.

I must admit that we had a certain degree of freedom. My mother never prevented us from going to enjoy ourselves. And she didn’t accompany us all the time either. However, my brother, who was about 12 years older than I was, had to come with me.

My mother trusted us – these were her exact words: ‘I trust you...’ But it goes without saying that, before leaving us in charge of our lives, she gave us a lecture, so that we would know what to do. Each sister of mine got this lecture, and I was no exception.

What’s more, my mother was particularly thorough about it, given that I was the youngest of them all. It went like this: ‘I trust you because you’re an intelligent girl, and I’m telling you never to trust a boy, for boys tend to be liars when girls are involved. Just remember this: be careful not to put yourself in unpleasant situations, and you’ll keep yourself [pure].’

Of course, back then, times were different and manners were different from what they are now. And I can honestly say that, although I was brave and friendly, and most of my friends were boys, I never forgot my mother’s advice.

Thanks to what she taught me, I knew how to behave with boys and how to keep them at a safe distance. And I’m sure that few mothers could boast themselves with daughters who were as good-mannered and confident as we were. From this point of view, I can only praise my mother and her principles, and I assure you that I keep her memory alive even today.

We were a family that stuck together. As children, we did have our shortcomings, like any other children: sometimes we argued or fought. But there was always this sense of integrity, of togetherness, of love. We may have criticized one another, or fought one another, but, every time one of us was in danger, we would turn into beasts, like they say and we would defend one another.

In short, we were a model family, and we were respected not only by our relatives, but also by our neighbors, and – I dare say – by the entire village. We set an example by the way in which we had been raised.

My mother made sure we didn’t go soft. She used to say: ‘If you’re lucky to end up living a life of plenty – and luck is something a mother cannot give her children – you will have servants, so you should know how to run them. If you should spend your life in poverty – and this is something I cannot guarantee against – then you must be prepared, so that you won't find things too difficult and will be able to cope with hardships.’ This is why she had us do any kind of work.

Having a maid didn’t make any difference, as we had to do everything that she did: ‘The maid is no excuse for you to do nothing. The maid is just an aid to help me handle such a large family. And I consider her a member of this family.’ This is how my mother always treated maids, like they were part of the family. I can say that most of them stayed with us until the time they got married.

We had one named Nastasia, who came from a neighboring village, my mother’s native village, Nadasu. She spoke Hungarian too, because she had worked in a nearby village that was entirely inhabited by Hungarians. When she got married, I was about six years old.

I cried for one or two days, begging her not to get married. I was so naive, like any child. Until the day she died, she kept calling me ‘my girl.’ She would come to me after I was left alone in the world, bringing me all sorts of things, and we would cry together. This is how close she felt to me.

Last time I saw my mother was when we stood next to the freight cars. I respected her back then, and I will respect her and love her for as long as I live.

It would take me more than one lifetime to say enough about each of my sisters and my brother. I will try to render their most important qualities. My oldest sister, Bella, was born in Cluj, in 1900. She was kind-hearted, always ready to help those in need. We called her Belluci.

She went to high school in Cluj, where she lived with an aunt from my mother’s branch of the family. People said Uncle David Sebestyen, my grandfather’s brother, was the richest man in Cluj. It is in his house that my sister lived while she went to high school in Cluj. Since Bella was the oldest of the sisters and I was the youngest, I could say that most of my punishments were inflicted by her.

After graduating from high school, she moved to Dej. Before the war, her husband owned a hat factory; Bella ran the branch in Dej and her husband ran the one in Cluj. She was the only one who returned after the Holocaust. She was deported and went through terrible hardships. Poor her, she had kept her good humor, in a way that set an example for me, but her health had deteriorated in the camp.

We were deprived of everything during the Holocaust – houses, possessions. All we were left with were the things we were wearing. My sister had some friends of hers – who were Christians – store some of her things. They were very honest and kept those things for her until she returned, so we did have some basic items.

Since I was employed, I received a salary, which constituted a guarantee, an insurance, so I could afford a studio. In 1945, I got married, but it’s not worth speaking about this: we divorced shortly after. In her turn, my sister re-married, but her second try wasn’t luckier than the first: she divorced again. So, the two of us stayed together. I didn’t let her work anymore – I thought it was the right thing to do considering what she had gone through.

Between 1944 and 1963, we encountered serious difficulties, economical and of other nature, but we never regretted the fact that we supported each other. In fact, I wish those times came back, but, unfortunately, this is impossible; and I got used to this idea. She was like a second mother to me – maybe a better one.

This is what she always said: you are my child. I don’t think a real mother would have made as many sacrifices as she did for me. For instance, she would bring me food to the hospital every day. She died in 1963, poor her. She suffered from an incurable disease.

My brother, Erno, was born in Cheia, in 1902. He was a handsome boy. He went to school in Oradea, where he lived with one of my father’s brothers. After graduating, he returned home and worked as a clerk. There was this doctor, Ede Schnabel, who was in charge of the miners; my brother helped him with administrative work.

The doctor lived in Cluj, but had been assigned to work at the mines in Aghiresu. He was a good friend of my brother’s and he even ate at our place. My mother was a famous cook; she wasn’t just good – she was famous in the entire region. So the doctor said that, if she didn’t mind, he would very much like to eat with us. My mother said that where there is room for seven, there is also room for eight. So the doctor was like a new family member.

Erno was a gifted boy. He sang, he was esteemed, he looked good, he was the center of attention wherever he went, and he was single. He was a good man, and I remember he supported me when I was a child. But I did things for him too; when I grew up, at the age of 14-15, I began to iron his shirts. Back then, shirts were not made from synthetic fiber, but from poplin, which was a very sensitive fabric. For each shirt I would get 5 lei. That was a lot of money.

Then Erno married a widow from Dej who owned a store. She was a very nice woman and loved my brother a lot. As he was hard-working and intelligent, his wife wanted him to take over the store. He did such a good job running it, that the income doubled.

During the deportations, he was sent to forced labor in Germany. There he met a brother-in-law – his wife’s sister’s husband. The man was much more weakened than him. One day, the detachment had to go to work in another place, but this man couldn’t walk. So my brother tried to carry him.

He didn’t abandon him; this is how things went in my family – we liked to help one another. As a result, they were both shot to death. The sick did not receive any medical treatment; if they couldn’t walk, they were simply shot. My brother was killed too, because he was carrying a sick man in his arms.

I learned about this from his fellow-inmates who made it back. He died because he wanted to save another man. He died like a hero, only an unknown hero. And there were many others like him, who saved lives.

There was a colonel in Baia Mare named Reviczky. He was a short man with a great soul who treated the members of his forced labor detachment like human beings. He wasn’t even promoted afterwards. Most of those who returned moved to Israel, and they took this colonel there, they saved him and they made him rich.

My sister, Iren, was born in Baia Mare, in 1904. She was very intelligent. Like every one of us, she went to high school too, but she had something extra: she was a self-taught girl, she read all the time, she had an amazing general culture, and she spoke of things that were unknown even to college graduates.

And she owed all this exclusively to the books she read and to her ambition to know more. Had she lived in another environment, or had she had the material resources, she would have become at least a researcher, I think. She had a special personality. She resembled our mother, as she was determined and knew what she was doing. I respected her and her opinion weighed the most because of that remarkable inborn intelligence.

Poor her, she was unlucky in life: she married the wrong man. This is how fate had its revenge; my sister couldn’t live with a man who was far below her level. They simply didn’t manage to adjust to each other.

There was no room for argument, for she was very intelligent and told him, ‘Look, the two of us can’t get along, we don’t think alike, so why torture ourselves?’ He was rich and had everything he wanted, but he lacked the proper degree of intelligence. So they divorced. Then my sister moved to Cluj, where she lived with our sister, Margit. She got a job and she provided for herself.

Margit was born in Aghiresu, in 1908. She was a loving person and she was the frailest of us all, always ready to catch a disease. After she got married, she had a little baby boy and the whole family was watching over her. She married an employee from a store in Aghiresu, Jozsef Szinetar.

He was a hard-working and handsome man. He was sent to forced labor in Germany, but not to the same place where my brother was, and he died there. He sent us a standardized postcard: ‘I’m well, I’m in Walsee’, he had encrypted the name of the place. This is probably all they allowed them to write.

This young, robust boy was the same age as my oldest sister. He had been born on 31st December 1899, and she had been born on 2nd January 1900. We always made fun of that: they had been born only two days apart from each other, but in different years.

After she gave birth to her son, Margit became the strongest in our family. Her hands were very skilled. She learned the craft of tailoring from a very good lady tailor who lived in our commune. She was so good that, although no one had taught her – her ‘teacher’ was a women’s tailor – she was able to make men’s shirts and pants, underwear and overcoats.

My oldest sister took her to Dej, so that she may improve her skills with the best tailor in town. She spent a few months there and learned what she had to learn. Our family had a friend here in Cluj, a luxury tailor, and she also taught my sister a few things. Margit was the one who did all the sewing and tailoring our family needed.

Her little boy, Tibor, was the only nephew my sisters and brother had. You can imagine how much love he got from all of us! He wasn’t sure whom he loved most; was it his aunts, his mother, his father or his grandparents? However, his favorite was my father – at least this is what Tibor claimed.

At the age of 13, boys become members of the community. In Israel, girls celebrate this event too. The custom requires the child to hold a speech and say farewell to his childhood. So Tibor thanked his parents for raising him and, when he got to my father – even now, remembering this makes me cry – the poor child was overwhelmed with emotion: ‘As for you, Grandpa – we all used informal ways of addressing in our family – I don’t know how to say good-bye to you...’ And the child was unable to go on; he hugged his grandfather and they were both crying, and the whole audience was crying, there were many people present, because my mother had organized a feast.

This was Tibor. He didn’t try to flatter people; he just expressed his feelings as they were. He would come to us, kiss us, give us a hug, saying, ‘Oh, I love you so much!’, and he made sure everyone got an equal share of his love.

The boy was still in Aghiresu even when we were no longer there. He stayed with his grandparents and he went to elementary school there. We lived in the countryside, so we had hens, chickens, geese, dogs and the likes of them.

Tibor would stand in the courtyard and the chickens, geese and ducks would sit on his shoulder and on his head. He knew the names of every calf or cow our neighbors had, and he behaved no differently from those people when in their presence. The peasants loved him. If he was in the street and saw an elderly man, he would take his hand and help him get to the other side. He was an extraordinary child!

When he got older, his parents took him to Cluj. He was 15 when they deported him. He got to a place where he met a schoolmate of his from Aghiresu, who’s still alive today, in Israel, and a neighbor, who’s now in Israel too. When the order was given to exterminate the children, they took them to the gas chambers. This boy who survived hid in a furnace and got away. All the others died.

I, Elza Fulop, was born in Aghiresu, in 1922. I was always the best in my class at school. I went to elementary school in Aghiresu. Then I attended the junior high school in Huedin for four years. The school was for boys, and there wasn’t another one in town at the time, so I only went there for my exams. Finally, I went to high school in Cluj for four years.

After a while, towards the end of the 1920s, my grandfather decided to sell his estate and move to our village. Since Aunt Roza lived in Izvorul Crisului, and we lived in Aghiresu, my grandfather reached the conclusion that it was better for my grandmother and him to spend their old days next to their children and grandchildren. They didn’t live in our house, but they lived nearby.

My parents decided that I should spend most of my time living with my grandparents, since they lived alone and I was the youngest of the children. I was to go to school from there. At home, I still had sisters and one brother. Despite my being only a child, I agreed, because I was very fond of my grandmother.

I respected her and loved her, and today I can say that, during my entire life, I never loved anyone as much as I loved my grandmother. She was cultivated and wise, and had a number of qualities that I was never to find in anyone else.

For instance, with her, it was as if I didn’t have my own name – never did she call me by my name. Instead, she would say ‘my little soul’ or ‘my dear soul.’ But then again, I think anyone would have felt the same way, had they been in my shoes. Most of everything I know when it comes to wisdom, proverbs, household tips and cooking, I learned from my grandmother.

She taught me to how cook in the traditional way. Back then, the Jewish families, especially the older ones, mainly cooked traditional dishes. The Jewish law forbids eating pork. Dairy products must be separated from meat products. For instance, one cannot eat a dish prepared using cream and cheese and a dish containing meat from the same plate; once you put cheese in a plate, you can no longer put meat in it.

Generally speaking, the Jewish religion is very restrictive. But my opinion is that all these laws concerning food are actually based on hygiene. Back in the old days, people were primitive. The hot weather of the lands where Jews lived called for drastic hygiene measures – and what they needed was more bigotry and less explaining.

I believe that the learned used the Jewish faith in order to persuade the population to apply the rules of hygiene. I mean, think about it: they couldn’t store pork, because they didn’t have refrigerators. This is my explanation, and I remember how my father used to explain everything to us in the same way.

Take, for instance, the Easter holiday, Pesach, which celebrates the exodus from Egypt. In two evenings, the dinner ceremony lasts several hours and explanations are given as to why we eat bitter herbs and certain foods: in memory of the sufferings of this people, who, as far as I can see, has always suffered throughout history.

In my opinion, which is the opinion of a modern person who understands religion nonetheless, the meaning of the expression ‘the chosen people’ is that Jews were chosen by God to suffer more than any other people.

This people went through so many pains and miracles, that I doubt there is another people who has suffered quite as much as the Jews in the whole world. Yet, the Jews survived; all the terrors and sufferings were not enough to annihilate them. So many have tried so often to decimate them, to destroy them, to wipe them off the face of the Earth. But none succeeded, and the Jews are still standing.

This is why I think they were chosen – they were chosen to suffer. They couldn’t do more. Think of the Phoenicians, the Tartars and of many other nations or ethnic groups that no longer exist today. Where is Babylon, where are all those biblical places? They are gone. All we know about them is that they lived once.

I went to Israel, to America, and to other places, and I am interested in these things. I couldn’t think of any other people that was as humiliated and persecuted as the Jews were. In my life, I knew more suffering than happiness. Not to mention the others, for I may have suffered less than my parents and my kin. Take this as a personal opinion. This is the way I see things with my own eyes.

I’ve spoken about my grandmother and I think it was her who inspired me. I’m not sure I inherited all her wisdom, but I know that part of this wisdom remained within me. I got it from her – I mean, she planted this wisdom into my soul. I feel so excited when I speak about my grandmother! I can see her right before me – she was so tender and so patient...

Even before I could reach the kitchen table standing on my own feet, I had to stand on a chair, as I wasn’t tall enough yet; she taught me how to make a cake, how to knead the dough with my own little hands. She had a lot of patience.

And this is something that makes me think she was very wise – having patience with a seven- to nine-year-old, explaining everything to me like I was ten or twelve is definitely a sign of wisdom! By the age of seven or eight, I already knew the things a ten- to twelve-year-old knows.

Since then, not a day went by that didn’t remind me of her, even through the smallest things. I felt I was being watched upon, especially by my grandmother. My grandfather hadn’t enough time and, besides, he was a man and had other things to deal with – family matters and a man’s businesses. But my grandmother had more time to spare.

Let me give you just an example of her love that will let you figure out the rest. Every week, my grandmother had some poultry slaughtered. Of course, she didn’t do the slaughtering herself, but she assigned the hakham to do it, he was called shochet; this man was the only one who was allowed to slaughter animals. He had gone through special training to learn how to do that, and this was his job in a community.

Jews can’t eat anything: game is forbidden, most wild birds are forbidden, except for the pigeon, and rabbits are forbidden, domestic and wild alike. They can eat hens, chickens, geese, ducks, pigeons, veal and beef. The rest is forbidden.

So my grandmother had a chicken slaughtered every week. How did she know it was kosher? Jewish foods are referred to as kosher, which means clean of any impurity. She would take the gullet out of the throat and, if it had the slightest impurity, the poultry was no good. It wasn’t kosher anymore.

My mother and my grandmother always gave it to our neighbors in exchange for a live bird, or even for free, if the neighbors were poor. I remember one of them, Ana, who couldn’t wait for something to turn out not to be kosher. It was a real bargain to change a skinny goose for a stuffed one. This is how strict my grandmother and my parents were when it came to tradition.

Then, after my grandmother had done all the preparations, she would take the chicken’s liver and fry it for me in a little pan. She would add onion and pepper and cooked this as if it was a steak. This liver was my lunch when I came back from school. She knew how much I loved liver. And she kept it just for me. That alone was my Friday meal: liver and fresh bread, they would bake bread every week.

In the house where I grew up, the habit was to have a rather frugal lunch on Friday, usually only appetizers. Sometimes I got lucky, and the liver was larger than usual. I used to pray to God to make that liver as large and tasty as possible. My grandmother was so fond of me that no one was allowed to touch that liver – not even herself or my grandfather.

My poor grandparents, they probably have no peace in the grave, because I mention them too often. Jews are forbidden to visit the graves of their dead on Saturday – they say it’s a holiday and the dead must be allowed to rest.

Both my grandparents were in good health and they lived to celebrate their golden wedding. My grandmother was 92 when she died, in 1935. My grandfather died one week ahead of her. They are buried next to each other – Jews are forbidden to bury more than one person in a grave. Their resting place is in Aghiresu.

My grandmother died in my hands – this is how it happened. But, mind you, I wasn’t afraid. It was then that I saw a dead person for the first time. She remained conscious till the last second. In her last moment, she told me, ‘My dear little soul, I’m dying...’ And she passed away that instant.

Like I said, that was the first dead I had ever seen in my life, but I wasn’t afraid. Maybe this is what made me choose my profession, as it seemed I was inclined to looking after the sick. I noticed how happy a sick man is when there is someone next to him to give him love. It’s something that can’t be put into words and can be fully understood only by one who has experienced it.

Let’s change the subject now. My father was fond of fishing and all the Jews in our village ate fish on Friday evening thanks to him. My brother had gone to school, to Oradea, so I had to accompany my father when he went fishing, since I was the youngest child.

I used to take fish for Friday evening to every Jewish family. I was very happy because, this way, I had my own income! Of course, everyone gave me something: a coin, or a cake, or some candy. So I would get rich on Friday evening

Judaism

Friday was the day for cleaning and that was the rule. Even the laziest wives would clean their house for Saturday. All the family bathed and put on clean clothes and underwear before the Sabbath. Everybody did that, regardless of their material situation – those who didn’t have a tub would use a wash basin. No one could sit at the Friday night table unless they were clean and had changed their clothes. This was the law, and it was more compelling than a court decision.

For Jews, Friday night after sunset is the most religious moment of the week. Women light candles and men go to the synagogue. My father would bless us all when he left for the synagogue and when he returned. And he said good-bye to our mother. He would put the handkerchief on our heads and say a prayer. Then he would kiss us and leave. These were great traditions and, even if one doesn’t observe them any longer, one can never forget them.

The appetizer on Friday night was fish. It was cooked with vegetables, just like the meat jelly, and spices. After the fish, my father would have a strong drink – when we grew up, we were allowed to do that too – then he would say the Friday evening prayer.

After that, we had chicken soup, boiled meat with a sort of farfel, it was called farfelakh, made of roasted pastries. For desert, we had either cakes or compote. My father and grandfather had a glass of wine or of spritzer. We, the children, drank what was allowed: straight soda or soda with syrup. This is what a religious Jew’s ritual Friday dinner generally comprised.

On Friday night, after the holiday had started, even tearing a piece of paper was forbidden. It was supposed to be a real resting day, like Sunday is for Christians. For instance, in the morning, when you wake up, you can’t make more than three steps without washing your hands. You can’t put anything in your mouth until you have brushed your teeth.

This is why I said religion is based on hygiene. I figured this out knowing what I know from my job. You may not have a glass of water until you have washed your mouth. You may not touch the bread until you have washed your hands. This washing had its own ritual: you grabbed a jug and poured water three times on each hand, and then you wiped them.

At a Jewish funeral too, there is a bucket of water with glasses or cups that people use to wash their hands as they leave. I think this religious ritual was intended to make people learn the rules of hygiene. And I could give you many other examples.

We don’t eat blood – it’s forbidden. The meat is kept in water for half an hour, and then in salt for an hour. After that, it is washed using three or four loads of water. Every piece of meat must be washed nine times once it’s removed from the salt.

Such rituals can only make you wonder. For instance, if something melts on the stove, it must be washed away. If it’s milk, one has to wash the stove thoroughly before putting other foods there – this is the religious law. Now tell me, doesn’t this make you wonder? It’s all about hygiene.

On Saturday, Jews eat a special dish called chulent. It is put inside the oven in a heatproof pot on Friday night, before the holiday starts. Jews who lived in villages, where there weren’t any bakers, used to prepare it at home; those who lived in towns took the pot to the baker’s. It contains a mixture of beans – white or striped – barley and goose meat or veal or beef cooked with goose fat. Nowadays, they use oil; but back then, oil was only used for certain foods, such as fried dough. For the rest, they used goose fat.

My mother, for instance, would stuff 40-50 geese with food, and she used their fat, like Christians do. The goose’s back and thighs were smoked and they tasted more delicious than the best bacon. I know the difference now, because I eat anything these days.

Then, there was a sort of cake that was prepared in a small pot. It contained the goose’s neck, an egg or two – depending on the size of the family – corn flower, sugar and pepper, and it was put in the chulent pot. This cake was called kugel.

A co-worker of mine who’s a doctor remembers eating such a cake at a Jewish family in his childhood. So the cake is put amidst the beans, then the pot is filled with water and is inserted in the already heated oven. The door is closed hermetically. The pot is removed the next day.

The chulent can end up dry or juicy – you never know. But in both cases, it can be a success. This is why they say ‘as successful as chulent.’ This is an interesting Jewish tradition. Many Christians know how to cook it and they enjoy it.

Aghiresu was what they called a ‘streng’ kosher village. ‘Streng’ means strict, by the book. This is how they say in German, ‘streng kosher.’ This was a line that couldn’t be crossed. Apart from that, we were allowed to go to balls, dance, and do all the things normal people do. But the laws related to food, drinks, prayers and the likes had to be obeyed literally. This is how things went. On Saturday, we weren’t even allowed to tear a piece of paper or to light the fire.

As a child, I was a bit… crazy. I’m not saying that I didn’t behave myself, but I was very frisky, more than a boy. I liked to climb trees and I only enjoyed playing with the peasants’ boys. I didn’t like girls – I thought they were too chicken.

Actually, I was more like a boy. My parents had expected their sixth child to be a boy, and I disappointed them by being born a girl. But I behaved like a boy, and that should have been some compensation for them… And, by God, I used to do the wildest things!

We had a large orchard. I loved apples and plums that were still green. But I wasn’t allowed to pick them, and I didn’t want to break the rules, as I was a religious child. However, I wanted that fruit so much! So guess what I did! I came up with a trick. I climbed the tree with no fear – I exercise even today – and with a clear conscience, for no one had specifically forbidden me to do that.

Then I reached for the branches, pulled them close to me – they bent easily – and grabbed the fruit with my mouth. So, technically, I didn’t pick the fruit – I just ate it. And that was no sin, because we were allowed to eat on Saturday. This was my first innovation, as far as I remember. I played with religion too.

On Saturday night, when the day was almost over – this was a symbolic moment – my father used a special glass to pray, the same that he used on Friday evening too. It was a silver glass that we, the children, had bought him for his silver wedding. It had a monogram, an inscription, and it was gilded on the inside.

A special, plaited candle was used on Saturday night, which was called Havdalah in Hebrew. It was held by the youngest member of the family or by a boy – if there was any. When my brother was away, I was the one who held it. Holding the glass of wine in his hand and with all of us gathered around him, my father said the prayer that marked the end of the holiday.

We, the Jews, have a different prayer for bread, for water and for many other things. My sisters, my brother and I all knew these prayers. So everyone gathered around the candle and said the prayer which sounded like a blessing: from that moment on, we were once again allowed to do what had been forbidden, because the holiday was over. That’s a very interesting symbol.

I also have a Christian religious culture, as I liked finding out things about other religions than my own. It was my father who taught us Judaism. I said taught, because we never did anything automatically. We didn’t speak Hebrew – it was a very difficult language – but my father translated it for us.

Before making us do something, he would explain it to us. He was so wise that he wouldn’t have us grow up doing things automatically, like cattle. He thought we should know why we were doing this or that. This is how I learned all these things.

My father wasn’t a bigot. The Jewish faith has its own fanatics, just like the Christian one – people who are all about religion, miracles, fasting and the likes. My father was a cultivated man and he was religious in the sense that he observed the traditions. But one could discuss literature and sciences with him. He read.

We had a newspaper in our house every day. We got the newspapers and magazines of the time. There was a Hungarian magazine called Tolnai Vilaglap which had articles about artists and the cultural life. What I’m trying to say is that we were also connected to the cultural, international life – we weren’t confined to the Jewish traditions only.

We learned to sing. Of all the things that could be done in the countryside, we didn’t miss one. My father knew how to draw the line between the social life and the religious life. We acquired a general culture. My parents wanted us to learn how to behave in society.

For instance, we had to use a knife and a fork at table. Every child had his own cup, plate and covers. We weren’t allowed to drink from someone else’s cup. This is general culture, don’t you agree? Peasants just place a jug or a cup and they all drink water from it. And this isn’t right: out of five children, one may suffer, God forbid, from tuberculosis or some other contagious disease, and they may all get sick.

My life unfolded like any youngster’s life: with its ups and downs; I had my share of love and of hardships. I got engaged in 1939. He was such a handsome lad, that any girl of my age would have fallen for him. I didn’t have enough experience to seek his inner qualities; I was blinded by the exterior.

So he was handsome, and I was inexperienced, and I was very much in love with him. But I was in for a big disappointment, so I had to break the engagement. What I learned from that was never to say what you shouldn’t say; it’s better to keep your mouth shut, and, whatever you do, you mustn’t lie.

My sisters and brother got married, so I remained the only one who didn’t have a spouse. I stayed home for a while, but I got tired of a housewife’s life and decided to build a future for myself. My mother didn’t approve of my going to work for at a hospital. She was afraid I would become immoral. Back then, rumor had it all the nurses were hooked up with the doctors, so they were safe in case something unwanted happened… It’s no wonder my mother was afraid.

But I gained a different reputation. Doctors would say to one another: ‘The little one will never fall for that.’ I was a savage creature, because, you know, I had been raised like that. It’s not that I didn’t understand those things. I didn’t condemn anybody, but I stuck to what I had learned: a girl is allowed to give in to a man only if they get married. I repeat, this is how I was raised.

Nowadays, the civilized word for concubines is ‘friends.’ Back then, ‘friend’ had its real meaning for us. I had so many male friends that I lost count! They loved me so much! Perhaps some of them loved me not just as a friend, but I knew how to handle them. I never offended them and I never lost their friendship – but I knew where to draw the line.

Should I have met the right boy while I was still living at home, I may have slipped into sin. But no one I met tried to lure me into that direction, although I was in love, like any other girl. I never got to that level – my upbringing held me back. I cared so much about my parents and their righteousness that I didn’t want to upset them like that.

Apart from this, I did everything a Christian or a modern person did – dancing at balls, letting boys put their arms around my waist as we walked etc. In fact, let me put it in more civilized terms: I simply observed the dogma requiring that a girl keep herself pure until she gets married.

In 1940, I went to Cluj. For a while, my mother was unaware that I had got a job there. My sisters supported me. The oldest one told me she would provide me with board and lodging. Next to the Jewish Hospital, where I worked, there was a school for nurses that was attended by girls from respectable families. I went there for two years.

After that, I attended various trainings and schools. I studied psychology and resuscitation techniques; I worked in several medical specializations, including surgery. I attended the course for chief medical assistants and reached the highest level of my career. You see, we too had a hierarchy: paramedic, nurse, medical assistant, and chief medical assistant. And I went through all these stages.

The name of the hospital was the ‘Jewish Public Hospital David Sebestyen & Wife.’ It had been founded by my grandfather’s brother, who was a very wealthy man. The doctors were all Jewish, but the supporting staff – the cook, the cleaning ladies – was Christian.

So were some of the paramedics too. Jewish doctors were not allowed to work in State clinics, so they came to our hospital. Similarly, Jewish medical students came here for their internships, as the other hospitals turned them down. As far as the patients were concerned, the hospital made no discrimination – Christians were admitted too.

The manager was my uncle’s niece’s husband, which made me the cousin of the manager’s wife. But I kept this a secret, because I wanted to succeed thanks to my skills, not to my family ties. I had my pride. Many years later, when I finally did tell the manager this secret, he looked surprised as to why I hadn’t turned this to my advantage. Well, I didn’t have to. I worked very hard to meet the job requirements, I studied a lot, and I succeeded. I was regarded as one of the best employees.

What made me choose this career was my feeling attached to the sick people. The results were obvious. The sick would become very attached to me. A psychological bond would develop between us and, in most cases, I also did psychotherapy. This is how I did my job. I felt very close to it, and I didn’t do it out of obligation, but willingly.

I saw my occupation as a pleasure, not a burden. We didn’t work eight hours per day, but twelve. We had to work twelve hours out of 24 and we only had half a day off every week. But I didn’t find it too difficult, because the hospital had become my second home.

Early Persecution

I worked there from 1940 until 1944. Meanwhile, the racial persecutions began; certain laws [see anti-Jewish laws in Hungary] 2 had already been passed by the beginning of the year 1944. The Jews were being encircled. They lost some of their freedoms and started to be separated by laws from the rest of the population.

We were soon referred to as Jews, not Hungarian citizens – this happened during the occupation of Northern Transylvania 3. We were forced to wear a yellow star 4 that had to distinguish us from the majority population. We, those from the hospital, had to wear the white gown even in the street. It had a big [red] cross on it, and a yellow star, so that people would recognize us and there would be no chance for us to escape. The entire Jewish population was forced to wear the star.

But this, and other petty or serious insults, was only the beginning. They considered us outcasts that the country could well do without. Words cannot truly express how humiliated we actually felt. It wasn’t degrading only for the Jews, but for the entire human race... They simply didn’t consider us human beings anymore.

I couldn’t say this applied to the whole population. There were indeed some honest and fair people who were revolted by the attitude of the government. And I can give clear examples. We used to have a Hungarian neighbor back home who was known to be rather chauvinistic.

This man came from Aghiresu, looked for me at the hospital, let me know he had kept some of my parents’ domestic items, and assured me they would be safely stored with him. Back then, this incident gave me the courage to believe there were still human beings in the world.

In the old village, my parents were generally very popular. When the Legionary movement began 5, regional support movements were organized in our area too, even before 1940. The very leader of the local movement said he would evict all the Jews of the village and kill them, all except my father, who had always been humane and honest. I had to mention this because I wanted to emphasize who my parents and my entire family were. And in case you wonder why my voice shivers, well, you know, it doesn’t feel good to remember these things.

Of course, what came afterwards cannot be compared to the Legionary movement. The Legionaries didn’t have the guts to resort to really dangerous deeds. But they were the beginning of the sufferings of an innocent people. I’m not saying there were no sinners among the Jews.

Any people is made up of several kinds of men: good, evil, sinful and so on and so forth. But Jews were always used as a weapon against one’s enemy. They were always at the middle – the guiltiest of all peoples. This is why many innocent people have suffered and will suffer, if you look at things as a whole.

Occupation

I never liked this point of view. For instance, I met a German soldier who knew I was Jewish. He came to the hospital courtyard with the other troops, when the invasion began and the Germans arrived. This German soldier would accompany me to my sister’s place at night, in order to protect me...

In May they began to deport us to the ghetto, which was on Chintaului Street, in a former bricks factory. They sent there all the Jews who were to be taken out of the country. Of course, after the persecutions began and they drove the Jews out of their homes and deported them, they sealed all the Jewish houses. The Jewish possessions that could be rescued were brought to the hospital’s synagogue. Many things were gathered there.

Since we’re at it, I would like to mention that, after the liberation, I found there a kilim table cloth that had been embroidered by my sister. After the liberation, we didn’t have anything.

Those who returned to their devastated homes were allowed to choose a number of necessaries from among the things stored in the synagogue. It was then that I discovered that table cloth made by the hand of my sister, Bella. I cannot put into words the way I felt when I discovered that table cloth. These are emotions that simply cannot be expressed...

Difficult times would follow for us. We had people who were seriously ill. For instance, my first cousin, Zoltan Fulop, got sick before the deportation and I had to hospitalize him. He had two children back then, and his wife was in her eighth month of pregnancy. He suffered from melena – a perforated ulcer, to be more precise. This is how he escaped the deportation. We had many sick people in the hospital that couldn’t be transported. They were our salvation.

After the Fascist regime came to power, all the people we knew were deported. So we were waiting, all prepared and packed up, for our turn to come. According to the plan, the Jewish employees of the hospital were the last to be deported. But they transferred some of us to the former epidemic hospital, whose patients could not be transported.

They had us work without any payment, with a ration of 100 grams of bread per day. It was forced labor, but our situation was a lot better than the one of those who had been forced inside freight cars together with some other 50-60 souls, with children and sick people that could be transported. We went on waiting for the day of our deportation to come too.

In the years of the Hungarian occupation, our hospital was taken over by the Hungarian Railways Company [MAV], but some of us still remained to work there. The new manager, who’s not among the living anymore, poor man, was a very decent and simple man.

As far as I know, he didn’t have any family. Most of us had already been transferred, but the administration personnel had stayed behind to help this manager, who was so humane that he ordered that the Jewish employees be treated just like any other employee.

Unfortunately, the rest of us, at the epidemic hospital, belonged to no one. Whenever an inspection came, no one bothered to ask us anything. Life wasn’t easy, but, compared to what others went through, I can say that we were somewhat spared.

The Hungarian law enforcement had a police doctor named Konczwald. He was a special man. All of us who had been transferred were under his command. There were three Jewish doctors among us; they were elderly men – the other Jewish doctors had been sent to forced labor. This police doctor was so humane, that someone quite like him would be hard to find even today.

What happened to us was a miracle. The few of us – about twenty people – who had been left behind [of the hospital’s staff] escaped deportation solely thanks to this doctor, who couldn’t stand the inhumanity of what was going on. He had to watch us and deliver us to the authorities in charge of deporting the Jews to the ghetto when our turn came. Well, this doctor from the Hungarian police, who was supposed to have no mercy and to make our days a living hell, was the one who saved us.

He submitted a report to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, stating that there were patients who couldn’t be transported and that the staff of the hospital, the Hungarian, Christian staff, was outnumbered and couldn’t cope with the situation.

So he asked the Ministry to issue an order that would allow them to keep us [the Jewish staff] there, under a severe program of forced labor. This is how we stayed alive until the liberation. Of course, it wasn’t easy for us. We were forced to wear a yellow star and a red cross, and to walk the streets dressed in our gowns.

The ghetto was established at the bricks factory. Those were open buildings that only offered protection from the rain. Apart from that, it was as if they were staying in the open air; they were vulnerable to all the other changes in weather, for they had a roof, but no walls. However, there were volunteers who carried food to the ghetto – Christian people with a soul. We, the staff of the hospital, would bring milk for the children in the ghetto.

The first time I saw my father in the ghetto I had a shock that still reverberates today, I think. My father, a religious man who hadn’t done anything wrong, but had always been everything a righteous man should be, was now in the ghetto. ‘Where is God?’ I asked myself.

That moment altered all my faith and trust. How was that possible? Why was such a tragedy happening to a man like my father? And he wasn’t the only religious man in there. How could they all be condemned to suffer like that? How could they all be treated like animals, which only need food in order to survive? How the representatives of the authorities treated them cannot be described! However, even among those despicable creatures, there were some who made things easier for the Jews, if only just a little bit.

I once walked inside the headquarters of the Hungarian police. They were so surprised to see my yellow star that they even forgot to kick me out. I went to ask for the permission to move a sick man to our hospital, and I had the guts to take my request before the commanding officer.

This is why I went to the police. My courage simply baffled them. But they didn’t do anything to me. I think that what surprised them was to see that there were still Jews walking around freely. It appears to me that one of them even said, ‘Do these people still exist?’

