Travel

Helena Najberg

 

 

Helena Najberg

Lodz

Poland

Interviewer: Judyta Hajduk

Date of Interview: February - March 2005

I met Helena Najberg in her house at 12 Gdanska Street in Lodz, where we talked for many hours. Mrs. Najberg is an ailing older woman now, she has problems with moving about and breathing. Each of the meetings was a real effort for her. When I asked her why she agreed for the interview, she answered that it was the right thing to do. ‘Why not? If you want to know something about me, then you are welcome to it. Unless I’m very busy or very sick. If I’m not, then I’ll do all I can. You’re the one whose spending your time on me, because my time is not worth much.’ Helena Najberg lives in an old tenement house. Her apartment, furnished with pre-war furniture, is very impressive. Mrs. Najberg takes good care of herself, she is modern,  only her old jewellery speaks of better times.    

My family background

Growing up

Life in the Lodz Ghetto

In Auschwitz

In forced labor camps 

After the war

My family background

I didn’t know any grandparents, and no great-grandparents at all. Just one grandmother from Mother’s side. She was my mother’s mother. Her last name was Cederbaum, I don’t remember her first name. I don’t know where she came from or what she did. I wasn’t particularly interested in her background. Besides, my parents didn’t talk much about this. I didn’t see Grandmother very often. She died when I was still a child, so I can’t say much about her.

My father was Feliks Lasman. His real name was Fiszel, but I changed his name after the war. I’ll later explain why. He came from Zychlin. It’s a town near Lodz [54 km from Lodz]. But I don’t know anything about his life there or his family. I only know that they must have spoken Yiddish at home for sure, because he only spoke Yiddish with his sister. But he had been living in Lodz for a long time. I don’t know  when he moved exactly. Probably with his entire family when he was still a child. But why? To make a decent living, that’s how it used to be. My father was born in 1893, so he would be well over 100 years old now. He was raised in a rather orthodox family, but he wasn’t orthodox himself. He must have gone to cheder, but I don’t know exactly. My parents somehow never talked about the past and I never asked. When the war broke out, I was still a kid [in 1939 Helena Najberg was 16 years old], I wasn’t interested in the past.

Father was tall. He dressed European style. He always looked decent, I can’t say his clothing was very sophisticated, but he was always clean shaven and decently dressed. He didn’t wear any sidelocks. He didn’t pray at home. He belonged to a party, it was Bund 1. But he never said anything about this. I don’t think that he was very involved in the activities of that organization. He died during the war, in a camp. After the war a cousin of mine, I don’t remember, from my father’s side I think, visited me and said that they sent Father to Mauthausen [concentration camp, set up by the Germans on 8th August 1938, located in northern Austria, near Linzem. The prisoners worked in rock quarries; the camp was liberated on 5th May 1945 by American troops] and that’s where he died, on 25th April 1945. Can you imagine, just a few days before the war ended. Yes, I got Father’s death certificate from the Red Cross. 

Father had three siblings. Two older brothers and a younger sister. I don’t remember the names of the brothers, the sister’s name was Iska. I only know that Father’s oldest brother died even before the war and the second one died on the first day of September 1939. It was a natural death, heart failure, I think. And there was this story about this brother. When he died, his wife was left alone. I don’t even remember what her name was, she was from the Cytryn family. They didn’t have any children. And there is this law in Jewish religion that if a widow wants to remarry, the entire family gathers and the oldest brother has to give permission. Father was at that time the oldest brother and he had to give this permission. This was called halizah 1 in Hebrew. And Father had to recite some verses from the Torah and this he would have done, because it wouldn’t have hurt anyone, but in addition to that there was also this stupid custom that he had to throw his shoe at the family members gathered there and whoever was hit with the shoe was supposed to die that year. And Father didn’t want to do that. He said that under no circumstances would he ever want to cause anyone’s death. Anyway, what he said was: ‘This woman must be over 70 years old, if she was young, then perhaps I’d make this sacrifice, but does she really need to have a husband now? If she’s lived this long without a husband, she’ll survive a bit longer and I won’t use these barbaric methods.” So he didn’t do it and this Cytryn family really pestered us because of it. We were living in their basement during the war and had gas, the greatest thing we could get, but they cut off this gas. So we had to cook on a [wood] stove and this wasn’t easy. There was nothing to use for fuel. Hard life. But Father didn’t give in.

Mother’s first name was Witla, her maiden name was Cederbaum. I also changed her name after the war, to Wiktoria. Just like Father, she was born in 1893, but in Lodz. She came from an orthodox family, just like Father. She didn’t talk much about her childhood either. Perhaps if I had been more grown up, older, they would have talked to me about it, but they must have thought that a young girl wouldn’t be interested. Mother had long, dark hair, shoulder length, she didn’t wear a wig. And she always wore this kind of a roll [hair tied into a bun at the back of the head]. This was fashionable at that time. You’d make this bun [by rolling hair] around a wire. Mother dressed very decently, like Father. Anyway, she’d sew for herself, so she could make whatever she wanted. I remember that when she’d leave somewhere she’d always have this set [of clothes, for special outings]. Mother died immediately after we came to Auschwitz, in a gas chamber. This was in 1944. I know for sure, because women were separated [from men]. If Mother had been alive, she would have been with me.  

Mother had siblings. She had this aunt who didn’t want to eat at our house, because it was not kosher. That was Mother’s older sister. We’d called her Aunt Ryfka. A few years before the war she moved to France with her family. I don’t know why exactly. Perhaps for bread [for economic reasons], as it usually was. I also remember one more cousin from Mother’s side, but I don’t remember whose daughter she was. Her name was Tola. She lived in Belgium. She moved there before the war, I can’t say much about the circumstances. She got married there, but to a Polish citizen, a Jew, but he didn’t speak Polish very well, because he spent his entire life in Belgium. I visited her once in 1974. She was very religious, even excessively. She wouldn’t eat a piece of bread without saying all the prayers. Sometimes this took until 10 or 11 a.m. And she was very weak, sickly, she wasn’t a young woman then. I’d always say to her: ‘You either have to say those prayers earlier or eat something.’ No way. ‘If I don’t say the prayers, I can’t eat.’ She was very pious. I remember that when she left for the prayer house on Saturday, this was when she was still living in Lodz, she couldn’t even take a purse with her, because you couldn’t hold anything in your hand, she’d pin the keys to her skirt with a safety pin. Everyone called her a rabbi, because she was the first one to come and the last one to leave [the prayer house]. Mother had supposedly done some great favor to her, so she kept writing to me and inviting me [to Belgium]. I don’t know what favor it was, she wouldn’t tell me, she only said she felt greatly obliged.

My parents got married in 1920 or 1921. Of course, I didn’t attend the wedding, so I don’t know what it looked like and whether it was a traditional one. Mother was 27 years old then. She got married a bit late. That’s how it happened. I know she had some great love earlier. This man even came to visit us once, 2 years before the war. He was her cousin, but she loved him very much, she kept talking about him. When he came, she was very depressed after that visit. She walked around the apartment, she didn’t know what to do. They say the first cut is the deepest. Mother told me that his man had to suddenly leave for South America and they lost contact. And later Mother met Father and they got married. Parents never talked about how they met. I think it must have been a marriage more out of reason than love, possibly a matchmaker could have been involved. But parents got along very well, there were no arguments, it was always peaceful at home. Even when this man came, Dad wasn’t bothered with his visit, he was very tolerant. Both parents were very gentle. I can’t say they were too gentle, but they never yelled at us, there were no rows in the house.

Father worked as an accountant at 44 Wolborska Street. There was a Dye-House and a Finishing Plant there, which belonged to Cytryn, my uncle and Father’s brother-in-law. Unfortunately I don’t remember his name. They didn’t sew there, but they produced fabrics and dyed them there. But I can’t say how this was done. And Dad worked there all those years, until the war broke out. I don’t know how he learned to do it, but when I was born he was already in this profession.

Mother stayed at home. That’s where her work was. She’d cook, clean, sew on the sewing machine. She could even make clothes for Father. And my clothes, they were all made by Mother. I remember till today that I had a dress made from Father’s old pants, but it was so beautiful, there were colorful squares embroidered on the knees, I can still see it today. Or this winter coat with a fur collar. Mother made it herself, but her tailor, who used to sew coats and heavier [winter] clothes for Mother, he had a workshop on Zawadzka Street, was offended that she had gone to a different tailor to have this coat made. And she made it by herself. I don’t know how she learned to sew like that. We had beautiful things, all of them made by Mother, mostly out of old things. Because all services [like having clothes made by a tailor] weren’t cheap then.

Growing up

I was born on 5th March 1923, in Lodz. And I have lived all my life in an area bordered by 5 streets. I was born at 9 Zeromskiego Street, we later lived on 11 Listopada [currently Legionow Street], later at 25 Zawadzkiego Street [currently Prochnika Street] and after the war at 12 Gdanska Street. I’ve been living here since 1945. We moved like this for financial reasons. Father must have gotten a raise at work and we started to make ends meet and Mother was very thrifty. I was born at home, with a midwife, it wasn’t fashionable then to give birth in a hospital, but at home. I spent my first years at home with Mother.

When I was 7 years old I started attending a private gymnasium, Jozef Ab’s gymnasium. That was in 1930. This school was located at number 8 Zielona Street. And I remember this Ab until this day from before that war [WWII]. He wore this tail-coat and a monocle.  He came to our school, because he was the owner and the headmaster, but more of an honorary one, because I remember that headmistress Rajn dealt with everything. It was a Jewish school, but the classes were taught in Polish. We studied the history of Jews, Hebrew, so it was Jewish in this respect. But we also took all the regular subjects: mathematics, history, science, chemistry. All the normal subjects, like in the other schools. I remember that this school could not issue secondary school-leaving certificates [Polish, matura], so you’d have to take final exams at different schools. Only Jewish children attended that school and only girls, because it was a girls’ school. I don’t know why parents sent me to this specific school, it just worked out like that.

At school we were taught by teachers who were not always Jewish. My favorite teacher was the physics teacher, his name was Kojranski. I don’t even know is Mr. Kojranski was a Jew. I only know that I liked him very much, because he played with me, he was like a grandpa. He carried us, that is me and a girl-friend of mine, on his shoulders, one on one shoulder and the second one on the other. And it once happened during a lesson that I wasn’t able to answer a physics question correctly. And he said to me: ‘How could you disappoint me like this? I thought you’d be the best one in the class.’ And I was pretty good, this just happened once. And when I started crying, he took out a handkerchief, had me sit on his knee, wiped my tears and said: ‘Don’t cry, I’m sure you’ll do better next time.’ I remember this till today. He was my favorite teacher. But physics still wasn’t my favorite subject. I am more of a humanist. So I liked Polish, history, the humanities. For example, I still remember that my essays were read aloud in class or when there was some kind of celebration. I was quite a good student. One of the best in the humanities. At math, physics, I was a bit worse.

I had quite a few girl-friends at school, but only one best friend. Her name was Lila Otelsberg. We were practically born together, because she was born in December on the 22nd and I was born in March on the 23rd. She is still alive, I even met her last year. She lives in the United States. There was also Wanda Rajn, the daughter of the headmistress. I also liked her a lot. She was always up to something, full of mischief, her mother couldn’t control her. And she has visited me. She came after the war, with her husband. She was living in Israel, but I don’t know where exactly. I don’t recall going to any after-school activities with my friends. Each one of us would nicely go straight home, to her chores. We didn’t go to any playgrounds.   