I avoided walking the streets, because I didn’t want to expose myself to insults. But I was once out and I had to cross a lady who was having a walk with an officer. Seeing me, the lady said in Hungarian, ‘Do we still have some of these?’ It was as if she referred to a special kind of animal. The officer blushed, grabbed her hand and objected, ‘How can you say that? They’re human beings.’ This is exactly how it happened. Imagine that: an elegant, nicely-dressed woman!

What I know from my experience is that women are generally meaner than men, and I’m not afraid to say that, even though I am a woman myself. When a woman is mean, she is much meaner than a man. I could go on and on about my sufferings. But remember that the thing that made me suffer most was the humiliation. They simply didn’t think we were human beings. They regarded us as yoked animals. One has to live with the taste of this humiliation their entire life.

There was a very limited category of Jews who received a special treatment. It comprised the war veterans and the Jews with certain scientific merits. Of course one’s merits had to be very high in order to fit the category.

These Jews were not deported, but they were relocated from the countryside to the towns, or suffered some other form of persecution. They were called ‘kivetelezett zsido,’ meaning Jews with exception 6. Very few were those chosen ones who were exempt from deportation.

There were others who fled to Switzerland, a few Jewish leaders whom Switzerland accepted – being a neutral country, Fascists could not go there. There was this Jewish journalist here in Cluj, Rezso Kasztner 7 was his name.

He had connections within the Gestapo that went all the way to the top of the hierarchy – he had a schoolmate or a friend who served there. He arranged – in exchange for a lot of money, of course – for a few Jewish families to leave for Switzerland [with the Kasztner Group] 8.

I met him in person – he was the youngest of four brothers and had an aunt who lived in Aghiresu. This is how I got to meet him. He worked for the Hungarian-speaking newspaper Uj Kelet 9, founded in Israel. He did save a number of Jews, but most people were mad at him.

Of course, he had put at the top of his list his mother, who was a widow, and one of his brothers, the other two were already in Israel. However, he never got to save his aunt and cousins in Aghiresu, for they had already been deported.

Few of those who made an escape to Switzerland returned home. Most of them left to other countries or to Israel, like the ones this boy had saved. Eventually, Kasztner got to Israel too, where he was shot by a Jew in the middle of the street. This is how he died... They were mad at him, despite the fact that he had tried to do a good thing...

Life is very strange, and what often matters is the point of view from which we look at a situation. But I also know people who were saved without being well-off at all. Among those who were saved there were both rich people and ordinary people. Nevertheless, one couldn’t save the entire Jewry...

This is what I say to myself when I think of Kasztner, who was a very intelligent boy. Before 1940, there was this Peasants’ Party leader – not Maniu, but the one who came right after him in command – and this man particularly enjoyed talking with Kasztner.

In fact, Kasztner was his favorite, and one mustn’t forget that this party was not the Jews’ best friend. And there was also a Legionary leader who liked this boy. And, being a journalist, he had access anywhere, and this is how he made contact with that Hungarian official. Every man wants to save his skin – we can’t be all heroes. We’re common people, and we have our fears and our flaws. We can’t be all genii and scientists – someone has to work down here. We all do what we can.

Anyway, in 24 hours, I lost all my beloveds. I didn’t see them again until after the liberation. I didn’t know what had become of them, whether they were dead or alive. I didn’t know anything. I once got a postcard from my brother-in-law, who was to die there. It read: ‘Dear Elza, we’re in Walsee – he had encrypted the name of the place – we’re fine, and I hope you’re fine.’ That was all – it was probably as much as they had allowed them to write. This is the only piece of news I ever got until the liberation.

My sisters, Iren and Margit, happened to be taken to the same camp. My oldest sister got to another place. Bella was very resourceful and became one of the favorite inmates of the camp’s leaders, because she was hard-working and cheerful. Her privileges included the permission to go to the kitchen and eat the food there, which was thicker than what the people in the camp got. Because she played her cards right, she was able to save many. But she couldn’t save our sisters.

I saved people too, but not from my family. This is the irony of fate. When in Israel, I was very surprised to meet people who would call my name in the middle of the street – I felt embarrassed because of all that gratitude. And it surprised me because people are ungrateful in general – I’ve had my share of such episodes involving ingratitude.

I was told about Iren and Margit by a girl from Nadasu who had been deported to the same camp with them and had returned. There was this ship that was supposed to carry girls for labor to one of the Baltic countries – Estonia or Latvia, I’m not sure.

Germany had ties with these countries, and whoever volunteered to leave the camp and go there was sent there. My sisters, this girl told me, thought things would be easier over there, so they boarded, the poor them. Well, the ship ended up just like the Titanic [it sank].

There was another ship, the Struma 10, which left Romania and headed for Israel. I don’t know what went wrong, but they were stuck in the middle of the Black Sea. No harbor allowed them to disembark, no country would have them, so they died of starvation on board. A cousin of mine from Bucharest died on that ship. The passengers were all private individuals who had paid for the ship, and the crew was Greek.

When the war was at its peak, the city of Cluj was bombed [on 2nd June 1944]. On the spot where the ambulance service is now, close to the station, there used to be a Reformed church.

A bomb fell there. There were no victims, but the building was destroyed. It was rebuilt, then nationalized 11, and, eventually, it became the headquarters of the ambulance service. The bridge on Horea St. was bombed too, and traffic across the River Somes was blocked. Those bombs were called ‘Stalin’s light’ – ‘Sztálingyertya’ in Hungarian [Stalin’s candle]. They called them like that because they spread light. A bomb fell in our courtyard too, but it didn’t damage anything.

Liberation and Post-War

The 3rd of May was the day of the liberation. [Editor’s note: The liberation of Cluj Napoca was in October 1944.] Shootings were in progress; there was a lot of fighting before the city of Cluj fell. We couldn’t see anything, because we were isolated from the world. After the Russians came, we were reinstated in the old hospital. They needed us and they brought us back so that we could be together.

Changes could be sensed almost immediately. A normal life began for everybody, a new era was born, and people were glad because, finally, their lives were no longer in danger. Of course, the change was significant – we were once again considered human beings. We all kept our jobs, began to receive salaries like any other, and were eager to fit into society. It took us some time to get used to being human again.

So I was working at the Jewish Hospital again. I gave a hand at the storing place where all those items had been gathered and were now distributed. For a while, I worked with Dr. Varso, who was a famous dentist and fixed everybody’s teeth for free. I came into contact with a lot of men who came by the hospital, and most of them were young and probably orphans.

Now, I was neither ugly, nor pretty, and I had my strong points and my weak points. But, believe me – this is no exaggeration – I must have got at least one hundred marriage proposals! Out of the one hundred men who had proposed, I picked the one hundred and first, who was the one I shouldn’t have married.

I made a mistake and I married the wrong guy. But these are things you can’t control. I had fallen in love with him. He was quite the opposite of my former fiancé – he wasn’t handsome, but he was solidly built. I didn’t like short, skinny men, because I am short and skinny myself.

I got married in 1945. My husband was named Andor Braun and he had been born in Cluj, in 1918. During the deportations, he had been sent to forced labor, I believe it was somewhere in the countryside. He was a cultivated and intelligent boy. One could clearly see he was a good man.

But he did what he wasn’t supposed to do. And it was then that I said to myself: that’s it, no more trying for me! You know what the peasants say: he, who is unlucky at day, is equally unlucky at night. We divorced. He died a few years after.

So I had decided to stop trying to find someone. Things just didn’t seem to work out for me. I thought that, since I couldn’t be a spinster anymore, and my decision wouldn’t harm anyone, there was no problem if I didn’t remarry.

So I had to fight the hardships of life all by myself or almost. I had good friends and I had relatives. Now I have no relative here anymore – those who didn’t die left the country. Life hardened me.

Gradually, I came to a stage where I wasn’t afraid of anything anymore. I tried to stay honest, and, generally speaking, I didn’t hurt anyone deliberately. Of course, I made plenty of mistakes, but so did anybody else – we’re not supernatural creatures, and I am not an extraordinary human being. I feel superior to no one. I always felt responsible for my acts, and this is how I went through life.

The nationalization came, and the Jewish Hospital became the Polyclinic no.1 on Berthelot Street. Back then, it was the only polyclinic in the city, apart from that of the Romanian Railways Company. After three years, I was appointed chief medical assistant. Previously, I had to pass some exams.

A nurse could be promoted to medical assistant. A nurse with a high school degree could be promoted even higher in the hierarchy. I did have a high school degree, but I had to pass an exam to catch up. A commission was formed with the support of the nurses’ syndicate, and there I was. I became chief medical assistant.

The polyclinic was huge. Being the only one in the city, the flow of patients was very high. There were medical facilities for various specializations distributed on three floors, and I was in charge of 30-35 people. It wasn’t easy at all, but I tried to cope with it. I worked twelve hours a day and my only spare day was Sunday. I liked order and cleanliness and I insisted on these things.

The average flow of patients was of 50-60 people in eight hours for a single facility. Each facility had two doctors. One was on duty in the morning, the other in the afternoon. Each of them spent about six hours there. Double the number of patients and you get over 100 people for a single facility.

And there were three floors of them. So you realize there was a lot of cleaning to do for the poor them [the cleaning ladies]. Before the second shift started, there was a break, and all the facilities had to be cleaned. I specifically insisted that the toilets be always kept in perfect condition.

The syndicate held some elections and they proposed me as secretary of the block syndicate. This ‘block’ consisted of the Polyclinic no.1, the 3rd Medical Clinic, the Orthopedic Clinic, the Stanca Hospital – 2nd Gynecology – and the medical facilities of the enterprises located in that part of the city. The other block comprised the Epidemic Hospital and the Neuropsychiatry Clinic. It was an open vote election, and two of the cleaning ladies didn’t raise their hand for ‘yes.’ They didn’t vote against me, they just didn’t vote.

The chairman of the meeting had to ask them what they had against Comrade Fulop, to which the braver one of them replied, ‘Well, it’s nothing personal. We think she’s a great lady. She shares everything with us, lets us take time off, so we can’t complain about that. But she never stops bugging us about the toilets.’ The whole audience burst out laughing and couldn’t be stopped.

That was my great flaw: I insisted that the toilets be clean. The woman had spoken her mind, and then she was afraid I would get even. But I told her: ‘Don’t be afraid. In a way, you’re right, but I have no choice. What would you say if you went to someone’s place and saw a dirty toilet? You’d say that the mistress of the house is lazy, wouldn’t you? Well, the same thing applies to us. Here, we are the mistresses of the house.’

They were nice to me afterwards, and they apologized. Of course, I had to report to my superiors too. I had my differences with them, like in any other job. I didn’t always agree to what my bosses wanted and, what’s more, I always defended my subordinates. This was something my superiors didn’t appreciate too much. So there were some differences – not fundamental, but important enough to prevent me from sleeping at night from time to time.

In 1956, I got transferred to the Clujana shoes factory. A new hospital and a new polyclinic were opened there. They would later become the 4th Medical Clinic. In 1964, I returned to the 2nd block and I served in the dental facility for children, then at the Dental Clinic on the street next to the park [Pavlov Street], by the River Somesul Mic. I had had enough of being in charge. Medical assistants could only work at the Dental Clinic or at the other clinics. I chose the Dental.

Retirement

I retired in 1976, but I kept on working for the Fee-based Polyclinic until 1999, when I had an accident. When leaving for home, I used to cross the street with some co-workers who took the bus, the bus-stop was right opposite from the polyclinic, and we actually jaywalked to get to it. After they got on the bus, I would walk home on that side of the street, as I lived on Horea Street back then – I’ve only been staying here for four years.

On the evening of 20th June 1999, there was heavy rain, and we couldn’t go outside the building. We had to wait for it to stop, which happened around 10pm. But the lights were on in the street and visibility was very good. I was sitting in the lobby, reading some newspaper.

I was so focused that I didn’t realize my two co-workers had stood up and headed for the door. I only heard them as they were exiting the building. I was upset because they hadn’t let me know they were leaving, so I told myself: ‘Well, since you didn’t bother to call me, I’m going home the right way.’

So there I was, legally crossing the street for a change, when a car came at great speed from the direction of the station and knocked me down. It was moving so fast that I didn’t have the time to see it. Surely, I’m to blame, because I didn’t look around. But, since I was at a pedestrian crossing, I didn’t think about it. The car was driven by a young lady from Huedin. The other occupants were her parents and a man sitting next to her.

My leg was fractured in two places. I could have stayed there out cold. I was carrying a heatproof tray which I used to bring my co-workers and the doctors some refreshments. Hitting the pavement, it made such strong noise, that even those in the bus-stop heard it. My co-worker, Vali, was about to get on the trolley-bus, when she heard the racket. She said to herself: ‘I wonder if that’s not Elza...’ She came running and picked me up, for I couldn’t stand up on my own. When she pulled me up, I felt a terrible pain. I didn’t faint though.

The 28-year-old girl, who was in divorce and who might have been distracted by something as she was driving, stopped and began to cry. I couldn’t think of anything better to do than to comfort her: ‘Don’t be afraid, I won’t do anything to you...’ Then I had some trouble with her.

She didn’t act appropriately and we had to go to court. I wasn’t able to touch the ground with my leg for three months. I couldn’t eat anything right, as I had no appetite, and I fed on orange and lemon juice. But I never get any pains from my leg. The head doesn’t bother me either, although the skull had a serious crack and had to be stitched. The only accident I had after that happened this year: when I fractured my right arm and wore plaster for five weeks.

More than five years have passed since I stopped working. I felt very sorry about it. I still miss the activity and I still feel very fond of my former occupation. I do housework and the likes, but this gets me more tired than 12 hours at my job used to. The reason is that I enjoyed my job and did it out of pleasure.

I didn’t have any children. Nor did I want any. It would have only made my situation more difficult. I don’t regret not having children. I have seen how much trouble they bring, I have seen too much misery, and I told myself that it is better to fight life on my own than to suffer for my children.

I did raise other people’s children though – I’m talking about two distant nephews in Vatra Dornei. So I wasn’t completely childless after all. I didn’t adopt them; I just let them stay at my place while they were going to the Medical School.

That was a rare pair... They were both 17 when they entered college. They both got A’s at the admission exam. The younger one worshiped his brother, who was two years and a half older. The former thought his elder brother could never be wrong.

Because of that, he had chosen the Medical School. He had gone to a science high school and was very good at Math and Physics. We never thought he dreamed of becoming a doctor. But that was all he wanted. ‘My brother is going to be a doctor, so I want to be a doctor too,’ he said.

Their father died while they were still very young; it was the year when the younger brother entered college. They had their share of tragedy in their lives, the poor them. But they were such good boys! I’m still very proud of them, because I played a part in their upbringing too, and they admit it.

There were so many things they had to learn in life! And I’m not talking about school – they were always the best in their class there. The elder brother, Arie Fleischer, had an inborn intelligence. The other, Adiel Fleischer, was very industrious. So they both got good grades – the former thanks to his genetic heritage, the latter thanks to hard work. Their father was a chief accountant and was a very intelligent man. Their mother had been to college in Cluj, where she had studied English.

I know it’s not nice to brag, but I have to say this: when it came to social and cultural education, the boys got it more from me than from their mother, who had a college degree. They simply didn’t know how to behave. Their manners were provincial. Their mother hadn’t had the time to look after them properly.

She had to go to work to support them. At my place, we had three plates on the table. At theirs, they ate all the dishes from the same plate. They were used to tasting the food directly from the pot, which was something forbidden in my family. So I had to be rather strict and make them obey some rules.

They didn’t have a bathroom in Vatra Dornei, where they came from. At my place, before going to bed, they had to take a bath. They had to change their underwear and socks every day. When they ran out of socks, they had to wash some in the evening and leave them to dry.

The underwear always had to be clean. In the evening, they had to make the beds, which included my bed. I would make them in the morning, when they were in a hurry to get to school, and the young gentlemen made them in the evening.

I talked to them about many things, including school, for I was in the same field of activity. I was the one who taught them how a syringe should be held or some primary rules of health and certain diagnoses.

Food was never served until they had arranged the table. They had to put all the necessary covers on the table: for soup, the second course and the appetizers; and the knife, fork and spoon had to be placed in the right order.

One day, the younger one came home and he was starving. The elder was more disciplined. But no sooner had the younger entered the house, than he started to complain: ‘Oh, I’m so hungry!’ ‘Go on and lay the table then,’ I said. As he knew he wouldn’t get any food if he didn’t obey, he started to arrange the table, rather reluctantly. ‘You’re not finished, the table is not ready,’

I noticed. ‘What do you mean?’ he asked me, and he was a bit irritated because of the hunger. ‘I put glasses and everything!’ – ‘No you didn’t. Take a closer look. You missed something.’ I was very strict when it came to these things. ‘Let me check... Oh, God damn it, I forgot the napkin!’ This is the kind of episode in your life that you never forget.

The younger, Adiel, married a Jewish woman from America, who came from Panticeu, a village near Cluj. This girl was the relative of an acquaintance of mine, who came back to Cluj with her husband in a very bad condition. I looked after him at the hospital, together with Adiel, who was an intern there; he was in the sixth year of Medical School. The lady told him about her niece in America and put him in contact with her. They started talking on the phone and they ended up marrying each other.

After they got married, he had to spend one more year in the country before he could leave for America. He became an exceptional gynecologist. His department occupies two floors of the hospital. He takes care of the difficult births. He also holds conferences.

He was invited to Mexico and to many other places. He has three daughters, and they are all brunettes. One of them is a college graduate and is now going to a second college. The youngest girl was six when I went to America, in 1994. And she tried to teach me English. That little girl!

Arie left for America after his first wife died in a car crash. His brother was already there. He has two daughters. He is a doctor too. He remarried. His wife is a very nice and refined German lady. They say Germans are rough, unsophisticated, mean and violent, just like Hungarians.

But this German woman is very nice and she treated me very nicely. She’s twice as better as Adiel’s wife, who’s Jewish. She is far superior to the other, who’s a teacher of French and English. Arie and his wife have two daughters, who are both blonde. Five daughters for two men. Not one single son.

The boys took me to America in 1994. I liked the country, but it didn’t leave me with my mouth wide open in amazement. I didn’t have to take a bone. This is how they say: if you go to a new place and things are out of the ordinary there, you can’t help keeping your mouth wide open. The only thing you can do is put a bone in your mouth that will make you remember to shut it.

There was only one thing that I really liked. I had seen tall buildings in Israel, Germany, Bulgaria or the Soviet Union. I went abroad every time I had the opportunity, because I liked to widen my horizons, I liked changes, and I was able to say a few words in several languages. It was nice. So what really impressed me in America were those twin towers [the World Trade Center] that were destroyed.

I counted 105 floors. We took one elevator up to the 80th floor or so, and then we had to take another elevator. And I counted 105 floors. Imagine that. Reaching the top floor was a matter of seconds. The elevator went so fast that you couldn’t read the numbers of the floors on the display. I can still remember that. We reached a terrace that covered the whole roof. There was a pair of binoculars in each corner.

That was my only trip to America. I didn’t want to disturb them anymore. They came to see me. The last one to come was the elder, in 2002. He brought the girls with him.

I went to Israel three times. After my sister Bella died, I felt very lonely and I went to work in a hospital in Haifa. I spent nine months there. I was helped by a doctor who had been born in Cluj, but had emigrated and worked in that hospital.

I lived with acquaintances and relatives, trying to switch places as often as possible, so as not to disturb anyone. I couldn’t complain – in one month, I earned my salary here for one year. Nevertheless, I didn’t like the relationships between people, the system as such. They aren’t as close to people as we are here in Romania. If I went there, I would be alone too.

My sister is dead; as for my remaining relatives who live there, I don’t feel close enough to any of them so that I would dare disturb them with my presence. They all have their own family problems, so I would have to take care of my own. But what’s the point in going to another country and start all over again, after a lifetime of work in a country where you have your rights and where you live out of your past work? So I think it’s better to stay here than to go beg for help somewhere else.

From a material point of view, it is true that they live in better conditions than we do – this is why so many of us go to work there. But I’m the kind of person who always spends as much as she has. Unfortunately, my income has diminished. But I can always give up this or that. And someone living alone finds it easier to manage than someone with a large family to support.

In the first years after the liberation from under the Fascist yoke I had no reason to emigrate. First of all, I had a job that I enjoyed, I had my sister by my side, and I had all the things that were necessary to survive. Besides, I loved my country. I still do, with all my heart.

I love this country as it is, with its miseries and worries, with good people and bad people. I love them as they are and I love everything that surrounds me. When I go out, I feel as if even stones know me. And I know them. I am a patriot in the real sense of the word.

Communism

I was one of the first who joined the Communist Party. The Party’s program included some essential things that greatly influenced my decision, given the persecutions I had just suffered only because I had been born a Jew. The program read: there are no differences between people, we are all the same, regardless of our nationality, and we all have the same rights.

I had never heard such things before the liberation. During the Holocaust, I was exposed to racial discrimination and persecutions and I had lost my entire family. Equal rights for everybody, regardless of sex, age and nationality, people being judged according to their capacities and to their contribution to society – these points of the program were a novelty for me, and a reason to be happy.

I had been racially persecuted and I hadn’t been able to complete my education because my material situation was poor. After the liberation, I was able to develop myself professionally and to do whatever I wanted in life. My being a Jew didn’t matter anymore, and I finally found my place in society, doing what those around me were doing too.

The Fascist regime had stolen my most precious things. The new Communist regime gave me the opportunity to live my life. These principles alone made me join the Party. I had no hidden interests; I didn’t want to start a career, become a manager or get rich. I never had the ambition of getting rich, of raising a fortune.

I still had some problems because of my faith, but I knew how to defend myself. I always did that in a civilized way, using retorts that could convince my opponents or the anti-Semites that they were wrong. I never lowered myself to their level, but I stuck to my status of human being, not only of Jew.

And I never regretted that. I didn’t become assimilated in the sense that I denied my Jewish origin. I never denied my identity; I had the courage to assert it and, by doing this, I became an example that contradicted my opponents by its mere existence.

In the conscience of peoples, Jews have always been considered cowards. They said you could do anything you want to a Jew, because he’s too afraid to react. This and many other untrue attributes are all weapons of anti-Semitism and chauvinism. The Jews have proven themselves in the great wars.

They behaved as bravely as any other nation; they proved they weren’t chicken. Think about that child who sneaked in the soldiers’ camp carrying bread and water – this is how he had been raised. Our generation was taught that the Jews must always bow their heads, that they could be insulted by anyone, that they should degrade themselves.

I, for one, belong to the category of those who always had the courage to stand out. I had a lot to suffer from the Fascist regime and so did all the other members of this ethnic group. Other nationalities were discriminated against too, but Jews were the main target.

I used to kid about the Jews being God’s chosen people so that the entire world might strike upon them. But this is not just a joke, it’s a reality. Too often had I taken blows that affected my dignity, too often had I been insulted and suffered from acts of injustice.

Anyone who judges me for joining the Communist Party might as well mind his own business. As a party member, I never did anything harmful that I should be ashamed of. I even kept my faith, as I had been raised in a religious spirit that was neither devout, nor nationalistic, being proud to be a Jew.

You mustn’t be ashamed of your identity, you must have faith, but you mustn’t hate or insult your neighbor for being a Christian. This may have been the way I was raised, but this wasn’t the way I was treated in life. They humiliated me, and they had me wear a yellow star so that they could recognize at once that I belonged to the lowest race.

As a student, I went to the Christian church every week. But I kept my faith. I can recite ‘Our Father’ better than a Christian in Hungarian, French and Romanian – I learned it from my schoolmates. You can either respect the other’s religion, or you can hate him for it. The man stays the same.

Why should I be ashamed for joining the Party when they had those points in their program? I didn’t have a Party activist’s career. What I did at the beginning of my professional life, I also did at its end, so I don’t feel ashamed at all. Others threw away their party membership card, or tore it to pieces, as if that were a miracle. These were not people of strong character. You can’t just erase certain periods from your life – people will still remember them.

I’ve already stated my case: I joined the Party out of conviction. Nobody forced me and I didn’t do it out of interest. And I’m telling you now that the Party was not responsible because things went wrong. The party leaders were to blame, because they didn’t stay loyal to the Party’s beliefs. Had they guided themselves after the original principles, things would have turned out fine.

Hitler was the one who started anti-Semitism in Germany. But, apart from him, there were theoreticians who introduced race hatred. He wasn’t the only one to blame; all those around him were responsible too. Ceausescu 12 can’t be blamed for everything either.

There was no way he could see what everyone was doing. Why didn’t his henchmen stop him? I blame the people around him, who were intellectuals, more than I blame Ceausescu, despite his being a dictator and despite the mistakes he made.

He was a simple man, with no general culture. But he knew how to talk. But why did everyone obey him, why did they perform whatever they were told? Why didn’t any of his advisors bother to tell him, ‘Comrade, you’re not doing the right thing.

If you love your people, think about their well-being and stop selling everything this country has.’ Why did they let him do something as silly as emptying the country? Why? So that he may beat America? Had he thought about it a little, he would have realized that a small country like ours could not compete with a country like America. Why pay our foreign debt at any cost? Even the richest countries in the world have debts.

Contemporary Politics

I think the entire country is going through a very difficult situation right now. We are no longer Communists, but we’re not a democracy, in the real sense of the term, either. In my opinion, we haven’t overcome the transition period yet.

I couldn’t say which country has a real democracy. One must experience democracy in order to understand it. The real democracy can’t be found in America, or in England, or in any of the developed countries. Mistakes are made even there.

In America, the battle for presidency looked a lot like the one we see here. I couldn’t say that I don’t want us to become a democracy. I wish we did, but, in order to achieve that, every one of us must help this regime turn into a democracy.

The main difference between Communism and democracy is that the former doesn’t allow you to raise a great fortune, while the latter lets you become rich as long as you do it through honest ways. If you’re more capable than the others, go ahead and be rich!

However, a democracy controls fortunes and asks you to prove where you got the money from. I totally agree on that. Unfortunately, our expenses exceed our income, and I wonder if that day will come when we will be able to afford living exclusively from our income. Maybe this is why we have so many dishonest things going on – an honest work just doesn’t pay enough. But speculations do.

Communism has this doctrine too: people should earn according to their abilities. I, for instance, can’t earn more than a minister, whose responsibilities are far greater than mine. But those who had the ability to make money in an honest way should be allowed to enjoy it. I’m a fan of democracy from this point of view. The one who thinks about those who have less than he does and helps them does the right thing. The idea is not to treat them as beggars, but to help them make some progress and get somewhere near your level.

Unfortunately, not everybody enjoys working. Some would like to get rich just like that, over night. It is unfair to hinder the other’s efforts only because you can. If you already have enough, why not let him make a living? This is how I understand democracy. But we’re not there yet. No one can be blamed, really.

We haven’t made it yet because there was too little time. Our youth was raised in a certain spirit that’s different from what the youth from other countries was taught. Then it is said that we inherited poverty. Many people were born in poverty, but they knew what to do in order to become somebody: they worked hard and made it happen.

This also applies to a country. We don’t have the experience of richer countries yet. Nevertheless, Romania is not a poor country. We just don’t know how to use its assets. Many things that shouldn’t have been destroyed were destroyed after the Communism fell. Now we blame corruption, theft, this or that.

I traveled abroad and I saw poverty, corruption and thieves in other countries too. I went to America, Germany, Bulgaria, Hungary and the Soviet Union. I couldn’t say people are more honest there than here. They are no better than we are. They make the same mistakes, only they’re more experienced.

As far as religion is concerned, I told you that something broke inside me when I saw my father in the ghetto. I am not as religious as I used to be. In my childhood and my youth, I observed all the holidays. I still have respect for religion now, but it’s not the same thing as it was when I was a child.

Times change and people must adapt themselves to the given conditions. For starters, it’s impossible to observe the Jewish faith here in Romania, because you should only have ritual foods. In Israel, this can be done, because possibilities exist.

But here in Cluj, we don’t even have a hakham. All we have is a Jewish canteen. Someone comes from Bucharest from time to time to inspect if the meat is kosher. But not everybody can afford to eat at this canteen. I sometimes go there too. I mainly do it out of respect.

I celebrate Pesach – and I go to the canteen on that occasion – and the summer holidays: Chanukkah and the New Year [Rosh Hashanah]. On Yom Kippur, Jews must fast from dusk till the stars appear the next day. They can’t even drink water.

People make up with one another and should spend their day in the synagogue praying while dressed in white. Well, nowadays, only the ones who officiate dress in white – the rest of us can even carry purses. The Prayer for the Dead is recited and alms are given in memory of the departed in the synagogue.

I also commemorate the dead, but, unfortunately, it’s only my sister. All the others died in the camp and I couldn’t know the dates. There is a prayer for all – my mother, father, brother – which is said then. When I commemorate my sister’s death, I give alms in the synagogue too: cakes and something to drink. These are the traditions that I keep.

Glossary:

1 Transylvania: Geographical and historical region belonging to Hungary until 1918-19, then ceded to Romania. Its area covers 103,000 sq.km between the Carpathian Mountains and the present-day Hungarian and Serbian borders.

It became a Roman province in the 2nd century (AD) terminating the Dacian Kingdom. After the Roman withdrawal it was overrun, between the 3rd and 10th centuries, by the Goths, the Huns, the Gepidae, the Avars and the Slavs.

Hungarian tribes first entered the region in the 5th century, but they did not fully control it until 1003, when King Stephen I placed it under jurisdiction of the Hungarian Crown. Later, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Germans, called Saxons (then and now), also arrived while Romanians, called Vlachs or Walachians, were there by that time too, although the exact date of their appearance is disputed.

As a result of the Turkish conquest, Hungary was divided into 3 sections: West Hungary, under Habsburg rule, central Hungary, under Turkish rule, and semi-independent Transylvania (as a Principality), where Austrian and Turkish influences competed for supremacy for nearly two centuries.

With the defeat of the Turkish Transylvania gradually came under Habsburg rule, and due to the Compromise of 1867 it became an integral part of Hungary again. In line with other huge territorial losses fixed in the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Transylvania was formally ceded to Romania by Hungary.

For a short period during WWII it was returned to Hungary but was ceded to Romania once again after the war.  Many of the Saxons of Transylvania fled to Germany before the arrival of the Soviet army, and more followed after the fall of the Communist government in 1989.

In 1920, the population of Erdély was 5,200,000, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,400,000 Hungarian (26%), 510,000 German and 180,000 Jewish. In 2002, however, the percentage of Hungarians was only 19.6% and the German and Jewish population decreased to several thousand. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

2 Anti-Jewish laws in Hungary: Following similar legislation in Nazi Germany, Hungary enacted three Jewish laws in 1938, 1939 and 1941. The first law restricted the number of Jews in industrial and commercial enterprises, banks and in certain occupations, such as legal, medical and engineering professions, and journalism to 20% of the total number.

This law defined Jews on the basis of their religion, so those who converted before the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919, as well as those who fought in World War I, and their widows and orphans were exempted from the law.

The second Jewish law introduced further restrictions, limiting the number of Jews in the above fields to 6%, prohibiting the employment of Jews completely in certain professions such as high school and university teaching, civil and municipal services, etc. It also forbade Jews to buy or sell land and so forth.

This law already defined Jews on more racial grounds in that it regarded baptized children that had at least one non-converted Jewish parent as Jewish. The third Jewish law prohibited intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews, and defined anyone who had at least one Jewish grandparent as Jewish.

3 Hungarian era (1940-1944): The expression 'Hungarian era' refers to the period between 30th August 1940 and 15th October 1944 in Transylvania. As a result of the Trianon Peace Treaty in 1920, the eastern part of Hungary (Maramures, Partium, Banat, Transylvania) was annexed to Romania.

Two million inhabitants of Hungarian nationality came under Romanian rule. In the summer of 1940, under pressure from Berlin and Rome, the Romanian government agreed to return Northern Transylvania, where the majority of the Hungarians lived, to Hungary.

The anti-Jewish laws introduced in 1938 and 1939 in Hungary were also applied in Northern Transylvania. Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19th March 1944, Jews from Northern Transylvania were deported and killed in concentration camps along with Jews from all over Hungary except for Budapest.

Northern Transylvania belonged to Hungary until the fall of 1944, when the Soviet troops entered and introduced a regime of military administration that sustained local autonomy. The military administration ended on March 1945, when the Romanian administration was reintroduced in all the Western territories lost in 1940 - as a reward for the fact that Romania formed the first communist-led government in the region.

4 Yellow star in Hungary: In a decree introduced on 31st March 1944 the Sztojay government obliged all persons older than 6 years qualified as Jews, according to the relevant laws, to wear, starting from 5th April, "outside the house" a 10x10 cm, canary yellow colored star made of textile, silk or velvet, sewed onto the left side of their clothes.

The government of Dome Sztojay, appointed due to the German invasion, emitted dozens of decrees aiming at the separation, isolation and despoilment of the Jewish population, all this preparing and facilitating deportation. These decrees prohibited persons qualified as Jews from owning and using telephones, radios, cars, and from changing domicile.

They prohibited the employment of non-Jewish persons in households qualified as Jewish, ordered the dismissal of public employees qualified as Jews, and introduced many other restrictions and prohibitions. The obligation to wear a yellow star aimed at the visible distinction of persons qualified as Jews, and made possible from the beginning abuses by the police and gendarmes. A few categories were exempted from this obligation: WWI invalids and awarded veterans, respectively following the pressure of the Christian Church priests, the widows and orphans of awarded WWI heroes, WWII orphans and widows, converted Jews married to a Christian and foreigners. (Randolph L. Braham: A nepirtas politikaja, A holokauszt Magyarorszagon / The Politics of Genocide, The Holocaust in Hungary, Budapest, Uj Mandatum, 2003, p. 89-90.)

5 Legionary Movement (also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael): Also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael. Movement founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs.

The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions.

The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

6 Exemption from Deportation in North Transylvania: In March 1944, the Germans occupied Hungary and North Transylvania. After the occupation, the openly Nazi-friendly and anti-Semitic Dome Sztojay formed a government, and a series of anti-Jewish laws were introduced.

The law for ghettoization of Hungarian Jewry made exceptions in certain cases. The sphere of exemptions was defined in a decree on 10th May 1945. The widows and children of those Jews who received a high commendation for bravery in World War I, or those widows and children of Jews who disappeared or died a hero's death in World War II as soldiers (not during 'work service' in the Labor Battalions) were exempted. Foreign Jewish citizens living in Hungary were also an exception. There were other modes of escaping deportation.

Rezso Kasztner, Zionist leader from Kolozsvar, exemplified this when he secured the release of 1300 Hungarian Jews (250 of which were Kolozsvar families) as a result of negotiations with Adolf Eichmann. The North-Transylvanian Jews' other means of escape was to flee to Romania, and hide there with Christian help.

Three doctors played a major role in hiding Kolozsvar Jews: Imre Haynal, Dezso Klimko and Dezso Miskolczy, offering help through their exaggerated diagnoses and extra-extended treatments. In spring 1944, the clinic of Imre Haynal hid and sheltered a number of Jews, the greater part of his 'intensive care' ward were Jews fleeing deportation, since the expulsion of the seriously ill was often overlooked by the authorities.

7 Kasztner, Rezso (1906-1957): Hungarian Zionist leader during World War II. Rezso Kasztner and Otto Komoly headed the Relief and Rescue Committee of Budapest in 1942. In efforts to save Hungarian Jews, they maintained contact with Jewish organizations abroad and with the occupying Nazi authorities.

Kasztner negotiated with the Nazis the rescue of more than 1,500 Hungarian Jews - although the Germans interned them in Bergen-Belsen instead of sending them to a neutral country, as originally agreed, and only let them go to Switzerland after 4 months.

After the war Kasztner was accused of betraying Hungarian Jews and of collaborating with the Nazis. Kasztner was murdered in Israel, while his case was still in process in court. The court later cleared him.

8 Kasztner group: Named after Rezso Kasztner, a Zionist journalist from Cluj Napoca, who considered aliyah to Palestine the only possible solution of the so-called 'Jewish problem'.

In April 1944, Kasztner - as one of the leading members of the Hungarian (Jewish) Salvation Committee - contacted the occupying German authorities in order to save as many Jewish lives as possible. As a result of his 'negotiations', he succeeded to save the lives of about 1700 Jews, most of them from Budapest.

This number also included 387 people from Transylvania (mostly from Cluj Napoca), such as Akiba Glasner, the orthodox chief-rabbi of Cluj and Jozsef Fischer, the leader of Erdelyi Zsido Nemzeti Szovetseg, then Erdelyi Zsido Part. The Kasztner group arrived in Bergen-Belsen at the beginning of July and left for Switzerland in August and December.

After the war Kasztner was criticized by the Jewish community because of his methods of selection. In 1952 he was declared a traitor in Israel, in 1955 the court of justice found him not guilty. Two years later he was murdered.

9 Uj Kelet (New East): Transylvanian Jewish political daily in the period between 1918-1940. The paper was published under the direction of Erdelyi Zsido Nemzeti Szovetseg (Transylvanian Jewish National Federation), and promoted Jewish nationalism, Zionism, culture and interests. It has been published in Tel-Aviv since 1948.

10 Struma ship: In December 1941 the ship took on board some 750 Jews - which was more than seven times its normal passengers' capacity - to take them to Haifa, then Palestine. As none of the passengers had British permits to enter the country, the ship stopped in Istanbul, Turkey, in order for them to get immigration certificates to Palestine but the Turkish authorities did not allow the passengers to disembark.

They were given food and medicine by the Joint Distribution Committee and the Jewish community of Istanbul. As the vessel was not seaworthy, it could not leave either. However, in February 1942 the Turks towed the Struma to the Black Sea without water, food or fuel on board. The ship sank the same night and there was only one survivor. In 1978, a Soviet naval history disclosed that a Soviet submarine had sunk the Struma.

11 Nationalization in Romania: Nationalization began parallel to the development of the communist regime in Romania after WWII. The industry, show business, medical and financial institutions were nationalized first.

A year later, in 1949 Gheorghe Gheorghiu Dej, general-secretary of the Romanian Communist Party, announced the socialist transformation of agriculture. The process of collectivization ended in 1962. More than 90 % of the country's arable land became the collective property of either state farms or co-operatives.

12 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989): Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries.

The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police.

The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable.

In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

Rosa Linger

Rosa Linger
Riga
Latvia
Date of Interview: July 2005
Interview: Ella Levitskaya

I interviewed Rosa Linger in the premises of social center Rahamim which is under the auspice of Latvian Society of Jewish Culture 1. Rosa is a slender woman of medium height. She has pepper and salt curly hair, don in a classic French roll. It was a sultry summer day. Rosa was wearing a black and white polka-dot dress with a white collar-a little bit frumpish, but still very elegant. It seemed to me that Rosa had a connate elegancy- knowing how to wear the clothes so that it becomes an organic part of her image. I was greatly pleased to communicate with Rosa. She is not only intelligent, but also a wise woman. She is cultured. Rosa is a good story teller, and her story was very interesting in itself. Rosa said that every evening she thanked God for the day passed, for the given joy. She knows how to find a joy in everything. I wish this wonderful woman a lot of happy days in her life and let each of them bring her pleasant moments.

My family background

Growing up

The Soviet invasion of the Baltics

During the war

After the war

After the fall of the Iron Curtain

Glossary

My family background

My paternal grandpa Iosif Kagan was born in the 1850 on the territory of present Byelorussia, which belonged to Russian Empire at that time. Grandfather was a Cantonist 2. He had served in Nicolay’s army for 25 years 3 and was granted the permit to live in Kurland 4. He chose Vitebsk province, the village Borovka. Now it is in Byelorussia. Government gave grandfather a land plot. Probably grandfather learnt the craft of a blacksmith in the army. He built a house, smithy on his land plot and got married. My grandmother Sora Kagan was from Riga. I do not remember her maiden name and the date of her birth. Grandmother was rather educated for that time. Grandparents definitely knew Yiddish and Russian, which was a state language on the entire territory of Russian Empire. Grandmother was also fluent in German and French. Part of Riga population spoke German, but French could be taught only at the lyceum or by a tutor. Unfortunately, there is nothing I know about grandmother’s life before she got married. When living in Borovka, grandmother worked as a teacher in a rural school. There were two children in the family. The eldest was my father Ruvin Kagan. He was born in 1890. His younger sister Zina [common name] 5 was born in 1899. Her Jewish name was Zelda.

Borovka was a rather big village. It was couple of kilometers away from Latvian town Dvinsk, present Daugavpils [about 200 km from Riga]. I have never been to Borovka, but from father’s stories I know that there were a lot of Jews in Borovka. They made 30-40% of village population. There was everything in the village a standard Jewish community needed. There was a synagogue, cheder, shochet, Jewish cemetery. Borovka Jews were religious people. They observed Jewish traditions. Grandparents were very pious people. They were a traditional good Jewish family. Grandfather, like other Jewish men from Borovka, prayed thrice a day. In the morning he prayed at home before going to work, in the daytime and in the evening he went to the synagogue. Grandmother went to the synagogue on Sabbath and Jewish holidays, the rest of the days she prayed at home. She knew how to read from prayer book, and also knew the prayers by heart. Though there was a synagogue in Borovka, there was no mikvah. There was a bathhouse in the yard of grandfather’s house, which was by the bank of the lake. Grandmother used the lake for mikvah. In summer the water in the lake was warm and there were no problems. In winter grandfather made a hole in the iced lake and grandmother dipped there for three times the way it was supposed to. Of course, grandmother strictly observed kashrut.

There were hired workers in grandfather’s smithy. They had been working from dawn till sunset. The gates of the house were not closed so that the customers could come in anytime. Grandfather was a kind man. There were a lot of poor peasants in Borovka and adjacent villages, who were not able to pay for grandfather’s work. The tools of those peasants were to be repaired once a year. In spring poor peasants brought grandfather their tools and he repaired everything for free. In the fall after the harvest had been yielded the carts of the peasants came one after another to grandfather’s yard. Peasants brought him vegetables and fruits to express gratitude for grandfather’s work.

My father got Jewish education in childhood. There was a cheder in Borovka and father had studied there until he reached 13, bar mitzvah. Then he went to eshivah somewhere in Lithuania. Father said he lived in eshivah. Every day the students of eshivah went to have lunch in some family in accordance with the custom. There were seven families for each eshivah student. Each of the families by turns fed eshivah student. Grandmother came to see my dad and brought the products to the hostesses who fed my father. For some reason father had not studied at eshivah for a long time. I do not know why grandfather took him home. Father did not become a rabbi, he was not a religious figure, but religion was the main thing in his life. Father did not get secular education. Maybe the reason why father did not go to lyceum was his being older than other students. Grandmother taught him. Father was a rather literate man. His Russian, Lettish and Yiddish were perfect. Not only his spoken language was excellent, he also had good reading comprehension and writing skills.

His younger sister Zina went to lyceum. There was no lyceum in Borovka. There was only rural school, where grandmother was teaching. Having finished that school Zina entered lyceum in Dvinsk. At that time people from other towns could live in the boarding house by lyceum, but grandfather thought it was improper for a girl from Jewish family to live in that place. Zina had to walk from Borovka to Dvinsk to attend classes in the lyceum.

I do not know what my father dealt with before he was drafted in the army. In 1908 when father turned 18, he was drafted for the mandatory service in the tsarist army. He met mother before he was drafted in the army. I do not know the story how they met. Mother’s family lived in Dvinsk, not far from Borovka. Mother said that she had been waiting for father all those years of his army service. He served in remote  Siberia, Irkutsk [about 5500 km to the east from Moscow]. Father said that he did well in military service. He was a disciplined soldier, so in the second year of his military service he was granted with a leave. At that time the trains were very slow, so it took father almost three weeks to get to Dvinsk from Irkutsk. He came home, visited mother and left for his service. Father was demobilized in 1911, when he was 21.  In 1914 when the First World War was unleashed, father was drafted in the army again. He was in the lines in the vicinity of Warsaw, then his squad was positioned close to Riga. This is all I remember from my father‘s tales. He was demobilized in 1918.

My mother’s family lived in Dvinsk. Grandfather Avrom Fleishman and grandmother Malka, nee Ulman, both were born in Dvinsk. Grandfather came of a wealthy family, and grandmother Malka was from a large poor family, who lived from hand to mouth. Nevertheless, grandfather and grandmother met, when they were around 18-19, fell in love with each other and asked their parents to allow their marriage. Grandfather’s parents probably were not very pleased with unequal marriage as at that time wealthy wanted to marry rich, not poor, but still grandparents got married and started their own family. Grandfather had the business of selling kosher meat. He had his own stores and a house. Grandmother was a housewife. They were very rich. The family was large. They had 8 children. At that time most Jewish families had a lot of children no matter if the parents were able to provide for all those children. Wives bore as many children as God sent. I know only the year when my mother was born. I can name her siblings beginning from the eldest one. The first child was Nohum. Then mother’s sister my favorite aunt Mushl was born. She was called Musya in the family. My mother Ester was the third, she was born in 1892. Then mother’s brother Gershen and sister Hanna were born. Then brother Nehemye, sister Mina and brother Girsh were born. The age difference between children was not big. They were born one after another.

Mother said that the elder children were educated at home. The tutor came and taught all of them at once, age difference of one or two years was not important. The teacher taught them rudiments of reading, writing and counting. The four younger beginning from Hanna went to lyceum and got good education. Everybody got Jewish education. Boys went to cheder, melamed came home to teach the girls. They were taught Jewish traditions, religion, how to read prayers in Ivrit. All family members were pious.

Mother’s sister Mushl was the first in the family to get married. It was a prearranged marriage. The surname of Musya’s husband name was Knyazev. I do not remember his first name. He was a very rich man, probably the wealthiest Jew in Dvinsk. They had a plush traditional Jewish wedding, with rabbi and chuppah. Having been married Musya moved to her husband’s house. They had two children, son Isaac and daughter Tanya (Jewish name Taube). Both of them are older than me. Aunt’s marriage was not happy. She and her husband had constant squabbles. Aunt did not want to depend on her husband and opened her own store of kosher meat. She worked there herself and hired some people to help her.

In 1918 Latvia declared its independence 6. Soon Russian Bolshevik 7 army came in Latvia. In 1919 Bolsheviks occupied Dvinsk. Since my grandpa Avrom was a well-off man, he did not want to meet Bolsheviks. Mother said that grandpa ordered from carpenter a cart with double bottom where tsarist golden coins were hidden. On the top of that they put blankets, pillows and other house utensils and left. The whole family left with the exception of mother’s married sister Musya. They crossed Lithuania and then came back to Latvia, Liepaja [about 200 km from Riga]. Two grandpa’s nephews Fleishmans lived there. Grandfather decided to stop in Liepaja, have a look and then take further steps. Everybody liked Liepaja.  It was a beautiful town on the sea coast. The decision was made not to return to Dvinsk, but to stay in Liepaja. When in fall 1919 Latvian army squeezed out Bolsheviks, grandfather and his sons went to Dvinsk. Grandpa liquidated all his businesses in Dvinsk, sold houses and the family finally settled in Liepaja.

Father came to Liepaja after mother’s family had moved there. In late 1919 my future parents got married. Their wedding was the next day after the wedding of mother’s elder brother Nohum and his wife Etle. Soon mother’s younger sister Hanna got married. Her husband’s last name was Katsizna. I do not remember his first name. All of them had traditional Jewish weddings, and grandfather looked into that. My mother and all her siblings did not have prearranged marriages, but love wedlock. After Musya’s unhappy marriage, grandfather said that he would not interfere in the choice of his children. Let them choose their spouses and take a responsibility for their choice. Grandfather was a very smart man. The seven of his children had love wedlock and lived happily in their marriage till the end of their days. There were neither tiffs nor divorces in our big family. After moving to Liepaja neither grandparents nor their children had their own place to live. Soon Musya and her family moved to Liepaja. They were the only ones who had their own house, the rest rented 4-5 rooms apartments. Of course everybody married only Jews, marriages with people of other nationalities were not acceptable in our families.

Paternal grandfather Iosif Kagan remained in Dvinsk. Grandparents lived there with Zina. In early 1920s Zina married Lithuanian Jew Max Brutskus, who settled in Liepaja after World War One, and  moved to her husband. Zina became a housewife when married. Her husband had a small store.

Mother started her own business after getting married. Her two sisters Hanna and Mina became housewives when married, mother’s elder sister Musya and mother were owners of kosher meat stores. Both of them were very clever, energetic and entrepreneurial women and they probably felt bored at home. I general, mother’s family was involved in business of selling kosher meat. Apart from mother and Musya, all mother’s brothers owned stores of kosher meat. In 1920s mother’s elder brother Nuhim moved to Riga with his wife and four children and opened up a kosher sausage store. Father had his own business- he dealt with wholesale trade of products and had contracts with Germany and England. Our family belonged to middle class. We were neither poor nor rich.

Growing up

I was the eldest child. I was born in 1921 and called Rosa. My Jewish name is Rohl-Leya. My middle sister Hinda was born in 1924 and younger, Sarah – in 1930. Parents ran business, so we always had maids at home- to cook food and watch children. Since childhood I could see from my parents how hard people should work in order to achieve anything in their life. They got up at 5 a.m. While mother was cooking breakfast, father prayed. Mother fed father and I and went to the store. She had to open the store by 7 a.m.- the time when the hostesses and maids from rich houses came to buy meat for lunch. Mother had a lot of clients as Jewish ladies saw that we were a righteous Jewish family, observing Jewish traditions, so mother was trusted. Certainly, mother would not be able to cope with all that work herself, so she had an assistant working for her in the store. Apart from business father was also a representative of the Council of Entrepreneurs in Town Duma, Seim. The latter determined the amount of tax to be paid and father was involved in tax commission. Father was elected for that position unanimously year in, year out. He was much respected in the town: father was a very intelligent, kind and decent man. He was trusted. I remember from the talks of my parents that a conscientious man would levy a bigger tax on the rich and a smaller amount of tax on poor. Father was very handsome, tall and well-built.

The first words spoken by me were in Russian. People spoke Russian to me at home until I turned the age of three. Since most population of Liepaja spoke German, I went to private German kindergarten to learn German. At home parents spoke Yiddish between themselves and I was well up in that language pretty soon. In pre-school age I spoke three languages fluently. Besides, father was fluent in Polish as village Borovka was on the border with Poland, and many Borovka dwellers spoke Polish.

Liepaja was a rather large port city. Ships went to England, Baltic Countries and even USA. I remember one of mother’s cousins left for America in 1929. When we were seeing her off, mother told me that steamboat would take her cousin to America. I do not know if it was the way I remembered as I was too little. When I was a child, Liepaja population was about 100 000 people, and about 10 000 were Jews. Of course, not all them were equally pious, but everybody Jewish mode of life. There were four large synagogues in Liepaja. One of them called Lithuanian, it was built by Lithuanian Jews, and there were a lot of them in Liepaja. Another synagogue was called Hasidic 8. My father and all our kin went there. When many rich Jews left from Daugavpils escaping Bolsheviks and got settled in Liepaja, they built separate synagogue for them as local Jewish population was more liberal in religion. I remember rabbi of that synagogue. He was a very handsome man. There were a lot of praying houses, located almost in every street. If father did not have time to pray at home in the daytime, he went in one of those praying houses.

There were big beautiful stone houses in the center of Liepaja. Two-storied houses were rare. The most common were three or four-storied houses. There were even several five-storied ones. There were small one-storied wooden houses on the outskirt. They were without conveniences, but in the center the houses were comfortable and well-equipped. Jews did not cluster together in Liepaja. The place where people rented or built houses was determined by financial factor.

Jewish community was large in Liepaja. Apart from synagogues and praying houses, community also had cheders, Jewish compulsory school and lyceum. There was also a Jewish hospital, asylum for elderly and feeble. Of course were mikvahs by the synagogues, shochets worked. There was a very beautiful Jewish community house. It was right in front of our house. That building is still there. Rabbi Garaf Polonski was the head of Jewish community in Liepaja. It was likely that there were some other rabbis, but I being a little girl was not interested in that. I remember when Jews had some misconceptions they came to rabbi for him to settle their argument. Garaf Polonski invited my father as a neutral party for such events, who could dispassionately elucidate the issue. When rabbi said his judgment on the case, the contending parties fulfilled it unconditionally.

All members of our family were pious. On Fridays parents finished work earlier and went to mikvah. When they came back, mother lit candles and prayed over them. Then everybody sat at the table. Father said kidush over bread and everybody started festive dinner. On Saturday parents went to the synagogue obligatorily. None of my parents did work about the house on Saturdays. Father had a very beautiful voice so she worked part-time as a chazzan in Hasidic synagogue. When father came back from the synagogue, he read torah, and then all of us went to see some of our relatives. My father’s sister and mother’s siblings were also pious. They also always marked Jewish holidays. On holidays parents went to the synagogue with us. I and my sisters were in top gallery with our mother, and father prayed in the lower gallery with other men. A lot of matzah was stored for Pesach. There was no bread in the house during the holiday. We started getting ready for Pesach before time. All mother's tableware was kosher –separate for meat and milk. There was also a separate set of Paschal dishes, which was stored in a separate cupboard in the kitchen and it was used only once a year. When the cleaning was over in the house, all breadcrumbs were taken away. They were put in a rag and then burnt in the oven. Only after that Paschal dishes and matzah could be brought in. Father carried out Paschal seder. There was a goblet for prophet Eliagu, everybody was also given sweet Paschal wine. Children were also given a little bit. Seder was carried out in accordance with the rules: afikoman was to be stolen, father read hagad, then everybody sang Paschal songs. The door was left unlocked so that Eliagu could enter the house. Father did not go to work for the first two and last two days of the holiday mother’s meat shop was also closed. Kapores was carried out before Yom-Kippur. Parents observed strict fast on Yom-Kippur. Children were allowed to eat. On Chanukkah mother lit one candle each day within a week and everybody who came in the house gave us money. In general, our family kept Jewish traditions. Sometimes in winter grandmother Sora came to us from Borovka. I remember grandmother pray in the morning, sometimes even without a prayer book, She knew all prayers by heart.

Parents wanted my sisters and I to be educated. Before I went to school, parents bought piano and music teacher came to us to give classes. I went to private Jewish school at the age of 6 with German teaching. Major subjects taught were German. We also studied there Ivrit and tanach. There were no classes at school on Saturdays and Jewish holidays. I liked to study. I was an excellent student in spite of the fact that I was the youngest in the class. I probably did well because since childhood I had seen how hard my parents worked, so I understood that I could achieve good results only if I were industrious. I loved reading. When I went to bed, I took a book and read it at night. Parent’s bedroom was next to mine. Sometimes father noticed at night that the light was on in my room. When I heard his steps, I switched off light and pretended that I was sleeping. Then again I took a book.

Grandmother Sora died in Borovka in 1928. When she died, grandfather moved to Liepaja, where he lived with the family of aunt Zina. Maternal grandfather Avrom died from cancer in 1925. He was buried in Liepaja in Jewish cemetery. Grandmother Malka died in 1937. She was buried next to grandpa. Of course, all of them were buried in accordance with the Jewish rite, the way it was supposed to. Tombs of mother’s parents are still in the Jewish cemetery. When I came to Liepaja after war, I always came to the cemetery. That cemetery still exists in Liepaja. When in 1991 Latvia became independent again 9, the territory of the cemetery was transferred to Jewish community of Liepaja.

In prewar Latvia anti-Semitism was not felt. My sisters and I went to Jewish school and we stood out in the street in our school uniforms. We had never heard any insulting words in connection with my nationality. Latvian government always treated Jews in a good way. We felt that we had equal rights with other members of the society.

When in 1933 fascists came to power in Germany, Latvian Jews started boycotting everything connected with German beginning from German goods and up to German press , German language. The latter was always spoken in Liepaja and after Krystallnacht as of 1933 10 even Liepajan Germans preferred speaking Russian or Lettish, not German. In 1933 it was decided at the meeting of Jewish community of Liepaja that Jewish school with German teaching should be closed down. There were two schools like that and both of them were closed down. The following schools were in  Liepaja: state Yiddish school state Ivrit, Liepaja State Jewish Lyceum named after Shalom Aleichem 11,and Lettish lyceum. Children were allowed to finish school year and then they were supposed to transfer to one of the above-mentioned schools. I went to State Jewish Lyceum named after Shalom Aleichem. It was a very good lyceum. Having finished that there was a chance to enter any university. The building of that lyceum is the only one out of all Jewish schools in Liepaja, which is still there. I successfully finished lyceum in 1939. I was eager to go on with my studies, but parents could not afford tuition. They had to pay tuition for my sisters, who went to lyceum. I decided that I would work to save money for tuition. Of course, it was hard for me to find a job since I had not acquired any profession. I was offered a job in the office of a private firm. I worked in the daytime and attended evening banking courses. I had worked for that firm for a year, and the Soviets [Annexation of Latvia to the USSR] 12 came. New life started.

The Soviet invasion of the Baltics

Father was interested in politics. He was constantly reading newspapers and told us about things he read. Of course, he read about Soviet Union. Apart from newspapers in Yiddish, he was subscribed to Russian paper «Today». We learn some information from radio as well. I remember, in the 1930s Hitler’s speeches were constantly on the air. Thus, we had some sources of information about USSR. We knew that by the middle of 1930s people were constantly fired, leaders were arrested, but we definitely could not picture the scale of the repressions 13. At that time they were not dwelled upon. We knew that the global political situation was tense and after Hitler’s attack on Poland 14 , soviet military bases would be emplaced in Baltic countries. There was a soviet military base in the suburbs of Liepaja. Soviet militaries lived in an isolated area and rarely came in the city. They were mere foreigners for us. We lived in the port city, so we were not surprised to see the foreigners: as French, Norwegian, Finnish etc, sailors came here. We did not single out soviet people, only in a while we found out who they were. When Latvia became soviet, it appeared to be anticipated by the majority of the population. We were not scared of that. Russian was spoken in family and we were so naïve to think that it would be the only change in our life. Many people used to think like that, therefore mobilization of soviet troops to Liepaja in 1940 was smooth. I think it was like that all over Latvia.

First we took soviet regime calmly. Then the change started in our lives. Father had to close down his business, and mother’s store was nationalized by the state. Mother found a job as a saleswoman and father went to work for the state enterprise. He was fluent in Russian, was a good expert, so they willingly offered him a job. The firm, I was working at, was liquidated, and I remained without a job. I went to work in administration of power station. I was writing bills for electricity. Sisters studied. That was the way we lived.

I got married in July 1940. I met my future husband Naum Linger near the cinema building during the weekend. He was a soviet military officer, senior lieutenant. Naum lived on military base in Liepaja. He was a Jew, his Jewish name was Nuhim. He took part in Finnish war 15, and after war he was assigned in Liepaja. The militaries were permitted to go in the city during the weekend. He was going to the cinema. I was strolling with my friends, and we also decided to watch a movie. He liked me and started a conversation. Naum was a handsome and an interesting man. He was seven years older than me. He was born in 1914 in Ukrainian town Dnepropetrovsk [about 500 km from Kiev]. I know hardly anything about his family. Naum had elder brother, whom I had never seen. He died in early 1950s. Naum graduated from some technical institute, worked as per mandatory job assignment for three years 16. After that he was drafted in the army for mandatory military service and then went to Finnish war. Then Naum was convinced to stay in the army. We did not date for a long time. Naum proposed to me rather soon. My parents were against our marriage , though Naum was a Jew. Father tried to convince me that soviet Jews and Baltic Jews were totally different and said that it would be hard for us to get along. Besides,  parents were afraid that Naum might have a family in USSR and he was just fooling around. I directly asked Naum and he told me his story. He got married at a very young age, and divorced his wife a long time ago. I loved Naum, and firmly decided to marry him. Youth and love can do a lot, and my parents gave in. Naum was an officer, the member of the party, so there was no way we could have a traditional Jewish wedding. Our marriage was registered in marriage register and that was it. It was painful to my parents, but they were wise people and loved me, so they found strength to abide by that.

After getting married we started living separately from parents. Naum was allowed by his chief to stay in the city, not in the barrack. We rented a 3-room apartment. I furnished it myself and purchased necessary things. I was 19 but he wanted to show my parents that I was a grown-up and independent woman, a true hostess being able to do anything myself.

I did not fully observe Jewish traditions when I got married. Of course, I never mixed meat and milk products. I still keep that rule. I did not have kosher meat. Soviet regime closed down all kosher stores. Mother got kosher meat in synagogue. I was working and it was hard for me. We did not mark holidays at home. Husband was the member of the party so he could not observe Jewish traditions in his family. On all Jewish holidays he and I went to my parents and we marked the holidays with them. On the 1st of May 1941 parents came to see us for the first time after we got married. I was going for the eight’s month. On that occasion I bought new dishes for them definitely to be kosher. Though, on that day parents just had tea, but still I understood that they had forgiven us for getting married.

During the war

I gave birth to a son on the 7th of June 1941. Parents and sisters came to the delivery house to meet us. We called son Ilia after Naum’s father. His Jewish name was Eliagu. My parents were very happy that we did not give our son a Russian name. Ilia’s brit-milah was to take place on the 22nd of June 1941. Father was proud of his first grandson and was looking forward to his brit-milah. He stayed over night on 21 /22 June to help me get things ready for the rite. At night I was awaken by the blasts. I asked father what it was and he assumed that there were maneuvers.  At noon on the 22nd of June we found out that Germany [Great Patriotic War] 17 unleashed the war. Night explosions were not connected with training. It was German air-raid. Husband had stayed in the barracks for couple of days. For some reason my husband was told to stay there. He called me and said that we had to leave at once. Of course, I did not want to go anywhere as I was scared to think that I would be on the road with a two-week infant. I talked mother into going with me and help me with a baby. Younger sister Sarah was just 10 years old and mother took her with us. Father and my sister Hinda refused from leaving Liepaja. Hinda was 17. She finished school and was going to enter the institute. Mother and I were going to come back home. We thought that we would go to Riga, wait until the bombing ends and return home. The whole kin, both cognate and agnate, stayed in Liepaja. Paternal grandfather Iosif was about 90 year’s old. Apart from us only 5 people survived out of our huge kin. Grandfather Iosif lived with Zina’s family at that time. I was told that he put tallith, tefillin on every morning and sat on the porch of his house waiting for Germans to come and get him. It happened in spring 1942, he was just shot on the porch of his house. Max Brutskus, Zina husband, was shot in Liepaja in December 1941. Zina and her children were in Auschwitz camp. It was improbable for the three of them to survive in concentration camp. Upon liberation they left for Israel. Aunt Zina died in 1966, Abram died couple of years ago, and Karmela is still living by Ber-Shivah. Uncle Nohum’s son Isaac, who was in army,\ and son of uncle Gershen Avrom also survived. My cousin Isaac is still living in Antverpen, Avrom – in Liepaja. The rest perished in holocaust. Uncle Nohum, who lived in Riga, was the first victim of fascists. He was captured in the street and locked up with other Jews in choral synagogue at Gogol street in Riga 18. All those people were burned alive in the synagogue. His wife Etle and three children perished in Riga ghetto 19. Mother’s elder sister Mushl Knyaseva, her husband and two children- Isaac and Taube, mother’s brother Gershen and his son Shalom, the family of mother’s sister Hanna Katsizna: Hanna, her husband and three children, 2 sons and a daughter , mother’s brother Neham, his wife and son Abram, husband of mother’s sister Mina, who died in 1940, their two children, mother’s brother Girsh with his wife Dora and two children were shot by Germans in Liepaja in 1941 or 1942. My father and my sister Hinda perished. We found out about that after our return, when the war was over.

On the 14th of June 1941 soviet regime deported citizens of Baltic republics 20, including Latvia. There were a lot of Jews among the deported. They were not deported by nationality factor. Those were deported who were rich, and owned property as well as political-minded and religious activists. Fortunately, our family escaped deportation. At that time we thought that we were lucky. Then in postwar years I understood if God had had more mercy on our peoples, more Jews would have been deported. In spite of hard living conditions in Siberia, many of them would have survived and there would have been more survivors than those who were captured by Germans. Of course many of the exiled died, especially those, who were in Gulag 21. Their exiled families also had a hard life, but still they were not exterminated, executed. Many of those survived came back to Latvia from exile.

Husband asked his friend to take care of us. He came to us, helped us get on the body of the truck and we left. We took very few things with us. I had a small suitcase with the swaddling clothes and undershirts for my son, sister had another suitcase where she put a little bit of rice, soap and underwear for each of us. We left with the clothes we had on and that was it. The rest was left at home. The truck took us to the train station in Liepaja. Father and Hinda went to see us off and we took the train heading for Russia. We reached Riga safe. We got off in Riga and stayed with the family of mother’s brother Nohum. Then Germans started bombing Riga and at nights we could hear air-raid alarms. We had to leave again. I managed to get on the truck to take my family to the train station and get on the train. It was next to impossible for us to live, but we left by chance. God’s will is in everything! I believe in fate, that God leads everybody’s lot. It seems to me that our torah and the whole Jewish history prove that all thoughts we have and actions we take are predetermined by God. Not much depended on us, it was God’s will to let us survive. Pskov was the first stop after Riga. Then we came to Staraya Russa. We had been traveling in the middle of bombings. There we got off the train. One Jewish family let us stay in their place overnight. Staraya Russa was bombed at night. Mother said that we could not stay there and returned to train station. One goods train was about to start and we got on that and just went in the unknown direction. We were taken out of Moscow, Yaroslask oblast. There were thousands of carts to take the evacuees to the villages, to kolkhozes 22. When father was seeing us at the train station he told us not to leave too far away from the railway. At that time I could not get what he meant, but I remembered his words. That is why we did not go in the deep rear, 150-200 km from the train station and waited until one lady said that her village was 8-10 km away from the station. I thought that such distance could be covered on foot and we went with her. It certainly saved our lives. The peasants had been treating us very compassionately the whole time we stayed in the village. They were sympathetic and good-wishing, but they were destitute and could hardly help us with anything. Local people from kolkhoz said that they had not seen bread for four years, as all of it had been taken by the government. They ate mostly potatoes from their gardens. We, evacuees, were given loaves of bread. We had to cover the distance of 4 kilometers from kolkhoz to get the bread. I was ashamed to come home with bread and see the eyes of local people who had already forgotten the taste of bread. We left home in summer dresses and had not taken any warm clothes with us, but the winters were severe. From front roundups we understood that we would not be able to come back home soon. We had to leave for warmer place. We were told that winters were warm in Tashkent and in early September we were on the road. I found that Latvian government was evacuated in Kirov, now Vyatka [350 km from Moscow], not far from the place where we were. I talked my mother into making one stop in Kirov. We had stayed there during the entire period of evacuation. It was a rather large city with wooden houses. There was a good climate and pretty good people. We were lucky to be housed on the first day of our arrival. We were lodged in the house of the chief of local militia. During our conversation I mentioned that I knew foreign languages. I even did not have a passport, but the chief of militia guaranteed for me and I was given a job in military censorship office of NKVD 23. My job was to check incoming letters to Kirov oblast. There were a lot of letters in Yiddish and German. I was proficient in those languages. Of course, I cannot remember everything now. Some of those letters were scary and I understood that the troubles of our family were mere trifle as compared to other families. I recollect one letter which came from Leningrad to some village in the vicinity of Kirov in 1942. Such atrocity and ordeal were described in that letter that I decided that it was written by an insane person. Then I understood that the person wrote about his life in besieged Leningrad 24. I still remember that letter no matter how many years went by. In summer 1942 military censorship was transferred to Karelian front. I could not be transferred as I had a small child. I was offered to go through training in NKVD intelligence instead of working as a censor. The training was to last half a year and then I was promised to be given a military rank, promoted and offered a job in the rear. Of course, mother was appalled. But I cried saying that I had to take a chance to learn anything. I was sent to NKVD school in Gorky. Mother stayed in Kirov with Sarah and little Ilia. Sarah went to school, mother was at home с my son. They received food cards 25, but they were not enough, of course. I got allowance as a cadet of NKVD school, and sent it to my mother. All cadets were girls and young women.  Men were in the lines. We were taught the methods of counterintelligence rather than reconnaissance. We had studied there for four months, and there was an order of the commander to send everybody to the lines. What were we to do ? Some ladies had to leave children in orphanages. We were promised that we would come back , and here we were to be drafted in the lines, and no objections were accepted. I knew that there was a Lettish division 26 in the vicinity of Gorky and I asked to send me there. The commander sent a request in Moscow and I was permitted to go to that military unit. I came there, found the headquarters and introduced myself. They were happy to see me as they needed cryptographer, we were taught cryptography at school as well. I was good for me to be in the rear, not far from my family – only twenty four hours in a car on a highway. I did not stay there for a long time. In winter 1943 our troops started attack by Stalingrad 22, and I was sent there as a translator. People who were fluent in German were needed, as there were a demand for military translators. They searched people by reviewing personal records. Thus, they found me. I was housed in the hostel and I had to work for 12-18 hours per day. There were a lot of captives and a lot of documents. I was called to Moscow after Stalingrad. I worked there as a translator in the headquarters for a while. Then I was transferred to Ukraine, в 58 army of the 3rd Ukrainian front. We had to get to Odessa through liberated from Germans Kiev. After Stalingrad I was conferred with the rank of junior lieutenant, and I was heading to Odessa in the rank of lieutenant. I had covered the entire South of Ukraine with the 58th army. We went to Moldavia from Odessa, and overstepped the border with Romania. I thought that the border was a wall or some other hurdle, but it was just a strip of tilled land.

I was taken beyond the front line for two times. Once, our counterintelligence department was informed of young lady, who was collaborating with Romanians. We were supposed to trace her and check the information about her. For some reason I and one more soldier were chosen. It happened at the end of war, in March 1945. We changed for civilian clothes and crossed frontier. We had to walk for about 5 km to get to the house of that woman. I was to meet her, ingratiate with her and tell her that I ran away from Russians. I did everything what I was supposed to, and then I saw that woman leave the house and walk in the forest. We followed her and saw her meeting with Romanians. We came back in the unit and I reported to my commander. The second time I went there with two soldiers to arrest her. I lured her from the house and she was nabbed outside. We were to take her to the headquarters via front line. The first operation was a success. Though, it was the time, when both we and Germans understood that the war was winding up. There were less shooting and there was the period of lull.

After the war

On the 9th of May 1945 we were informed that Germany singed unconditional surrender and the war was over. People were crying and laughing at a time, shooting in the air, congratulating each other, making plans for future and expressing ideas how to get home. I was happy that the war was over and I would see my sonny, mother, sister. I dreamt that we would come home and find our relatives. During the war we did not know anything about their fate. Of course, we heard of the atrocities of Germans on the occupied territories, but we hoped that they escaped that lot, but they had not…

I did not feel any anti-Semitism neither during the war nor during my service in the army. All of us were equal, doing one common cause. Of course, Jewish soldiers and officers were aware if they were captured by Germans, they would be treated much worse than any other captives. They did their best in order to avoid it. Though, some people could not. I knew one officer, a Jew, who was captured by Germans and survived in spite of the fact that he was circumcised. He somehow dodged from medical examination and went to the bathhouse the last. I do not know if he is still alive. Other than that, nationality did not matter. I got military awards for my front service, namely “Medal for Valor” 28, « Medal for Military Merits » 29 and « Medal for Victory in Great Patriotic War» 30. I do not have the orders as I did not take part in the battles. Later on I was given Great Patriotic War Order of the 2nd Class 31, and other awards for memorable dates in war and jubilee dates of the Soviet army. Front-line medals are the most precious for me. I keep them. When I die, they would be taken to the dump. I cannot send them to my son in Israel, and there is nobody I could give them. I did not join the party. I have no idea how I could escape it as I was an officer and worked with the documents. I was probably the only one among those who were involved in my work, who was not the member of the party. I firmly believed that only the best out of the best were supposed to be in the party and I sincerely thought that I could not assume such a responsibility. When the commissar 32 of the regiment regularly suggested that I should apply for the party, I honestly said that I was working to become better and when feeling that I did well, I would apply right away.