I remember once there was a Latin test at school. We loved that [Latin] teacher. His name was Narcyz Lubnicki. He was an elegant man, and we were teenagers, so we really admired him. So there was this test and we all failed it. And the headmistress’ daughter said: ‘Girls, when classes are over, let’s go to the teachers’ lounge, steal those tests and change our grades.’ And we did that. And it happened that the janitor showed up and all of the girls but I managed to run away. So I was devastated. I said: ‘What will happen if he tells the teachers?’, but somehow he was nice and didn’t tell. But everyone caught on anyway. Because who would have changed the grades? The test was annulled, but I remember this event, because I was terrified all Saturday of what would happen if the teachers found out. There was no corporal punishment at school. I don’t recall anyone ever getting flogged.

After school I studied English and took piano lessons. My cousin taught me. I think she was [a cousin] from my father’s side. I only remember her name, I think it was Halina. She worked at the Genderman factory in Lodz. I don’t remember her exact address. It was a Jewish factory, but there must have been some English partner. They produced sneakers. And that’s where she learned English. Later, but before the war, she went to England and stayed there for 2 years, so she knew English very well. During the war the boss took her to England. And she disappeared without a trace. I don’t know what happened to her later. And we had a piano at home, but it wasn’t ours. Someone put it there, to store it. So I took piano lessons for 2 years and I could play some tunes and I took English lessons, but I didn’t learn anything.

Ab’s school was the only one I attended before the war broke out. And the only school I ever went to. I passed my ‘small finals’ [semi-final exams held in the middle high-school years], but that was it. I wanted to continue my education, there were such ideas before the war. I has a cousin in Switzerland, she was my mother’s brother’s daughter and she promised me that when I graduated from secondary school, she’ll invite me there and I would be able to study. But, unfortunately, this didn’t happen. After the war I wrote to her, at the address which I remembered. The letter wasn’t returned to me, but I also didn’t get a reply, so I don’t know what happened.

My brother was 6 years younger and he was also born at home, on 19th November 1929. His name was Izaak, but we called him Jerzyk. We were very close. Yes, it was good between the two of us. I took care of him, as an older sister, of course. I was 6 years old when he was born and of course I was getting older, so when parents went out, to the theater or to visit friends, I looked after him. We spent all our free time together. Sometimes I was angry, because my girl-friends would go somewhere and I had to stay and look after my brother. He was 6 years younger, so you couldn’t leave him alone. Most often we’d play Chinese checkers or other board games. That was all he could play. He also attended a Jewish gymnasium, the Kacenelson gymnasium [Icchak Kacenelson, 1886-1944, Jewish poet, playwright, translator and pedagogue. He wrote in Yiddish and Hebrew]. It was, a boy’s school. He didn’t go to cheder at all. I don’t know exactly how Jerzyk died. Probably in Auschwitz, but I don’t even know when.

Our house was not a typical Jewish house. [We often hear this from non-religious interviewees, as if they want to explain why they are not Jewish enough, because they think they pre-war Jews were only Jews with sidelocks.] Parents only went to the synagogue once a year, for Judgment Day. That was the only time it was so traditional. Parents would fast all day long, go to the synagogue in the morning and come back in the evening. They never took us, children. After they got back, we’d all eat dinner and that’s all I know about this holiday. It was done more for the sake of the family. Because both families, from Mother’s side and from Father’s side were very pious. If parents wouldn’t have come, it would have been a tragedy. So they followed this tradition, so we had contact with it, we knew what those customs were. Parents also spoke Yiddish to each other at home. They did it mostly when they didn’t want my brother and me to understand. That’s why I knew Jewish [Yiddish], but only enough to somehow communicate. Now I barely, barely remember.

My parents were not in contact with non-Jews. That was the custom at that time. They were friends with Jews and family members. In this area where I live there weren’t many orthodox [Jews]. Well, there were a few of them, but not many, no. What the Jews in my area did, it’s hard to say, because we weren’t so close with them [Jews who were not family members], but you could see the merchants on the streets. There were stores, different kinds, textile and grocery stores. Mother mostly bought from Jewish shops. Even though she didn’t follow all those rules. I only  knew the area of pre-war Lodz where I lived. I didn’t go to the mikveh, or to the synagogue, I didn’t even know where they were.

We didn’t have a traditional house. There were some special meals for the holidays. But for example on Easter [Pesach], Jews shouldn’t eat bread and we ate both matsah and bread, so the rules weren’t observed. Parents didn’t practice [religion], but they observed some rules. For example they never ate non-kosher meat and cold cuts, sometimes they’d only buy it for us, but other than that, they’d only eat kosher. Mother would usually buy cold cuts at Dyszkin’s or Diamant’s, these Jewish shopkeepers. But she didn’t kosher the dishes. And she didn’t light candles on Friday. I remember that someone once knocked on the door on Friday. Mother knew that when someone was knocking and not ringing the bell, it must have been family. And the candles were not lit. So then she rushed off to find the candlesticks, the candles and this took some time. And the ‘guest’ must have caught on. Anyway, they noticed that the candles had just been lit and since that time no one from the family ever visited us on a Friday. I remember that one aunt would sometimes visit us, she was Mother’s sister. We called her Auntie Ryfka. And she never ate anything at our house, not even on a piece of paper. Mother was devastated, she’d say: ‘Here, I’ll give you this on a piece of paper, in a separate glass.’ But there was no way, she never touched anything at our house, because she knew it wasn’t kosher. And we didn’t really go to family for dinner. We weren’t invited. We spent holidays on our own [parents and children]. No one would have visited us anyway. Because we were kind of outcasts. Fridays and Saturdays were not special days. Well, Father didn’t go to work on Saturday, but I can’t say how we spent that time. But I remember that I took part in the Purim holiday. All the children from our street would dress up, the mother of my friend Lilia was very creative in that regard. We’d all dress up, because that was the tradition. We’d walk along a street, sing songs. In additions to Jewish holidays, we also celebrated Christmas. There were presents, I don’t remember a Christmas tree, but I am sure there were presents. I don’t remember the other holidays. So much time has passed. And the older you are, the less you remember.

My mother was an excellent housekeeper. I liked her chulent the best. It was something wonderful. It was prepared at home and later carried to the baker where it would bake all night long. It was delicious. I can’t describe it. There were potatoes, groats, beans and carrots. This was all mixed together, some fat was added, usually poultry fat, excellent dish. Mother made a royal chulent. And there were also these cold feet, this was called galer. These were cow’s feet, you had to boil this first for several hours, the meat was then separated from the bones, ground and a lot of garlic was added. This was poured into a form, you’d wait and after some time it would solidify. Yes, I’d love to have some today, but I don’t have the strength to make it. My mother was really excellent at making those dishes. She was a great cook. And then [when she cooked] she’d invite some guests, some friends. Especially for holidays. Jews, of course. In the dining room, the food would take up the entire table. She didn’t invite family, because they wouldn’t eat at our house anyway. But she made really great dishes, really. I can still remember the taste of those meals. Anyway, when she was cooking these dishes, she’d let me into the kitchen and explain what to do first, what next. And during these ‘cooking lessons’ of ours she’d also talk a lot about culture, customs, traditions and about her life as well.

The apartments we lived in were not so large. Only this last one [at 12 Gdanska Street] was nice and large. It was the caretaker’s apartment, but he had vacated it. I remember it was devastated and we had to renovate it. But he lowered the rent and my parents rented it out. There were 4 rooms, but one large room was sublet to a tenant. So my brother and I had a room each, my parents had their bedroom and there was also the dining room. My parents found this tenant somehow. They took him for financial reasons. A 4-room apartment was quite expensive. So he also paid the rent and it was easier. But he was a very unpleasant men, even dogs didn’t like him. He was a Jew, of course.

We were quite well off. Father had a decent salary for those times and he’d get packages from work for all the more important holidays. Because the Cytryns [the owners of the dyeing and finishing plant] were family to us, as I said. But when the summer holidays came around, Father had to borrow money on a bill of exchange. He’d borrow it and later return it. Even though he had a decent salary, supporting a family of 4 cost a lot, the rent, light, so there wasn’t enough [money] for everything.

At first, when my brother and I were small, we used to go near Lodz, the name of the place was Slotwiny [Lublin Region, 187 km from Lodz]. Later, when we were a bit older, we’d go farther, to the mountains – to Muszyna [Cracow Region, 288 km from Lodz] or to Druskininkai [currently Lithuania, spa resort on the Neminus River, 60 km from the current border with Poland], to a lake. Druskininkai is in the north, now it is Lithuania, but it used to be Poland. I remember we spent a wonderful summer there. We’d usually go with Mother. Father would only come for his vacation, because he had to work. So we went with Mother, my brother and I and my friend Liliana with her parents. Their name was Otelsberg. We lived in the same house, they on the first floor, we on the third. I grew up with Lila, we sat at the same desk, at school, we were very close, even closer than sisters. Her parents had a bookstore at 26 Piotrkowska Street [the main and longest street in Lodz] and they used to sell books there. And we even spent our summer holidays together. When we went somewhere to go swimming, Liliana’s father would organize that. He taught us how to swim, he led exercises every day. And in addition to that, when school was out, he’d take us [all the children] for ice cream. There was this delicious Italian ice cream. I don’t remember where exactly. But I still remember how we’d wait for that day.

But once I went on vacation alone. When I was 4 years old I visited my aunt and uncle in Bytom [174 km from Lodz]. They were Juliusz and Greta Cederbaum. They didn’t have children, so they wanted to have some for a few months. I learned to speak German there, because I was talented for this. They had this large dog that I used to ride, it was a great dog. His name was Woltan. I still remember how Aunt would give him a basket to carry in his mouth, there was some money and a shopping list in the basket. All the shopkeepers knew him, so they took the list and the money, put the products inside and he’d bring it home, very smart. He was a great dog. Really. I liked playing with him very much.

I always had books at home. Mother really enjoyed reading poetry. Unfortunately, I don’t remember what she read. And Father, well, he didn’t have time for that. He’d come home from work tired, so he wouldn’t reach for books, more for newspapers. I don’t remember exactly what kind. Different ones. Both Jewish and Polish. My favorite pastime when I was a child was reading. Yes, I’ve been reading since I was 4. I can’t live without a book. If I don’t have a book for the evening, I can’t sleep. It’s still like this. My favorite book was ‘Jean Chritophe’ by Roland [Romain Rolland (1866-1944). French novelist, biographer, musicologist, historian, critic, and dramatist, was a romantic in the nineteenth-century tradition. Best known for his ten-volume cyclical novel ‘Jean-Christophe’ (1903-1912), published in translation from 1910 to 1913. Pacifist and humanist, sought to unify nations through his writings, won the Nobel Prize in literature in 1915]. I remember how I admired that book. But, interesting phenomenon, I tried reading it after the war and I somehow couldn’t, although before the was I was awed with that book, I really liked it. Romeo Roland is the author, ‘Jean Christophe’ and ‘Enchanted Soul’ [original French title: ‘L'Ame enchantee’] are his books which I just adored. They were about human life, mostly psychological. Before the war with some girl-friends of mine I wrote a letter to him. He was French, so we wrote him in Polish and someone translated that letter for us. I don’t remember who. We wrote that we loved his works and so on. And, interestingly, he wrote us back. He sent us a postcard, in French, on the postcard there was his house and he was standing on the balcony and a few words saying that he’s thanking us for our appreciation. And somebody translated that for us too. And we later drew for who’d get to keep the card. Well, there were four of us and, unfortunately, I didn’t win. The friend who won disappeared during the war and so did the postcard.