I kept writing to my mother since my departure from Kirov. It took long time for letters to get there, but I still got them. Even when the army was mobile, all letters got to destination of the addressees. I did not correspond with my husband. I did not know where he was. I did not even know if he was alive. Then I found out that Naum tried to find us, but for some reason in the evacuee inquiry service of Buguruslan he was told that nothing was known about us, though mother, sister and my son actually had lived in Kirov during the entire period of their evacuation.

I wanted to get demobilized from the army right after the victory day, when combatant army personnel was demobilized. Translators and cryptographers had not been demobilized yet. We were supposed to have a lot or work with the documents of German archives and headquarters. I submitted an application for demobilization, but I was refused. I was sent to Moscow army headquarters. In summer 1945 I was ordered to take a trip to Latvia. After that trip I decided to come back to any place in Latvia, if there was no possibility to come to Liepaja. I fulfilled my trip assignment and came back to Moscow. I wrote a report asking to transfer me to the Baltic military circle. My request was met and in November 1945 I went to Riga, to be assigned in Baltic military circle. In autumn 1945 mother with children came to Liepaja from Kirov. It was a hard time of hunger and mother found a job at a canteen. The workers were fed and allowed to take some food home. At that time it was of great importance. I sent her my officer’s monetary certificate. Sister went to school. Ilia, who turned 4, went to kindergarten.

When I was transferred to Riga, I bumped into my husband. When they saw my name in the headquarters, they said that there was another Linger, and wondered whether he was my relative? Then they brought him. I look – he is my Naum! I cannot say how much joy we had. Naum also did not know what happened to us, whether we were alive. He also was serving in Riga. Naum finished the war in the rank of a captain. Sometimes we were given the days of leave and we could go to Liepaja to visit our relatives. Then militaries were given apartments in adjacent districts. I concealed the fact that Naum was my husband, and both of us got separate apartments. Then I was able to take mother and children in Riga. Husband, I and our son got settled in husband’s apartment and mother with sister lived in the apartment received by me. I still worked in military circle, but life was much easier than that during the war – I had standard working day, no working at night. I also had a lot of work with the documents, translations. There was a period of time we had much work with the captives, who were in Riga.

Husband was very reluctant to stay in the army. He managed to get demobilized in 1946. Husband had engineering education and he was assigned as a chief engineer at mechanic plant. In a while he became the director of that plant. Husband was a stunner and a dude. He liked to dress up and got dressed to the fashion. In soviet times it was hard to get beautiful fashionable attire. I was rather indifferent to clothing and husband bought me outfits himself. Sometimes, the goods were taken to the plant and sold to the employees. There were things, which were not on offer in the stores. Naum could buy things over there. Thus, we had necessary clothes and footwear. We were not rich, but we had a calm and regular life.

In 1948, when I had less work to do, I broached the subject on my demobilization again. I was scared that they would assign me to a new place. I was not willing to part with my family. I was talked into staying. I was told that I would be bereft of the benefits after demobilization. Finally, I my report had been signed. I did not work for couple of years after demobilization. I raised son, took care of house and read a lot. I lacked all that during name Ruvin after his father. Mother and I thought of putting that name in the birth certificate, but husband convinced us that it would be very hard for our son to live in Soviet Union with a truly Jewish name. Russian name Roman was put in his birth certificate.

I did not deny my Jewry even in soviet times. I have been a member of the Jewish community of Riga since 1946. It was very hard to observe Jewish traditions in postwar times. There was a deficit of standard products in the store, nothing to speak of kosher ones. The only thing I could do was not to mix meat and milk and not to buy pork. I lit candles in the house only on holidays, because it was even problematic to buy candles. On holidays my husband and I always went to the synagogue no matter that Naum was a party member. Of course, soviet regime struggled against religion in all possible ways 33, but we believed that we were entitled to mark our holidays, keep our traditions. We purchased the seat in the synagogue for mother and we annually paid for it. I kept that seat for myself mother’s death. We tried to make contributions to the synagogue the way we could. Husband was never against it as he was raised in a religious Jewish family. He was a generous man in his nature, so he donated money without regret. Though, he could not do it by himself. He might have been fired for that. He gave the donation money to mother and she brought it to the synagogue.

Our sons were not brought in the religious spirit. We understood that they were to live in Soviet Union and did not want to create additional hurdles for them. We always marked Jewish holidays at home. Our sons knew the history of each holiday and traditions, connected with them. We did not take them to the synagogue, but at home they always took part in paschal seder, Kapores, Yom-Kippur. Even in soviet times we there was matzah for Pesach in the house. Of course, there was no place to buy it officially. There was a bakery, where people brought flour, their matzah was baked for them and then they took it.  Mother got up at 5 a.m. to stand in the line of the bakery. In the evening she and my husband went to the bakery to pick up matzah. There was no way we could miss a Jewish holiday. Of course, the regime constantly was putting obstacles but those who wanted to be a Jew, were not stopped. Mother always bought alive chicken on the market and took them to shochet. She ate only chicken out of all meat. Those who wanted, found the ways. There was Jewish cultural life in postwar Latvia. Jewish singers came from Lithuania and Russia. We had never missed the concerts and the performance. Husband was the amateur theater-goer and I gladly went there with him. We were young, and feeling happy about everything.

After war few local Jews remained in Latvia- as compared with the Soviet Jews, settled in Latvia after war, Latvian were just a scattering. There were Polish and Romanian Jews, who were taken to the concentration camps and after being released they settled here. Some militaries who served Latvia, decided to stay here. We were totally different people – having different upbringing and mentality. Byelorussian Jews were closer to us part of Lithuanian was Vitebsk province of Russia, thus some common features were preserved. I did not take most of the new-comers as Jews. I contacted with those people at work, but I had never been in friendly or close relations with them. I even did not have friendly relations with my colleagues with whom I had worked for 40 years, but keep no friendship with any of them. Apart from very few friends from childhood, who survived the war, new friends appeared only in late 1980s, when Latvian Society of Jewish culture was founded.

When cosmopolite processes 34 commenced in Soviet Union in 1948, of course they referred to Latvia as well. At that time neither me nor my loved ones were touched by that. We certainly were aware of those processes and we read about them in papers, but we were rather far from that. As for ‘doctors’ plot ‘ 35, taken place at the beginning of 1953, it was felt by all Jews in Riga. There were rumors that Jews would be exiled in Siberia and trains were ready to take the people in exile. Probably it was a tittle-tattle but did not have grounds not to believe them. It must have been Stalin’s death that saved us from that lot. One of my distant relatives lived in. We were friends. He was a doctor and studied in Italy before war. During the war he was a military surgeon in the field hospital and after war he taught in medical institute and operated on in the institute clinic. He was fired, and he was lucky not to be arrested.

I remember Stalin’s death on the 5th of March 1953. Many people took it hard and we sobbed and lamented as if he was our relative. Of course, it were soviet people who lamented. Probably none of aboriginal Latvian Jews felt sorrow. We were not dazzled with propaganda as we had not lived under soviet regime that long. Though my husband had been raised during soviet regime, he castigated Stalin. Of course, he did not criticize him in the presence of outsiders, as he understood the consequences of his sincerity. He behaved neutrally, without eulogizing the leader and the teacher. He understood that he was a tyrant and despot. Close people got together in our place on the day of Stalin’s death and made a party. We drank vodka and said toasts to the better life. We hoped that after Stalin’s death we would have a better living, with no constant fear. After ХХ party congress 36, when Khrushchev 37 held a speech on Stalin’s malefactions and trespassing we understood that our hopes came true. In actually, life was better, there were no repressions. Of course, there was no liberty, but we did not live like we used to having constant fear of repressions due to an incautiously spoken work or without any grounds at all.

In 1948 we learnt about the foundation of the state of Israel. Of course, before it existed under the name of Palestine, English protectorate, and in May 1948 all states of the world recognized the sovereign Jewish state Israel. We felt so proud! My husband and I invited our friends and loved ones and laid a table. Of course, we had to do it quietly, surreptitiously for the neighbors not to find out about that, but it was our holiday and we marked it.

Father’s sister Zina found us. She was not willing to come back in soviet Latvia with her children after having been liberated from Auschwitz, so she and her children immigrated to Palestine. We were very happy to receive the first letter from them and since that time we kept in touch. It was dangerous for soviet citizens to correspond with relatives abroad 38. In Stalin’s times people could be blamed in espionage, imprisoned or sent to Gulag. When Khrushchev was at power such drastic measures were not taken, but my husband, for instance, could be fired or expelled from the party. We wrote only about our lives in letters and did not raise any political subjects, but still it was jeopardous for Naum, therefore we corresponded with them via mother, to her address. The correspondence was regular and our communication was not intercepted.

Husband and I were constantly following the evens in Israel. We were very worried in the period of the Six-day war 39, Doomsday war 40. There was a very distorted and biased information in the press. We listed to rounds-up over the programs «Voice of America» 41 or other radio stations, we listened in at night. The jamming, created by the soviets, was not as considerable. Children went to bed, but husband and I, dove under the blankets, tuned the radio to the certain wave. Thus, we listened in radio and the next day we exchanged the news we heard with the people we knew. We were not worried only because of our kin out there, but also for the reason that we took pride in our Jewish state, rejoiced in its strength and victories.

After war our life was filled with uncommon for us soviet holidays – 1st of May, 7th of November 42, Soviet Army Day 43, Victory Day 44. It was mandatory for all the workers to go to the demonstrations on revolutionary holidays – the 1st of May and the 7th of November. I always tried to dodge from those demonstrations, but my husband had to attend them. Soviet holidays in USSR were days-off and we enjoyed every opportunity to get together with friends and have fun. At that time there were no stores, where we could buy pre-fabricated products or readymade dishes. We had to stand in the lines, and then had to cook from scratch having scarce products we were able to buy for the festive table.

When sons grew up, I decided to regain work. I worked in the system of consumer services, which was developing at that time. I started our from the clerk in the dry cleaners. I was a bona-fide employee, having good organizational skills. When the factory of consumer services span out its activity, director gave me a task to organize all kinds of services: repair and remodeling of clothes, watch mending, laundry etc. I set up a lot of directions and became deputy director of the factory. Again I was offered to join the party, but I lingered. I did not want to take up great responsibilities, spend my time on party meetings, follow party discipline. I understood that all of that was a game for the adults, the conventionality of which was clear to everybody, but all participants pretended to play serious. After ХХ party congress, I did not believe in the ideas of the party and saw that often go-getter joined the party, who wanted to use their party membership cards for additional benefits. I did well in anything I undertook. I had a task job. I coped with all tasks at work. My assistant and I did the work of the whole team. That is why, when I retired, my pension was very high.

Sons were growing up. We spoke only Russian with them at home. Husband and I mother sometimes spoke Yiddish, and sons since childhood spoke Yiddish. Elder son Ilia finished compulsory school in Riga. At that time there were a lot educational institutions in Latvia, therefore the competition was very high among the entrants of all the institutes. Our distant relatives lived in Moscow, and elder son left to enter the institute there. Ilia entered Moscow institute of Chemical Machine Building, Mechanics Department. Son was very capable, though lazy, but still he was a good student. The first time he married the student from his institute during his studies there. His wife was not a Jew and I worried about it. My grandson Alexey was born in that marriage in 1964. Upon graduation son and his wife stayed in Moscow. They worked and lived pretty comfortably. We were in good relations with their family, wrote to them, sometimes came for a visit to each other.

Younger son finished school in Riga. He was not willing to study in the institute, entered the vocational school of consumer services. Having finished school he started working as a watch mender. He lived with us. Roman started taking interest in Jewry, Jewish culture and history. Son was born in 1953, in the times of Stalin’s reign, so he did not have brit-milah and he thought it to be improper. Thus, when he was adult, he went through brit-milah without even asking me for advice.

My younger sister Sarah lived with mother before getting married. Having finished school Sarah decided to go on with her studies, but on the other hand she did not want to depend on mother and me for another five years. Thus, she went to work as an accountant’s clerk in the firm and studied on the evening department of Riga Finance and Economy Institute, Industry Department. It was hard on her, but sister did not give up neither work nor job. Sarah got married in 1952. Her husband is a Jew from Riga. He studied at Riga Agricultural Academy. His last name was Fleishman, my mother’s maiden name was also Fleishman, but he was not our relative, just a namesake. When he graduated from the academy, he got a mandatory job assignment in the village. Sarah went to the village with him. They had lived there for couple of years. Their daughter Inna was born in Riga in 1953. Sarah came to see us before parturition. She stayed in Riga less than a year after her daughter was born. Then she with her baby daughter came back in the village to her husband. Sarah had a hard living in the village, and she wanted to come back home in home in Riga. In every letter sister complained of her life, writing that she did not know what to do next and how to live. I was really sorry for my sister and I did my best to help her. I made an appointment in Ispolkom 45 in Riga, went to the municipal party and made it possible for my sister to be given lodging in Kiev. In 1957 they were able to leave the village and come back to their native town. Everything was fine, then my sister met a Lettish guy at her new work. He was a very good, decent and handsome man. They fell in love with each other. Sarah divorced her husband and married that Lettish guy. She did not change her name in the second marriage, and remained Fleishman. Sarah’s daughter from the first marriage lived with her. Mother was very frustrated with her marriage and tried to talk Sarah out of divorcing her first husband and marrying a man of other nationality. Then she abided by that. Things happen. Parents have to accept the choice of their children. What are they to do? They lived very well. Sarah’s husband was a wonderful man, and we had warm, friendly relationship. He died in 1996. Of course, sister was supported by friends, me, and my husband, but still she greatly suffered from loneliness. Inna, who was married and had two children, talked Sarah into immigrating to Israel. Life is hard on them in Israel, but there is no way back, so they have to get acclimatized.

Mother had a separate apartment in the adjacent house. Mother was happy to live by herself, not to be a sponger in the family of her daughter. Mother was very independent. She did not get pension. She had been a proprietress until 1940, the exploiter, it was not included in her labor record. In accordance with soviet standards mother’s record was from 1940 to 1941. Of course, I, my husband and sister helped mother, but she was too independent to live on money given by us. Mother was entrepreneurial and quick. She started making money. She worked as a baby-sitter, took orders for cooking Jewish dishes- making gefilte fish, strudels, baking any dish people ordered. In general, she tried to earn money the best way she could, and made pretty good money. When mother was over 80, we did not allow her to work. It was hard for her to buy products, cook. Even here mother found a way out: she knitted socks. At that time there were not a very good choice of goods, and what could be better in cold times than a pair of handmade warm woolen socks. Mother knitted and there were women who sold the socks. They had some income and mother received her share. Mother has always been entrepreneurial. Mother said that she was living like a queen, without owning anything to anybody. That was my mother’s independent character. She died at once. She just did not wake up in the morning. She died without being a burden. It happened in 1973. She was buried her in Jewish cemetery in Riga. A beautiful tombstone was made for her. I wish I died like her, but it is up to God Almighty.

Couple of years before mother’s death soviet regime allowed Jews to leave in Israel. It was practically the only opportunity to leave USSR, and it was only for Jews. Thus, the attitude to Jews became much worse as non-Jews envied Jews and hated. I was eager to immigrate. Mother could not leave, she would be able to survive such a change in climate. Mother tried to convince me that she would be able to take care of herself and earn enough money, besides she said she saved enough for a rainy day. She thought my family and I should leave. But we could not make it. If my husband had been more decisive, we would have left. He was the member of the party, and he was to go through a very unpleasant procedure- expulsion from the party at the general meeting. Maybe, Naum feared it, I do not know. Besides, we were worried that the life of our elder son Ilia would be affected. He lived in Moscow. He studied, then went to work. He had a wife and a child. He would have to indicate in the forms that he had relatives abroad, and it might complicate his life considerably. It was the major reason for our stay, and it did not let us actively look into getting a permit to immigrate to Israel. Thus, we did not leave. In the end, I remained alone here. Both sons left for Israel a long time ago…

Elder son came back in Riga in 1973. He divorced his first wife and settled with us. He got married in Riga for the second time. His second wife was not purely Jewish. Their son Dan was born in Riga in 1974. Then son with his family left for Israel. Now they are living in Ashdod. The son deals with environmental, my grandson is an engineer. His is a gifted boy, so he will find his way in life. I keep in touch with Ilia’s son from the first marriage –Alexey. He lives in Moscow. We write to each other. He calls me. He never forgets to congratulate me on my birthday and on holidays.

In 1982 my husband died. He was severely ill, God did not let him have an easy death. When he was about to die, he turned completely blind. Naum was buried in Jewish cemetery in Riga. He was buried in accordance with the Jewish rite. I made arrangements for him to have a beautiful tombstone. I left a land plot by Naum. Those there is nobody from my relatives in Riga who would take care of my funeral. Social center Rahamim under the auspice of Latvian Society Jewish culture would make arrangements for my burial. My younger son Roman left for Israel in 1993 from independent Latvia. It was hard for him to get adjusted to the changes in Latvia following breakup of Soviet Union and declaration of independence of  Latvia. He asked me for no advice, just informed me of his decision. He lives in Bney-Brak. His life is hard. He has odd jobs. He does not have a permanent job.  Son got married in Israel. They have been together for 11 years. Roman’s wife Lilya Belevich was from Odessa. I was in Israel twice. I went to see them. Lilya likes cooking. She takes care of Roman. I am pleased with that. Lilya and I get along. The most important thing is that my son is happy. I give even more warmth to my daughters-in-law that to my sons. Let them feel my life and pass it to their husbands and children. I sent all my golden jewelry to Lilya. I do not wear them. She is young, so let her enjoy them. Roman and Lilya do not observe Jewish traditions. Though, I cannot be too strict to them, as they grew up under soviet regime.

Perestroika 46 brought much good in my life. A Jewish family from Liepaja lived in house. Sofia and Michael were my age. We were friends with them and after my husband’s death, they became very close to me. They left for Germany in 1985. We did not get in touch for a long time. Once I sent them a card for Rosh- Hashanah and got a response from Michael saying that Sofia died. Michael invited me to come for a visit. It was 1988 during the soviet regime. I wrote to Michael that he must have been a dreamer. Then I found out that there was an opportunity to go. He sent me an invitation letter. I processed an international passport and in fall 1988 I went to Western Berlin for two months. There were a lot of wonderful times. I was shown Western Berlin. My cousin Isaac Fleishman, son of mother’s brother Nohum lived in Anverpen. I called him and he asked me to come over, but Soviet consul in Germany did not issue me a permit. Isaac came to the Western Berlin and we finally met after a long separation. There were a lot of people from Riga in Western Berlin. There was even their club. I was invited there. I told them about my life, about founded Latvian Society of Jewish culture. Before my departure I was given the envelope with money and asked to give those donations to our community. I brought the money to the chairman of the community of Jewish culture and told that the money was coming from former Riga dweller in Berlin. If not for Gorbachev 47, I should not even have dreamt of such a trip. I think that Gorbachev did a lot to remove ‘iron curtain’ 48, existing in USSR for many years. He did a lot for people. It is Gorbachev’s merit that we are not living in Soviet Union now. Though, there were good changes in that life as well. Why should I cogitate whether the breakup of the Soviet Union is for better of for worse. I am old, and have my own views. No matter what happened, it is God’s will. People started living much better, became free, but life got worse for some people, especially for old ones. I believe, we should be grateful for things we have and rejoice in the chance to live another day and in joy sent by God.

After the fall of the Iron Curtain

I was in Israel for two times. The first time I went in 1995, in about a year and a half after my younger son had left to Israel. I wanted to see how he got settled and he was living. He is not a very independent person. I lived there and saw that son’s life was more or less satisfactory. The country was gorgeous! During my first trip I went on many excursions, trying to see as much as possible. I ‘fled’ the country in June, when I could not stand the heat. The second time I went there was in 2003 to the date of the 50th birthday of my younger son. I had stayed there for a month only. I lived with my sister in Tel-Aviv, I could see her hard life. How knows, how she would be living in Latvia now… It was my last trip to Israel.

Recently I had infarction and now I would not be able to travel. Many people ask me why I am not going to my sons as here I do not have any kin, just the graves of the relatives. First of all, I would not be able to live there because of the climate, but it is not the most important reason. Of course, I would be able to be materially independent from children and live on pension granted by the state. For many years I learnt here how to get by things I have. It would be harder for me morally. I do not know Ivrit, and would not be able to learn it, as I am not young. I am not very outgoing and I do not think I would have new friends in Israel. I would pine in solitude and start calling one of my sons. I do not want to call on the wrong moment- distract that from work, or interfere with their pastime. Then I would be rebuking myself for disturbing one son or another. I do not want to be a burden or my sons. I do not want to make them take care of me. That is why I decided to spend the rest of my days here.

One thing that clouds my life is I am living in the house, whose owner was found. By 1940 that house used to belong to his family, and now it is given to him. Now I have to rent the apartment and the owner appoints the amount of rent. He sent me the bill for the amount, which considerably exceeds my pension. I took all the documents, came to him and asked to teach me how to pay 100 latts for the apartment, if my pension is 73 latts. How could I do that ? Nothing to speak that I have to pay for the electricity, telephone, food and medicine … The owner turned out to be a good person and told me to pay as much as I could afford. There is a small park by my house and I come there for 2-3 hours. I come to the community, when I can. It is a pity, that I do not feel well enough to come here every day. Every evening I thank God for the given day. I live by myself and sometimes I feel very sad, but I try to get over such mood, I tell myself that it is God’s will and I have to take my life as it is. On Friday night I light candles. I used to go to the synagogue oftener. Now I physically can't as synagogue is pretty far away from my house, and I cannot take transport. On holidays I walk there of course. I rarely go there on Sabbath. I know all the prayers, not only the texts, but the melodies as father always rehearsed at home, when he was chazzan in the synagogue.

I took part in Latvian Society of Jewish culture as soon as it was founded. There is a religious community in Riga as well. At that time people tried to do their best. Before I got ill, I helped organize the canteen for the destitute. It is still open. I worked as a volunteer in all Jewish organizations, which were being founded at that time. Of course, I received no money for that. I took an active part in our Jewish choir, which was established by Social Center Rahamim. Several enthusiasts of Jewish song got together and started making texts from bits of information they found and putting words to music. They looked for people who knew Yiddish. Our first conductor Riva had musical education. Then she left for Germany and Miron became our conductor. He came to Riga after war from Zhytomir, Ukraine. He is an engineer, he does not have any musical education, but he has a musical talent and a good ear for music, so he organized the choir very well. He taught us and learnt himself. I respect him very much.  We are pals. His wife is also singing in our choir. There are few people in our choir who had been there from the moment it was founded. New people are coming and become the members of our big family, our choir. The choir is invited in other towns of Latvia. We give concerts and the audience is not indifferent to us. Many people have tears in the years when people come over to thank us after the concert.

I am also a member of the lady’s club «A Yiddish mame», who was organized by our deceased rabbi Samuel Barkan. The meetings are once in two weeks. We do not get together for communication only. We read a weekly Torah passage, then we have tea and have a talk. We mark birthdays in the club. It is not far away from my house, and I attend almost every meeting. I am also a member of the union of the veterans of war, but I do not take an active part there, as I am not strong enough. My former classmate used to be the member of our community. He was very active and did a lot of work. He had a sudden death. It was infarction. I always thought that he would be present at my funeral, but I had to take care of his burial. His relatives from America came. They left me money and ordered a monument for him on behalf of his relatives. They collected materials for the book about holocaust and talked me into writing my reminiscences. When I start writing, my story turns out thin. They sent me the first part of their book. It is written in English. Thus, I read slowly as my English is not very good. Every time they ask me how I proceed with my recollections. Now they suggested that I should record my recollections on tape and then they would put in on paper. One a journalist from Germany came to Riga. She collected materials about holocaust. She took an interview and then it was broadcast on Hamburg radio. After that received dozens of letters from Germany, and not only from immigrants, but also from Germans, who thanked me for the interview in their letters saying that young people should be aware of the things told by me. Of course, I could not respond to all letters. I chose the letters from the Northern Germany, which was close to us, and wrote them. Thus, the correspondence started with two German families. We had never seen each other, but it seems to us that he had known each other all life long. One of those people is an expert in narcology and another one is a priest. Recently one of the patients of that narcology doctor came in Riga, who gave that person my telephone, address and asked to visit me. I was pleased. This Friday I took an unusual envelope from my mailbox. It turned out that two family and their friends jointly wrote me warm and kind words and sent them to me. It was such a pleasure to get them. My German friends are subscribed to Jewish papers in Yiddish, German and Russian, which are published in Germany, Every week they send me a parcel with those papers. Every week I receive the paper from New- York «Yiddishe Forvarts» in Yiddish. Sometimes I send them short articles and they send me a paper for free. I like that paper very much and I am looking forward to getting new issues. So, now I am gladly reading only news-papers. I get enough information. As for novels and fiction, I was sated with that. The papers are very interesting. When I am through reading them, I give them to our conductor Miron, to the husband of our choir member Ella Perlman, I also take them to the synagogue. Everybody is interested in that. Every new paper I get is the sign that people remember and take care of me. It makes me warm. So, there are joys in my life. I am thankful to God for that, and for everything. There is one think I am asking him to bring peace and rest for the land of Israel. All our history, the history of Jewish peoples - is a survival, roaming in strange countries, expatriation. Our peoples survived even under such conditions. It was able to preserve the appearance, religion, language and customs. There was nothing of the kind in our history. Now there is only one thing our peoples need- to have a peaceful life on its land and build the state, not to shed blood for defense.

Glossary:

1 Latvian Society of Jewish Culture (LSJC)

formed in autumn 1988 under the leadership of Esphiк Rapin, an activist of culture of Latvia, who was director of the Latvian Philharmonic at the time. Currently LSJC is a non-religious Jewish community of Latvia. The Society’s objectives are as follows: restoration of the Jewish national self-consciousness, culture and traditions. Similar societies have been formed in other Latvian towns. Originally, the objective of the LSJC was establishment of the Jewish school, which was opened in 1989. Now there is a Kinnor, the children’s choral ensemble, a theatrical studio, a children’s art studio and Hebrew courses in the society. There is a library with a large collection of books. The youth organization Itush Zion, sports organization Maccabi, charity association Rahamim, the Memorial Group, installing monuments in locations of the Jewish Holocaust tragedy, and the association of war veterans and former ghetto prisoners work under the auspice of the Society. There is a museum and document center ‘Jews in Latvia’ in the LSJC. The VEK (Herald of Jewish Culture) magazine (the only Jewish magazine in the former Soviet Union), about 50,000 issues, is published in the LSJC.

2 Cantonist

The cantonists were Jewish children who were conscripted to military institutions in tsarist Russia with the intention that the conditions in which they were placed would force them to adopt Christianity. Enlistment for the cantonist institutions was most rigorously enforced in the first half of the 19th century. It was abolished in 1856 under Alexander II. Compulsory military service for Jews was introduced in 1827. Jews between the age of 12 and 25 could be drafted and those under 18 were placed in the cantonist units. The Jewish communal authorities were obliged to furnish a certain quota of army recruits. The high quota that was demanded, the severe service conditions, and the knowledge that the conscript would not observe Jewish religious laws and would be cut off from his family, made those liable for conscription try to evade it.. Thus, the communal leaders filled the quota from children of the poorest homes.

3 Nikolai’s army

Soldier of the tsarist army during the reign of Nicholas I when the draft lasted for 25 years.

4 Kurland

in Latvian Kurzeme, (Kurland) is a historic region in the Western part of Latvia; ancient Kursa. It was conquered by German knights in the 13th century and became part of Livonia. Has been Kurland Duchy since 1561, in the period 1795-1917 was Kurland Province of Russian Empire and beginning from 1918 and at present it is a part of Latvia.

5 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

6 Latvian independence

The end of the 19th century was noted with raise of the national consciousness and the start of national movement in Latvia, that was a part of the Russian Empire. It was particularly strong during the first Russian revolution in 1905-07. After the fall of the Russian monarchy in February 1917 the Latvian representatives conveyed their demand granting Latvia the status of autonomy to the Russian Duma. During World War I, in late 1918 the major part of Latvia, including Riga, was taken by the German army. However, Germany, having lost the war, could not leave these lands in its ownership, while the winning countries were not willing to let these countries to be annexed to the Soviet Russia. The current international situation gave Latvia a chance to gain its own statehood. From 1917 Latvian nationalists secretly plot against the Germans. When Germany surrenders on November 11, they seize their chance and declare Latvia's independence at the National Theatre on November 18, 1918. Under the Treaty of Riga, Russia promises to respect Latvia's independence for all time. Latvia's independence is recognized by the international community on January 26, 1921, and nine months later Latvia is admitted into the League of Nations. The independence of Latvia was recognized de jure. The Latvian Republic remained independent until its Soviet occupation in 1940.

7 Bolsheviks

Members of the movement led by Lenin. The name ‘Bolshevik’ was coined in 1903 and denoted the group that emerged in elections to the key bodies in the Social Democratic Party (SDPRR) considering itself in the majority (Rus. bolshynstvo) within the party. It dubbed its opponents the minority (Rus. menshynstvo, the Mensheviks). Until 1906 the two groups formed one party. The Bolsheviks first gained popularity and support in society during the 1905-07 Revolution. During the February Revolution in 1917 the Bolsheviks were initially in the opposition to the Menshevik and SR (‘Sotsialrevolyutsionyery’, Socialist Revolutionaries) delegates who controlled the Soviets (councils). When Lenin returned from emigration (16 April) they proclaimed his program of action (the April theses) and under the slogan ‘All power to the Soviets’ began to Bolshevize the Soviets and prepare for a proletariat revolution. Agitation proceeded on a vast scale, especially in the army. The Bolsheviks set about creating their own armed forces, the Red Guard. Having overthrown the Provisional Government, they created a government with the support of the II Congress of Soviets (the October Revolution), to which they admitted some left-wing SRs in order to gain the support of the peasantry. In 1952 the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

8 Hasid

The follower of the Hasidic movement, a Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18th century that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God’s presence was in all of one’s surroundings and that one should serve God in one’s every deed and word. The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York, London, Israel and Antwerp.

9 Reestablishment of the Latvian Republic

On May, 4 1990 Supreme Soviet of the Latvian Soviet Republic has accepted the declaration in which was informed on desire to restore independence of Latvia, and the transition period to restoration of full independence has been declared. The Soviet leadership in Moscow refused to acknowledge the independence of Lithuania and initiated an economic blockade on the country. At the referendum held on march, 3 1991, over 90 percent of the participants voted for independence. On 21 August 1991 the parliament took a decision on complete restoration of the prewar statehood of Latvia. The western world finally recognized Lithuanian independence and so did the USSR on 24th August 1991. In September 1991 Lithuania joined the United Nations. Through the years of independence Latvia has implemented deep economic reforms, introduced its own currency (Lat) in 1993, completed privatization and restituted the property to its former owners. Economic growth constitutes 5-7% per year. Also, it’s taken the course of escaping the influence of Russia and integration into European structures. In February 1993 Latvia introduced the visa procedure with Russia, and in 1995 the last units of the Russian army left the country. Since 2004 Latvia has been a member of NATO and the European Union.

10 Kristallnacht

Nazi anti-Jewish outrage on the night of 10th November 1938. It was officially provoked by the assassination of Ernst vom Rath, third secretary of the German embassy in Paris two days earlier by a Polish Jew named Herschel Grynszpan. Following the Germans’ engineered atmosphere of tension, widespread attacks on Jews, Jewish property and synagogues took place throughout Germany and Austria. Shops were destroyed, warehouses, dwellings and synagogues were set on fire or otherwise destroyed. Many windows were broken and the action therefore became known as Kristallnacht (crystal night). At least 30,000 Jews were arrested and sent to concentration camps in Sachsenhausen, Buchenwald and Dachau. Though the German government attempted to present it as a spontaneous protest and punishment on the part of the Aryan, i.e. non-Jewish population, it was, in fact, carried out by order of the Nazi leaders.

11 Sholem Aleichem (pen name of Shalom Rabinovich (1859-1916)

Yiddish author and humorist, a prolific writer of novels, stories, feuilletons, critical reviews, and poem in Yiddish, Hebrew and Russian. He also contributed regularly to Yiddish dailies and weeklies. In his writings he described the life of Jews in Russia, creating a gallery of bright characters. His creative work is an alloy of humor and lyricism, accurate psychological and details of everyday life. He founded a literary Yiddish annual called Di Yidishe Folksbibliotek (The Popular Jewish Library), with which he wanted to raise the despised Yiddish literature from its mean status and at the same time to fight authors of trash literature, who dragged Yiddish literature to the lowest popular level. The first volume was a turning point in the history of modern Yiddish literature. Sholem Aleichem died in New York in 1916. His popularity increased beyond the Yiddish-speaking public after his death. Some of his writings have been translated into most European languages and his plays and dramatic versions of his stories have been performed in many countries. The dramatic version of Tevye the Dairyman became an international hit as a musical (Fiddler on the Roof) in the 1960s.

12 Annexation of Latvia to the USSR

upon execution of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact on 2 October 1939 the USSR demanded that Latvia transferred military harbors, air fields and other military infrastructure to the needs of the Red Army within 3 days. Also, the Soviet leadership assured Latvia that it was no interference with the country’s internal affairs but that they were just taking preventive measures to ensure that thi9s territory was not used against the USSR. On 5 October the Treaty on Mutual Assistance was signed between Latvia and the USSR. The military contingent exceeding by size and power the Latvian National army entered Latvia. On 16 June 1940 the USSR declared another ultimatum to Latvia. The main requirement was retirement of the ‘government hostile to the Soviet Union’ and formation of the new government under supervision of representatives of the USSR. President K. Ulmanis accepted all items of the ultimatum and addressed the nation to stay calm. On 17 June 1940 new divisions of the Soviet military entered Latvia with no resistance. On 21 June 1940 the new government, friendly to the USSR, was formed mostly from the communists released from prisons. On 14-15 July elections took place in Latvia. Its results were largely manipulated by the new country's leadership and communists won. On 5 August 1940 the newly elected Supreme Soviet addressed the Supreme Soviet of the USSR requesting to annex Latvia to the USSR, which was done.

13 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public ‘show trials’. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

14 Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland’s air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany’s forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

15 Soviet-Finnish War (1939-40)

The Soviet Union attacked Finland on 30 November 1939 to seize the Karelian Isthmus. The Red Army was halted at the so-called Mannengeim line. The League of Nations expelled the USSR from its ranks. In February-March 1940 the Red Army broke through the Mannengeim line and reached Vyborg. In March 1940 a peace treaty was signed in Moscow, by which the Karelian Isthmus, and some other areas, became part of the Soviet Union.

16 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

17 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

18 Large choral synagogue in Riga

its building is not preserved. It was built in 1871 in the downtown at the junction of Gogol Street (Voksalnaya at that time) and Dzirnavu. It was the biggest synagogue in Riga, designed by Liflyand province architect Khardenak. The ritual bathhouse –mikvah- was build close by. Synagogue was considered to be one of the most remarkable cult buildings in Riga in the ХХ century. It was famous for its cantors and choir. People of other religions came to the synagogue on great Jewish holidays to listen to cantor and the choir. In June 1941 about 300 Jews- fugitives from Shauliai, were sheltered in the basements of the synagogue. On the 4th of July 1941 Letttish politsei and militaries started bringing Jewish families from adjacent houses and passers-by –Jews to the synagogues. When the synagogue was crammed with people, the murderers threw rags, dipped in benzene, in all the corners, and set the synagogue on fire. The doors were locked and hammered in. After war soviet regime razed the burnt synagogue to the ground and the basement with the bones of the perished were blocked. The park was built on the place of the tragedy, where the honored plaque of the workers of the district was installed. Only in 1988 that sacrilege was put to end. On the 4th of July 1988 an insignia was installed here in the form of a big grey boulder where it was embossed Mogndovidom. On that place the monument will be erected. I will be dedicated to the victims of holocaust, all Jews, murdered on Latvian land.