I didn’t feel any signs of anti-Semitism before the war. After all, I lived among Jews. The first impression was only after I came back [1945]. When I was on a train returning to Lodz [from Prague] I heard a conversation two men were having, complaining that Hitler had still left so many Jews. What for? And I was wearing those camp things then and they must have found out who I was. And they still said it. Some years later I couldn’t forgive myself that I didn’t get off that train and go somewhere else. Well, but I guess that was my fate.

I wasn’t feeling anti-Semitism, but a kind of fear before the war, yes. Especially after Hitler came to power in 1933. In addition I had two uncles in Germany, one in Bytom, whom I visited in the summertime, and the second one in Berlin. And they came to Poland before the war, in 1933, because they couldn’t stand it there any longer, in Germany. They were persecuted there. So I felt this atmosphere, this fear of what was to come, especially after that visit. Everyone knew who Hitler was by that time. Ever since 1933 we were very scared, I remember. It was discussed, that we didn’t know how we’d end up. Everyone talked about it all the time. This uncle from Bytom stayed in Lodz. He worked somewhere, I don’t remember where and Aunt Greta she could knit very well, she made beautiful dresses, sold them and of course, made some money. But she was poor. She was sick with some spine infection and the had to lie down on a bed made of plaster. She pulled through but she had a hump, she gave birth to 2 children, in Germany, many years before the war, I don’t remember exactly when, but they were both born with undeveloped rectums and they died. This was really hard on her. When they moved to Poland, they had to put the dog to sleep. It turned out that he was too old to get used to a new place. My aunt really cried over that dog and the children. My second uncle, Leon, went to Palestine immediately, that is still before the war. And he died there some 10,11 years ago.   

Life in the Lodz Ghetto

When the war broke out I was in Lodz. I was supposed to go to school on the first [of September]. But the schools were closed, because the war broke out. So we, kids, were glad because of that. It only turned out later who those Germans were and what they did to people. The breakout of the war was a strange moment for me. I was still a kid, I was 16 years old. At that time, there was already panic at home. We could hear that they were rounding Jews up in ghettos. We felt that they wouldn’t leave us alone. They also opened a ghetto in Lodz. It was in Baluty [a poor district of Lodz], somewhere on Limanowskiego Street, Wolborska Street 3.

They chased us out into the ghetto in May 1940. I remember that a good friend of my father’s, a German who worked in the factory with him, approached my father and told him that he’d take our furniture, because otherwise some stranger would. Better for some friend to do it. Well, we couldn’t even react to that, because he was the master of the world then. And I remember that moment when they were chasing us out. We had this hand-held cart. No horse, of course, we had to push this cart. We could only take a few things. All the most important things. Mother had even prepared for this. I know that she had bought sugar, if she could still get such things, so we’d have it for later. We suspected that it could get difficult with food. And indeed that’s what happened. I remember that in 1942 Mother took a suitcase from under the bed, because she wanted to take something out of it and she found 2 kilograms of sugar. There was such joy in the house as if we had found a treasure. Well, that was because you couldn’t get sugar in the ghetto.

I don’t remember who told us we had to move. I somehow don’t remember how it happened that we had to leave our house. We moved to 44 Wolborska Street. To that building where the Cytryns were living. And at first it wasn’t so bad. We lived in the cellar. It was really a basement, one room, small kitchen, even a kind of hall, we had a roof over our heads. There were beds, but I don’t remember if there were cupboards. I don’t think so, because we used to hang the clothes on the doors. It was a very small space, some 20 square meters. And there were 6 of us there: I, my brother, parents and my friend’s mother with her son [the Otelsbergs]. Liliana was not there with us. She had left with her father for Warsaw. I don’t remember why they went there. Such things happened during the war. I remember that at first we even had gas in this basement of ours, these Cytryns hooked it up. But when Father refused this halizah to that older woman, they cut the gas off. In early 1944 we had to move to Wolborska Street 36 and that was a normal apartment. We had to move, because our previous house was too close to the border of the ghetto and no one was allowed to live there. And that’s where we stayed until the end, until they deported us to Auschwitz.

At first life in the ghetto went on as usual. Mother was at home, she didn’t work before the war either. And Father was somehow helping uncle’s family [the Cytryns]. After some time we didn’t have anything to burn in the stove and the Cytryns had a lot of wood, so Father would leave at night and bring us some of that wood. He was always so scared, pale as a wall, and he kept repeating: ‘They didn’t see me, did they?’ I was more courageous than he was, so I’d say: ‘It’s as much yours as it is theirs. After all, you’re family. And they should give it to you, because they know we don’t have anything to burn in the stove.’ That’s how it is. In such harsh conditions, when everybody was being persecuted, they still harassed us. We weren’t getting any closer with them at all.

Life in the ghetto was very hard. We’d go out with my brother, but with time [we’d go out] less and less. When you went out on the street, you’d mostly see dead bodies. After a few months you could see how people’s food supplies had run out and some started dying. It’s not that I couldn’t go out, but I was afraid to. The corpses were everywhere, on the sidewalks. They were just covered with newspapers. These carts would later come and these bodies, without caskets, were packed one on top of another and taken to a cemetery. There was also this disease in the ghetto, it was called ‘cholerynka’ [infantile cholera], because it was similar to cholera and people died like flies. There were some doctors, but there were no medicines, so how were they supposed to treat people? My mother, she suffered from gallstones. She really suffered because of that. I remember how a nurse visited mother and probed her. She put this tube in her esophagus and got something out of her gallbladder. Mother would later throw up and she’d feel better. But she was ill with this until the end of her life. Also, there was great hunger. If someone had money, he could buy something on the black market, but we didn’t have money, no one was earning money by that time. We received food in exchange for food stamps. It was too much to die, but not enough to survive. Yes, it was very difficult.

Rumkowsky [Chaim Mordechai Rumkowsky (1887-1944), head of the Judenrat in the Lodz ghetto] was the leader of the ghetto. I’d see him sometimes, walking on the streets. I knew about his concept of transforming the ghetto into a labor camp. After all, I worked for him as well. But I never had any close contacts with him. I can’t really say a good word about him. He was this ‘king.’ And people would say that he really liked young girls, that he used to sneak up to windows at night and peep. The ghetto was horrible, indescribable. Firstly, hunger. Rumkowsky, when he felt like it, would give out rations, these coupons for potato peels. Oh yes, that would be a holiday. We’d be so happy then. I would first wash these peels under the faucet, although it was freezing, later Mother would fry them in horse fat and we’d stuff our stomachs with this. But Rumkowsky also died in Auschwitz. [He left the Radegast station for Auschwitz on 28th August 1944. It is not known how he died. There is a legend according to which Jews from Lodz recognized Rumkowsky and threw him into the crematorium oven alive.]

At home we didn’t talk about what was happening around us. I only remember that when they handed out these [food] rations, a piece of bread, or something. Because my brother was still a young boy, we shared what we had with him. In some families they’d steal from each other, but in ours it was the opposite, we’d give him some food, so that he’d survive. Well, unfortunately, he didn’t survive.

I didn’t go to school in the ghetto, but to work, and I took 2 shifts. At first I helped in the Otelsbergs’ library. It was on Wolborska Street, opposite our house. They used to run a library before the war. The Germans allowed them to take quite a lot of books into the ghetto, so the Otelsbergs opened a library. And I worked there. I simply exchanged books, because you couldn’t buy them anyway. Everyone who wanted to exchange a book, had to bring one of their own. The library was immensely popular. People didn’t have anything to do, so they would read to forget, to dull the pain, the disgrace. Finally, they started arguing with me, because they had read everything and we couldn’t get new books anywhere. So I’d say: ‘And where am I supposed to get these books for you? From heaven? Somehow I don’t see them falling from the sky.’ So it was a stressful and hard job, because I had to search these shelves, looking for books. In the summer I could somehow stand it, but in the winter? Horrible. I had to sit there wearing gloves and shivering. Yes, I had to sit there several hours a day and I was always very cold. And later, since 1942, everyone had to work [for the Germans]. I helped out in a so-called ‘shop’ [German forced labor factories]. I’d stitch around button holes, in uniforms, of course. But when I got back from work I’d go to this library.

Nobody from my closest family died in the ghetto, but I remember there were several moments when I thought it was the end. One day the Germans came and told everyone to leave the house [great szpera] 4. Mother’s friend was really afraid and she hid in a cupboard. But she said she wouldn’t stay there alone, so Mother stayed with her. We were a bit worried about them, because they were up in years. Well, they weren’t that old, they weren’t even 50 yet, but it was a lot for the Germans. So, they stayed in those cupboards and we went downstairs. They gathered us in the courtyard and ordered to stand in a single file. But that wasn’t all, because the Germans started walking around the apartments. The son of this friend of my mother’s said he’d come by from time to time to check if everything was alright. And a German went in there and Mother thought it was him, so she stuck her head out and the German saw her. Luckily he didn’t open the second cupboard, because this other woman would not have survived. They led Mother downstairs. God, when I saw Mother, I felt faint. But, fortunately, she still survived that.

And later, I don’t remember, but Mother and Father weren’t home, I don’t know where they were. And the Germans were searching the house on Wolborska Street, where we were living. I was home alone. Two kripos [Kriminal Polizei (KriPo), criminal police] and I spoke German well, so we started talking. They questioned me what I was doing there, where I worked, I talked with them for almost half an hour. All our neighbors were sure I was already gone. But somehow we talked and talked and they didn’t do anything to me. They could see I spoke German very well, so perhaps they thought I was a servant in that house. And I didn’t straighten that out. There was a sheep-skin coat in the closet. It wasn’t ours, a friend of Mother’s had asked her to keep it. If they had found this fur coat, then I would be long gone from this world. Because you had to turn in all fur coats in the ghetto, the penalty was death. And somehow they kept talking with me and they didn’t open the closets. And after about half an hour they went away. And later all the neighbors crowded into the apartment: ‘Ah, you’re alive? Has anything happened to you?’, so I said: ‘No, we talked a while and they went away.’ But I was shaking all over.

So life in the ghetto was horrible, really horrible. They deported us in 1944. First, during all those transports, they took a lot of people. To Treblinka 5, to Majdanek 6, lots of people. There were just a few of us left. In 1944 it was the end. The ghetto was almost empty, but some 800 people hid in the cellars. They stayed there until the end. My brother-in-law was one of them, I don’t remember which one, but one of my husband’s brothers. He hid in the basement and somehow survived until the end, until the Russians came. But they took me and my family. One of the chairmen, this bald guy, his name was Bibow [Hans Bibow (1902-1947), German officer, chairman of the Lodz ghetto], he made a speech and said he was sending us to a place where we would all work together and ‘Not a hair will fall off your head’ [you will be completely safe] and he showed us his head. Well, imagine that!

In Auschwitz

Anyway, I knew about Auschwitz by then, because when I was working in that ‘shop’, where I stitched these button-holes, there were pieces of paper sewed into uniform collars with information about Auschwitz. They were written in Polish, clearly by those, who were dealing with uniforms there. Most often they’d say: ‘This is so that you know where you are going, this is a death camp, everyone here will die.’ So we were already prepared for that, but what were we to do? Maybe an uprising. There were some movements, but no one dared to do it. They sent us immediately to the train station, to these cattle wagons. I remember how they shoved us into the cars and closed them. I think it took us 8 days to get to Auschwitz. It was a horrible trip. Everyone was silent, or crying. It was horribly crowded. And we almost didn’t talk. We felt those were our last moments together, that we would never meet again. We felt something. So I hugged my parents and I didn’t want to leave them. Any my brother, even though he was younger, but very caring, kept saying: ‘Don’t worry, it will all be fine.’

And when we reached Auschwitz it was September 1944 [the last transport left Lodz on 29th August 1944]. I didn’t receive a number. The transport I arrived with didn’t receive numbers. [Indeed, not everyone received numbers, especially women from the last transports, because it was known they would be sent off further. In such cases meticulous records were not necessary. Such cases of not issuing numbers were common since 1944]. At first they hurried us out of the wagons and there was selection straight away: women separately, men separately. Children were taken from their parents, those were horrible moments. Mother died the very same day. All the women were together, but Mother wasn’t with them anymore. Neither was her friend. They were older [Mrs. Najberg’s mother was 51 years old] and there weren’t suitable for them [Germans] for labor, so they went straight into the gas chamber and that was the end. I never saw mother again. This ‘aufejzerka’ [Polonized version of the German word Aufseher – guard, supervisor], this leader, a German, said: ‘Do you see this chimney? That’s where your mothers are frying.’

I was alone since that time. I didn’t even want to talk to anyone. We didn’t form friendships. It was difficult to have friends in such horrific conditions. You didn’t even feel like talking. And these first days, after they separated me from my family, I didn’t want to eat, I didn’t want anything, I only cried. Women would approach me and say: ‘Stop this or they’ll kill you’ and I’d say ‘Let them, that’s what I want, I want them to kill me.’ But later I somehow got used to not having a family, not having my parents and my brother. You could somehow hang on, but you couldn’t call it a life, of course.

We lived in barracks. They used to be horse barns. There was a stove in the middle, it wasn’t high, and bunk beds on two sides. I think there were three levels of these bunk beds. We were 5 girls to one bunk bed. So we had to take orders while sleeping, if one turned on her left side, all had to turn on their left sides, if the right one, all on the right one, or we wouldn’t have fit in there.

We were very hungry. They would often wake us up at 4 a.m., for roll call. We’d have to stand in fives [groups of five]. We’d all shiver, because it was already November, so very cold, and we were dressed lightly. I only had a skirt that I had to tie around my waist with a rope, because 2 could have fit in there, and a torn up blouse, without the back side, because that was torn out. And I had to stand like this for 4, 5 hours in freezing temperature. Once I just didn’t have enough strength, so I said: ‘I don’t care anymore, let them kill me’ and I sat down there in the five. The girls shouted: ‘Get up or they’ll kill you’, I answered: ‘Let them kill me, who needs such a life.’ After roll call we got, I don’t remember, but I think it was this one tiny piece of bread, too much too die, not enough to live. 

And later, we had to relieve ourselves. You couldn’t walk around the camp, just close to the barrack. Well, this is really indescribable. Literally. We could only relieve ourselves when ordered to do so, altogether, those Germans followed us and guarded us, we had no shame left. You couldn’t do anything about it. And washing, when one managed to get to a faucet, she was happy that she could freshen up her face a bit. But you couldn’t wash yourself like people normally do, there was no way. Perhaps that’s why they gave us something to stop our periods. They added some pills to the food. Well, an epidemic would have broken out there if we all started menstruating. And we didn’t even have underclothes. I only found out about this after the war.

For lunch they gave us this one bowl of soup for five people, without spoons, of course, and whoever managed to take a few sips, got to eat something, but I rarely managed, because I didn’t like this pushing and shoving. I said: ‘I won’t fight, because it won’t lead to anything.’ And that’s how it was. In the evening there was roll call and back to sleep. Sometimes I didn’t even lie down on the bunk bed, but right next to the stove, there was a slab of concrete there and I slept on that concrete, in that blouse with the torn out back and in that skirt. Perhaps that’s why I now suffer so much.

Some women, mostly older ones, couldn’t stand it and threw themselves on the fence. And this was an electric fence. If you touched it, that was the end. It was a rather easy death. Once I witnessed such an event. I can still see her, hanging on those wires. Black hands, everything black. Head down.

I never had any contact with the Germans. That’s what saved me. I know they called on some of them [the women prisoners] and they served them. In different ways. It never happened to me. We didn’t work at all in Auschwitz. I was even surprised, because they took us there, because we were young and able to work, but they didn’t give us any work. When you were there you had to have connections to get work, know one of those kapo [German abbreviation of Kamaraden Polizei, a function filled by inmates in nazi concentration camps. Criminals and brutal prisoners were often selected for this function. Some of them were known for their sadism, however, some were members of the resistance. In exchange for serving the function, they kapos received, for example, additional food rations], one of those officers. Working in the kitchen was a dream come true. When one got a job in the kitchen, she was really happy.

I don’t think we ever talked about gas chambers and what was happening there. I didn’t see any transport. You couldn’t see that at all. The Germans disguised everything, they’d tell you that you were going to a bathhouse. There were real bathhouses too. Right after we arrived they stripped us, shaved all our hair, gave us some rags and these wooden shoes for our feet. This took place in the bathhouse. I only remember they shaved us with this machine, but it wasn’t an electric shaver, oh no. They wounded our heads and other parts of our bodies, because nobody was looking there. I still have lots of these cysts on my head, perhaps because of that. These warts, cysts. They’ve operated on me several times [to remove them], but they always grow back.

In forced labor camps

In November 1944 you could hear the front was getting close and that they’d do something with us. And they did. They took us out in trains to Ederan, to Germany [correctly Oederan, the city of Oederan is located in the Floha Landkreis (district) in the Chemnitz Kreis (region) in Saxony, approx. 70 km from Dresden]. It was a labor camp, smaller than Auschwitz. They organized a transport of just women, mostly young ones. Well, because we were going to work there, in an ammunition factory.

I operated a machine which made bullet shells. This machine had to operate constantly. If it had been empty, it would have broken down. And that’s what I often did, I let it run empty. When someone let me know that the German foreman was coming, I’d put something in there. Of course, this was forbidden. I worked three shifts, at night too. But I don’t know if the Germans had any use for those bullets, I doubt it, because we all did such things. We got away with it.

The conditions in Ederan were a lot better. First of all, it wasn’t that cold, there was heating and the food was a bit better. They didn’t shave out heads. They even gave us these coarse underwear, because it was wintertime. But we didn’t wear anything on our feet, just these old twisted shoes. And they gave us coats. There was a belt on the back and the letter ‘KL’, Konzentrazions Lager. I even wore this coat for some time after the war, because I didn’t have money to buy a new one.

And then the front was getting closer, so they sent us to Terezin 7, to the Czech lands, where I waited out until the end of the war. They took us there in April 1945. It was the city of empress Theresa, a very old city. The Germans were supposed to put mines under this city, underground. Because it was supposed to be a death camp. But they didn’t have enough time. I think it was all supposed to blow up on May 8th. We would have all died. But one German felt remorse and admitted it all. They took the mines out and we somehow survived until the end, until the Russians arrived.

The Russians arrived on the 8th of May, I think [8th May 1945]. They quarantined us for 6 weeks, because they were afraid of some virus or epidemic. We couldn’t leave this Terezin. They did give us food, there was no terror, no force. But I had my share [of misfortune] there as well. From the Russians this time. You know, when you felt free, you started walking around with girl-friends, wherever you wanted to. And there was this guy. He was a Jew, he must have been getting money from the Russians, because he’d bring them young girls. And he recruited me with a friend of mine. We went with him. The Russians offered us some wine. It was this apple cider, very easy to drink, but you’d lose consciousness afterwards. So, when I woke up I saw this Russian trying to undress me. He had lots of medals on his chest. So I told him he should be ashamed of himself, an officer, so many medals. And I was wearing 2 watches on my wrists, they weren’t mine, some friends gave them to me so I’d keep them for them. This officer saw those watches and he took one. ‘If you don’t want to give yourself to me, give me those watches’ And he didn’t do anything to me. I guess something I was saying must have made him feel guilty. I went to the barrack where some of my ‘dear friends’ were already telling everyone about how I was raped. I didn’t even try to defend myself, because there was no talking with them. I had such ‘luck’ for some time. Once when I was sleeping at night in my bed, which was right next to the window, at the end of the room, some Russian got there and started undressing me. I made such a commotion that some men got out of the men’s barracks and chased him away. Later the commander of the camp, a Russian, asked us to dress modestly and not provokingly, because those were hungry soldiers from the front, and to keep away from them. Well, we tried.

After this quarantine they sent us to Prague. There must have been some meeting point there. We took a train. This trip was in much better conditions than all the previous ones. First of all, we weren’t afraid of getting killed at every step, this was important. I can’t say how many women were there. I remember one of them, because we became friends, her name was Hania. I don’t remember where she came from. Anyway, at the time we weren’t interested in where you came from, but in where you were going. She stayed in Prague, she found a husband there, because her head hadn’t been shaved and she had beautiful hair. The Russians paid for everything, for accommodation, for food and even gave us 50 crowns [Czech currency], so we could buy something for ourselves. These 50 crowns, it was enough to buy some food. So they were very nice to us. They even paid us for trams, for public transport, we didn’t have to pay for that. But in Lodz, when I got back and got on a tram, the driver asked me to pay. I told him: ‘Mister, you can see [the coat], I’m from a concentration camp, how am I supposed to have money?’, ‘So walk on foot.’ And I had to get off the tram, he didn’t let me ride it without a ticket.

We spent several days in Prague. It was then announced that the quarantine was over and that we could go wherever we wanted to. I wanted to go to Lodz. I was hoping to meet someone from my family. It was May 1945. And I thought to myself several years later that it was a shame that I didn’t get on any other train and go anywhere else but to Poland, because I didn’t expect I’d get a welcome like I did. I was shocked when I heard these words [‘Why did Hitler leave so many Jews?’]. From Katowice, because that’s where the first stop was, I went to Lodz and I concluded that there was no point in going there. I didn’t know anyone, I didn’t have a place to sleep.

After the war

I was the only one to survive the war from my closest family. It’s difficult to explain how that happened. After all, I went through so many of those camps. Perhaps it was my strength of character which helped me? Because I am, by nature, an optimist. That’s my character and maybe that’s what saved me. Because there, in Auschwitz, many women threw themselves at the electric fence and died, because they didn’t have the strength to live. I tried to overcome all that. It’s difficult to say what gave me strength. I am still amazed until today that I survived all that and many years after that gave birth to children. I had doubts about that. Well, but luckily I somehow managed to conceive and give birth to my children.

The first thing I did in Lodz was go to the Jewish community. It was somewhere on Piotrkowska Street at that time, I can’t remember where. There I got half a loaf of bread, half a kilo of sugar and 50 zloty. I could only survive for a few days with that money. It was a one-time ration. I asked if I could spend the night somewhere, because I didn’t have a place, but I had to find that by myself. I met a friend whom I had gone to school with and she had some acquaintance in Lodz who let us spend one night. But that was one night and what next? Later I met another friend, her name was Lola Szejnfeld, her brother was living at 139 Piotrkowska Street, so we stayed with him. Until he got married. Then that friend told me I had to leave. That’s when I met this third friend, Fela, and her aunt and uncle, at Piotrkowska Street 35. I slept on the floor there, on this thin straw-filled mattress and mice danced all over me. Gosh, I was really afraid then. I mean, there was really nothing to be afraid of, but it wasn’t a pleasant feeling. I had been staying there for some time when I met my husband, in September 1945. I never even went to my house. I haven’t been there till today, in that house where we had lived, something keeps me away from it. I did meet the caretaker once and she was very friendly towards me. She even told me to go there: ‘A doctor is living there now, but you can throw him out, because it’s your apartment.’