19 Riga ghetto

established on 23 August 1941. Located in the suburb of Riga populated by poor Jews. About 13 000 people resided here before the occupation, and about 30 000 inmates were kept in the ghetto. On 31 November and 8 December 1941 most inmates were killed in the Rumbuli forest. On 31 October 15 000 inmates were shot, 8 December 10 000 inmates were killed. Only younger men were kept alive to do hard work. After the bigger part of the ghetto population was exterminated, a smaller ghetto was established in December 1941. The majority of inmates of this ‘smaller ghetto’ were Jews, brought from the Reich and Western Europe. On 2 November 1943 the ghetto was closed. The survivors were taken to nearby concentration camps. In 1944 the remaining Jews were taken to Germany, where few of them survived through the end of the war.

20 Deportations from the Baltics (1940-1953)

After the Soviet Union occupied the three Baltic states (Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania) in June 1940 as a part of establishing the Soviet system, mass deportation of the local population began. The victims of these were mainly but not exclusively those unwanted by the regime: the local bourgeoisie and the previously politically active strata. Deportations to remote parts of the Soviet Union continued up until the death of Stalin. The first major wave of deportation took place between 11th and 14th June 1941, when 36,000, mostly politically active people were deported. Deportations were reintroduced after the Soviet Army recaptured the three countries from Nazi Germany in 1944. Partisan fights against the Soviet occupiers were going on all up to 1956, when the last squad was eliminated. Between June 1948 and January 1950, in accordance with a Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR under the pretext of ‘grossly dodged from labor activity in the agricultural field and led anti-social and parasitic mode of life’ from Latvia 52,541, from Lithuania 118,599 and from Estonai 32,450 people were deported. The total number of deportees from the three republics amounted to 203,590. Among them were entire Lithuanian families of different social strata (peasants, workers, intelligentsia), everybody who was able to reject or deemed capable to reject the regime. Most of the exiled died in the foreign land. Besides, about 100,000 people were killed in action and in fusillade for being members of partisan squads and some other 100,000 were sentenced to 25 years in camps.

21 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

22 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

23 NKVD

People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

24 Blockade of Leningrad

On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

25 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

26 Latvian division

Latvian rifle division 201 was formed in August/September 1941. The formation started in the Gorohovetski camps in the vicinity of Gorky (present Nizhniy Novgorod), where most of evacuated Latvians were located. On 12 September 1941 the division soldiers took an oath. By early December 1941 the division consisted of 10,348 people, about 30% of them were Jews. 90% of the division commanders and officers were Latvian citizens. In early December 1941 units of the Latvian division were taken to the front. From 20 December 1941 till 14 January 1942, during the Soviet counterattack near Moscow the division took part in severe battles near Naro-Fominsk and Borovsk. The casualties constituted 55% of the staff, including 58% privates, 30% junior commanding officers. Total casualties constituted about 5700 people, including about 1060 Jews.

27 Stalingrad Battle (17 July 1942- 2 February1943) The Stalingrad, South-Western and Donskoy Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad

On 19-20 November 1942 the soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330 thousand people) in the vicinity of Stalingrad. The Soviet troops eliminated this German grouping. On 31 January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91 thousand people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

28 Medal for Valor

established on 17th October 1938, it was awarded for ‘personal courage and valor in the defense of the Motherland and the execution of military duty involving a risk to life’. The award consists of a 38mm silver medal with the inscription ‘For Valor’ in the center and ‘USSR’ at the bottom in red enamel. The inscription is separated by the image of a Soviet battle tank. At the top of the award are three Soviet fighter planes. The medal suspends from a gray pentagonal ribbon with a 2mm blue strip on each edge. It has been awarded over 4,500,000 times.

29 Medal for Military Merits

awarded after 17th October 1938 to soldiers of the Soviet army, navy and frontier guard for their ‘bravery in battles with the enemies of the Soviet Union’ and ‘defense of the immunity of the state borders’ and ‘struggle with diversionists, spies and other enemies of the people’.

30 Medal for Victory over Germany

Established by Decree of the Presidium of Supreme Soviet of the USSR to commemorate the glorious victory; 15 million awards.

31 Order of the Great Patriotic War

1st Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for skillful command of their units in action. 2nd Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for lesser personal valor in action.

32 Political officer

These "commissars," as they were first called, exercised specific official and unofficial control functions over their military command counterparts. The political officers also served to further Party interests with the masses of drafted soldiery of the USSR by indoctrination in Marxist-Leninism. The ‘zampolit’, or political officers, appeared at the regimental level in the army, as well as in the navy and air force, and at higher and lower levels, they had similar duties and functions. The chast (regiment) of the Soviet Army numbered 2000-3000 personnel, and was the lowest level of military command that doctrinally combined all arms (infantry, armor, artillery, and supporting services) and was capable of independent military missions. The regiment was commanded by a colonel, or lieutenant colonel, with a lieutenant or major as his zampolit, officially titled "deputy commander for political affairs."

33 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

34 Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’

The campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’, i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. ‘Cosmopolitans’ writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American ‘imperialism’. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors’ Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin’s death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’.

35 Doctors’ Plot

The Doctors’ Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin’s reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

36 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin’s leadership.

37 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin’s death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

38 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

39 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

40 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

41 Voice of America

International broadcasting service funded by the U.S. government through the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Voice of America has been broadcasting since 1942, initially to Europe in various European languages from the US on short wave. During the cold war it grew increasingly popular in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe as an information source.

42 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as ‘Day of Accord and Reconciliation’ on November 7.

43 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the ‘Day of the Soviet Army’ and is nowadays celebrated as ‘Army Day’.

44 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

45 Ispolkom

After the tsar’s abdication (March, 1917), power passed to a Provisional Government appointed by a temporary committee of the Duma, which proposed to share power to some extent with councils of workers and soldiers known as ‘soviets’. Following a brief and chaotic period of fairly democratic procedures, a mixed body of socialist intellectuals known as the Ispolkom secured the right to ‘represent’ the soviets. The democratic credentials of the soviets were highly imperfect to begin with: peasants - the overwhelming majority of the Russian population - had virtually no say, and soldiers were grossly over-represented. The Ispolkom’s assumption of power turned this highly imperfect democracy into an intellectuals’ oligarchy.

46 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

47 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People’s Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party’s control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

48 Iron Curtain

A term popularized by Sir Winston Churchill in a speech in 1946. He used it to designate the Soviet Union’s consolidation of its grip over Eastern Europe. The phrase denoted the separation of East and West during the Cold War, which placed the totalitarian states of the Soviet bloc behind an ‘Iron Curtain’. The fall of the Iron Curtain corresponds to the period of perestroika in the former Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the democratization of Eastern Europe beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s.
 

Jozsef Farkas

Des, Romania
Interviewer: Emoke Major
Date of interview: July – August 2005 

For the interview, I met with Jozsef Farkas at the headquarters of the Jewish Community in Des.

Since March 1996 he has been the president of the Jewish Community, and goes to work conscientiously every morning at 8am.

From the first meeting he seemed to be a calm, patient man.

I associated kindness to his white hair and small stature, and he confirmed these features during the interview.

  • My family background

I didn’t know my family from my father’s side. My grandfather’s name was Alexander Farkas. My paternal grandparents had passed away before I was born. From what my father related about them, I think they lived in Jaravize [50km north-west of Torda], and their children were also born there.

My father had many siblings: they were four brothers and four sisters. One of the four brothers, Armin Farkas, lived in Torda, where he was a carrier, and had a lorry.He had three daughters and a son, but after my father died in 1945, he immigrated to Israel with his family and we lost touch. Another brother was Hermann Farkas. He lived in Lupeny, but I didn’t know him. The fourth brother was Gero Farkas. He immigrated to America after World War I, in the 1920s, with his four sisters. As far as I remember their names were Veronka Farkas, Gizi Farkas, Vilma Farkas, and I don’t know the other one’s name. I never met them, and I don’t know anything about them.

I remember after the war, when the whole country was in rags and tatters, and my American uncle found out that his brother, i.e. my father, had died, he sent some winter clothes for us. Back then, immediately after the war, it was possible to send packages from America, as there wasn’t any communism yet.There was a winter coat in the package. I remember that because I wore that coat for at least 30-40 years, it was in such a good condition. It was dark blue, very smooth, made from fine material, and a genuine English product.

My father, Mendel Farkas, was born in 1889 in Jaravize, and age-wise he was somewhere in the middle among his siblings. I think Gero and two of his sisters were older than my father.But I don’t know exactly, because I didn’t know them.My father fought as a soldier in World War I 1, and after that he came home and got acquainted with my mother, but I don’t know anything more about their situation.Besides my few positive features, well, I have several bad habits.One of them is that I never ask questions.Anything people say I memorize, but I never ask questions.

My maternal grandparents lived in Torda. My grandfather, Jozsef Deutsch,died around 1928-29, before I was born. As a tribute, all the boys in the family were named Joska [Joszef]. He’s buried in the Jewish Cemetery in Torda, right beside my father.I knew my maternal grandmother, Regina Deutsch. She was quite religious: she observed the kosher rules and always made sure we didn’t bring any treyf things into the house, such as bacon or other forbidden things.She didn’t cut her hair, and tied it up with a muslin shawl only when she went to the synagogue.She lived with her daughter Edit’s family. She did the housekeeping until she was physically unable. After the war my grandmother went to Marosujvar [Ocna Mures in Romanian, 24km south of Torda] to Lajos Deutsch [one of my mother’s brothers], and she died there. My father died on 6thMarch 1945, while my grandmother died two days later in Marosujvar. 

There were three brothers [in the family]: Lajos Deutsch, Kalman Deutsch, Samu Deutsch, and they had a younger sister, Edit Deutsch. Lajos Deutschlived in Marosujvar, he married the daughter of a Jewish miller and, since he was the man, he managed the mill. His wife was Manci, and they had a son and daughter. The daughter’s name was Noemi, but I don’t remember the boy’s name. They were both younger than me. After World War II they immigrated to Israel, the children settled there. Later, Lajos Deutsch came back to Torda and he died there in the early 1950s. 

Kalman Deutschhad a liquor or wine warehouse in Szekelyudvarhely. He lived there with his family: his wife and two children, a daughter, and son whose name was Joska. They were deported to Auschwitz [today Poland] and none of them came home. Samu Deutschlived in Torda, and his son’s name was also Joska [Jozsef] Deutsch. After the war he immigrated to Israel with his wife and son, and died there. 

Edit Deutschwas the wife of Jeno Hertzlinger, a Jewish pharmacist. They lived in Torda, close to the place where we moved during the war. They had a son, who was born on the same day as me, and his first name was Joska, too: two mothers gave birth to sons on the same day, and gave them the same name. They also had a daughter, Lili, who was three years younger than me. Joska ran away from his parents in 1945 and immigrated to Israel. He changed his name to Josef Shanan. He’s still alive. Israel doesn’t compel one to keep their name. When people made mass aliyah, it was even possible for people to change their birth date. They recorded whatever people said. When one arrived there, and he wanted another name, he could change it. 

Here too, in the Jewish cemetery, the first name of the deceased is written in Hebrew on the gravestone, together with the first name of his father. For example, my first name is Joska and my father’s is Mendel. Then my name would be something like Josef ben Mendel, and not Josef Farkas. This rule also applies to the girls. Sarah, the daughter of Menachen is Sarah bat Menachen. And based on this rule, in Israel it was possible to register whatever name one liked. For example, I had a girlfriend called Kirschenbaum who immigrated from Torda. It was pretty hard to register the name Kirschenbaum in Israel. And she registered herself as Duvdevani. This means Kirschenbaum, cherry tree, in Hebrew. Lili Deutsch lives in Israel too, in Rehovot. She’s Lili Huszar, after her husband, and they have a daughter.

My pharmacist uncle, Jeno Hertzlinger, was an illegal communist. He went mad when he saw the deceit of communism. They tried to organize the communist party then [between the wars]. There were a few illegal communists in the alkali works from Torda, but in the glass factory as well. After 23rdAugust 2, they promoted my uncle and he became an activist. They transferred him to Kolozsvar, and then from there to Felsotomos [Timisu de Sus in Romanian, 20km south of Brasso], where he became the manager of a ‘casa de odihna’ [holiday home] of the ‘Comitet Central’ [Central Committee]. From there he was transferred to Bucharest and appointed executive manager of the Elias hospital. A man called Elias owned this hospital and he donated it to the Romanian state.It was a large hospital, and before 1989 it was the exclusive hospital of the communist leaders.Once the mother or father of some big shot died, and since there was nobody there, they called my uncle to go with the man. They entered the dissecting-room and could hardly recognize the corpses. 

Accidentally, my uncle showed him a different corpse. So they started searching and finally found the right one. The Central Committee found out and fired him. That was why he literally went mad, and became schizophrenic. In a few words, communism was cruel. As noble as it was in theory, just as cruel was its implementation. My cousin, his son, Joska, came home from Israel and visited him in the hospital, but he didn’t recognize his son. He spent some time in the madhouse, as well, but he was mainly taken care of at home. He died in Bucharest around 1985-86, and after that his wife and daughter immigrated to Israel, in 1987. My aunt, Edit Hertzlinger, died approximately five years ago [around 2000].

My mother, Fanus Deutsch,was probably the eldest among her siblings. She was born in 1893 in Torda. My mother had a good sense of humor. She was a very jolly person. My mother told me that after she got married, and I don’t know in what conditions, her husband couldn’t take it anymore and they got divorced.This happened during World War I.My parents met after my father demobilized from the army after World War I and came home, and they got married around 1918, because my elder sister was born in 1920.My mother took care of and raised all their three children, my elder sister, me and my younger brother. She gave us everything she had. She had beautiful handwriting, not like mine, much more beautiful. She finished only four grades of middle school [i.e. she finished four grades of elementary school and four grades of middle school].

My sister, Eva Farkas,was born in 1920. She became Eva Marton after her marriage. She finished elementary school in Torda, and then graduated from the commercial high school from Nagyvarad, because the confessional commercial high school was there. She was like my father and me: quiet and calm. She got married right after my father’s death. Her husband’s name was Erno Marton, and as far as I know he was originally from Marosujvar. His parents were timber merchants and he took up the same profession. Since I’ve known him he’s worked in the timber industry. In Kolozsvar there was an office called ‘Com Lemn’ [lemn means wood, timber in Romanian], which was later attached to the ICRM, and he worked there. My sister was an accountant. They immigrated to Israel in 1958. My brother-in-law’s mother died in Torda, and his father and elder sister immigrated to Israel after the war. 

My brother-in-law requested a family reunification, and he obtained it, together with my sister, who had no children. They lived in Petah Tiqwa, and they were the employees of a union association. I think my brother-in-law worked as a statistician and my sister was chief accountant until she retired. My sister died on 22ndAugust 1994. She went by car to the market to do some shopping, and when she got out of the car, no one knows why, she fell and hit her head. They took her to the hospital, but she was in a deep coma. My brother then called to tell me what had happened. With the help of my daughter we immediately managed to get me train and air tickets, and I flew on a Thursday and while I was on the plane, my sister died. I was at her funeral, which was on Friday morning, as there were no burials on Friday afternoons because of the Sabbath. But nobody knew the cause of her death: heart attack, the heat, stroke, fell out of the car, stumbled on something –nobody knew what had happened. 

My brother, Imre Farkas,was born on 14thNovember 1931. My brother was a little bit unruly, like our mother. And he was also incredibly witty.He didn’t have too much education, but he wrote more beautifully than me: he had beautiful handwriting.He finished four elementary grades in the confessional school, and four grades in the Romanian middle school. That was after 23rdAugust [1944].But he never wanted to study, and became a tractorist, and later he studied the art of a locksmith, and welding.He had just turned 18 when he got married. His wife Ibi [Ibolya] Fisher was two years older than him, she was my age. She was born in 1929.She was 16 when she was freed from Auschwitz, and she came back to Torda.

I know that when my brother went home and told my mother he had gotten married–my mother threw him out of the house.Then they went away and I think they lived for a while in Kolozsvar near the Tranzit house [on the banks of the Szamos River] in a room of a poorly built house.Then, after a while, my mother accepted them in the family house and they moved back to Torda.My brother worked in the fire-brick factory called Proletarul. It was near the cement factory.He worked in the maintenance department. He was a locksmith-welder until 1966, when he immigrated to Israel.They had three children, but unfortunately two of them died.The first child was a girl called Vera. She died when she was four years old. I don’t know the cause of her death, she died in the hospital.Then came a boy, who died when he was three weeks old, I know that he got dehydrated, although a famous pediatrician from Kolozsvar treated him.Only the third child, Palika, managed to live.He was born in 1952, he is exactly ten years older than my daughter, and they are the only cousins in the family who keep in touch. Pali has two children: a son and daughter. 

Imre had very hard work in the factory in Torda, and with three or four of his colleagues he began drinking. He became quarrelsome, and had many problems. When he came home drunk, he used to say he would take the knife because he wanted to drink ‘Valachian blood.’My mother broke down, of course, when she heard all this.She called me on the phone from Torda –I lived in Des already –and she asked me to go to Torda because Imre got drunk again and I was to solve the problem.And I went right away. Then the family decided, after my sister immigrated to Israel, to send him to Israel, because it was too hot there for drinking. And so it happened. He immigrated with his family on 26thMarch 1966, and they settled in Kefar Sava, 15 kilometers from Petah Tiqwa. My mother immigrated with my brother to Israel because she lived with them [in Torda], and there was the grandchild whom my mother adored. And my mother died in Israel after six months and six days, because she couldn’t tolerate the climate. She’s buried in Israel, in Kefar Sava. My brother was a blocker, pneumatic blocker in Israel, at the metallurgic department of a factory. He had an accident in 1981 or 1982. The brake of a relief press failed and crushed one of his hands. After that he couldn’t use his hand in his profession as two of his fingers were numb: he wasn’t able to bend them. He did easier work until he died. First, I think they hired him as a guard in the same factory, but later he got away from there. 

My brother died on 19thMay 2002. I went there also, my brother was already buried, but I recited the Kaddish for him and sat shivah, as they called it, those seven days, with my sister-in-law and her son. They put a mattress on a board on which we sat. On these occasions people sit on the ground, not in a comfortable position, and if they had corn-husk [corn-blade] they put it on the floor, laid and covered it, and then sat on it. They don’t sit in armchairs or chairs. Relatives and visitors come and go on these occasions. Another strict ritual thing is that if someone dies in the morning, he or she must be buried in the afternoon. And there isn’t enough time to notify people.That’s why there is the gravestone unveiling 30 days later. During these 30 days they are able to notify everyone, and more people go to the gravestone unveiling rather than to the funeral. I was present at my brother’s gravestone unveiling. On this occasion there comes a chazzan who says the prayer and unveils the gravestone.The family lights a candle, and nowadays people bring flowers. This was forbidden before.My mother, brother and sister are all buried in Israel.

  • Growing up

I was born on 4thOctober 1929 in Kolozsvar, in the Matyas Matyas clinic. I got the name Jozsef Sandor after my two grandfathers, Alexander Farkas and Jozsef Deutsch. According to our ritual, every newborn boy can adopt the name of his deceased grandfather. We lived in Torda, I grew up there. After my sister was born, my father went to work in America to make some money. This was quite common then.Many people from Transylvania 3 went to America. Some of them remained there, and some returned.He worked there for four or five years, and when he got home, he bought the house we lived in. I was born later.Our house in Torda was on Avram Iancu Street, at No. 19. This is the main road if coming from Kolozsvar, before the Catholic Church and theater. It was a family house with five rooms, a kitchen, a bathroom and a pantry. There were two separate small rooms, probably built as doctor’s offices. There also was an underground apartment and many cellars.The furnishing of the house was classic.In the bedroom there were two beds, side by side, opposite to them there were two closets.We lived in the same room with my brother, but we had separate beds: sofas.We had a large yard and garden. In the garden we had vegetables, many flowers and fruit-trees.In the yard we had a seesaw.We used to play Nine Men’s Morris, and dominoes. I don’t remember the other games, I just remember that I had no bicycle, but my friends did. I had always envied them.And in the end it wasn’t even possible because my father died.And I used my friends’ bicycles.

I became an orphan at the age of 15. The things I can remember, related to my father, happened during those years. He was a much disciplined clerk. He was the chief clerk in the ceramic factory in Torda, called Ceramic Factory of Aranyosgyeres [Industria de lut Giris-Aries in Romanian]. This belongs to Aranyosgyeres, formerly called Giris-Aries [today Campia Turzii in Romanian], and old people call it that even today. My father was a traveling salesman also. He took me along about two times where he was dispatched. The company rented a car, and we roamed here and there. I remember exactly when we visited Des: we even spent a night here.From here we went to Nagybanya, and wherever the factory had a tile depot, we stopped.He also took my brother along. We were very young then. He was very calm and thorough. I probably inherited many of his characteristics because I wasn’t unruly or short-tempered. I manage to keep my cool.

My father was a true Zionist, and I found out later that he secretly sponsored Keren Kayemet Leisrael 4. The Keren Kayemet was a money box where people put money used mostly for planting trees in Israel. This money box was always hidden in the house, so that the authorities couldn’t find it. A delegate came occasionally and emptied it. After I finished the seventh grade in the Jewish confessional school, the teacher had already told us about it and only then I realized what was going on. As for politics, my poor father died politically independent: he wasn’t attracted by the right, or left.

According to the current conditions, my family can be considered as half religious. In a word, they didn’t wear beards or payes, but they weren’t atheists. The women from the family didn’t wear short hair. They covered their heads with a muslin shawl only when they went to the synagogue, because that was the ritual in the prayer house. But they didn’t wear a shawl at home or on the street. In our home, especially while my father was still alive, candle lighting on Friday evening was a rule, and so were the Friday and Saturday suppers. They strictly observed the Sabbath as far as baking challah and cooking chulent was concerned, i.e. both in terms of food and candle lighting.For Saturday my mother always cooked meat-soup and as a second dish we ate the meat which was boiled in the soup, and used to eat chulent, as well.At first there was someone who lit the fire on Saturdays in our house, but later my parents did it.My father always went to the synagogue on Saturdays and holidays, and we, the boys, went with him.He had his own seat in the synagogue, it was earned by bidding, and each year one had to buy their seat.My mother had a kosher household until the war, but bit by bit she gave it up.My father died, and then the rituals and kosher household stopped. There wasn’t even a shochet after the war in Torda.

Purim is a high holiday, exactly 30 days before Easter.The essence is that a daughter of a king, Esther, saved the Jewry.She pulled some strings around the royal family, because there was a man called Haman who wanted to exterminate all the Jews, but Esther saved them.This is the essence why Purim became a high holiday.On this occasion children used to wear fancy dresses, and when we were children, we used to get together in the yard of the synagogue.Each family cooked and baked, they baked many pastries, and this too symbolized the high holiday.

I remember that we also had that ritual in our family with different utensils for Pesach, and we kept them in a separate fach [Editor’s note: ‘fach’ is a German word. It means compartment or shelf] in the loft. This meant that there was a place in the loft, enclosed with wiring and locked, and we only kept the Pesach utensils there. My mother didn’t let anything else be put there.And before Pesach, my mother used to take all the utensils from the house into the cellar, and she brought down the Pesach utensils from the loft. If, by accident, some utensils were missing, she burnt them out in the stove [those we used daily] in order to be able to use them at Pesach. And at the end of the holiday, she gathered and washed them, and we took them back to the loft. The foundation of Pesach was the matzah.It must be started by removing any kind of bread from the house, and during Pesach people are only allowed to eat matzah.While my father was still alive we used to observe Seder eve at home. 

Sometimes Aunt Edit and my grandmother were with us, but we had no guests from outside during holidays.We always celebrated it at our home, because our house was bigger.It was part of the ritual that we had bitter herbs, horseradish or parsley. There were potatoes, boiled eggs and some vegetables, green onion or radish: we had to eat these on Seder eve.And they always gave us a little glass of wine; we had to drink a little wine after each prayer on that evening.They gave the children, as well, but they didn’t drink it.Not even the adults drank it, because drinking wasn’t a habit in the family, they only drank for the ritual’s sake.The children’s joy was the afikoman: the adults hid it first [they put it away], then the children had to find it, steal it and then [after the supper] they ate it.We had to wash our hands several times during the supper, there was a bowl prepared for this.

Yom Kippur was the highest holiday. It was a general fast then.In the evening my father blessed the supper, and then we ate. Then we went to the synagogue, came back, and didn’t eat or drink anything until the next evening, until the stars came up.And most of the people spent the day in the synagogue.There was a typical Jewish supper the next evening.We had false fish for a side-dish, they looked like dumplings, but it was made from poultry breast. They minced the poultry breast and mixed it with vegetables; it was very delicious.Then there was meat-soup with boiled meat, with chulent.

Nowadays, I could see it, especially because I’ve traveled to Israel many times, the bar mitzvah has become as important as a hatuna [wedding ceremony]. They make such a fuss about it. In my time it was almost nothing, formerly everything went strictly according to the rituals. I remember we used to go to the synagogue, and I had to read a part of the Torah which I had to learn in advance; the chazzan taught me and that was all. There wasn’t any celebration at home. This happened in 1942.This used to take place when the boys turned 13, because according to the Jewish laws, a Jew became an adult after he turned 13, not 18.The Jewish boys were taken to the synagogue for pre-prayer only after they turned 13, to be part of the minyan.I had my own tefillin, my father taught me to tie it, because I had to wear it every time I went to the synagogue after my bar mitzvah.

There was a famous rabbi in Torda [in my childhood]: Dr. Albert Wesel. He later became the chief rabbi of Transylvania. Everyone expected the rabbi from Szatmar to be elected, because it was tradition, but Wesel was a very well-known scientist and in the end he was chosen. [The chief rabbi, Albert Wesel, who, by his wisdom, consideration and noble thinking took the lead of the official regional orthodox organization, i.e. he’s the president of the national orthodox organization since 1932, before assuming the leadership of the Transylvanian Jewish religious community, founded an association including ten counties from Transylvania. Machike Hadat, goals:deepening the religious life.He supported the Talmud Torahs of the poorer communities and the religious institutions.Imre Szabo, the Jews from Transylvania, Kadima publishing house, Cluj, 1938, p.224.] He died around 1943-44. He was the rabbi of Torda until then. His son-in-law, Adler, became rabbi after that; he married one of Wesel’s daughters. Another one of his daughters, Szarah or Szuri, tutored me in German, but she had a few more sisters and brothers. I used to go to their place; the rabbi’s house was in the yard of the synagogue. It wasn’t a big house: they had two or three rooms. She tutored several children. There were occasions when we were two or three at the same time. I think her parents pushed here to do this.We had to pay for this, of course.

There was a mikveh in Torda, but we never went there. We had a bathroom at home and weren’t that religious to consider it necessary. There was also a kosher slaughterhouse in Torda, behind the yard of the synagogue. We called it ‘sakteraj,’ and we used to take our poultry there to be slaughtered. It was a classic slaughterhouse, but only for poultry. There were hangers and a floor-drain for the blood.People used to take there all kinds of poultry: hens, chickens, turkeys, geese and ducks, to be slaughtered.People also used to take there calves. Cattle were slaughtered at the town slaughterhouse, but also by a shochet.We had chickens, geese, ducks and turkeys at home. The servant used to take them there and bring them back [from the shochet’s place].Before World War II my mother always had a help at home: a servant.An older spinster was the servant for a while. She lived in the underground dwelling.There was a period when we had a young girl originally from Gyorgyfalva and she had a special bed in the kitchen. During the daytime it was used as a table, and when it was extended, it became a bed.We had several servants [in time].

There were far fewer Jews in Torda than in Des, but, nevertheless, the synagogue was full all the time. It’s true that the synagogue in Torda was much smaller than the one in Des. As far as I remember, there were approximately 400 Jews in Torda.[Editor’s note: Imre Szabo mentioned 200 community members in his work quoted above.]But there is no community life now in Torda. They are attached to Kolozsvar, and a more than 90-year-old doctor lives there, and maybe two other people. The sexton from Torda had the most accurate record about the Jewish community there as he knows by name where people are buried and what their occupation was.The sexton is a Romanian man, younger than me, and has a very interesting name. His name is Porcila.He inherited this job from his father. I knew his father, too. There’s a rule in the Jewry that they pay for the sexton’s house and taxes, and he only pays for the utilities: gas, electricity and water.There are specific rules related to the cemetery, for example, it’s forbidden to go to the cemetery on Sabbath. 

We had a custom, before the war, of course, which during the war had spread: the Jewish boys who came from the countryside to school in Torda used to eat each day at a different family and they didn’t have to pay for the meal. There were two boys who came to eat at our place. One of them came on Sunday, the other on Tuesday.They ate the same food as we did, and they ate well, thank God.We, the children, were on very good terms with them, they used to stay after dinner and we used to play together.One of the boys, Markovits, I don’t remember his first name, was originally from Rod [today Rediu, 20km north of Torda]. The other one, Goldstein, was originally from Jara [today Iara, 30km west of Torda]. 

There were very interesting stories related to this. In 1945, at the age of 15, my cousin, Joska Hertzlinger, who was born on the same day as me, left his parents and ran away with Markovits; the boy who used to eat at our house. And, very strangely, through Italy, I don’t know how, by some ships, they got to Israel. That was part of the British Empire then, and they were captured and put in jail. In the end, they were released and my cousin went to a kibbutz, while the other boy joined the army. He had managed to climb his way through the army, it seems that he was a natural at it, and advanced very well and became a general. In the end he became ramatkal: chief of the general staff of Israel. It’s a rule in Israel, that every position is time-limited, and when this expires, there is no possibility to extend that. When his term was over, he became the military attache of the embassy in Washington, where Yitzhak Rabin was the ambassador. After he came home, I spoke to him through my cousin. He lived his life in such conditions. In Israel he changed his name to Manachen Maron and he still uses this name.

The other boy, who was originally from Jara, became deeply religious. One time we went with my cousin to Haifa, his wife was employed in a factory there, and we went to see her. Someone rushed to me, ‘Hi Joska…’ and so on … I got scared and said, ‘Tell me, why do you think we are on such good terms?’ He then said, ‘Don’t you remember that I used to eat at your place every Tuesday?’ He was working in that factory as the meshgiah: ritual supervisor. This position also exists in the canteen in Kolozsvar. 

I entered the Romanian kindergarten, and parallel to that I went to the Jewish confessional kindergarten, as well. There was a confessional elementary school there, and this had an office, then there was the cheder, where we learned only Judaism. I attended that, too.I finished elementary school in the confessional school, where we learned everything in Romanian. The teacher was a Jewish man: Uncle Grossman. He was our teacher in all the four grades. He was also the headmaster.I finished elementary school there, in good circumstances. This happened exactly in 1940. Then I took the exams for the commercial high school in Torda, I was in the top four. One of my classmates, the son of a printer, was better than me, and we knew that he had graduated with nine marks. There were four of us with 8.66. But there were two pupils, one of them was the son of a general, and the other the son of a colonel, and they jumped ahead of us with 9.66 and 9.33, respectively. And when they posted the results, there was my result of 8.66, but they didn’t admit me because in the meantime the anti-Jewish laws 5 had been adopted.

Then they extended the Jewish confessional school to seven grades. If one wasn’t admitted to high school, he/she could continue the studies there.A new teacher came, she taught the fifth, sixth and seventh grades.Her name was Magda Frenkel, and she was Jewish. She was a small, short, crippled woman, and a spinster.But she was very smart, and taught all the disciplines.I attended the confessional school for three more years, between 1940 and 1943, so I finished the seven grades. A few parents gathered then, and in 1943 we took the exams for a confessional high school in Temesvar.

We were four, and one of the parents came with us. I remember there was a girl called Eszter Goro, she was older than me, but I prompted her in geography.We stayed in a hotel, went to the high school from there, and they examined us at the school. It took a few days, because we had to be examined for each subject, in Romanian.There they allowed us to pass the examination for the first and second grade of middle school [corresponding to the fifth and sixth grades today].

In the 1943-44 school years I was at home and preparing to go to Temesvar for the examination from the third grade of middle school. But in the meantime the events of 23rdAugust 1944 took place and they let me pass the examination of the third grade of middle school in the commercial high school in Torda, by extramural studies. And based on that, in the fall I was able to enter the fourth grade, and I finished the forth and fifth grades in the commercial high school. And after my father died, I had to leave school again, because I started to work. But in the meantime I finished the sixth, seventh and eight grades of the high school [this corresponds to the 10th - 12thgrades today] through extramural studies, and I graduated in 1949.

One of my best friends in Torda was Juliusz Abraham. He was older than me and we had another friend, Emil Taub, who was between us age-wise. Abraham was born in 1927, Emil Taub in 1928, and I in 1929. We did all kinds of dirty tricks together, what else could young people do ? We played sports: we used to swim and played table tennis. We used to go to the salt-bath in Torda, which was a very famous, old salt-bath.There was a huge cool water basin there, and for a while there was thermal bath also. We didn’t go bathing to the Aranyos River, because we were afraid.

We were afraid especially between 1940 and 1944, because we never knew when we would get a beating. We could have met anyone, and if they felt like it, they could beat us.And our parents didn’t advise us to go to the Aranyos. We used to go to the salt-bath, which was enclosed and people had to buy a ticket to get in, and there were cabanas there as well. Juliusz Abraham became an engineer, and lives in New York. He has a son who is almost 40, but he doesn’t want to get married. Abraham laments over this every time. During the time I spent at my daughter’s place, I contacted him through the Internet, and later I spoke to him over the phone. Emil Taub immigrated to Germany and died in Cologne, I think.

My mother tongue is Hungarian; we used to speak in Hungarian at home, because both my parents attended Hungarian schools. We [the children] attended Romanian schools, so we spoke fluent Hungarian and Romanian. And in the meantime, I learned Yiddish in the hajder [cheder]. It seems I inherited the gift for languages from one of my ancestors, because when I was a student, I also learned German with the rabbi’s daughter, Szarah Wesel. And so I knew German, too. I also studied French in school. And this turned out to be very helpful. While traveling abroad, I was never alone, I was always with a group, and they never had to send an interpreter with me, because I interpreted in French and German for the whole delegation. My daughter has the same gift. She speaks Romanian, Hungarian, Hebrew, English and French. And my grandchild knows almost all these languages, too.

  • During the war

We lived in Torda during the war. The following happened during the war. At first we lived in our house, but then the requisitions began. They considered we had some places we didn’t use.And since these weren’t used, they requisitioned them in order to ensure lodgings for the Romanian Army.And they accommodated an army-surgeon in our two small rooms; this happened around 1938-1939. I remember his name was Traian Dumitrescu and he was a colonel. He also had access to the kitchen, and had a private, called ‘ordonanta’ [in Romanian], who cooked for him. There was nothing we could do, we had to acknowledge all this and stand at attention.

Then in 1940 or 1941, right after the Hungarians occupied Kolozsvar [see Second Vienna Dictate] 6, the border was at the Felek [Editor’s note: between 1940 and 1944 Torda belonged to Romania, the border was approximately 20km from Torda]. They threw us out of our house because they established the CNR [Centrul National de Romanizare – the National Centre of Romanization] in our house. This organization addressed the problems of the refugees who came back from Hungary. We rented a house on the other side of the Aranyos River. I remember the owner had ten houses: five of them on one street and five on the backstreet, and he rented those ones, so we were able to rent one of them.We stayed there until the end of the war. Right after the takeover, when Antonescu 7 came to power, my father lost his job because he was a Jew 8. He fell sick then, around 1943. Of course this worried him, and only aggravated his condition.