After the war I started working at the Voivodship [District] Militia Headquarters. I had to survive somehow! Lola’s brother, the one I was staying with, was the head of the personnel department there and he accepted me. At first he didn’t want to, because he was afraid people would say he employs his Jewish friends. But his wife talked him into it: ‘Listen, you won’t have anything to be ashamed of.’ She knew me, we talked often. So that’s how I started working there and I made it for some twenty-something years, until I got my disability pension. At first I was a typist, then a secretary, later the director of a department. When you work a lot and work well, then you get promoted. I wrote all the reports about how the militia was functioning for the commanders. They really valued them, because these reports were top class, I can brag about it. Well, I always had all 5s [As] in Polish, I was the best in the class. It didn’t hurt me in any way that I was Jewish. When they accepted me for this job it was even in fashion to accept Jews. As a form of compensation. Only later it became not so comfortable. But I received my disability pension really early, in 1967, because I had thyroid problems. I went to hospital twice, each time for a month, later some medical committee examined me and they declared that I couldn’t work any longer. So I was 44 years old when I went on my disability pension.

After 1945 there were more signs of anti-Semitism. We had one acquaintance who was an officer in the army and they killed him in his apartment, when has was taking a bath. Poles killed him. Because he was a Jew. I don’t remember his name. I remember there was even some investigation, but they didn’t find anything. Jews didn’t kill him, that’s for sure, and there weren’t as many foreigners then [as there are now]. It was a great shock. They killed him in his bathtub, he was bathing. I don’t even know how they entered the apartment, how did they get the keys?

Jakub, my husband, was born on 2nd February 1918. His name was Jankiel Mojsze, but he was always known as Jakub. He came from Kielce, from a very orthodox family, but he had other views. When he was some 10 years old his parents moved to Lodz, it was about work for his father. But they weren’t too well off even here. They lived on Mielczarskiego Street, not far from here. There were 6 of them and they had a very small apartment. The father was a tiler. He made floors. He was very hardworking, but he didn’t make enough money for so many people. My husband’s mother couldn’t work, because with so many people she had lots of work at home. Unfortunately, I don’t know anyone from his parents’ generation, because they all died during the war. My husband used to tell me about his family, but I don’t remember everything. I only know he had 4 brothers and 1 sister. He was the youngest one. The oldest brother died of stomach problems, before the war, I think it was in 1936. I don’t remember his name. Then there were Joe, David and Irving [these are their American names]. They all lived in Canada. Joe left before the war and the two others shortly after. Joe died several years ago, I don’t know what of. David died last year. I even went to his funeral. Irving is still alive, he’s 96 years old, but he’s very weak. The sister died a long time ago, during the war, I think. 

I never hid my heritage, God forbid. Well, I never really bragged about who I was, but when someone asked me I’d always tell the truth. I didn’t have any problems because of that. I was well liked, I don’t know why, but people never expressed hostility or any kind of disgust. But when I came back after the war I decided to change my name and my parents’ names. I did it for my children. I didn’t have them yet, but I was thinking about it. I didn’t want them to have ‘son of Chaja’ or ‘daughter of Chaja’ in their documents. I remember that my son was very afraid of this when he went to school, but I told him not to be afraid, that he was ‘son of Helena and Jakub.’ I knew that if someone wanted to find out they could find out from his last name, but I didn’t want my kids to be hurt. I’d rather not have them called names at school, as it sometimes happens. We’ve never been loved. Well, before the war it wasn’t experienced as much, because there were over 300,000 Jews in Lodz [editor’s note: approx. 220,000], there were lots of Jews, but it changed after the war, unfortunately. Some friends advised me to change my last name as well, but I said I wouldn’t do it, because I have nothing to be ashamed of. My parents were honest people. I changed their names as well. It was in fashion at the time. After the war Jews changed their first names, last names, everything. 8

My husband was more tolerant and liberal. I remember how he told me about how on Judgment Day, and there’s a fast  then, you can’t eat anything, when his parents went to the synagogue he and some of his buddies got hungry. So they went to a store and bought some sausage and boiled it in a teapot, because they didn’t want to use a regular pot. They later rinsed this teapot out, but when mother went to make some tea, it turned out it was greasy. She said: ‘What happened here, why is this teapot so greasy?’, ‘No, you’re imagining things.’ I don’t know how he came up with those ideas. I guess that was because of his environment, his friends. I quite liked him. He wasn’t an ugly boy, quite handsome when he was young. He was of medium height, just a bit taller than me [approx. 1.6 m]. And he was a good man. He liked helping people. When someone needed help, he’d turn to my husband and he always got it.

He graduated from elementary school by the time the war broke out and after the war he was an extramural student and received his secondary school certificate. I still remember how he walked around the apartment with an icepack on his head and that it had to be so quiet that you could hear a fly. He had a strong will and he passed his final exams. He also tried to convince me to do it, but I wasn’t motivated enough.

During the war he was also in Auschwitz. I don’t remember exactly what years. But for sure longer than I was. He worked in construction work. The Germans were putting up some posts. My husband had good ideas and they liked taking him to work with them, because he made this work easier. He could always organize it, so it wouldn’t be too hard. Putting up posts is not that easy, but he could always find a way.

I worked in the same department. I was a typist and he worked in the warehouse. Was it love? It’s hard to say. At first I was a bit confused,  but I saw he was a good man, calm, didn’t drink. At first he did a bit of drinking, because of his buddies. So I thought to myself: ‘why should I look for great love, a prince on a white horse?’ I always joke that we were married three times. At first on the 26th of September, because my husband couldn’t stand it that I was sleeping on a thin straw mattress on the floor and mice run all over me. So he took me here, to this house. But we weren’t married yet. There were no civil marriage offices yet. The wedding was on 19th January 1946. It was a great wedding, all the friends from work were invited. And some whom we didn’t invite came as well. There were almost 100 people at that wedding. And the wedding was here, in this apartment. We carried out all the furniture, there were these benches along the walls and a table in the middle. Everything was temporary, of course. I went to my wedding in a borrowed dress, because I didn’t have anything to wear. And then the third wedding, a normal civil marriage, on 2nd May 1946. So I never knew which anniversary to celebrate.

We never had a traditional wedding, but we went to one like this, it was our neighbors’ wedding. It took place immediately after the war, I think in 1946. They had a traditional Jewish wedding, under the canopy, with a rabbi. I remember they asked me and my husband to walk around this canopy, because that’s the custom, but we didn’t know how many times to do it. So we kept walking and walking and finally they started tugging at our clothes that it was enough. Well, we didn’t know much about this, because I had never seen a Jewish wedding before the war. 

It was difficult for us at first. We didn’t make much money, the salaries were very low. I didn’t have anything to wear. I only had what I brought with me and those were ‘wonderful’ things from the camps, because I didn’t have money to buy anything. The first presents I got from my husband were 2 pairs of stockings. That was something, I had been walking barefoot, only wearing shoes. And these shoes had really twisted heels, so I looked ‘wonderful,’ like a ‘princess.’ And only later, slowly, slowly, you’d buy something, sometimes get something from Unra [UNRRA - United Nations Relief Aid - an aid institution for war-damaged Europe], some clothes. And later, when I got this pension and my husband did as well, it was easier for us, because we had more money.

I never really got involved in politics on purpose, but as soon as  I started working I had to joint the party 9. I don’t remember who asked me to do it, but it must have been someone from the establishment.  I had to read out my curriculum vitae at a meeting. My curriculum vitae was quite short, because I wasn’t old, so only what I’d lived through during the war and that was it. I didn’t know what the party was, what kind of a party. They told me to sign up, so I did. I was active in the party, I can’t deny that, but those were short periods of time. I was in the so-called executive.  Well, because I could speak well and write nicely, so they wanted me to be in it. I went to those meetings. I had to. Well, you wouldn’t dare not to come. A bit out of fear.

My husband was also involved in the party. Until the 20th  Congress 10. Later, he simply became depressed. Also because they fired him in 1967 11, because he was Jew?! Jakub was so depressed that I was worried about him. I remember that my daughter would sit next to him, she was still a kid, stroke his head and say: ‘Daddy, don’t worry.’ Well, and he finally got over it, but he still couldn’t believe that something like that could have happened. It was really after this 20th Congress, when he found out what kinds of things Stalin did, that everything lost meaning for him. He said: ‘Stalin?’ You know, it also came as a shock to me when I found out. I couldn’t believe it as well. These detention camps, gulag, I heard he killed some 20 million people there. I mean not personally, but it was his order. I still remember when Stalin died [5.03.1953 all countries of the Soviet Block were in mourning on that day. Stalin’s death was the first sign of political changes to come], my son was 6 years old then, I can still see him sitting in front of the TV and crying that Stalin died. Yes, a six-year-old boy, but he already knew that Grandpa Stalin was someone. Only later did we find out who that ‘Grandpa’ really was. I really feel betrayed by that system. You’d believe in Stalin like in God and what turned out? Stalin was no better than Hitler.

In 1967 they fired my husband, like I said, and I received some awful anonymous letters. Mostly in my name, I don’t know why. Awful ones: ‘Move out to Israel,’ ‘You’ve had enough of our Polish bread,’ such things. When the mail arrived,  I’d be shaking. I couldn’t stand it. My husband started hiding those letters. Finally, he went to the party committee, he showed them, so they’d react somehow. But did anyone care? My husband knew who was writing those letters, but he didn’t catch him red-handed. All I can say today is that it was an employee of the militia headquarters.

We were very glad to hear about the creation of the state of Israel with my husband. Yes, we were pleased. We’d say: ‘If something happens, then we are, we can be, citizens of that country. So we’re not bezprizorni [Russian, not belonging, homeless], as they say. We were happy, but we never thought about emigrating. Anyway, my husband and I, we never visited Israel. I wouldn’t have been able to stand that climate. I hate heat. I wouldn’t have survived there for long. I prefer very cold weather to heat. My husband was never drawn there either.

In 1974 I visited my Aunt Tola in Belgium. I’ve already said something about her, she was very religious. I stayed there for a month and a half. And we had to set some things straight right from the start. Because, for example, Jews cannot turn on light, or light a fire, since Friday evening. So I told her: ‘Listen, I can’t lie in the dark. I have to read in the evening, or I can’t fall asleep. So I’ll turn on my light. After all, you know that we didn’t obey all these rules at our house.’ There was this small 15-watt bulb in the bathroom that was on all the time, so you wouldn’t have to turn it on, but not in my room. And she allowed me to do that. But she followed all those rules herself. Once there was a tragedy, because I used the milk cloth to wipe some meat pan and there were different cloths for that. I didn’t know about it, we didn’t have such things at home. So all dishes had to be koshered. I apologized to her for it. But when there was some holiday, there was a revolution in that house, everything had to be taken out of cupboards, washed, segregated. Well, this really exhausted her, but this was the spirit she was raised in. Unfortunately, she has already died and is buried in Israel. That was in her will. So she’s buried there. 