When the legionaries 9 started the ‘rebeliune’ [rebellion in Romanian] on 22nd-23rdJanuary 1941, the authorities considered them rebels, and anywhere there was any disorder, they didn’t hesitate. The gendarmerie from Torda also shot a man dead during the rebellion, at the haymarket. There was a square on the current road towards the Torda Gorge where they shot a man in the head for I don’t know what reason. As far as I remember his name was Coman. 

There weren’t too many legionaries in Torda then, but they tried to do everything against the Jews. They hung printed publications on the stores: ‘Atentiune, magazin jidovesc!’ [Attention, Jewish store!]. They tortured some people only because they had a beard and payes. There were some anti-Semitic manifestations. When we went to school, there was always a group of pupils from the apprentice school, coming from or going, and they used to beat us everyday because we were Jews.

After liberation one of them became my friend and I asked him, ‘Hey you, why did you beat me up everyday ?’ He answered, ‘That was the custom then.’ They had an educator who was an earnest legionary, he made them report how many Jews they had beaten up, and so they had to beat us everyday. So he wasn’t hostile at all, but he used to do this. His name was Ioan Ros, and in the end we became friends. But he became a district attorney, then a public prosecutor of Sebes and Szaszvaros, and later the deputy public prosecutor of Deva, and finally the Secretarul Sfatului Regional Deva [Secretary of the regional council from Deva]. 

I wasn’t aware of the Northern-Transylvanian situation because my father fell sick and our only problem was how to save him.My mother treated my father, my sister was at school in Nagyvarad, and we, the two boys, managed the household.We did the shopping, cleaned up, cooked, did the dishes, washed, we practically did everything to ease my mother’s burden.My father received some kind of an allowance from the factory, but even then my mother had to sell things from the house.We had very many nice and precious silver candlesticks, and she sold those.

But in Torda we were witnesses to some secret things. Once, when I was ready to go to Israel, this teacher, Magda Frenkel, sent me word to visit and talk to her, because she felt that she was going to die.I always really appreciated her, so I went to Kolozsvar. She moved there from Torda after the war, and lived there in the Gyorgyfalva district.She said,‘Joska, do you remember I didn’t let you in that room ? ’She mentioned a room from the school. I answered,‘Well, miss, I remember, but you know, I never ask questions. You told me not to enter, so I didn’t go in there.’Then she said,‘Well, you should know that there was a secret printing shop, where they used to print passports which were taken by others via Ajton [Aiton, 18km north of Torda] from Torda to Kolozsvar, to save Jews. This was the reason why I didn’t let you in. ’These passports were smuggled mainly by the people who were working at the Cerc Teritorial [Regional Office]. This is how they called the office where young soldiers were recruited.

Among others, the cousin of my friend, Abraham, called Jakob Abraham, who was older than me, smuggled some of these passports. Every border had to be passed illegally. Once they caught him, took him to prison, they had him before the court and sentenced him to death. He managed to escape because the events of 23rdAugust 1944 took place, and he was absolved. Eszter Goro, the girl I took an examination in 1943 with, was also involved in saving the Jews. There were two pathways where Jews used to flee: one of them was near Torda Szentlaszlo [Savadisla, 23km south-east of Kolozsvar] and the other near Ajton. There were honest villagers who saved the Jews during the night.
Then they went to Israel via Bucharest.

The actual war began on 30thAugust 1944, when the Hungarians and Germans came in and reached Nagyenyed [Aiud, 37km south of Torda]. After the Hungarians came in, we had to wear the yellow star 10 for 37 days and a curfew was imposed on us. There were no such things before. That period was very tense.People feared each other. First we didn’t know who these cock feathered people were, but we feared them very much, and always ran away from them. They were very nasty, if they didn’t like something, they immediately began to beat and hit people.

When the Hungarians came in, and the Romanians blew up the Aranyos Bridge, the bridge gave way and the Hungarians built a pontoon bridge. An enormity took place there. The Hungarian authorities sent a squad of forced laborers there to build the bridge. They cut down stumps for the bridge from the park nearby, and one time a big stump tumbled on two forced laborer boys. One of them was 18, and the other 25. And they weren’t dead yet, when the commander, who was probably an ensign, ordered immediately to put them in sacks and they were buried right there. They weren’t even dead yet. Then, in March-April 1945, a few young men from Torda exhumed them, and took them to the cemetery and buried them there.

Torda was liberated on 4thOctober 1944. The Hungarians and Germans retreated and the Romanians and Russians came in. They bombed Torda from two directions.The Hungarians and Germans from Kolozsvar, while the Romanians and Russians from Nagyenyed.Torda is in a valley, and the two armies bombed it from above, so Torda was in ruins.

  • After the war

At that time we were 15 and thought that we had been liberated. Until 1947 I was a member of a Zionist youth organization called Gordonia 11, with its headquarters close to our house, and we enjoyed our freedom. What did we do there? We sang, danced and went on excursions. I remember there were other youth organizations in Torda: the Dror Habonim [Editor’s note: Jewish Zionist organization, mostly active in Iasi, Moldova, and the eastern part of Romania in the 1930s], the Hashomer Hatzair 12, and there was another one called Betar 13, but I only saw them a few times.

The Hashomer Hatzair, the Dror Habonim and the Gordonia belonged to the left-wing, and the Betar to the right-wing, according to the current views. They organized excursions and entertainments also. And, of course, each of them recruited young people to go to Israel. For example, there were these sheliachs,messengers from Israel, who explained how the youth could educate themselves in Israel. Some of the people accepted these conditions, and others didn’t. 

In 1944, after the liberation, we moved back to our house, because the former measures had been annulled. The furniture was still in the house, but part of it was damaged, but we repaired it.We had to change the tiles, because the roof fell in.And then, I went with my cousin, who was born on the same day as me, Joska Hertzlinger, to the tile factory in Gyeres and brought a carriage full of tiles. They gave us some because my father used to work there.And we repaired the roof.

Unfortunately, my father perished at the age of 55, he couldn’t be saved. We took him everywhere, but before the liberation we couldn’t go towards Kolozsvar. [Editor’s note: because between 1940 and 1944 Kolozsvar was under Hungarian authority.] We lived in Torda, and after the liberation my mother took him to Szeben, because the hospital for Kolozsvar was in Szeben then. Between 1940 and 1944 the Romanian doctors moved to Szeben, but they sent them back because the diagnosis was stomach cancer, which killed him. He died on 6thMarch 1945. 

After my father’s death, they moved another Jewish family into our house. But we were on very good terms with them, there weren’t any problems. There’s a poet in Temesvar, Adam Anavi, he’s around 96-97. His original name was Feri Frucht. And this Frucht family moved in with us. The son moved to Temesvar, one of the daughters moved to Kolozsvar, and the other daughter and her mother, lived in our house until they died. The mother died first, then her daughter, the elder sister of Adam Anavi, and then the house became empty.

After their death my mother continued to live there.Before they immigrated to Israel, they sold the house to a mathematics teacher called Kolozsi, who was originally from Sinfalva. My mother and brother moved into the teacher’s apartment. This was in Torda, close to the salt mine, in fact the house was called the salt mine apartment building. They lived there for seven to eight months, until they immigrated to Israel.

After my father’s death, my mother tried to do something. She sold some things from the house, and my sister got married in the meantime, but we had no other solution, I had to work after I turned 18. On 4thOctober 1947, with the help of my pharmacist uncle, I was hired at the cement factory in Torda. I began my career there as a total beginner.

There was a national level measure in 1949, where they picked out a hundred people from the industry and took them to Bucharest, and taught them ‘planificare’ [planning], and I was one of them. They had this course at the Ministry of Economy and Industry, where they taught us how to organize the companies after they nationalized them on 11thJune 1948. And we got a document certifying that we were instructors de planificare [planning instructors].

When I started to work in 1947, the whole cement factory in Torda was private property, and later it was nationalized, and after I finished this course they took me to the planning department, and after a short period of time they appointed me head of the planning department.

I couldn’t go to university because after I started working, I dedicated myself to work. Probably, if I was a bit smarter, I would have done it somehow, because many people did it then. But I wasn’t willing to lie down on the job. In 1952 I was transferred to the same position in Bicaz, to the newly built cement factory. I was there for a year, and in 1953 I was appointed to the Ministry of Construction Materials in Bucharest. This Ministry was separated from the Ministry of Constructions, but the two ministries, the Ministry of Constructions and the Ministry of Construction Materials were in the same building. I had the same position and tasks as the chief of the planning department at the Directorate of Cement Industry. We had to organize the whole cement industry of the country there. We decided on the volume of production, conditions, staff and salaries. We did everything; I worked from morning until night. 

I worked in Bucharest when I was young and made it, but housing was a huge problem then. We lived in a residence where three families lived in two and a half rooms. My two colleagues, who had wives, lived in the two rooms, and there was a servant’s hall with a washstand, and that was my room. It was very good for me while I was single; the seven square meters were enough for my sofa and closet.

But in the meantime I got married, and we needed another apartment. My superiors, the Secretary and Deputy Minister promised me everything. In that building a one-room apartment became vacant, it was a bit larger than the former one, and we had our separate apartment. They allocated it for me and my wife, and when they gave the allocation, in accordance with the situation then, they allocated it for a cocotte. The former president of the district was a party secretary in the ministry I was working at, and he used to command over the ministry.

So we had to stay in that half room. And then I went to the Secretary and said, ‘Tovarasul ministru, eu plec din Bucuresti.’ [‘Comrade Secretary, I’ll leave Bucharest’] ‘Mai, esti nebun?’ [Hey, are you crazy?] ‘Tovarasul ministru, nici un minut nu mai stau.’ [Comrade Secretary, I won’t stay, not for one moment more.] They didn’t believe me, because I was very well situated, I really made it, and when the managers were missing, the secretary always called me for any problem. 

Then something happened in Des, and the Deputy Minister told me, ‘Hey, something has happened in Des, I have to tell you.’‘Go ahead.’‘You see, we have to fire the manager in Des.Will you go to Des?’‘I would go anywhere, just to get away from here.’ And I came to Des in 1957, I resolved all my things in Bucharest very, very fast, and one of my friends brought my wife from Bucharest a bit later. I sent a truck from the factory where I was the manager, and they put in our things which we had in that small, seven square meter room.This man Jidu Abraham, who lived in Bucharest and helped us to put our things on the truck, brought my wife, too. We were and still are very good friends.

So I’ve lived in Des since 1957. First they appointed me manager of the cement factory in Des, and I worked there until 1958, when they threw me out from the Party 14. I had no problems because of my Jewish origin, because I didn’t give them the opportunity to catch me on a mistake. The problem was that I mentioned in my resume that I was a member of the Gordonia. I had some trouble because of that, it all started in Bucharest, and when I got to Des, my General Manager got a document stating that I had been thrown out of the Party.

They made a big fuss, and discussed this case in a party meeting, and excluded me from the Party. The General Manager fired me immediately, because I wasn’t a member of the Party anymore, but I remained the head of the production department, with the same salary. When Vajda, the Party secretary-general in Kolozsvar then, later he became Secretary for Agriculture, found out after a few weeks that I had been fired and excluded from the Party, he raised a big issue and ordered them to put me back in my position immediately. So they found me this local industrial company, called Bobilna, and I became its manager. 

I didn’t complain at all because of my exclusion from the Party. They admitted me when I was 18, and excluded me in 1958, and they accepted me back in 1971. They apologized and said it was a mistake and they took me back. What wrong did I do by joining at the age of 15? 

I was a manager for 13 years while ‘exclus din partid’ [excluded from the Party]. I had no problems at all, because I did my work, and also traveled abroad. In 1971 I was in Belgium at an exhibition called ‘Salon International de Arta Menajera’ [International Household Arts Fair]. I was in Brussels, in Anvers [Antwerp] and in a city called Izegem, where we had some customers. From there we went across to the Netherlands. We stayed in The Hague, but also visited Amsterdam, Utrecht and Nijmegen. We had commercial relations there, we manufactured and sold small furniture. I was with one of the heads of departments of the Foreign Trade Company from Bucharest [Ilexim, Industria Locala Export-Import], called Strungaru, and one of my colleagues, who were originally from Szekelykeresztur.I was in East-Germany, as well, in 1972, with the General Manager of Napochim in Kolozsvar, Corneliu Crihalneanu, his son is the current Greek-Catholic bishop of Kolozsvar, and with a man called Strungaru, who worked at the Foreign Trade Company in Bucharest. There was a time, during the dictatorship, when we were at the International Exhibition in Leipzig in 1972, and we had to report at the exhibition every morning at 9am, which ended at 6pm, and at 7pm we had to report at the embassy for a meeting. This was a way to check whether we were still there. This took place every evening. And when the meeting ended, we went for dinner, but we didn’t get anything, because the other people had eaten already, while we were at the meeting. This is how things were then.

I joined the Party when I was very young. In theory I accepted the communist ideas at that time, especially when I was a child, it seemed it was a very noble idea. I was an idealist then and believed in these principles. But as time passed I realized that they had all been distorted, and everything was given to the leaders, and all these were nothing but words, I found out that communism was fake altogether because communism is very nice in theory, and promoted very noble ideas where possible. But how they did it was a totally different story. 

I remember these things, what happened to me, and what I went through. There were some measures then, which demanded that we had to remain in the factory and work overtime. I complied without further ado and stayed there even for three days and two nights, and I was alright. This wasn’t a problem when I was 19, 20, 21, because I was young and full of energy. On the other hand, at the end of 1989, a theory I heard shocked me. But later I realized it was a rule. Among others, we exported things. I had to report this on behalf of the factory, and I had to submit these reports. Every time I took these reports to Bucharest, they always shouted at me, ‘Change it, and add something to it!’ And I said calmly, ‘Do it yourself, if you want it! I won’t say anything if you…’ ‘No’ He said, ‘You have to write it.’ ‘I won’t write anything.’ And they changed the reports as they wanted. Once a counselor visited me and I said, ‘Hey, how is it possible that you order us to lie?’ ‘Calm down,’ he said, ‘We have been to the big boss, Ceausescu 14, and he gave this order: write as much as you want, because what you write will be done, if not on that day, than after a month.’ So I started thinking, ‘Hey, listen, how did we come to this that we have to do in 13 months what we have reported in 13 months?’ ‘If Ceausescu wants it this way, what can we do?’ We had to report a larger quantity than we produced, and had to comply because there was one instruction, and this came from above. 

When I was the manager of the Bobilna factory in Des, Ceausescu came there on his name-day [Editor’s note: on Nicolae’s, St. Nicholas day, in December], and they made us prepare for it with all kinds of stuff. We tried to do our best, and they checked our results first in Des, and then they sent them to Kolozsvar, where a local committee analyzed them. And there were a few occasions when our report passed through a second verification, the analysis from Kolozsvar, and then it was sent to Ceausescu. But welcoming Ceausescu and all the things were so forced. They took the whole factory two or three times to Kolozsvar, and we went by a special train at 3.30am, and at 6am we had to march to the Clujana [a shoe factory], and from there we marched to the Romanian Opera, and only came back in the afternoon.We were puppets.At Ceausescu’s last visit in Des at the Irta, I was appointed, as manager, to lay out the carpet he stepped on when he got down from the helicopter.I had to direct the operation of laying down the carpet, I had to take there twelve carpenters to nail down the carpet to prevent it from being lifted off by the turbulence made by the propeller of the helicopter.And the members of the securitate stood near us, each of them had a microphone on his arm, which looked like a watch, but they recorded everything with that.

I met Ceausescu personally in Des in 1970, during the flood, when the Szamos River flowed over its banks.He stopped at the company and spoke to me.He was very, very scared then, his face was white, he was very frightened.Because the flood was huge, there’s an inscription at the railway station, stating that the Szamos was 963cm there.He spoke briefly and very normally. He asked me about the consequences, if we had any victims or damages.I told him we had no victims at the company and he told us if there were any victims, we first had to save them and only after the properties.He said this, and I felt he was concerned about his orkerss.The flood claimed seven lives in Des then.As he went on, one of his men began to shout,‘Luati masuri imediat, incepeti productia!’[Take measures immediately and start the production!]This was despite the fact that 70 percent of the factory was under water.I said, ‘Da, am inteles.’[Yes, Sir.]I wouldn’t argue with such a person.

I had no problems with anyone during my career, due to my origins, or anything else. Once I had an inconvenience when I was young, while living in Bucharest, because I scolded a typist. I asked her to do something for me, because the secretary called me and I had to submit them something urgently. She began to explain something to me and I scolded her. And within one week everyone knew that I had scolded her. They weren’t accustomed to scolding. This happened around 1955-56. And, by the way, the typist was a Jewish girl. In 1989, when the revolution 16 took place, nobody hurt or mocked me because I was the manager of the factory, but there were others [leaders] who had problems. I had no problems at all, they automatically extended my retirement age to 62 when I was 60.

  • Later life 

My wife’s maiden name was Lili Balogh, she is Lili Farkas now, and was born in 1935. They were genuine Kolozsvar inhabitants [originally from there], they lived on Emil Zola Street No. 9. I was in a delegation in Kolozsvar, I visited my sister there, and when I started to come back to Bucharest, she said, ‘Wait, I’d like you to meet a nice girl.’ Lili worked as an accountant at the former Metropol, there was the ICRTI – Intreprinderea Comertului cu Ridicata Pentru Textile si Incaltaminte [Textile and Shoes Wholesale Company]. My sister was the accountant of some similar wholesale company; they met each other this way. We went on Horea Street, because my sister worked on Dacia Street, before the Urania, and this girl, my future wife, went to buy bread right then. My sister stopped her, and we were introduced. 

We kept in touch, we got engaged in March 1956, and we got married on 19thMay. By the way, our wedding took place on 19thMay and my brother died on that date, three years ago. We had a civil marriage. There weren’t any misunderstandings between our parents, none of them tried to force his religion on the other, and we closed this matter.We went to the city hall in Kolozsvar, formerly the city hall was where the prefecture is now, we had to have two witnesses then, and I remember that a man called Roman was the registrar.And after that, one of my mother-in-law’s neighbors handed her apartment to us, to organize the dinner there, our family, one of my friends and one of my wife’s friends were there.We were approximately 35 people; we didn’t have this custom with the envelopes and everything that goes.[Editor’s note: Joszef Farkas referred here to the regional custom, according to which the guests give presents and envelopes with money to the young couple.]

My father-in-law, Albert Balogh, was a mechanic at a railway workshop. And my mother-in-law, Berta Balogh, was a housewife. My wife had a twin, Bandi [Andras], who was older than her by a quarter of an hour. He lived in Kolozsvar, had a family, finished a technical school and worked as a technician in the power-loom factory called Unirea. Unfortunately, he died on 21stSeptember 2002, three months later than my brother.

My daughter, Ariana, was born on New Year’s Eve in 1961. The wife of my friend was the clerk in the Stanca, and she said, ‘Look, I’ll register your daughter on 1stJanuary 1962, to be younger by one year.’ And according to the register she was born on 1stJanuary 1962. My mother-in-law’s family baptized my daughter according to the Catholic or the Reformed religion, I don’t know which one, but it was never an issue for me. Because as far as I remember, my father-in-law was Catholic, and my mother-in-law was Reformed, but this wasn’t a problem for us. While she was small, we spoke to her in Hungarian, and when she became a schoolgirl I spoke to her in Romanian. My wife spoke to her only in Hungarian as a mark of esteem for her grandmother, my mother-in-law. But my daughter grew up in our family, and I thank God she grew up so that she is more Jewish than me. We can say briefly that I’m not the fighter type. I do what I can, in silence, but my daughter is a fighter. And she fought for the Jewry, as well. I taught her what I could, and bought her the Jewish calendar translated into Romanian, every year. It contained many appendices, many things, and she learned them all. She graduated from the mechanical engineering department of the technological University in Kolozsvar. She was a member of the Jewish community, and used to sing in the choir and was the member of the choir in Kolozsvar, lead by Katalin Halmos. 

She got married in 1982, as far as I remember she had a civil marriage on 5thMarch in Kolozsvar, and the wedding took place on 12thMarch in Des. They didn’t have a religious marriage; her husband is a Romanian Orthodox, Gelu Suliteanu. It was a very mixed matrimony: I was Jewish, my wife Reformed, my son-in-law Orthodox. His father was originally from Moldova and his mother from Szilagy County [today Hungary].

When she graduated from the university, before 1989, they assigned her to Hunyad County. With the help of my friend, Silviu Opris, who was Deputy Minister at the Ministry of Construction Materials, I arranged to bring her from Hatszeg, an inaccessible place [Hateg, 25km south of Vajdahunyad], to Vajdahunyad. She worked there at the IFET, but she lived in Deva. Her husband worked at the airport. He lived in Kolozsvar, and my daughter in Deva, until she became pregnant. And then we began to collect medical certificates, to spare her the traveling. Their son, Paul, was born in October 1987, but there was some misunderstanding between her and her husband and they divorced in 1989, 1990 or 1991. I had a personal satisfaction that we gathered once and tried to analyze what had happened in fact. And then both of them told me very sincerely that each of them had good and bad habits, but the main problem was that they were headstrong, and didn’t look for an agreement, and then they decided to divorce. It was enough for me that they both felt responsible for the divorce. But my daughter and her son remained in Kolozsvar. Right after the revolution she was employed at a company called Royal Loyalty, where they sold TV sets and other electrical goods made in Taiwan. From there she went to the Romanian Railways, to the Regionala [a county center of the Romanian Railway] and was the head of department at the SAAF.

She immigrated to Israel on 30thAugust 2001, and made it there. She had no problems in Israel, although they check there the mother’s origin. She’s registered as Ariana Farkas, and nobody asked her about her mother’s origin. She didn’t work for a year, until she got the stipendia [Editor’s note: scholarship] to learn the language. She had a place to live, she had to pay a symbolic amount for meals, but from her stipend she could buy long-range consumer goods in one year rather than in five in Romania. And later she worked in two or three places; she accepted everything just to work. And since 1stJanuary 2005, thank God, she had a very good job, where she even got a contract, and earns more money. She fought for three years for this. She lives in Karmiel, near Haifa. There’s an industrial park called Barler, she works there as a mechanical engineer in the Fishmann factory. The factory has 130-140 employees, they manufacture all kinds of thermostats there: for cars, stoves, trucks, etc.

She has a partner in life now, called Elie Segal, with whom she lives together. The parents of the boy are originally from Braila, but I think he was born in Israel. He knows a little Romanian, but they speak in Hebrew. He is also divorced, just like my daughter, and has children. It’s easier if two partners in life take care of the children. He lived in America for seven years with his former wife and two children. The third child was born there. His son demobilized, his elder daughter graduated and only the third one remained with them. His former wife lives in the same city, and there are no problems.

My grandson Paul attends high school, he finished the eleventh grade, and will graduate next year. There’s a very interesting system in Israel: starting with the tenth grade, they graduate [pass an examination] from two to three subjects each year. And by the time they finish the twelfth grade, they have those two to three exams from the tenth and eleventh grades, and they cumulate them with the exams from the twelfth grade and become graduates. My grandson is on very good terms with his father, and this is mutual. He is here now, he arrived on 18thJuly and stays for six weeks, until 28thAugust. He visits us, too, but he stays mostly with his father, who takes him around. His father lives here, in Kolozsvar, he works at the airport, he’s the manager of the dispatcher department, and is on very good terms with us.

Religion is a very relative thing. I have my own theory about this. I consider myself the most honest man in front of God, because I respect everybody’s religion. I can’t despise someone because one is like this and not like that, or deeply religious or an atheist, because one is orthodox, Greek-Catholic or Reformed. I respect everyone who believes in his religion. One must be very appeasable, in order to be able to respect everyone, and I respect them all, people who carry on with their religion. So I respect everyone, and I don’t disturb anyone. But there are some people who only go to church to show the people they are there. Not to pray, just to mark their presence. And this goes for every religion.

I kept the Jewish religion even after my marriage. I didn’t go every day to the synagogue, but I observed each holiday and attended the ceremonies, commemorations or any holiday: New Year’s Day, Yom Kippur, Pesach, Shavuot, and I was present at the Yiskor services, every time. We didn’t light candles for Sabbath. There’s an interesting thing that I found out just now, when I grew old. The candles on Friday evening were lit by the women, not the men. And I was scared in Israel when the partner of my daughter didn’t light the candle, but he showed his gratitude for the challah every Friday evening, and poured wine into a goblet, and said a prayer for that. After that everyone tasted the wine. In a word I’d like to say that only women light candles, and not the men. My mother lit candles. After she died, nobody lit candles in our house.

I always have my kippah with me. I think I bought it in Israel when I was there. When the men enter the synagogue, they have to wear a kippah on their head. The rabbis say you, the mortal, have to wear a kippah because you are not God’s equal. There must be something separating a mortal from God. And the kippah covers the head, the skull, and prevents direct contact with God. The rabbis explain it so. And I believe this, I’m not skeptical about it. [Editor’s note: In fact, the covered head is the symbol of respect for God. Joszef Farkas interprets this fact in his own way.]

The rabbi from Temesvar [Editor’s note: Dr. Erno Neumann, the chief rabbi of Temesvar] always used to come to Des for Chanukkah, and after he died, they sent a chazzan from Bucharest.On a scheduled day, we gather in the synagogue, in the small office.They light candles, one for each day of the holiday that has passed.Because we had to light candles for eight days, one on the first day, two on the second, three on the third and eight on the eighth.[Editor’s note: Jozsef Farkas didn’t mention the head candle, the shames, used to light the other candles, and they leave the shames to burn out with the other candles.]We celebrate the other holidays only in close companionship.We go to the lobby of the synagogue, not in the main room, and everyone prays as they can.

I had two reasons why I didn’t think about immigrating to Israel. Above all, my mother was alive. She remained a widow, and I didn’t even think about leaving her alone, because I was her favorite child, beside my elder sister and younger brother, as the middle one. Taking into consideration that she remained a widow, I thought it was my duty to stay with her and not to go away. Not even after I got married in 1956, to a Hungarian girl, whose parents were still alive, and she had the same attitude, she didn’t want to leave her parents. We were on very good terms with my wife’s family. And we carried on this way, my sister and my brother immigrated, but we remained behind.

I went ten times to Israel: First in 1978, then 1980, 1982, 1986, 1991, 1994, when my sister died, in 2002 when my brother died, and three times after my daughter immigrated. I spent six weeks there this year. My wife was there two times, but she went separately, not with me. I’m not biased, nor with, nor against them, but I can say about Israel and I’m partly proud about it, that this small country managed to catch up with America in 57 years. Israel is a small America. There is everything in Israel; they even manufacture things that America buys from them. They buy much fewer things from the Americans. Not many were able to achieve this, but they [the people from Israel] did it, because they worked for it. I’m very impressed with Israel. Every time I went there starting in 1978, I found more and something new. Not to mention that when this high-tech picked up, I saw how this new technology has emerged in Israel just like in Silicon Valley in America. 

How are the people in Israel? I have to tell you how they are, because there is an essential difference of opinion between me and my wife in this matter. My wife is noisy, but the people from Israel are noisy, too. And it is very hard to reconcile the opinions of noisy people. I’m used to it, and it doesn’t bother me. This is in their nature. They have gone through so much. There’s a Jewish proverb: if something happens, Jews won’t let themselves be massacred, or something, but they won’t let each other live when they aren’t fighting. In a word they are always quarrelling; this is how they live. 

The things I can say about the changes after 1989 are almost the same I can say about communism. I was very excited in every respect that now a new historical era comes. I don’t say categorically that it was a revolution or a takeover. It was a huge upheaval. But unfortunately, and this is probably the saddest part of it, the former communists and Securitate members remained in their positions and are flourishing. I’m positive. Most of them became businessmen, they had the best businesses. They knew when they could go with or without a passport, when they could bring in everything on earth tax-free in 1989-90. And they became the big shots, and, accidentally, I know a few names.

I can positively say that I achieved a good level, a certain standard as a young man. And even when I worked, I was still at a medium level, although I was a manager for more than 30 years. I had an average salary, and all kinds of allowances. And I had this status even after I retired. It wasn’t low, but it wasn’t high, either. And this is what I’m trying to tell my spouse, that we have nothing to complain about, because next to and around us there are so many who suffer, and we have altogether around 300 Dollars in pension. I worked for 49 years, my wife for 38 years, i.e. we worked for it. And she tells me it’s not enough. Of course it could be more. Recently, on 1stJuly 2005 there was a recalculation of the pensions and I realized I got less, because my leader’s allowance wasn’t included. But I’m not willing to look into it.

I think that as long as God let’s us, because this is how I think, I’m sure our summons are already filled in, but haven’t been sent yet to tell us when we are due to leave. On weekdays I usually go to the community, I go home around 1pm for lunch, take a nap, then I read for two to three hours, watch the news, and, since there’s a nice yard behind the apartment building, especially now, when it’s summer, I spend some time there, there are some benches there. I enjoyed visiting my daughter, now I’m enjoying the presence of my grandchild. I can enjoy anything; I don’t have any problems with anything. 

  • Glossary:

1  KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army

The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used forthe army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system.Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army.Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

2  23 August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich.The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies. 

3  Transylvania

Geographical and historic area (103 000 sq. kilometre) in Romania. It is located between the Carpathian Mountain range and the Serbian, Hungarian and Ukrainian border. Today’s Transylvania is made up of four main regions: Banat, Crisana, Maramures and the historic Transylvanian territory. In 1526 at the Mohacs battle medieval Hungary fell apart; the central part of the country was incorporated into the Ottoman Empire, while in the Eastern part the autonomous Transylvanian Principality was founded. Nominally Transylvanian belonged to the Ottoman Porte; the Sultan had a veto on electing the Prince, however in reality Transylvania maintained independent foreign as well as internal policy. The Transylvanian princes maintained the policy of religious freedom (first time in Europe) and recognized three nationalities: Hungarian, Szekler and Saxon (Transylvanian German). After the treaty of Karlowitz (1699) Transylvania and Hungary fell under the Habsburgs and the province was re-annexed to Hungary in 1867 as part of the Austrian-Hungarian compromise (Ausgleich). Transylvania was characterized by specific ethno-religious diversity. The Transylvanian princes were in favor of the Reformation in the 16th and 17th century and as a result Transylvania became a stronghold of the different protestant churches (Calvinist, Lutheran, Unitarian, etc.). During the Counter-Reformation and the long Habsburg supremacy the Catholic Church also gained significant power. Transylvania’s Romanian population was also divided between the Eastern Orthodox and the Uniate Church (Greek Catholic). After the reception of the Jewish Religion by the Hungarian Parliament (1895) Jewish became a recognized religions in the country, which accelerated the ongoing Jewish assimilation in Transylvania as well as elsewhere in Hungary. After World War I Transylvania was given to Romania by the Trianon Treaty (1920). In 1920 Transylvania’s population was 5,2 million, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,4 million Hungarian, 510,000 Germans and 180,000 Jews. According to the Second Vienna Dictate its northern part was annexed to Hungary in 1940. After World War II the entire region was enclosed to Romania by the Paris Peace Treaty. According to the last Romanian census (2002) Hungarians make 19% of the total population, and there are only several thousand Jews and Germans left. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

4 Keren Kayemet Leisrael(K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people. After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the ‘blue box’. They threw in at least one lei each day, while on Sabbath and high holidays they threw in as many lei as candles they lit for that holiday. This is how they partly used to collect the necessary funds. Now these boxes are known worldwide as a symbol of Zionism.

5  Statute of the Romanian Jews

Decree no.2650 issued on 8thAugust 1940 referring to the rights of Jews in Romania.The statute empowered the authorities to reconsider and even withdraw the citizenship of Jews, and legalized their exclusion from universities and other public educational institutions.According to the 7thparagraph of the law, Jews were forbidden to practice any public-related profession such as lawyer and professor.They were excluded from the board of directors of every company and had no right to carry on trade in villages, trade with alcohol, be soldiers, own or rent cinemas and publishing houses, be members of national sport clubs or own any real estates in Romania.Jews were prohibited to marry Romanians or to assume a Romanian name.

6  Second Vienna Dictate

The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless.In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties.The verdict was pronounced on 30thAugust 1940 in Vienna:Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants.This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary.Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5thSeptember.The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

7  Antonescu, Ion (1882-1946)

Political and military leader of the Romanian state, president of the Ministers’ Council from 1940 to 1944. In 1940 he formed a coalition with the Legionary leaders. From 1941 he introduced a dictatorial regime that continued to pursue the depreciation of the Romanian political system started by King Carol II. His strong anti-Semitic beliefs led to the persecution, deportation and killing of many Jews in Romania. He was arrested on 23rdAugust 1944 and sent into prison in the USSR until he was put on trial in the election year of 1946. He was sentenced to death for his crimes as a war criminal and shot in the same year.

8  Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government.Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime.According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county.Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery.More than 40,000 Jews were moved.All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’.Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc.Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops.Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

9  Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland)that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

10  Yellow star in Romania

On 8th July 1941, Hitler decided that all Jews from the age of 6 from the Eastern territories had to wear the Star of David, made of yellow cloth and sewed onto the left side of their clothes. The Romanian Ministry of Internal Affairs introduced this ‘law’ on 10th September 1941. Strangely enough, Marshal Antonescu made a decision on that very day ordering Jews not to wear the yellow star. Because of these contradicting orders, this ‘law’ was only implemented in a few counties in Bukovina and Bessarabia, and Jews there were forced to wear the yellow star.

11  Gordonia

Pioneering Zionist youth movement founded in Galicia at the end of 1923. It became a world movement, which meticulously maintained its unique character as a Jewish, Zionist, and Erez Israel-oriented movement

12  Hashomer Hatzair

Left-wing Zionist youth organization, started up in Poland in 1912, and managed to gather supporters from all over Europe.Their goal was to educate the youth in the Zionist mentality and to prepare them to emigrate to Palestine.To achieve this goal they paid special attention to the so-called shomer-movement (boy scout education) and supported the re-stratification of the Jewish society.They operated several agricultural and industrial training grounds (the so-called chalutz grounds) to train those who wanted to emigrate.In Transylvania the first Hashomer Hatzair groups had been established in the 1920s.During World War II, members of the Hashomer Hatzair were leading active resistance against German forces, in ghettoes and concentration camps.

13 Betar

Brith Trumpledor (Hebrew) meaning Trumpledor Society; right-wing Revisionist Jewish youth movement. It was founded in 1923 in Riga by Vladimir Jabotinsky, in memory of J. Trumpledor, one of the first fighters to be killed in Palestine, and the fortress Betar, which was heroically defended for many months during the Bar Kohba uprising. Its aim was to propagate the program of the revisionists and prepare young people to fight and live in Palestine. It organized emigration through both legal and illegal channels. It was a paramilitary organization; its members wore uniforms. They supported the idea to create a Jewish legion in order to liberate Palestine. From 1936-39 the popularity of Betar diminished. During WWII many of its members formed guerrilla groups.

14 Purges of the Romanian Communist Party

The building-up of the communist system in Romania involved rivalry between different groups, respectively the “showdown” with each other. Two main trends took shape within the Romanian Communist Party, which seized the power over the country, and the main struggles for power took place along these lines. One of the trends (the so-called Muscovite faction) consisted of those party members, who left for the Soviet Union between the two World Wars, then returned to Romania after WWII (Anna Pauker, Laszlo Luka). The so-called local faction consisted of those who stayed in the country. In 1948 Gheorghiu-Dej, the leader of the RCP, making use of the anti-Semitism spread out from the Soviet Union, started to purge his political adversaries, first of all the Muscovites. His first victim was Lucretiu Patracanu, the charges brought against him being nationalism and rightist deviation; he was executed in 1954. Patracanu was followed by Laszlo Luka (he was sentenced to life imprisonment), then Anna Pauker was expelled from the Party. The purge of the Party aimed at not only the highest leadership, but it covered the circle of simple members as well.

15 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989)

Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries. The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police. The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable.

In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

16  Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25thDecember along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Mozes Katz

Mozes Katz
Khust
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: October 2003

Mozes Katz and his wife live in a private cottage in the center of the picturesque Subcarpathian town of Khust. There are many flowers growing in front of the house. It’s his wife Vera’s flower garden. The yard is twined round with grapevines with sweet smelling grape bunches hanging from them. There are two rooms and a kitchen in the house. They have furniture bought in the 1960s. There are photographs of their sons and grandchildren on the walls. Mozes is a stout stocky short man. He has big hands used to hard work. He wears a cap even at home. He cannot imagine not covering his head. He speaks Ruthenian, the language of the Subcarpathians. He is a taciturn man and speaks slowly, forcibly. He has a severe expression on his face. I only saw a smile on his face when his two granddaughters, the daughters of his younger son, came by.

Jewish Community in Pre-War Korolevo

​Family Background

​Growing Up

Beginning of the War

Ghettoization

Auschwitz

Buchenwald

Liberation

After the War

Glossary

Jewish Community in Pre-War Korolevo

At least two generations of my family on my mother and my father’s side were born and lived in the village of Korolevo, Khust district [630 km from Kiev, 92 km from Uzhgorod] in Subcarpathia 1.

My paternal grandfather, Itzyk Katz, was born in the 1870s. I don’t know anything about my grandfather’s family. Perhaps, they left the village looking for a better life or probably they died before I was born. My grandmother Etia was also born in Korolevo in the early 1880s. I don’t know anything about my grandmother’s family and I don’t know her maiden name either.

My grandfather was a wagon driver. He had two pairs of horses and two wagons. He didn’t earn much, but he managed to support his big family. My grandmother didn’t work like many married women at that time. 

Korolevo was a big village. Over half of its population was Jewish. There were over 80 married men in the village and each family had many children. My grandfather’s family was no exception. 

There were two synagogues: one for wealthier and another one for poorer Jews. My father told me that when there was one synagogue there were often conflicts between the poor who reproached wealthier Jews for their well-being and the wealthier Jews fought back. Finally wealthier families built a synagogue on the opposite bank of the Tisa River. This happened before I was born. Both synagogues were big two-storied buildings. In towns there were synagogues for Hasidim 2 and Orthodox Jews 3, but there were no Orthodox Jews in our village.

Jews in Korolevo dealt in crafts and commerce. Every family had gardens. About 20 percent of the Jewish families were wealthy and the rest of them were poor.

The entire Jewish population in Korolevo was religious. They observed Jewish traditions. They observed Saturday and went to the synagogue on all Jewish holidays and one couldn’t even imagine anything different. The whole village celebrated Saturday and holidays. All shops and stores were closed on Saturday.

All Jews followed the kashrut. There were a few shochetim. Jews mainly ate poultry and if a calf or a cow was slaughtered they were only allowed to eat its front part. Hind quarters were sold to non-kosher butchers. [Editor’s note: Certain parts of permitted animals may not be eaten according to Jewish laws. The sciatic nerve and its adjoining blood vessels in hind quarters may not be eaten. Kosher butchers remove this.] It was very strict.

There was a rabbi in each synagogue and there was one chief rabbi for two or three villages. He resolved disputes between neighbors and any other vital issues in a village. For example, if somebody chose a spot to build a house, but there was a tree growing on it they had to obtain a rabbi’s permission to cut the tree. So, there were laws and everybody had to comply with them.

All women had their hair cut after they got married and they wore wigs. Men always had their heads capped. They wore caps or hats outside and at home they put on a kippah. They even slept in a yarmulka. Nobody dared to go out with no hat on. Men and women wore common clothes.

Jews spoke Yiddish with each other and communicated with non-Jews in the local dialect, the so-called Ruthenian: a mixture of Ukrainian, Hungarian, German and Czech. [Editor’s note: Ruthenian is regarded by some as a Ukrainian dialect and by others a separate Slavic language. As a result of centuries of coexistence it has extensively borrowed from the neighboring languages the interviewee mentioned; probably less from Czech and much more from Slovak.]

There was no anti-Semitism in Subcarpathia before World War II. There was a Romanian, Magyar, Czech [Slovak], Ukrainian and Jewish population in Khust district and there were no conflicts between them. Neighbors supported each other and there was no national segregation during the Austro-Hungarian, Czechoslovak or Hungarian rule.

Family Background

My grandfather had a house like everybody else. They built houses from airbricks: finely cut wheat and rye straw mixed with clay from which bricks were made and dried in the sun. Most villagers in Subcarpathia built their houses from airbricks; only the wealthiest could afford bricks. My grandfather had a house made of airbricks.

The front door led to a small hallway. There were doors leading to the rooms from the hallway and a big kitchen in the center of the house. There was a Russian stove 4 in the kitchen. It served for cooking and heating of one room and the other room was heated with a small stove. We stoked the stoves with wood and brushwood.

There was a well in the yard. There were sheds, stables and a chicken house in the backyard. There was also a small orchard and a vegetable garden behind the house. My grandfather also owned a plot of land in the field where the family grew potatoes, corn, beans and other vegetables. The crops were kept in the cellar during winter. The daughters were helping Grandmother to do field and house work.

Grandmother and grandfather had eleven children: four daughters and seven sons. I don’t remember when they were born. I only remember my father and the youngest brother Moishe’s years of birth. The children were born with an interval of one to one-and-a-half years. My father’s sister Rivka was the oldest in the family. My father Usher, born in 1905, was the next in the family. Then came two brothers, Iosif and Leiba, daughter Dvoira and the sons Shapsa and David. The next children were daughters Surah and Baila and sons Shmil and Moishe. Moishe was born in 1924. He was only two years older than I.

My father and his brothers studied in cheder. There were three cheders in Korolevo. The girls didn’t go to cheder. Wealthier parents hired a teacher for their daughters and they studied at home. Daughters in poor families didn’t get any education. They studied prayers by heart and learned to be a good housewife, wife and mother.

After sons had their bar mitzvah at the age of 13 they began their professional training. They became apprentices or their fathers taught them their profession. My grandfather Itzyk taught his sons his profession of a wagon driver. My father and his brothers became wagon drivers. They owned wagons and horses.

Some 30 kilometers from Korolevo was the village of Nizhniy Bystryy [610 km from Kiev, 100 km from Uzhhorod]. There was a big power saw bench in this village owned by Polish masters. They had a license for woodcutting and delivered their product to the railway station in Khust. In Khust wood was loaded on freight trains and transported to Danzig in Poland. Grandfather Itzyk, my father and his brothers worked at this facility. It was hard work, but they were glad they had it.

My father’s older sister Rivka married a man from a neighboring village and went to live with him. Dvoira was also married and lived in Korolevo with her husband. Her husband was a shochet in Korolevo.

The other brothers and sisters were married and lived with their parents. Surah became a dressmaker’s apprentice and after finishing her studies she began to earn her living with making clothes. Surah had many clients and earned a good living. Baila helped Grandmother about the house.

My mother’s parents also came from Korolevo. Grandfather Laizer Lazarovich was born in the 1870s. I think that grandmother Etia was the same age as he. I don’t know my grandmother’s maiden name and never saw any of her relatives. Their house was in the same street as Grandfather Itzyk’s house and looked the same.

Grandfather Laizer had a binding shop that occupied a room in his house. He worked alone. When he had no orders he went out to other villages looking for work. Grandmother Etia was a housewife. Grandfather Laizer owned more land than my father’s parents and my mother’s family was wealthier than my father’s. My mother’s parents were religious. They celebrated Saturday and Jewish holidays and observed all Jewish traditions. They spoke only Yiddish at home.

There were four children in the family. My mother’s sister Rivka was the oldest in the family. My mother Hendl was the second child in the family. She was born in 1904. The third child was Nachman and the last child was my mother’s sister whose name I don’t remember.

Aunt Rivka was the first one to get married. Her husband Yanovich was a tailor and Rivka was a housewife. They lived in Korolevo. Nachman became a shochet. Nachman and his family and my mother also lived in Korolevo after getting married, and my mother’s younger sister moved to the town of Krichevo in Subcarpathia [610 km from Kiev, 115 km from Uzhhorod] after getting married.

Rivka was the only survivor in World War II, the rest of them perished. The Germans took the younger sister and her family to Ivano-Frankovsk in 1941 and exterminated them there, while my mother and Nachman and his family perished in concentration camps.

My parents knew each other since childhood. They lived in the same street. When they grew up they decided to get married. They had a traditional Jewish wedding with a rabbi and a chuppah. I think they got married in 1924 or at the beginning of 1925. At that time this was the only possible way of getting married. I don’t know if they had a civilian marriage too. At that time many Jewish families in Subcarpathia had a traditional wedding and a marriage registry note in the synagogue register.

Before their wedding my mother’s mother was given the name of Bruche-Etia since it wasn’t allowed for two grandmothers to have the same names. There was a superstition that if both mothers or a mother-in-law and daughter-in-law had the same name then God would call the older one to his service.  

Both grandfathers made their contributions to help a newly formed family make a start: my paternal grandfather Itzyk gave them 400 square meters of land near his house to build a house and my maternal grandfather Laizer gave them a plot of land in his field.

My father began to build a house for his family from airbricks. He made a foundation for a big house, but he only managed to complete the construction of the hallway, two rooms and a kitchen before World War II. My father made a big hallway with a folding roof for a sukkah. 

My mother wore a wig after she got married. My father didn’t have a beard or payes. He only had a moustache. Jewish men were not allowed to shave with a steel razor and my father had special depilatory cream. He applied this cream on his face and then scraped it off with a wooden spatula.

Growing Up

There were seven children in the family. I was the first child and was born on 25th December 1925, but the year of birth specified in my birth certificate was 1926. My Jewish name is Moishe, but in my Czechoslovak birth certificate it is Mozes and I have always been called by this name. My sister Ghitlia was born in 1927, but was registered as born in 1929 in her documents.

The notary lived in another village and parents didn’t usually have time to visit him right after childbirth. For this reason my birth was registered a year later. Then my mother did it differently. She didn’t go to register a baby after it was born, but waited until the next baby and registered both babies as twins. Therefore, according to family documents, we have three pairs of twins in the family.

After Ghitlia, Laicha was born in 1929, then Baila, then son Yuman and then two daughters: Yenta and Surah. Baila and Yuman were registered in 1932, and Yenta and Surah in 1935.

My father worked at the power saw bench as a wagon driver. My father made three trips per week to Khust. One day he loaded wood onto his wagon in Nizhniy Bystryy and unloaded it in Khust on the following day. He spent the payment for the first trip to buy oats for his horses. They worked for the family and my father watched it strictly that they got enough food. My father spent the payment for the second trip to buy hay for the horses and the third payment was for the family needs.

When my older sister and I grew big enough my mother sent us to cow owners. We had buckets and the housewives milked their cows using our buckets. Not all of them were Jewish families and my mother preferred to have them use our containers to keep this milk kosher. I went to one end of the village and my sister went to the other. We brought the milk home and my mother made sour cream, butter, custard and cheese from it.

Twice a week my mother took her dairy products in two baskets to Khust where she had her Jewish clients. She walked 8 kilometers to Khust and 8 kilometers back home with heavy loads. For the money her clients paid my mother paid for the milk and bought us bagels in Khust. We were so happy about them! Our parents spent the money they earned to buy food for the family and horses.

We grew potatoes, corn and beans in the field that my mother had received as dowry from my grandfather. We all worked a lot in the field. I was the oldest son and helped my mother a lot. My mother carried the youngest child wrapped in a blanket to the field and the other children carried spades and hoes.

My mother lay the youngest child down in the bushes and worked with us. When the child cried my mother ran to change diapers and feed the baby and returned to work. We worked until dark and then returned home. We all knew that what we harvested would be our food for the winter. This was the way we lived: we didn’t starve, but we only had sufficient to live on.

My parents were religious and were raising their children religiously. We followed the kashrut never mixing meat and dairy products. We only bought meat from the shochet. My mother made bread for a week. I can still remember the taste of this corn bread of my childhood. When we ran out of corns we bought more and had them ground at a water mill owned by Jews. We also made mamaliga [corn squash, Romanian national food].

It was always warm in the kitchen. As I mentioned before, there was a Russian stove stoked with wood. It served for cooking and heating. There were small iron cast stoves in the rooms. My mother stoked them with wood when it was time for us to go to bed. The stoves cooled down quickly, but we felt warm under our down blankets. Sometimes we heated a brick in the stove and put in into bed to make it warm.

My mother also kept potatoes in the kitchen so that they didn’t freeze. There were severe winters. The temperature dropped to minus 30 degrees so that even sparrows fell dead in their flight. 

On Friday morning my mother made dough for challah. She baked challot in the stove and then put pots with chulent for Saturday into the oven. The door of the oven was sealed with clay and the food was left in it overnight. It wasn’t allowed to cook or heat food on Saturday. On Friday evening my mother lit candles and prayed over them. My father blessed the food and we sat down to dinner.

My mother tried to make more delicious food for Saturday. When we returned from the synagogue on Saturday my mother took the pots with food out of the stove. My father recited a prayer and we sat down to a meal.

My mother didn’t light a kerosene lamp or stoke a stove on Saturday. Our Ukrainian neighbor came to do this work. My parents gave her a piece of challah or some change for this work. We weren’t even allowed to fetch water from the well on Saturday. We took the horses to grandfather Itzyk’s well in the yard. They drank water from the well.

We celebrated all Jewish holidays at home like any other Jewish family in Korolevo. Women made matzah for Pesach. Preparation for this holiday began when Jews rented a mill and washed and cleaned it to remove any chametz. Then a rabbi came to inspect the mill and give his permission for baking matzah. Then Jews bought high quality wheat and ground it. 

There were two or three bigger houses where they had two stoves in the kitchen. People got together there to make matzah. Women made dough and rolled it and men placed it into the ovens. It usually lasted a few days: there was to be a sufficient quantity of matzah to last throughout the eight days of the holiday. Matzah at that time was different. It was baked from the flour of coarse grinding. There were round-shaped pieces of matzah. They were dark.

Each family had special crockery for Pesach. When there were more utensils needed they made a fire in the vegetable field, placed a big bowl where they put everyday utensils cleaned and washed in advance. They also placed hot stones for better boiling inside the bowls. Even in the poorest families they tried to have gefilte fish, chicken broth and goose meat and fat on this holiday. 

We kept geese and chickens. We had geese slaughtered in fall. My mother sold goose liver in Khust: it was a delicacy and cost a lot. At times there was some liver left and mother cooked it for the children. My mother kept salted meat in a barrel in the hallway. Every Friday my mother took some meat to make chulent for Saturday.

On Pesach my mother also made chulent with goose. My mother kept goose fat in special utensils to keep it kosher. My mother fried keyzls, potato pancakes fried in goose fat, chicken broth with matzah dumplings, boiled chicken, gefilte fish and carrot tsimes. My mother didn’t make any pastries for Pesach: it wasn’t allowed to bake with ordinary flour and we couldn’t make matzah flour since our matzah was too rough.

In the morning of the first day of Pesach all Jews went to the synagogue. In the evening the first seder began. The table was set and the front door was kept open for Elijah the Prophet. My father sat at the head of the table wearing his white clothes. Men wear such clothing on Pesach and Yom Kippur.

I asked my father the four questions: why we eat reclining on this night, why we only eat matzah, but no bread, why we eat bitter greeneries on this night and why we drink four glasses of wine on this night. I posed my questions in Hebrew and my father answered them in Hebrew. Then my father read the Torah and we listened attentively. 

We all, even the youngest children, stayed until the end of seder. Children had small glasses and they sipped from their glasses and had them refilled after a sip. The last glass was to be drunken bottom up. There was a big glass for Elijah in the center of the table. We sang songs between prayers. 

At Rosh Hashanah we all went to the synagogue. There were apples and honey on the table on this day. We dipped apples in honey and ate them.

At Yom Kippur all adults fasted. Young children didn’t fast, When they turned eight they began to fast for half a day and beginning from the age of twelve they fasted a whole day like adults.

The kapores ritual was conducted in each Jewish family before the holiday. Women and girls did it with a white chicken and men and boys with a white rooster. The chicken was to be turned over one’s head and the words ‘May you be my atonement’ had to be pronounced.

The night before we had a substantial dinner and then a day’s fasting began. On the following day adults and children prayed at the synagogue a whole day until the first evening star appeared in the sky and then the fasting was over and they went back home to have dinner.

Every year a sukkah was built. Some made a sukkah in their yard. My father made a folding roof in the hallway. We unfolded it at Sukkot and placed canes on the grid. We, children, made decorations for the sukkah and decorated it with ribbons and flowers. My mother placed a table in the sukkah and we prayed and had meals there.

At Chanukkah my mother lit a candle on each day of the holiday. We were poor and didn’t have a chanukkiyah. We made candles from a potato. We removed the inside, poured oil into it, placed a wick in it and lit it. Our relatives visited us and gave children Chanukkah gelt. It wasn’t much since all people were poor. 

At Purim all Jews went to the synagogue in the morning. After that all were engaged in sending shelakhmones to their dear ones. Children ran around with trays of treats. My mother always made pastries at Purim: the family was big and there had to be enough treats for everyone. I believe this was the only day in the year when we had enough sweets. Then children went to Jewish houses to give Purimshpil performances getting sweets or small change for their performances.

There was another celebration when all residents of Korolevo got together: a Jewish wedding. I remember such occasions. If a bridegroom came from another village all boys and young men went to meet him on the outskirts of the village. They grabbed the bridegroom and wouldn’t let him go until the bride’s family paid ransom, which was usually a three-liter bottle of vodka. Then the bridegroom and other men went to one of the bride’s relatives where they had a party eating, drinking and singing.

The bride stayed at home. In the morning she went to the mikveh where other women washed her. They cut her hair and then the bride and her friends went to her home to dress her in her wedding gown and adorn her with flowers. Then the bride’s mother and the bridegroom’s mother appeared to take the bride to the chuppah.

A chuppah was usually installed in the yard. A chuppah consists of four posts and a cover spread on top of them. In Korolyovo the chuppah was made in the following way: there was a tallit spread on four posts and a carpet on the ground. The bride came to the chuppah and the bride’s father and the bridegroom’s father brought the bridegroom. A rabbi or chazzan conducted the wedding ceremony. Then he gave the bridegroom and bride to sip from a glass of wine and then they stepped on this glass and broke it. This was the end of the ceremony.

Weddings were usually arranged on Fridays. There was a chuppah on Friday, and a wedding party and dancing on Saturday. There was only kosher food at weddings. Actually, the majority of Jewish families in Korolyovo always had kosher food and not only on holidays or at weddings. The eating lasted until the first star, the end of Sabbath and then there was dancing.

The first dance with the bride was with her husband, the next – with the rabbi and then – most honored guests. However, nobody but her husband, not even the rabbi, was allowed to hold the bride by her hand. They danced holding the ends of a handkerchief. Guests also danced: girls with girls and boys with boys. There were drinks served, but the guests knew their limit and didn’t drink too much.

I went to cheder like all other boys in Korolevo. We went to cheder at the age of six and also went to an elementary school at this age. I went to a Ukrainian school. Classes at school began at nine o’clock in the morning. Cheder started at 6am. At 8am our melamed let us go home for breakfast and then we ran to school. We came back from school to have lunch at home at 2pm and then we went to cheder again. We came home when it got dark.

We studied the Torah and Hebrew at cheder. We read the Torah in Hebrew and translated it into Yiddish. Our teachers knew how busy we were at cheder and tried to give us no homework. My sisters and younger brother also went to this school. There were Jewish, Magyar, Czech and Ukrainian children in school. I never noticed any anti-Semitism. There was no anti-Semitism during the Czech rule.

I studied at school and in cheder until the age of 13. At 13 I had my bar mitzvah. When I turned 13, on the first Saturday I was called to the Torah in the synagogue. I had the first suit in my life made for this occasion. The melamed prepared a section of the Torah with me. I read this article and recited a prayer. This was all. There was no meal or celebration of any kind. We never celebrated birthdays either. I’ve lived 77 years of my life with not a single birthday celebration. It wasn’t a custom with us.

During the War

In March 1939 the Hungarians came to power. [Editor’s note: Hungarian troops entered Subcarpathia in March 1939.] Adults remembered that life was good during the Austro-Hungarian period, but this time Hungary was a German ally and the Germans dictated to Hungarians. Soon people began to face anti-Semitism. Gendarmes could come to any house demanding money or even beating its owners. It didn’t happen often, but there were such demonstrations.

Life became more difficult. Hungarian authorities issued food coupons for all residents. However, there were no religious persecutions and there was not a single synagogue closed before the Soviet power was established in 1945. Even the Germans didn’t destroy a single synagogue.

Later Jews were forbidden to keep shops or stores in their ownership. They were to be either transferred to new owners or to the state. We were poor and it had no impact on us. However, my father had to give one horse for the needs of the front, but they returned it a few months later.

In summer 1939 my grandfather Itzyk, my father’s father, died. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Korolevo according to the Jewish traditions. All Jews and a rabbi from the synagogue that my grandfather attended came to his funeral. My father recited the Kaddish. My grandmother Etia sat shivah. Other women couldn’t join her since the rules required to not work for a whole week and they had to do their work.

In late fall 1940 grandmother Bruche-Etia, my mother’s mother, died. She also had a Jewish funeral. My grandfather and grandmother’s gravestones have been preserved. Only some letters on them have crumbled, but the gravestones are still there.

In 1939 the war in Poland began 5. Polish refugees came to Khust and its outskirts. There were no Jews among them. They were Polish Christians. We didn’t know that Germans exterminated Jews in Poland: there were no newspapers or radio in villages. However, there was some information.

In 1940 many Subcarpathian residents, including Jews, escaped to the USSR hoping for a happier life, but it happened otherwise. Frontier men captured them on the border and sent them to the north, to the Gulag 6 where inmates were dying of hunger, cold and diseases and hard work in unbearable conditions. There were hardly any survivors.

In 1941 my father was taken to a Hungarian labor battalion 7. At that time Jews could only serve in such work battalions. After my father left I had to quit my studies to help my mother to support the family. My father reached an agreement with an old Jew that he would replace him at the power saw bench and that my mother would pay him. Early in the morning my mother and I harnessed the horses waiting for this old man to come. He came for two weeks and then one day he didn’t come.

One day my mother and I waited for him the whole morning, but he never showed up. My mother wanted to unharness the horses and take them back to the stables. She wanted me to go and find out why the old man hadn’t come. I had helped my father with his work before and I told my mother that I could do this work.

This was my first day at work. I tried to come to the power saw bench early in the morning. The sooner I came the sooner I received my load of wood. A foreman took me to a pile of wood and told me how many logs I could take.  There were no loaders. I had to carry 2.5 cubic meters of beech wood from the pile to my wagon at the distance of 25-30 meters. There I had to load them properly.

The distance to Korolevo was about 30 kilometers. On my way back I walked beside the wagon. I was holding the horses by the bridle. Of course, it would have been easier for me to hold the pole, but I was too short and wouldn’t have been able to hold the horses in this manner. When we moved along the road it was all right, but then we had to cross a narrow gauge rail track a few times where the horses jibbed.

I took the load to the village of Iza, some 5 kilometers from Korolevo, left the wagon there and took the horses home. We returned home at 2-3 o’clock in the morning. My mother gave me food and went to the stables to unharness and feed the horses.

I got up very early the next morning since I had to go to Iza and take the load to Khust. There was also a line in Khust to unload the wood onto a railcar or storage facility according to directions. Life was hard I’d say, but we enjoyed it since we could celebrate Saturday and holidays and there were no bans on religion.  

In June 1941 Germany attacked the USSR [cf. Great Patriotic War] 8. When the Germans came to Ivano-Frankovsk region mass extermination of Jews began. We had no information about it then. We only got to know about it after World War II.

The Germans began random selection of Jews. They left Grandfather Laizer behind, at home, but they took our whole family. We got on a train that took us to Yasen at the border with the USSR. The train stopped and we saw Jews near the tents in a forest near the border. From there they were taken to Ivano-Frankosk region.

We were ordered to get off the train and line up in rows of five people in front of carriages. We were kept there for two hours before there was an order to get back in the train. We returned to Khust. We were lucky since this was the only train that returned. We returned home.

Only after World War II we got to know how lucky we were and what was waiting for us had we been taken to the Soviet territory. Germans shot and tortured Jews. The family of my mother’s younger sister was not so lucky. They were taken to Ivano-Frankovsk region from Krichev. They all perished there.  

My father served in his labor battalion until 1943. He fell ill with rheumatism in 1943 and was released. After he returned home my father resumed his work at the power saw bench. I began to help my mother at home and in the field. I fetched water, cut wood and took the geese to a pasture.

Early in the morning my mother went to the meadow to pick grass for the geese. My mother came back home soaked with dew and with her hands swollen. Of course, my mother had the most difficult life. She had to do everything and there were no household appliances to make her life easier. Women did their laundry in a hole in the ice in the river.

Ghettoization

In April 1944 Jewish residents of Korolevo were taken to the ghetto. Gendarmes came to Jewish houses instructing Jewish families to take only necessary things and food for a few days with them. A gendarmerie truck transported Jews to the ghetto in Iza. Christian families in three streets of Iza closer to the river were ordered to move out and go to live with their relatives or acquaintances and Jewish newcomers were accommodated in those houses. Jews were brought to the ghetto from all surrounding villages. We heard that there was a ghetto in Khust and other locations in Subcarpathia.

We were accommodated in a small house that had formerly belonged to one person. There were now 15 of us in this small room: there was our family of nine people, my paternal grandmother Etia, my father’s younger brothers Shmil and Moishe and single sisters Surah and Baila and my paternal grandfather Laizer. We slept on the floor. My mother’s sister Rivka and her family were accommodated nearby.

We were allowed to move around within the ghetto, but we were not allowed to leave its grounds. We had taken some food from home: potatoes, beans and flour, but we ran out of stocks promptly and I began to go to fetch food from home. I got out of the ghetto at night, crossed the river and went into the house. I knew how to open a window from outside. I got beans, flour, cereals, whatever there was and went back to the ghetto. Of course, it was risky since the ghetto was guarded by gendarmes.

When we were in the ghetto Pesach began. Any celebrations were out of the question, but we managed to mark the holiday. Men got together for a minyan. We didn’t have matzah, but we didn’t eat bread either. We ate potatoes and beans: these products were allowed on Pesach.

My maternal grandfather Laizer died in the ghetto. This happened the next day after the end of Pesach. We asked gendarmes to allow us bury Grandfather in the Jewish cemetery in Korolevo. It was possible to walk across the river: it was knee deep. They didn’t allow us to take him there. They ordered us to bury him in the Jewish section of the cemetery in Iza. They also let two men from the ghetto help us bury my grandfather. My father recited the Kaddish over his grave.

We couldn’t have a gravestone installed at that time, and now we have lost the grounds where he was buried. Time destroyed all signs. People even stole stones from the cemetery. People in Iza are no good, which is different in Korolevo. After World War II stones were stolen from the cemetery to build foundations for houses or they were dropped in the swamp to enable traffic to move. Now when I come to Iza on the day my grandfather died I light a candle on any spot.

We stayed three weeks in the ghetto. One day gendarmes ordered Jews to take their belongings and come outside. All were taken to a Christian church that had been burned and had no roof left. It rained all night and we got wet and cold. In the morning we were taken on horse and bull-drawn wagons to a brick factory in Khust.

Germans and Hungarian gendarmes tortured Jews, particularly Jewish men. They pulled them by their beards, shaved a cross on their heads, beat and demanded money and gold from them. They probably had informers telling them who had gold.

Auschwitz

Two days passed and then they pulled a train to the brick factory and ordered us to get in. There was a toilet hole made in the floor of our railcar. We were to go to the toilet before everybody’s eyes. The doors were closed and fixed with barbed wire on the outside. The train headed to Auschwitz.

I don’t remember how long we were on the road. When the train arrived at Auschwitz we were told to leave anything we had in the train. We could see prisoners in striped clothing. At the order of the Germans a crew of prisoners with hoses and brushes went to wash the train.

There were Germans in white robes standing in a line alongside the train. They determined whether a person could work or not. They sorted us out: young men were to stand in one group and girls and young women were in another group. Mothers were ordered to leave their children with grandmothers to be able to work. Some mothers left their children and others refused. Old men, women and women with children were separated. They got towels and soap and were taken to a bathroom. The Germans closed the door and filled it with gas. We only got to know about it later. 

I went with my father, his brother Moishe and my cousin Mendel Yanovich, my mother’s sister Rivka’s son. We were taken to the bathroom and received towels and soap. When we washed ourselves they shaved our heads and bodies and gave us striped uniforms. We were given numbers.

What was good about this camp was that it was very clean. The Germans watched strictly that all inmates kept themselves very clean. There were no lice and there was no typhoid. Every two to three days there was a medical check-up. They checked clothes for lice and if they found any they took them for treatment with steam and an inmate received another uniform. Later, when I was in the Soviet army I often recalled these check-ups. We didn’t have any. 

We stayed there for two days. There was a distribution center in the central camp of Auschwitz. It formed crews and sent them out to camps. They sorted out inmates in work camps every month. Each inmate had to take off his clothes. If Germans saw that he was exhausted and thin and couldn’t work they sent him to the crematorium in Auschwitz.

We were sent to the work camp in Monovice, a division of Auschwitz. There were 59 barracks for inmates in this camp. At first my father, I, Moishe and Mendel were sent to one barrack. They were big barracks. It’s hard to say now how many inmates there were in one barrack: I think about 200, probably. There were two-tier plank beds where we slept. Each inmate had a blanket. However thin it was it was better than nothing.

There were men from all countries under German occupation: France, Belgium, Holland, Poland, Czechoslovakia and others. There were also German inmates that were condemned for some crimes in Germany. There were Germans who had been sent to concentration camps for their anti-fascist activities and there were criminals. English prisoners were in a camp separately from others in Monovice. English prisoners were allowed to receive parcels from their relatives and the Red Cross and they were sent to do easier work. There was a senior man in each barrack, one of the inmates appointed by the Germans.

In the morning we got some junk coffee with no sugar and then we had to line up. We worked at a mechanic plant, some 2 kilometers from the camp. We lined up in rows of five people and marched with the convoy and music to the plant. At the gate the convoy counted us and they also counted us when we came back in the evening. There was security at the plant: it was surrounded with a high fence and there were armed guards on towers. In the evening our convoy came back to take us to the camp.

We did hard work: we excavated trenches and placed pipes and concrete pieces into trenches. Later we heard that there was a crew of young people at the plant. They were doing easier work. The three of us went to the commander to ask him to include us in this crew. I, Moishe and Mendel were taken into this crew and accommodated in another barrack. We left the camp with all inmates and at the plant we were taken to do our work.

I became an assistant to a German storekeeper who released tools and parts to inmates. I helped him to find all necessary items. My uncle Moishe worked with English prisoners checking equipment. He had a good life there. The English received food parcels and shared food with him. Moishe was better fed than we. Mendel was an assistant to a welder carrying his welding unit and gas cylinders for him.

We had lunch brought to the camp. It usually consisted of some soup made from concentrate with grass. We had lunch in the canteen. Sometimes there were air raids and we were ordered to go to a bunker. We were not allowed to stay in the canteen. How we wished we could stay and eat as much as we could! But God forbid, we couldn’t stay: The Germans shot those who disobeyed their orders immediately.

In the evening the convoy from the camp was waiting for us at the gate of the plant. We were counted again and marched back to the camp with the convoy and music. There were bowls with dinner waiting for us in the barracks and inmates of the camp were lining up to get food. We had dinner in the barrack and went to sleep.

The senior man of our barrack was a German man. He was sentenced for political reasons. He had children in Germany and he patronized the three of us. If there was food left in the bowl he gave it to us.

We didn’t know the days or dates. We didn’t observe any Jewish traditions or celebrate holidays. We didn’t even know when they were. Jews didn’t even pray. All we could think about was going to sleep as soon as possible. 

It became difficult when the Russian front was approaching. Russian troops began their offensive in January 1945. There were continuous air raids and bombings. We stayed in our barracks all day long. When the front was close a German officer came into our barrack. He said that we might leave the camp since the front was near and the camp was to be evacuated.

Then the Germans were planning to pour gasoline over the barracks and burn them along with any inmates inside. It was evening. The Germans were releasing inmates by barracks: barrack #1, 2, etc. We were in the third barrack and my father was in barrack 59.

When it was our turn we were ordered to line up in rows of five people. We were given a loaf of bread and a piece of sausage each. We were told to take blankets with us. It was cold outside in January… We ate our sausage and cut bread into slices. We hid our ration of bread under our shirts. We were concerned that stronger adults might take this bread from us. We were convoyed to a road. We had a long way to go. 

There were retreating German troops, cavalry and tanks on the road. We were marching in a column. The convoy shot all those who couldn’t walk and dumped them into ditches without checking whether they were dead or alive. We were marching and there were people ahead of us and behind us, Jews from concentration camps like us.

Before dawn we were taken to a farmer’s yard to rest. The three of us stayed in a shed with cows and chickens. We had a short rest and then started on our way again. We felt very cold, but when we left the town it got even colder. Every day we ate a few slices of bread. This was all the food we had. 

We marched that day and the following day and only a day later in the evening we reached the Gleiwitz labor camp 9. The barracks were empty, but there were many more people than could fit in the barracks. We failed to get into a barrack. There was a body of a man who had died recently in front of a barrack. We sat on this body. It was still warm and we got warmer. We sat on it until morning. We had thin robes on and we wrapped ourselves in blankets.

In the morning we saw that there were guards around the camp. There was nowhere to run. We didn’t get any food. Hungry people picked potato peels, bones or whatever eatable they could find in garbage bins. We didn’t get any food for a week. People were starving to death. We still had some bread left. It helped us to survive. It got dry. We dipped it in snow and put it into the mouth.

A week passed. There was a railroad spur near the camp. A train with freight railcars arrived at this spur and we were ordered to get on these platforms over the sides. They didn’t open the doors and if somebody was too weak to get over the sides they shot them. We were staying close to the senior man of our barrack. There were warders standing by the sides of the railcars. They beat people with sticks to compact them in carriages. There were 120-130 people in each railcar. There wasn’t even space for a match. We were given a piece of bread and sausage to go.

Buchenwald

Our trip to Buchenwald 10 lasted eight days and for these eight days we didn’t get any food. At times, when there were people on the roads that our train passed they saw who was on the train and threw bread to us. Whoever caught a piece tried to bite on it before the others took it away. We put the dead in a corner and when the train stopped at stations the guards took the deceased to another carriage. There were approximately 20-25 survivors in our carriage when the train arrived at Buchenwald. 

When we arrived our guards were so exhausted that they didn’t even hurry us. The Buchenwald camp was on a hill and we dragged ourselves up the hill. I remember that my cousin Mendel found a piece of dry bread on the way to the camp. When we came to the bathroom he dipped it in hot water and put it in his mouth. We were given new clothing in the bathroom. We didn’t have any lice, although we hadn’t washed ourselves for a week.

Then we went to a barrack. We didn’t get any dinner. They brought junk coffee in a big wooden barrel with no sugar. We were hungry and drank this coffee to fill up our stomachs. Before going to sleep we received tin badges with numbers on them. We were told that we were to come to the canteen with these badges to get one meal per day. We slept on plank beds with nothing, not even straw, on them.

When the lights were turned off we could hear some inmates crying: the stronger ones were taking away badges from the weaker ones to get two meals instead of one. The three of us took turns to sleep to watch our badges.

We were lucky again. It’s good luck that always matters. Since we were short we were taken to a barrack for young people. There were two barracks for children over five years of age and teenagers. There were two old men, about 70 years of age, watching them. Nobody tried to get our badges or hurt us otherwise in this barrack.

We didn’t go to work. We stayed on our plank beds and went to eat at the canteen once a day. Our meal consisted of a bowl of thin soup and a slice of bread. We had to eat our bread at once or hide it well, because there were hungry inmates waiting in the yard to snatch out this bread and eat it.

The American front was approaching. Every day English bombers bombed German barracks at the bottom of a hill in the woods. They didn’t drop bombs on our barracks, but we left our barracks and stayed outside during air raids. In case a bomb hit a barrack there was no chance to escape while in the open space we had a hope to survive.