Our son Jerzy was born on 19th June 1947 and our daughter Lila 10 years later, in July 1947. Our children were very much planned. My husband loved children very much and wanted to have 5 of them, but I was working, so I’d say: ‘How are we supposed to raise these children?’ Our son is named Jerzy Bronislaw. After he was born I was the one who took care of him. Unfortunately, I only had three months of paid leave, so we had to employ someone to take care of the baby when we were not at home. We both had to work and we couldn’t leave a baby alone. So after these 3 months we employed this German woman. My husband found her somewhere, I don’t remember where. It didn’t bother me that she was German. Anyway, she spoke Polish well. I had to have someone to help me and it was difficult to find someone then. But she didn’t stay long with us, because she got sick. She had some serious disease. She was even in hospital and she died there. Social services buried her, because we didn’t have money for that.

My son was active in Solidarnosc 12 We didn’t forbid it. Later, when Solidarnosc became legal, he rode along Piotrkowska Street and appealed to people not to drink alcohol, he organized these anti-alcohol manifestations. Once they even arrested him for disturbing public order, because he was shouting at the top of his lungs that people should stop drinking. Now he’s active in some conservative club. When my husband was alive and our son visited us I’d beg Jakub not to start discussing political issues with Jerzy. Because they’d always argue. My husband was a leftist from before the war and my son was and still is a rightist, and a leftist and a rightist usually don’t agree. They always had different opinions. And later they just talked about the weather, cars and such things.

My son changed his faith [to Catholic] several years after he got married [he got married in 1972 to Anna Gizgiez-Nawronska, a Pole, a medical student]. At first he changed his name, even before he got married. I don’t know why he decided to do that. He asked us for permission to change his name. I think that was because of his wife. So I said: ‘It’s your will, you’re an adult, you have to decide, we have nothing against it. It’s your business.’ Today his name is Nagorski [Polish translation of the last name Najberg]. They baptized their child in a church, so they’re a Catholic family. I even attended the christening. My husband didn’t want to go. His wife is Catholic, of course, but he was an is an even greater Catholic than she is. My daughter-in-law sometimes complained that he used to wake them up, that is her and their daughter, a 6 a.m on Sundays to go to church. She’d say she could go later, that she doesn’t have to go in the morning. But he insisted. Yes, they must go to church every Sunday, no getting out of it. He’s a real neophyte.

My son didn’t explain what he did. He asked for permission about changing his last name, but he only informed us about changing his faith, he said that he’d read a lot of newspapers about this religion, that he liked it a lot and that’s why he decided to change his faith. Well, it’s his life, he’s an adult man. All in all, I didn’t have anything against it, if he thinks that’s what best for him, then why not. My husband wasn’t that tolerant. He worried about all this, although he didn’t practice religion himself. But what were we to do? Sometimes we talked about it, that it was perhaps our fault that it all turned out like that. We didn’t teach our children any rules and we didn’t follow them ourselves.

Later our relations were not god either. There were years when he didn’t contact me at all. But now he calls from this Opole [174 km from Lodz], he comes here once a week, sits here for 2 hours, we talk. He brought me this walker, these crutches from Opole. Yes, I don’t blame my son, but I do blame my daughter-in-law. Because I think she should call at least once a week, find out if this mother is still alive. But my dear daughter-in-law calls me once every 2, 3 months. Even though she’s a physician and she knows my health is not good, that’s how it has all turned out. We don’t see each other often now, because my son works and he doesn’t have time. Currently, he’s the chairman of the Opolgraf printing company. He works in Opole like a mule, pardon my language. Yes, he can stay at work until midnight, or he goes for a walk somewhere, at 9 p.m., he calls me at 9.30 p.m. and he goes back to work then, or he works at home. He has a computer there as well. Such a hard worker he is. And he shouldn’t be, because he’s got heart problems and a pacemaker.

My daughter was 10 years younger than my son. We were planning a second child with my husband, but I had a miscarriage in 1955. It was a boy. And later I didn’t become pregnant. I thought I’d stay with one child. But it wasn’t to be. Lila was born on 25th July 1957. We named her after my childhood girl-friend. Like my son, she only spent the first 3 months at home with me. Later we had to find someone to take care of her. This time it was a Pole. Her name was Jadzia. I don’t want to talk about her, someone must have recommenced her to us. But it turned out she was a thief and also had veneral disease. My daughter started studying at the same elementary school as Jerzy. She was supposed to study as well as he did, but she did even better. She was a very diligent student. She later attended a gymnasium, but I don’t remember which one. She was finally accepted at the Polytechnics. She studied Applied Mathematics, but she didn’t graduate, because she went to Canada and stayed there for good.

She left in 1981 or 1982. At first for a holiday, to visit her aunt and uncle. She came back to Poland. Later they asked her to come again. She did. That’s when she met her first husband and she got married. I didn’t like it, but I couldn’t convince her. That family had somehow fooled her into it. And after she got married, it was too late. She was in love. Her first husband was a Jew, his name was Sztajnowicz. His father was from Poland. He was a friend of my husband’s. And they met in Canada and he fell deeply in love with her, but after the wedding he became difficult to live with. I don’t know if they even stayed together for 3 months. They couldn’t work it out, so they got divorced. She got married again, I don’t exactly remember when, but it was a few years later. Her current husband’s name is Gery Blueston, but Lila kept her maiden name, she’s still Najberg. She somehow didn’t want to go through all those formalities again. She said: ‘What difference does it make?’ I helped her a lot with that wedding, because I happened to be there. It was a very nice wedding, but she had to borrow money to have it. There’s a custom there that the guests, instead of presents, give money in an envelope. So she had just enough money to pay back those debts. She didn’t have debts, but she didn’t have presents either.

My daughter is not working currently. She’s a sick person. She worked for several months in a boutique that was owned by this man, an artist. He designed all those things he sold, clothing, gadgets, jewellery. She liked that job, because those were beautiful things and she likes looking at such things. Perhaps she’ll work there again. But Lila has stomach problems, problems with her intestines. She often gets these stomach aches, she can’t eat, she can’t walk, she has to stay in bed all day long and she also gets these migraines. What a poor girl. My daughter doesn’t have children. Yes, she decided not to have them, because of her depression. It’s all because life didn’t turn out well for her in Canada and she became depressed. She said she wouldn’t be able to raise children.

At first our contacts were difficult. Well, because my daughter moved often, we could only stay in touch by telephone. Now she calls every day, at 8 p.m. If the phone rings at that time, I know it’s Lila. At first, we didn’t talk so regularly, but now we do. Also, my daughter visits Poland often. Now she comes in May, June and later takes me there with her. Last year I didn’t go, because of my sickness and I don’t know if I’ll be able to go there this year. It’s a long trip. She’d like me to live with her, in Canada. But I wouldn’t be able to manage that. You don’t uproot old trees.

At first my son was very close to my daughter. There were 10 years between them. I remember when Lila was born he took care of her very carefully, really. I only left some food and drink and told him how to heat it up and he fed her himself, changed her diapers, he took care of her like a father would. Even though he was a young boy. But when he met this wife of his, it all broke off, so to say.

Our children knew who they were, they knew of their parents’ past, they knew about Jewish customs, tradition. We told them about it, my husband more than me. Especially my son would listen with his mouth open when my husband told those stories. Because he had a lot to tell. And he could tell interesting stories, it was impressive. We talked and my son would say: ‘How could you have survived all that?’, because it was difficult to believe that we managed to survive for so many years together afterwards.

But we didn’t even take them to the synagogue. Well, when my daughter moved to Canada she’d go to the synagogue sometimes. When I visited, we’d go together. But we could never stand those sermons. I never celebrated any Jewish festivals with my children. My children knew there was a holiday, because there’d be matzah at home, but there’d always be bread next to the matzah. But we always celebrated non-Jewish holidays. There was always Christmas, a Christmas tree, presents, like in every Polish house.

I have one granddaughter. She is my son’s daughter. Her married name is Braun. She works at the ABW [Agency of Internal Security], she’s a lawyer. She’s over 30 years old now and she has a son, Macius. My great-grandson was born 3 days after this horrible accident at the World Trade Center [09.11.2001]. My son was in the States then and he couldn’t get back to the country, because there were no connections. He flew in several days later, when his grandson had already been born. They’re a Catholic family as well. They had a church wedding. The child was baptized in a church. I didn’t go to Agnieszka’s wedding, because I wasn’t feeling well and they told me I wouldn’t be able to stand the wedding. And the wedding went on until 5 a.m., so I wouldn’t have been able to stand it for sure. I see my granddaughter when her parents invite me for dinner once every several months. She almost never calls me. Well, she called me on Grandmother’s Day and she wished me well. I asked my son to convince her to stop by with the little one from time to time. I told my son: ‘Can’t Agnieszka put him in the car and drive him here at least for an hour and sit here?’ But no response. Agnieszka knows her father’s roots. I don’t know if my son told her about it, but I know she knows. Sometimes, when I’m there, we talk about different things and I can see that she knows she’s a half-blood Jew. She’s very polite about it. She doesn’t let me feel it. They’re very cultured people.

Jakub died in 2002, it’s now going to be 3 years in August. My husband was very sick with his heart. He died and I didn’t even know he was dead. He complained of headaches at night, and of stomachache. I suspected it must have been a serious heart attack, because I’ve heard that’s what the symptoms are. And I finally called emergency rescue in the morning. The physician said that the stomach and the head were fine, but that the heart was very weak. And he barely left when my husband died. I didn’t know that, of course, he was lying on his side, with his hand under his head. I thought he was asleep, because he couldn’t sleep at night, so I thought: ‘Maybe he’s asleep.’ But it seemed suspicious to me, I came up to him often, examined his forehead, his chest, it was all still warm. The doctor who finally arrived told me: ‘Ma’am, your husband has been dead for several hours.’ It’s good that my son was there with me, because I don’t know what would have happened. I started falling on the floor, but he held me up, the doctor gave me an injection, my daughter-in-law called a funeral corporation, they arrived, I  couldn’t bear to watch them take him. I still feel faint when I think about it. And I had to move him from that funeral home, because he’s buried at the Jewish cemetery. There’s a special funeral house there, different traditions. I had to move the body, pay some 300 zloty for having it moved. Well, you know, Jews are not buried in their clothing but in this special white shroud. You have to know how to make that. Now people are buried in regular caskets, but it used to be either on a board, or in a box made of boards. The Jewish community arranged for a very nice casket. This Mrs. Szyfman from the community, she ordered a wreath and she practically organized that funeral.

So my husband had a traditional burial. There was a rabbi [chairman of the Community Symcha Keller] and he spoke very nicely. First we said goodbye to him at this funeral parlor. The coffin was there and  the rabbi said something there as well, but I wasn’t listening. Later, we went to the cemetery. My husband is quite far from the gate. There were quite a few people at the funeral. Even our daughter came from Canada. We waited especially for her. Because there is this custom in Jewish tradition that someone who dies should be buried the following day. So he should have been buried on Sunday, because he died on a Saturday, but the funeral was put off until Friday because of my daughter. Oh, how she cried. She really loved her daddy. His death was very hard on her. My son with his family also came, of course. My son held one of my arms and a friend of my husband’s, Mr. Bromberg [the Centropa Foundation has also recorded an interview with Mr. Bromberg] the other. There were also those who read the obituary, because I placed one in ‘Dziennik’ [Dziennik Lodzki, one of the oldest newspapers in Lodz, published since 1884, cooperates with Wiadomosci Dnia]. I called some closer friends, all my daughter’s friends came. Friends from university or from work. And later the rabbi asked my son if he would recite this prayer for the dead, the Kaddish. He didn’t know it. He said that he wouldn’t recite it, unfortunately, but there was this cantor there who sang it. But I had to give him 200 zloty for that. But the rabbi didn’t even take a penny from me. A very pleasant man. I meet him sometimes when I go to the cemetery, he always talks to me, asks how I’m doing. I don’t go there often now, because it’s very difficult for me. I used to go with this special walker,  it helped me get there. When I got tired, there is this seat there, so I could sit down.

This was a traditional burial, because such was my husband’s wish. That’s what he wanted. At the end of his life he only talked about this cemetery: ‘Remember, I want to be buried at the Jewish cemetery, because at the Polish cemetery, after 20 years, if you don’t pay, when you’re not there, they’ll pack someone else in there with me,’ but at a Jewish cemetery they can’t move anyone. If someone’s been buried, he can lie there until the end of the world, he can’t be touched. I don’t know why [he said that], something must have appealed to him, he must have liked something about this tradition. And that’s why I buried him there and I asked them to reserve a place for me somewhere close to my husband. We lived together for 57 years!

I can’t say much about how the Community functions in Lodz, because I wasn’t in touch with them. Well, when my husband died, they really helped me, they organized the entire funeral and I’m grateful for that. I wouldn’t have been able to do it myself. And although I don’t know them so well, I think there’s a need for them in Lodz. I think some 200 Jews live here, so they’ll always need some help.

I live alone now. But my apartment was always a two-family apartment. When I started living here, there was a common kitchen and bathroom, but later, I don’t remember which year it was in, they renovated everything and now I have a separate kitchen and bathroom, so we only share the same hallway. It’s difficult to say whether this is good or bad. Anyway, I don’t see my neighbors often now. I don’t go out. I wake up early in the morning, I wash, I get dressed. This man who takes care of me comes later, he folds my bed linen, because I can’t carry it myself, he opens the curtains, because that’s difficult too, you have to use a stick for that, he makes me breakfast, washes the dishes and leaves after breakfast. He later comes around 4 p.m and makes dinner for me, because I get my meals from the Kolbe Foundation, it’s about Polish-German reconciliation  [‘Polsko-Niemieckie Pojednanie’ – ‘Polish-German Reconciliation’ is a foundation created in 1991 by the government of the Federal Republic of Germany to, among other goals, help victims of nazi crimes] and he brings me the bed linen, so I have it ready for the night. I don’t listen to the radio much, only in the morning, when I get up. I prefer television. I usually watch the news. I solve crossword puzzles. Sometimes I read biographies, but I can’t concentrate on them. I used to read serious books, but today it’s mostly romances. With regards to newspapers, I only buy one on Saturdays – my neighbor brings me ‘Dziennik Lodzki’ and I get that mostly because of the TV guide. I don’t have patience for newspapers. I used to be able to read a newspaper from cover to cover, now I don’t have the patience. 

I am completely alone, except for my children who contact me. But there’s no one with me every day. And there no one who can help me. I only have one friend left now, but we only talk on the phone, because she walks on crutches as well and it’s difficult for her to move about. Her name is Hania Stepniewska. She’s Jewish, but she was in hiding in a village somewhere near Warsaw and she took her caretakers’ Polish name. I think her family name is Goldman, but I don’t know for sure.

My neighbors do my shopping, or this man who takes care of me every day. His brother used to live here on the 4th floor and he would visit him. And once we were in the hallway with my husband when he walked down. And because my husband really liked talking to people, he started talking to this brother, saying how difficult it is for us to clean the house and whether he could come and help us once a week. And he said he could. And he started coming. At first he used to come once a week. And now, since my husband died, he comes to me every day. Of course, I pay him for it, but he looks after me like after a mother, I tell you, he makes my dinners, he does everything. He always prepares something for the weekend. I wonder sometimes if he’ll ever forget. But he never does: ‘Ms. Helenka, what are we cooking today?’, I say ‘Don’t bother, I’ll eat something’, ‘No way, you have to have the strength to be healthy’ and he cooks for me.

I have problems with moving about. I don’t go down at all. I don’t remember the last time I was out on the street. I am simply afraid. It’s slippery. Even if someone holds me up, I’m still afraid. I went through too much after that accident, after breaking my leg. Because I had a serious accident in 1972. I got off the tram, not at a tram stop, but a bit earlier. Another tram was in front of our tram and I didn’t want to wait. There were no mechanical doors then, you’d open them yourself. So, unfortunately, I stepped out right in front of a car. A small truck. It hit me. I broke my thigh bone. I remember this poor driver, how he was standing above me pale as a ghost, because he was afraid he had killed me. 

There’s always been anti-Semitism in Poland. I’m not afraid to say this. There always was, there is and probably there’ll always be. Perhaps it’s not expressed as much now, but it is a fact. Nobody likes us, I have to admit. I don’t know why. What have we done wrong? Jews are usually not liked all over the world. They’re cheaters, they’re the worst kind of people. But why the heck is it so? Who did we hurt?

I only regret one thing in life – that I couldn’t go to university and couldn’t really achieve something. I was gifted in the humanities, I wrote poems, I thought perhaps I’d be a writer, but my life didn’t let me do that. I now regret this very much. Unfortunately, there’s nothing I can do now.

Even though I wasn’t raised in a religious home, there were such moments in my life when I turned to God. Even now I do it sometimes when something is hurting me, I turn to God, so he’d help me. There’s always something like this in you. I’m not really a believer, because I’ve never talked to anyone who had been there and has come back. But I instinctively feel there is some power which can help me. And in such moments I turn to it, but I don’t know if It can hear me and if it listens.

GLOSSARY:

1 BUND – The short name of the General Jewish Union of Working People in Lithuania, Poland and Russia, Bund means Union in Yiddish)

The Bund was a social democratic organization representing Jewish craftsmen from the Western areas of the Russian Empire. It was founded in Vilnius in 1897. In 1906 it joined the autonomous fraction of the Russian Social Democratic Working Party and took up a Menshevist position. After the Revolution of 1917 the organization split: one part was anti-Soviet power, while the other remained in the Bolsheviks’ Russian Communist Party. In 1921 the Bund dissolved itself in the USSR, but continued to exist in other countries.

2 Halizah – a custom connected with the duty of a man of marrying the widowed sister-in-law, if she is childless, in order to conceive children with her to ‘rebuild the house’ of the deceased brother

In case of a refusal the halizah ceremony takes place, during which the widow takes the sandal of her brother-in-law and spits in front of him. Afterwards, she is free to marry someone else. Initially, the ceremony of the halizah was supposed to shame the brother, but is now a routine one, because levirate marriages (marriages with the childless widow of a deceased brother) are not permitted. The brother who has the duty of levirate is in Hebrew called Yabam (brother-in-law). When he refuses to fulfill the duty, he receives the name of halutz hah-naal – ‘sandal-less, barefoot’. In the eyes of the followers of the Kaballah, a child born from such a union was the reincarnation of the dead brother, which assured the tikun (restoration) and the peace of his soul. The first male child of a levirate marriage was named after the deceased. This law is older than the law of Moses. 

3 Lodz Ghetto

It was set up in February 1940 city in the former Jewish quarter on the northern outskirts of the city. 164,000 Jews from Lodz were packed together in a 4 sq. km. area. In 1941 and 1942, 38,500 more Jews were deported to the ghetto. In November 1941, 5,000 Roma were also deported to the ghetto from Burgenland province, Austria. The Jewish self-government, led by Mordechai Rumkowsky, sought to make the ghetto as productive as possible and to put as many inmates to work as he could. But not even this could prevent overcrowding and hunger or improve the inhuman living conditions. As a result of epidemics, shortages of fuel and food and insufficient sanitary conditions, about 43,500 people (21% of all the residents of the ghetto) died of undernourishment, cold and illness. The others were transported to death camps; only a very small number of them survived.

4 Wielka szpera [‘Great Curfew’] on 4th September 1942 the residents of the Lodz ghetto leaned that according to an ordinance of the German authorities, all elders above 65 years of age and children below 10 years of age would be deported from the ghetto

Chaim Mordechai Rumkowsky, head of the Council of Elders of the Lodz Ghetto, made his most famous speech then: ‘(…) In my old age I have to hold out my hands and beg: Brothers and Sisters, give them away! Fathers and Mothers, give me your children!’ On 5th September 1942 Rumkowsky implemented a  curfew (German Sperre – closing, blockade, curfew). The resettling committee began its work of preparing elders and children for deportation. The Jewish police, whose members were assured their children would not be deported, also participated in the action. Policemen with lists of names dragged children and old people out of their homes. Sick people were also searched for by teams of Jewish physicians and nurses. Small children were torn from the hands of desperate mothers, sick people were dragged out of their beds. At the time everyone was conscious that the fate of the deported would find its end in the death camp in Chelmno upon Ner. 

5 Treblinka

village in Poland’s Mazovia region, site of two camps. The first was a penal labor camp, established in 1941 and operating until 1944. The second, known as Treblinka II, functioned in the period 1942-43 and was a death camp. Prisoners in the former worked in Treblinka II. In the second camp a ramp and a mock-up of a railway station were built, which prevented the victims from realizing what awaited them until just in front of the entrance to the gas chamber. The camp covered an area of 13.5 hectares. It was bounded by a 3-m high barbed wire fence interwoven densely with pine branches to screen what was going on inside. The whole process of exterminating a transport from arrival in the camp to removal of the corpses from the gas chamber took around 2 hours. Several transports arrived daily. In the 13 months of the extermination camp’s existence the Germans gassed some 750,000-800,000 Jews. Those taken to Treblinka included Warsaw Jews during the Grossaktion [great liquidation campaign] in the Warsaw ghetto in the summer of 1942. As well as Polish Jews, Jews from Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia, France, Greece, Yugoslavia and the USSR were also killed in Treblinka. In the spring of 1943 the Germans gradually began to liquidate the camp. On 2 August 1943 an uprising broke out there with the aim of enabling some 200 people to escape. The majority died.

6 Konzentrationslager Lublin, KL Majdanek

a German concentration and POW camp in Lublin, operating between 1941 and 1944. The proper name is KL Lublin, the commonly used name ‘Majdanek’ comes from the district of Lublin where the camp was located (Majdan Tatarski). The camp was constructed by Jews, POWs of the Polish army from 1939 and Soviet POWs. The camp consisted of 6 fields with prisoner barracks. In August 1942 the construction of gas chambers began and finished in October 1942. In total there were 5 gas chambers operating on gas introduced from gas bottles or Cyclone B granules. Some 300,000-360,000 went through the camp. 230,000 died, including approx. 100,000 Jews. The Germans began the evacuation of the camp on 17th July 1944. Even on July 22nd, the date of the liberation of Lublin, the Germans deported approx. 1000 prisoners, including women and children to Auschwitz-Birkenau. In 1944 the Polish National Liberation Committee (PKWN) in cooperation with the USSR created a Special Polish-Soviet Committee for the investigation of nazi crimes in Majdanek. The committee secured evidence and accused 6 perpetrators who were taken captive when the Germans were being pushed out of Lublin. The National Museum in Majdanek was created in the fall of 1944 in a section of the former concentration camp. This was the first institution of its type in the world. 