Every day German wardens ordered a group of stronger inmates with rubber hose sticks to encircle two barracks and chase their inmates outside the gate on top of the hill. They didn’t let them back. This was scaring since those people were left without even their miserable bowl of soup or slice of bread per day and had nothing ahead of them, but to die of hunger or bombs.

Then the day of 11th April 1945 came. On this day a group with rubber sticks encircled our barrack and began to chase us to the gate. We couldn’t go back to the barrack in fear of rubber sticks, but we didn’t want to go forward knowing that we would not be allowed to come back. A German officer sitting by the gate was watching the scene. We sat nearby hoping that they wouldn’t dare to beat us in his proximity. Then an air raid began. They closed the gate and we returned to our barrack.

At night we heard shooting and explosions. The front was very near. In the morning there was silence in the camp. We ran out of the barrack: there was not a single German or guards on the towers. We climbed onto the roof of the barrack to look what was happening around. We saw American tanks near Buchenwald. Someone found gauntlets and cutting pliers with insulation on handles to cut the powered wire fence. We ran out of the camp in the direction of the tanks.

The Americans came to the camp. At this time the German commandment of concentration camps in Weimar was dictating an order on the phone to encircle the camp, shoot all prisoners and retreat. An American officer picked the receiver, laughed and repeated this order in English. One of the prisoners said it in Yiddish. Our luck was with us again this time.

Liberation

It didn’t occur to our liberators that they shouldn’t give starved people a lot of food to eat at once. They cooked big bowls of delicious stewed meat and hungry people pounced on this food. Many of them died. It was too much for them to handle. We survived though.

Then the Americans began to make lists asking where we came from and where we wanted to live. We said we were Czech citizens [Czechoslovak] since we were born during the Czech rule and we believed Hungarians were occupants and Czechia [Czechoslovakia] was occupied illegally. The officer making the list offered younger men to go to America. He said that we would get a profession and a job and if we wanted we could go to the US army.

A guy from our barrack who came from the Subcarpathia village of Gorinchovo [612 km from Kiev, 100 km from Uzhhorod] told me that he didn’t want to return home to live in poverty. He decided to go to America and I decided to join him. Uncle Moishe wanted to return home. He thought that the whole family had perished and that he would have the land that had belonged to Grandfather Itzyk in his possession. He convinced my cousin Mendel to go with him.

We stayed in the camp several days. Moishe went to town picking things in ruined houses. He had a big suitcase and a backpack full of stuff. I found this conduct stupid and thought it was his greediness that made him do it.

Then a truck arrived to take people to Prague. When we were saying our farewells I had tears in my eyes. I felt afraid of parting with Moishe and Mendel and I got into the truck with them. Of course, I regretted my uncertainty at that moment many times later, but what can one do. We do not always make the right decisions…

We, 25 guys from Subcarpathia, were taken to a military hotel in Prague. A Czech captain took us to a room where we received new clothes and shoes. We could have free meals, go by tram and visit museums, but they were not sending us home. Sometime later we asked the captain when we were supposed to go home. He said that the Czech authorities couldn’t send us to Subcarpathia since it belonged to the USSR. [Editor’s note: The Soviet Union annexed Subcarpathia in 1945.]

We were offered to stay in Czechoslovakia since we were Czech citizens. We insisted that we wanted home and he said that he could only transfer us to the Soviet commander’s office. We agreed and he took us to a frontier town. I don’t remember its name.

There were many people in the yard of this office: girls, women, men. There were soldiers with shepherd dogs patrolling the yard. Women were crying, soldiers were cursing, yelling at people. The captain left us with the commandant’s assistant and went away. Soldiers took away our belongings and ordered us to go peel potatoes in the kitchen.

We began to ask questions and the soldier explained that they were gathering people to put them on a train to Russia and then to a camp. And after three years of work in a camp they would know, he said, in what way we got to Germany. 

Everything went dark before our eyes: from one camp to another! We began to think what to do. We were accommodated in a room on the second floor. We tied together ropes and belts, whatever we could get, climbed down onto the street and ran after our captain. We caught up with him begging him to take us back. He returned to the commandant office with us. He told them it was a mistake and that we were Czech citizens [Czechoslovak] and that he had to take us back with him. They let us go, but we still wanted to get home.

The captain took us to the railway station and told us to stay away from Russian soldiers since there would be nobody to help us there. We got on the roof of a train heading to Budapest. At each stop soldiers inspected the train robbing its passengers: they took away their luggage and money.

There was an agency for those who returned from concentration camps in Budapest. They gave us some money and food. They also made lists of people to go to Israel, but we again decided it was best to go home. Of course, we were acting in haste, but we actually didn’t give it a thought about what was waiting for us at home in Subcarpathia. We were feeling homesick and couldn’t wait to see our dear home place. Hoping for the best is so common among young people.

Well, for whatever reason we were on the way home. We travelled by train for the most part of our trip. In Budapest we were given some food to go. We covered most of the route from the Hungarian border on foot. Every now and then local villagers gave us a ride in their horse-drawn wagons. They told us that some Jews had returned home from concentration camps.

After the War

There was nobody, but Father at home. I thought he had perished in the camp, but it turned out that the Germans didn’t burn Monovice before leaving and Russian troops liberated the camp where my father was. He returned home in March 1945.

There were six survivors in our family: the three of us, my father, my mother’s sister Rivka, who returned home shortly afterward, and my sister Ghitlia. Rivka was in Buchenwald and was liberated by the Americans. Ghitlia was in a labor camp in Auschwitz that was liberated by the Russians. She was taken to a Soviet camp for displaced individuals in Sverdlovsk region and stayed there a little over a year. She returned home in early 1947.

The rest of the family perished. There were no survivors among the ten brothers and sisters of my father. Only I and my sister of the seven children in our family survived. My paternal grandmother Etia perished in a concentration camp in Kosice. My father’s sisters also perished there. Only my aunt Rivka of my mother’s family survived.

Our house had been destroyed and robbed. Local residents robbed Jewish houses using them as a source of construction materials. We didn’t have a place to live. My father died a week after he was liberated. It happened in January 1946. We buried him near Grandfather Itzhak’s grave in the Jewish cemetery near Korolevo. It was a Jewish funeral.

There was one synagogue operating in Korolevo. Another synagogue was closed. Soviet authorities destroyed everything related to religion 11. They didn’t need religion. They destroyed Jewish, Muslim and Christian temples and executed clergymen. 

Aunt Rivka’s husband returned to Korolevo. He was in a labor camp and then he was captured by Soviet troops. He was kept in a camp for prisoners-of-war and was released in 1946. Rivka’s husband was a tailor and an expert in making garments from white wool that Hutsul people [local mountaineers] wear. He opened a shop in his home. Girls and women came to work and brought their food with them. Rivka cooked for them. They worked and often stayed overnight in their home when there was much work to do. 

When Ghitlia returned she also worked there and Moishe worked there as well. Then my sister met a Jewish man from Svaliava [635 km from Kiev, 55 km from Uzhgorod]. His last name was Mechlovich. He was a butcher and later became a cattle and meat supplier. He earned well, but he worked a lot and stayed away from home a lot. They got married. They had a traditional Jewish wedding with a chuppah.

My sister went to live with her husband in Svaliava. They kept sheep, chickens and geese. My sister was a housewife after she got married. In 1949 their son Yuri was born. His Jewish name was Usher after my father. In 1953 their daughter Helena was born. Her Jewish name was Hendl after my mother. They were religious and observed Jewish rules.

After returning home I continued to observe Jewish traditions. On Saturday I went to the synagogue to pray. Rivka and her husband invited me to all Jewish holidays and I visited them on Friday evening to celebrate Sabbath.

There was a small synagogue in Korolevo and when Jews began to return from concentration camps there was not enough space for all of us. They came with their chairs and sat in the yard of the synagogue. The rabbi kept the door open so that those sitting in the yard could hear the service. The Soviet power closed this synagogue in 1956.

I lived alone after my sister got married. We all became Soviet citizens. In 1946 I went to a driving school in Khust to become a driver. I lived in Korolevo and walked 8 kilometers to Khust every day, round trip. In May 1947 I finished my studies. However, I didn’t receive my driver’s license at once. I had to wait until I had my practical training, but there was nowhere to get it, since there were too few cars after the war.

In October 1947 I was recruited to mandatory service in the Soviet army. We, recruits, were sent to Moscow. There were prisoners-of-war restoring the ruined city. They worked under the command of Soviet officers. In 1947 the prisoners were released and were replaced with recruits. I was enlisted in a construction battalion. Our construction battalion constructed airports in Monino, Domodedovo [outskirts of Moscow]. Those construction battalions required people with construction training: bricklayers, carpenters and painters.

I still wanted to become a driver to receive my license. There were a few old cars in this construction battalion. I decided to go work as a loader to be close to vehicles. I was hoping that with some luck they would allow me to drive a vehicle. It didn’t happen.

I was often transferred from one construction battalion to another. Finally, I got into a construction unit involved in the construction of a dacha 12 for Stalin in Novyy Afon [today Georgia]. There is a big monastery on a hill, buried in gardens. It wasn’t ruined at that time or later. The dacha was built right by the monastery. Later we were sent to unload the trains delivering construction materials to the construction site.

In some respect our living conditions in the army were better than in the concentration camp, but in others they were worse. We received 60 grams of black underbaked bread that stuck to your fingers and two lumps of sugar. We had porridge with no butter for breakfast, thin soup for lunch and tea and bread in the evening. We worked hard and didn’t get enough food. Some soldiers received food parcels from home, but there was nobody to send me any.

As for personal hygiene, the situation was worse than in a concentration camp. We very rarely received underwear or bed sheets to change. In the morning and in the evening we could wash ourselves with cold tap water. We were taken to the bathroom once in ten or more days. Many had lice. 

I didn’t face any anti-Semitism in the army. There was something else. We, who came from Western Ukraine, were called ‘benderovtsi’ and ‘fascists.’ Stepan Bandera 13 and fascists were fighting against the Soviet power. It didn’t matter to them that I was a Jew. What mattered was that I came from Western Ukraine. [Editor’s note: Subcarpathia was attached to the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic after its annexation in 1945.] There was an openly hostile attitude toward us in the army. I got used to such forms of address as ‘benderovets’ and ‘fascist’ and I learned to keep my temper when hearing them. 

In 1949 I was sent to serve in Gorkiy region, at Shakhunya railway station, some 700 kilometers from Moscow. This place was no good: swamps, woods, mosquitoes and midges. Or battalion constructed a narrow gauge railway. A group of soldiers did the construction and another group cut wood for ties. We lived in barracks and had to walk 5 kilometers every day to get to the job site. My commanders often picked on me for no reason whatsoever and sent me to do additional work for punishment.

Once during an interval all went to smoke and since I didn’t smoke I went indoors to get warm. For this my commanding officer told me to wash the floors in the barracks. This injustice made me angry and I refused to follow the order. The commander of our battalion called me to his office. He asked me why I refused to follow the order. I described the situation to him and said that I would not follow unfair orders. He replied that when it comes to an order one must follow it at first and then make a complaint.

Then I couldn’t contain myself any longer and said that I had been in a German concentration camp where the Germans killed their prisoners. They shot them, but they didn’t taunt them like they did in the army. I thought that after this statement they would take me to prison and decided that it was going to be no worse in prison. However, the commander let me go. Shortly afterward the commander of our platoon was reduced in rank to private.  

In 1950 an order for demobilization of recruits, born in the year 1926, was issued. In November 1950 I returned to Korolevo. I entered the driving school again and four months later I obtained a driver’s license. I went to work as a driver at a timber facility rented by Moldavians. At that time there were not enough woodcutters in Subcarpathia and wood transportation was problematic. Therefore, local authorities used to lease wood sites for cutting and paid for work with wood rather than money. 

I was rarely at home. My home was my timber transportation truck. I ate and slept in the cabin. When rental terms expired the Moldavians moved to Arkhangelsk in the north. I didn’t go with them. Those drivers who stayed were employed by the Lvov Carpathian military regiment. A platoon was making wood stocks for military units. Soldiers cut wood and we, civilian drivers, were to transport it to the railway station where it was loaded onto carriages.

Later we were reassigned to KECh in Mukachevo. This was a utility service department. I worked there for a short time. There were old vehicles that often went out of order. There were no mechanics available. I had to fix my truck, but I didn’t have any spare parts. I got tired of it and I quit. I returned to Korolevo and immediately got a job offer and went to work as a driver at the industrial enterprise. In 1958 they established vehicle yards and all drivers were transferred to work there. I worked at such a vehicle yard until I retired in 1986.

After I returned from the army I did my best to observe Jewish traditions. I had to go to work on Saturday, though, since it was a working day. However, I celebrated all Jewish holidays and never worked on them. I had to do some plotting to implement my plans. For example, on the eve of Pesach, Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur I removed some parts from the car and declared that something went wrong. A mechanic worked on it and I stayed at home on holidays. I always went to the synagogue on holidays.

When that Czech captain took us to the Russian zone I realized what the Soviet power was about. I saw soldiers making cigarettes with makhorka tobacco cursing heavily using the name of God and God’s Mother. I saw people sent to Soviet camps for the only reason that they got into German concentration camps when the Soviet power couldn’t protect them from the Germans.

These implications formed the basis for my attitude toward the Soviet power and it hasn’t changed in the course of my life. I understood that I had to build up my patience and get adjusted to living in the Soviet Union: there was no other alternative for me, but I couldn’t accept this regime.

When I was in the army they tried to force me to join the Komsomol 14, but I refused. They left me alone later. I never joined the Komsomol or Party. I worked as a driver earning my living and didn’t care about what was happening in the USSR.

When Stalin died in 1953 people around were crying and lamenting questioning how they would go on living. I didn’t care about Stalin’s death. Frankly, I had a slight hope that when another individual came to power life would be easier, but then another came and then his replacement came to power and nothing changed.

I was skeptical about the speech of Khrushchev 15 at the 20th Congress 16 of the Party: if you are so smart, but you were beside Stalin and allowed him to do what he had done why would you condemn him after he died. They should have done it when he was alive.

Of course I couldn’t remain indifferent when I heard about the Soviet invasion of Hungary in 1956 17 and Czechoslovakia in 1968 18. I was indignant. But I understood that it was the policy of the USSR to suppress and keep people in fear. 

I got married in 1954. My cousin Mendel Yanovich introduced me to my future wife. In 1947 he went to work in Donetsk region, in the town of Gorlovka [620 km from Kiev]. He met a Jewish family called Boldur: a mother and three daughters. Before the war they lived in Kharkov [430 km from Kiev], and then evacuated to Karaganda, Kazakhstan. After the war they moved to Gorlovka.

The father, Wolf Boldur, was deputy director of the railroad trust of restaurants of Donetsk region before the war. He went to the front at the beginning of the war and perished. The mother’s name was Tatiana. Her Jewish name was Taiba. She was diner director in a mine in Gorlovka. Etia, the older daughter, was born in 1932, Raya, the middle one, was born in 1935, and Vera, whose Jewish name was Dvoira, was born in 1938.

There were few Jewish families in Gorlovka and even fewer young girls. Mendel met Raya, the middle daughter. Her mother decided to help her future son-in-law. She helped him to resign from the mine and enter a driving school. Later she helped him to find a job. When they decided to get married Mendel moved the whole family to Khust. The mother became director of a diner and Raya became an accountant in this diner. 

Mendel and Raya got married in Khust. They had a Jewish wedding with a chuppah. A rabbi from the synagogue in Khust conducted the ceremony. I met Vera and her family at Mendel’s wedding. Vera was twelve years younger than I. She wasn’t raised Jewish. She grew up in the Soviet Union and studied in a Soviet school. This is all there is to say about it. I liked her anyways and asked her mother’s consent to our marriage. We got married shortly afterward.

I wanted to have a traditional wedding in Korolevo with a rabbi and a big party inviting all Jews in Korolevo to the wedding party. I had enough money to arrange it. There were few drivers and we earned well. But Vera’s mother said that she or her relatives would not come to the wedding in Korolevo and that we were to have a wedding in Khust. Therefore, we didn’t have a wedding party, but just a civil ceremony. Vera moved in with me. 

Three months later we had a Jewish wedding in Korolevo. A rabbi from Svaliava conducted the ceremony. My sister invited him. There was plenty of food and we invited all Jews in Korolevo and our relatives.

After we got married Vera began to attend the synagogue in Korolevo on Saturday and Jewish holidays. She lit candles on Friday. We celebrated Jewish holidays at home. We followed the kashrut and we still have kosher utensils. We also kept special fancy crockery for Pesach in the attic. Jewish women taught Vera to cook Jewish food and make challot for Sabbath. Gradually my wife adopted the way of life I was used to.

In 1956 my wife and I moved to Khust. I worked at the industrial enterprise. We received a small house with a plot of land near it. There was one room, a kitchen and a verandah in the house. Later I made some improvements and built another room to the house. I planted fruit trees and vines near the house. Now these vines decorate the yard.

My wife and I went to the synagogue in Khust. It was the only synagogue operating in Khust and Subcarpathia that had not been closed or ruined. The Jews of Khust managed to protect it. The synagogue was near a shoe factory and authorities decided to give it into the ownership of the factory: they wanted to remove the fence around the synagogue and transform it into a club for the shoe factory.

However, Jewish women came at night to guard the synagogue. They were older women for the most part. They had hoes and axes with them and they stood up for it. The authorities didn’t dare to fight with old women. If there had been men they would have imprisoned them and exiled them to Siberia. This miraculously defended synagogue operated through all years of the Soviet regime and it operates now as well.

Our first son Alexandr was born in 1958. His Jewish name is Usher after my father. Our second son Vladimir, born in 1962, has the Jewish name of Wolf after Vera’s father. Both sons had their brit milah. They studied at school and were Young Octobrists 19, pioneers 20 and Komsomol members as required in the Soviet times. However, I taught them everything Jewish boys should know. My sons knew Jewish history and traditions and knew their prayers.

They studied well at school. They helped their mother about the house and in the garden. After finishing an eight-year Ukrainian school in Korolevo, Alexandr entered a Forestry College in Khust. He finished it with a red diploma [awarded to students having only excellent grades] and worked as chief of industrial shops in Khust. My younger son Vladimir, after finishing the Electrotechnical College, worked as a repairman of household appliances.

They married Jewish girls and both sons had Jewish weddings with a chuppah. When in 1980 Alexandr’s son David was born there was nobody who could perform the circumcision in Khust. My wife took my little grandson to Moscow where he had his brit milah. My younger son has two daughters: Olga, born in 1989, her Jewish name is Golda, and Helena, born in 1990, her Jewish name is Hendl after my mother.

My grandchildren know Jewish history, traditions and religion, everything a Jew should know. My older granddaughter Olga studies in a Jewish boarding school in Dnepropetrovsk. Of course, it’s a pity that she doesn’t live at home, but my granddaughter likes it there and I am happy for her.

When in the 1970s mass departures of Jews to Israel began I was eager to move there. Many of my relatives moved. My uncle Moishe, my father’s younger brother, who was in a concentration camp with me, and his family moved to the USA. He lives in Brooklyn.

My mother’s sister Rivka and her big family moved to the USA, too. They also live in Brooklyn. She has six daughters and two sons. She has about 70 grandchildren and great-grandchildren living there. Her daughters married religious Jews and had Jewish weddings and live according to Jewish rules. 

My sister Ghitlia also moved abroad. Her husband died of a heart attack shortly before their departure. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Svaliava in accordance with all Jewish traditions and my sister, her son and daughter left for Israel. She lives in Rehovot. Her daughter got married in Israel and moved to the USA with her husband. Ghitlia’s son and his family live in Israel.

Of course, I didn’t want to stay here, but my wife and her family put an obstacle to our departure. They stated firmly that the USSR was their Motherland and that they didn’t want to move. Of course, I tried to convince my wife, but we happened to have stayed here.

In the late 1980s my older son Alexandr and his family moved to Israel. They went to Rehovot where my sister lives. She welcomed my son and his family. They live in Rehovot. Alexandr’s son David finished school and currently serves in the army. After demobilization he is planning to enter a university. My son works for a computer company. He is very happy with his job and life. I am very happy for them, but I didn’t want to go with my son: it is too late to start a new life at this age. I wouldn’t be able to find a job and I shall not be a burden or dependent.  

When in the late 1980s perestroika 21 began I was skeptical about it like I would have been about any initiative of the Soviet power. Many promises – little doing. However, it turned out that I was wrong about it. There were notable changes. There came more freedom and people were not afraid of saying something wrong or in speaking to a wrong person. Persecutions of religious people stopped and people could go to church and openly celebrate religious holidays. The Jewish life has revived.

The Iron Curtain 22 separating the USSR from the rest of the world was gone. People got an opportunity to travel abroad and invite their friends from abroad. I haven’t traveled abroad, but my wife went to visit my sister when she fell ill and needed to be attended to. Vera returned with many impressions and acknowledged that she was wrong when she didn’t want to move abroad, but our time was gone…

When Ukraine gained independence after the breakup of the USSR 23 in 1991, Jews got an opportunity to be Jews in the full meaning of this word. I think there is no state anti-Semitism at present or, at least, there is almost none. At least, I haven’t heard of refusal in admission or employment because someone is a Jew.

There is Hesed 24 that provides big assistance to old people and single mothers. After Hesed opened in Subcarpathia in 1999 my son went to work there as curator of Khust district.

There are not many Jews left. Many emigrated to USA, Israel and Germany. Now there are mostly mixed families: Jewish men married to non-Jewish women and vice versa. Few people go to the synagogue now. There are not enough even for a minyan at times. People don’t want to come to the synagogue, even though there are no bans. Young people don’t need it, at least, the majority of young people. I go to the synagogue on Saturday and Jewish holidays and pray at home. I place tefillin on my hand and head like they taught me when I was a child and pray.

In the past it was forbidden to do any work on Saturday after the candles were lit. If somebody violated Saturday rules it was a disgrace, he felt ashamed of coming to the synagogue and look into other people’s eyes. And now a man coming from the synagogue has a case in his hands and money in his pocket. He would pay his fee in a bus, go to the market or a store as if it should be this way.

They do not follow the rules as required. And it doesn’t occur to people that they cannot be hurting God for too long, nobody thinks that two temples in Jerusalem were destroyed on the same day, 9th Av, in different years. Why did it happen - because they didn’t follow the laws and now God will punish those who abandoned his faith and don’t want to live like God tells us.


Glossary:

1 Subcarpathia (also known as Ruthenia, Russian and Ukrainian name Zakarpatie)

Region situated on the border of the Carpathian Mountains with the Middle Danube lowland. The regional capitals are Uzhhorod, Berehovo, Mukachevo, Khust. It belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until World War I; and the Saint-Germain convention declared its annexation to Czechoslovakia in 1919. It is impossible to give exact historical statistics of the language and ethnic groups living in this geographical unit: the largest groups in the interwar period were Hungarians, Rusyns, Russians, Ukrainians, Czech and Slovaks. In addition there was also a considerable Jewish and Gypsy population. In accordance with the first Vienna Decision of 1938, the area of Subcarpathia mainly inhabited by Hungarians was ceded to Hungary. The rest of the region was proclaimed a new state called Carpathian Ukraine in 1939, with Khust as its capital, but it only existed for four and a half months, and was occupied by Hungary in March 1939. Subcarpathia was taken over by Soviet troops and local guerrillas in 1944. In 1945, Czechoslovakia ceded the area to the USSR and it gained the name Carpatho-Ukraine. The region became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1945. When Ukraine became independent in 1991, the region became an administrative region under the name of Transcarpathia.

2 Hasid

Follower of the Hasidic movement, a Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18th century that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God's presence was in all of one's surroundings and that one should serve God in one's every deed and word. The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York, London, Israel and Antwerp.

3 Orthodox communities

The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants' descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the 'eastern' type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. In 1896, there were 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country,. In 1930, the 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities made up 30.4 percent of all Hungarian Jews. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 percent).

4 Russian stove

Big stone stove stoked with wood. They were usually built in a corner of the kitchen and served to heat the house and cook food. It had a bench that made a comfortable bed for children and adults in wintertime.

5 German Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

6 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

7 Forced labor [Labor/Working Battalion]

Under the 1939 II. Law 230, those deemed unfit for military service were required to complete "public interest work service". After the implementation of the second anti-Jewish Law within the military, the military arranged "special work battalions" for those Jews, who were not called up for armed service. With the entry into northern Transylvania (August 1940), those of Jewish origin who had begun, and were now finishing, their military service were directed to the work battalions. A decree in 1941 unified the arrangement, saying that the Jews were to fulfill military obligations in the support units of the National Guard. In the summer of 1942, thousands of Jews were recruited to labor battalions with the Hungarian troops going to the Soviet front. Some 50,000 in labor battalions went with the Second Hungarian Army to the Eastern Front - of these, only 6-7,000 returned.

8 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

9 Gleiwitz III

A satellite labor camp in Auschwitz, set up alongside an industrial factory, Gleiwitzer Hütte, manufacturing weapons, munitions and railway wheels. The camp operated from July 1944 until January 1945; around 600 prisoners worked there.

10 Buchenwald

One of the largest concentration camps in Germany, located five miles north of the city of Weimar. It was founded on 16th July, 1937 and liberated on 11th April, 1945. During its existence 238,980 prisoners from 30 countries passed through Buchenwald. Of those, 43,045 were killed.

11 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

12 Dacha

Country house, consisting of small huts and little plots of lands. The Soviet authorities came to the decision to allow this activity to the Soviet people to support themselves. The majority of urban citizens grow vegetables and fruit in their small gardens to make preserves for winter.

13 Bandera, Stepan (1919-1959)

  Politician and ideologue of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, who fought for the Ukrainian cause against both Poland and the Soviet Union. He attained high positions in the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN): he was chief of propaganda (1931) and, later, head of the national executive in Galicia (1933). He was hoping to establish an independent Ukrainian state with Nazi backing. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, the OUN announced the establishment of an independent government of Ukraine in Lvov on 30th June 1941. About one week later the Germans disbanded this government and arrested the members. Bandera was taken to Sachsenhausen prison where he remained until the end of the war. He was assassinated by a Soviet agent in Munich in 1959.

14 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

15 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

16 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

17 1956

It designates the Revolution, which started on 23rd October 1956 against Soviet rule and the communists in Hungary. It was started by student and worker demonstrations in Budapest and began with the destruction of Stalin's gigantic statue. Moderate communist leader Imre Nagy was appointed as prime minister and he promised reform and democratization. The Soviet Union withdrew its troops which had been stationed in Hungary since the end of World War II, but they returned after Nagy's declaration that Hungary would pull out of the Warsaw Pact to pursue a policy of neutrality. The Soviet army put an end to the uprising on 4th November and mass repression and arrests began. About 200,000 Hungarians fled the country. Nagy and a number of his supporters were executed. Until 1989 and the fall of the communist regime, the Revolution of 1956 was officially considered a counter-revolution.

18 August 1968

On the night of 20th August 1968, the armies of the USSR and its Warsaw Pact allies (Poland, Hungary, East Germany and Bulgaria) crossed the borders of Czechoslovakia. The armed intervention was to stop the 'counter-revolutionary' process in the country. The invasion resulted in many casualties, in Prague alone they were estimated at more than 300 injured and around 20 deaths. With the occupation of Czechoslovakia ended the so-called Prague Spring - a time of democratic reforms, and the era of normalization began, another phase of the totalitarian regime, which lasted 21 years.

19 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

20 All-Union pioneer organization

A communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

21 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

22 Iron Curtain

A term popularized by Sir Winston Churchill in a speech in 1946. He used it to designate the Soviet Union's consolidation of its grip over Eastern Europe. The phrase denoted the separation of East and West during the Cold War, which placed the totalitarian states of the Soviet bloc behind an 'Iron Curtain'. The fall of the Iron Curtain corresponds to the period of perestroika in the former Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, and the democratization of Eastern Europe beginning in the late 1980s and early 1990s.

23 Breakup of the USSR

Yeltsin in 1991 signed a deal with Russia's neighbors that formalized the breakup of the Soviet Union. The USSR was replaced by the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS).

24 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

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Weshalb an Centropa spenden?

Centropa ist eine einzigartige Bildungsinitiative, die seit über 20 Jahren jüdische Geschichte des 20. Jahrhunderts und den Holocaust anhand innovativer Methoden vermittelt.

Unser digitales Archiv umfasst 1.250 Interviews mit Holocaust-Überlebenden sowie 22.500 historische Fotos, aus denen wir 60 Kurzfilme, 20 Ausstellungen, zahlreiche Audiowalks und elf Staffeln thematischer Podcasts entwickelt haben – frei zugänglich für Lehrkräfte, Schüler:innen und die interessierte Öffentlichkeit. Zudem haben wir über 250 Fortbildungen und Workshops für Pädagog:innen und Jugendliche in 18 Ländern organisiert.

Ihre Spende hilft uns, weiterhin innovative Bildungsprojekte umzusetzen, Menschen für jüdische Geschichte zu sensibilisieren und aktiv gegen das Vergessen zu wirken. 

Unterstützen Sie uns dabei, Erinnerungen zu bewahren und die Zukunft zu gestalten!

Centropa-Projekte, die Sie unterstützen können

Centropa entwickelt und verbreitet innovative Lehrmaterialien zu jüdischer Kultur und Geschichte und dem Holocaust.

Wir organisieren jährlich 10 bis 12 Fortbildungsseminare in verschiedenen europäischen Ländern und haben mit unseren Programmen bereits über 2.000 Pädagog:innen erreicht.

Seit 2006 bietet das Café Centropa Programm Holocaust-Überlebenden und ihren Nachkommen in Budapest und Wien eine monatliche kulturelle Plattform. 
Wir bieten Jugendlichen und Erwachsenen die Möglichkeit, mit den letzten Zeitzeug:innen des Holocaustes in Kontakt zu treten - und fördern somit die europäische jüdische Erinnerungskultur. 

Wie jede gemeinnützige Organisation benötigen wir Unterstützung, um unsere Verwaltungskosten zu decken, unsere Website zu entwickeln, unsere Jahresberichte zu drucken und unsere Buchhalter zu bezahlen. 

Allgemeine Unterstützung ist immer willkommen – und wird auch dringend benötigt. 

Wir beantworten gerne Ihre Fragen

Wenn Sie eine konkrete Idee für ein Projekt oder eine Frage zur Verwendung der Spenden haben, nehmen Sie bitte Kontakt mit uns auf.

  • Help Ukrainian Holocaust educators

    Since 2016, a total of 223 Ukrainian teachers have attended Centropa’s weekend seminars.

    Together we have developed programs where teenagers create their own projects on Jewish history, sent our traveling exhibition of Ukrainian Jewish stories to 44 schools, and launched competitions so students can tell us about their town’s Jewish history.

    Our dedicated Ukrainian teachers have stood up for Jewish history. It’s time to stand up for them.

    How you can help

    Centropa has a network of more than 200 teachers throughout Ukraine. Whenever we can, we provide small subventions for them to use in their classrooms and with their students.

    If you would like to support this program, please click on the link below.

    If you are looking to provide general humanitarian aid for Ukraine, we suggest you contact organizations such as CARE, JDC, Caritas, and many others.

    Centropa Programs You Can Support

    Between June, 2006 and March, 2020, we held regular get-togethers for the people we interviewed in both Vienna and Budapest.

    During Covid, we’ve been sending them newsletters, along with books, flowers, CDs and boxes of sweets.

    No other organization works in as many schools in Eastern Europe as we do. Much of our funding comes from the Claims Conference, the German government and the EU.

    If this is an issue that concerns you, write us at office [at] centropa.org and we can target programs together.

    We target specific school districts where we have been making a difference: inner city Newark and Baltimore, rural schools in the Carolinas, Palm Beach County, Houston and East Los Angeles.

    Help us stand with them with competitions and award winning programs. Most of our students are minority, most depend on free or reduced cost lunches. 

    Like every non-profit, we need support to cover our adminstration costs, as well as developing our website, printing our annual reports and paying our accountants each year. We have teams working in Washington, Hamburg, Vienna and Budapest. 

    General support is always welcome—and needed! and we can target programs together.

    Why donate to Centropa?

    • We interviewed 1,263 Holocaust survivors still living in Europe
    • We digitized 25,000 of their family pictures
    • We have 55,232 pages of interviews with them
    • We’ve made 44 short films about them
    • Those films have been shown in 19 international film festivals
    • 3,880 teachers in 20 countries have taken part in our seminars
    • We’re the only oral history institute with a social club for the people we interviewed
    • And we do all this because every year our donors make this possible.
    • For US donors, all contributions are 100% tax deductible. 
    • Click below to see our IRS determination letter and other legal documents.

    We're happy to answer your questions

    If you have a specific idea for a program or a question about how donations are used, please do get in touch.

    Mark Epstein -- A Jewish sniper against the Nazis

    A remarkable story of survival, resistance and resilience. Mark Epstein was still a teenager when the infamous 900 day siege of Leningrad began in 1941. While members of his family and his classmates starved to death, Mark counted the days he until he’d be old enough to enlist in the Soviet Army. 

    On his 18th birthday in 1942, he rushed to the enlistment office, was handed a rifle and in a few weeks, proved his mettle as a sniper on the front lines. 

    Wounded in battle, it is a miracle Mark survived, but he made it to the end of the war, and like his wife Rose, began teaching in a technological school.

    Even as he approached his 100th birthday Mark Epstein continued to meet with students, who never tired of hearing the exploits of this determined Jewish sniper.

    "And I never saw them again." -- Stories of the Kindertransport

    In January, 2019, Centropa interviewed twelve Kindertransport refugees living in London. Born in Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia, their parents took them to their local train stations in 1938 and '39, promised to follow soon, and watched as their children left for England, and safety. Most of these "Kinder," now in their 90's, never saw their parents again. Special thanks to The Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany and The Association of Jewish Refugees

    Supporters

    PORUKA IZ BUDUĆNOSTI: IZ BOSNE U UKRAJINU.

    “PORUKA IZ BUDUĆNOSTI: BOSNA POZDRAVLJA UKRAJINU“

    Izabran na pet međunarodnih filmskih festivala.
    Dobitnik nagrade kao najbolji kratki dokumentarni film na dva festivala.


    PREŽIVJELI RAT U BOSNI IMAJU PORUKU ZA SVOJE PRIJATELJE U UKRAJINI.

    Skoro 4 godine, od 1992. do 1995., bosanski Srbi su držali pod opsadom multi-etnički grad Sarajevo, glavni grad Bosne i Hercegovine. Prekinuli su opskrbu vodom, strujom, prekinuli dostavu pošte i hrane. Čekajući da se grad preda, na hiljade stanovnika je bivalo ubijeno snajperom ili eksplozijama granata. 
    Ali Sarajlije su izdržale. Oni su pomagali jedni drugima. I u jedinoj sinagogi u gradu, 54 volontera su dolazila svaki dan da dijele hranu, lijekove i nadu. 
     
    Jevreji, koji su preživjeli Holokaust, radili su rame uz rame sa muslimanima Bošnjacima, pravoslavnim Srbima i Hrvatima katolicima a 6 ovih volontera imaju poruku za Ukrajince danas: „Vi ćete uspjeti. Kao i mi.“   

     
    Producent i režiser 
    Edward Serotta

    Direktor fotografije 
    Eldar Emrić

    Montaža 
    Antonio Ilić

    Kamerman 
    Faris Dobrača

    Zvuk
    Samir Hrković

    Linijski producent
    Anna Kozemjakin

    U glavnim ulogama:
    Aida Čerkez
    Jakob Finci
    Biljana Šulc 
    Jozef Abinun
    Slobodan Kosanović
    Marija Saravija
    Srđan Gornjaković

    Snimanje ovog filma je omogućeno pomoću: Bader PhilanthropiesAmbasade Njemačke u Sarajevu sa dodatnom podrškom Austrijskog kulturnog foruma, Sarajevo

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