7 Familienlager Theresienstadt, Getto Theresienstadt, less often Konzentrazionslager Theresienstadt – a complex of two concentration camps created in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, in the town of Terezin, in an Austrian fortress from the turn of the 18th and 19th centuries

The complex consisted of a ghetto for Jews and a so-called transfer camp. Operated between 1941 and 1945. Theresienstadt ghetto was a place of martyrdom of Jews. At first the ghetto was planned as a place of detention for all famous Jews, who could be supported by foreign countries. The elite of Jewish cultural, political and scientific life were detained in the ghetto. Later transports of Jewish families started arriving at Theresienstadt mostly from the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, but also from the Reich, the Netherlands, Denmark and in the last period also from Slovakia and Hungary. Over 140,000 people passed through Theresienstadt during the 4 years of the camp’s existence. The death toll is estimated for 34-60,000. On 3rd May 1945 the camp became controlled by the Red Cross and on 8th May Soviet forces entered the city. 

8 Polonization of Jewish first and last names

the Polonization of first and last names in the 19th century was mostly an effect and a symptom of assimilation. Representatives of the so-called assimilatory trend changed their names or added a Polish element to the name. Later, this tendency was not restricted to the assimilatory circle. In the interwar period Jews often had two names: the Jewish name (in the Hebrew or Yiddish version): the official name, written down on the birth certificate and the Polish name, used in everyday contacts with Poles, but also among family. The story of the Polish-Jewish historian Schiper is an interesting case of the variety of names used by Polish Jews. Schiper published his works under three different names: Izaak, Icchak and Ignacy. After WWII many Jews who survived the Holocaust in hiding under false names never returned to their pre-war names. Legal regulations after the war enabled this procedure. Such a situation was caused by the lack of a feeling of security and post-war trauma, which showed itself in breaking off ties with one’s group. Another reason for the Polonization of names after WWII was the pressure exerted by the communist authorities on Jews – members of the communist party and employed in the party apparatus.

9 Polish United Workers’ Party (PZPR)

communist party formed in Poland in December 1948 by the fusion of the PPR (Polish Workers’ Party) and the PPS (Polish Socialist Party). Until 1989 it was the only party in the country; it held power, but was subordinate to the Soviet Union. After losing the elections in June 1989 it lost its monopoly. On 29th January 1990 the party was dissolved.

10 20th Party Congress of the CPSU

14-25th February 1956 became a turning moment for the communist movement. Facing a harsh battle for power Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971, Soviet politician, party and state activist, 1st Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union 1953-1964 and the prime minister of the USSR in the period 1958-1964) presented a secret speech at the 20th Congress of the CPSU in which he condemned some of Stalin’s crimes. The speech began the process of destalinization, which revealed Stalin’s crimes and dramatically criticized the system he created. The process led to the ‘thaw’ which included the entire Eastern Block and gave hope for deeper changes.

11 Gomulka Campaign

a campaign to sack Jews employed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the army and the central administration. The trigger of this anti-Semitic campaign was the involvement of the Socialist Bloc countries on the Arab side in the Middle East conflict, in connection with which Moscow ordered purges in state institutions. On 19th June 1967, at a trade union congress, the then First Secretary of the Polish United Workers’ Party [PZPR], Wladyslaw Gomulka, accused the Jews of lack of loyalty to the state and of publicly demonstrating their enthusiasm for Israel’s victory in the Six-Day-War. This marked the start of purges among journalists and people of other creative professions. Poland also severed diplomatic relations with Israel. On 8th March 1968 there was a protest at Warsaw University. The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded by launching a press campaign and organizing mass demonstrations in factories and workplaces during which ‘Zionists’ and ‘trouble-makers’ were indicted and anti-Semitic and anti-intelligentsia slogans shouted. Following the events of March purges were also staged in all state institutions, from factories to universities, on criteria of nationality and race. ‘Family liability’ was also introduced (e.g. with respect to people whose spouses were Jewish). Jews were forced to emigrate. From 1968-1971 15,000-30,000 people left Poland. They were stripped of their citizenship and right of return.

12 Solidarity (NSZZ Solidarnosc)

a social and political movement in Poland that opposed the authority of the PZPR. In its institutional form – the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity (NSZZ Solidarnosc) – it emerged in August and September 1980 as a product of the turbulent national strikes. In that period trade union organization were being formed in all national enterprises and institutions; in all some 9–10 million people joined NSZZ Solidarnosc. Solidarity formulated a program of introducing fundamental changes to the system in Poland, and sought the fulfillment of its postulates by exerting various forms of pressure on the authorities: pickets in industrial enterprises and public buildings, street demonstrations, negotiations and propaganda. It was outlawed in 1982 following the introduction of Martial Law (on 13 December 1981), and until 1989 remained an underground organization, adopting the strategy of gradually building an alternative society and over time creating social institutions that would be independent of the PZPR (the long march). Solidarity was the most important opposition group that influenced the changes in the Polish political system in 1989.

Andrei Popper

Andrei Popper

Arad

Romania

Interviewer: Oana Aioanei

Date of interview: September 2003

Mr. Andrei Popper lives in an apartment on the banks of the River Mures. Being an elderly man, he spends most of his time indoors: watching TV and reading the newspaper. His living room shelters several pieces of old furniture, while the walls are covered with paintings. One of them was made by his maternal grandfather, while in high school. Two Siamese cats are sprawled out in the armchairs of the entrance hall. Mr. Popper possesses a rich collection of postcards and photographs that he took in various places in the country. He’s a history enthusiast, so he really enjoys telling stories. [Mr. Popper died in August 2004.]

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

My mother’s maternal grandfather, Ignatie Pollak, lived in Sebis, where he was in the trade business. His tombstone reads ‘Pollak Ignatie’ and ‘Sebis’ between brackets – the place he came from. I found out from some documents in Sebis that he was one of the leaders of the community there; he had an honorary chair. I think that, at a certain point, he moved from Sebis to Rapsig, because my maternal grandmother, Matilda Pollak, was born in Rapsig, in the Arad County, between 1858 and 1860. Ignatie Pollak bought a house in the center of Arad in 1870. My mother’s maternal grandparents, the Pollaks, were buried in Arad.

My mother’s paternal great-grandparents, the Werners, came from Germany. My maternal grandparents came from a German family; Werner is a German name. One of the Werners fell in love with a Jewish girl and converted to Judaism for her sake. But the girl’s parents chased her away from home, from Germany, and the couple emigrated some time between the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century and settled in Santana, in the Arad County; Santana was a village of Germans. The Werner great-grandparents were buried in Santana. In time, some of the members of the Werner family moved from Santana to Pancota, Beliu or Baia Mare; many of them went to Budapest, where they changed their name to Timar. Great-great-grandfather Jakab Werner was married to Maria Wolf; the two of them had three children, all of whom were born in Santana: Lipot, my great-grandfather [1817-1894], Moric, born in 1823, and Adolf, born in 1831. Adolf had two children: Dr. Miksa Werner, who worked as a physician in Arad, was a bachelor, had no children and died in 1920 in Arad, and Eszter Werner. Eszter married Sandor and the two of them had two children: Artur, who had no children, and Lenke, who married a Krausz and had two children: Anna and Dr. Miklos Krausz, a physician in Cologne [Germany].

Lipot Werner, my great-grandfather, had nine children: Carol, my maternal grandfather, Adolf, Henrik, Simon, Karola, Cili, Imre, Maria and Rozsa. Adolf was the last of the Werners who lived and died in Santana. He was a tradesman and had five children: Mici, who married a Zeisler and had no children, Renee, who married Dr. Wiener and had a son who is a physician in Germany, Pavel, Lajos and Laszlo. Henrik had eight children: Sandor, who had three children: Marta, Bozsi, who in her turn had two daughters, and Viktor, who died in Germany and had a son who worked as a doctor in a military hospital, probably in Cologne, Frida, Regina, Frigyes, who had a son, Alexandru, Ede, Karola, Gyozo and Geza. Simon had four children: Sandor, Jeno, Jozsi and Geza. Karola was married to Samuel Nussbaum. Cili had three children: Lajos, Bela, and Frida. Imre had five children: Roza, who married Adolf Fodor, Maria, who married Dr. Mihaly Deutsch and had a son, Lorant, a PhD in Law, who died in Tel Aviv, Olga, who married Filip Gruner, and Janos. Maria married Adolf Grosz. My grandfather’s youngest sister, Rozsa, married Emil Bauer and had three children: Tuli, Misi and Olga.

My maternal grandfather, Carol Werner, was born in Santana on 15th May 1850. He went to high school in Beius; it was a Greek Catholic high school. I was told that the teachers there were wonderful. A painting he made when he was a student is hanging on one of my bedroom walls. It’s a very beautiful painting: a country house in the middle of the field, a lake in front of it and a boat with two fishermen on the lake’s shore. Everyone says it’s a very valuable painting. My grandmother didn’t know that my grandfather could paint. She only learnt about the existence of the painting after her husband’s death. Grandfather Carol wasn’t a very religious man. I don’t know where he did his military service.

My maternal grandmother, Matilda Pollak, who became a Werner after she got married, was a housewife. She had a brother, Ignatie, and two sisters, who were housewives too: Rozalia and Fani. Ignatie Pollak owned a vineyard in Cuvin. He had two daughters. One of them, Margareta, who married a Szolosi, was a teacher and a high school principal in Arad; she had a daughter, who was a housewife. The other daughter of Ignatie’s, Terezia, married Dr. Venetianer, who was chief rabbi in Budapest. [Lajos Venetianer (1867-1922) became a rabbi in 1892. In 1893, he was in Csurgo, in 1896, he was in Lugoj; he became chief rabbi in Ujpest in 1897. Apart from theological studies, he wrote works on the history of the Jews. He was a professor at the Jewish Theological Seminary-University of Jewish Studies in Budapest and chief rabbi in Budapest.] The two of them had a daughter, Vali Ilona, which was her stage name, who was a very well known actress in Budapest. I don’t think her family had any problem with her being a renowned actress. Rozalia lived in Ghioroc and had a boy and a girl. The boy died when he was a student. The girl, Terezia, who married a Szekely, had a son named Ladislau. Her husband worked as a veterinarian in Glogovat. Ladislau’s son bears the name Ladislau too and works as a physician in Germany. My grandmother’s other sister, Fani Freund, had a boy who died while he was a Law student. Fani became a widow and died in Arad.

Grandfather Carol and Grandmother Matilda lived in Simand. In 1892, they moved to Arad. Grandmother Matilda was in charge of the household; she went to the synagogue for the two great holidays: the New Year and the Day of Atonement. She didn’t keep the kashrut and wasn’t too religious; she did light the candles on Sabbath. My grandfather traded grains and hides. He ran his business in Arad. He had a grain warehouse near his place and a hide warehouse located somewhere else. During World War I, his employees were exempted from military service. In Arad, the Werner grandparents lived in the center of town, in the house that had been bought by my great-grandparents. It was the first house that the Communists demolished. When the nationalization 1 of the houses came, their house was on the list, even though my mother was the rightful owner. This is the house where I was born. I got along well with both my maternal and paternal grandparents. None of them were interested in politics. They were all on good terms with their neighbors. I remember that, after my grandfather died, Uncle Alexandru [Werner] visited my mother every day; he was a pretty renowned dermatologist here in Arad. My maternal grandparents both died in Arad: Grandfather Carol died on 2nd January 1916, and Grandmother Matilda died in 1936, when I was 21.

My mother had several brothers and sisters who were all born in Simand; they were Alexandru, Francisc, Irina, Ivan and Leopoldina. The one I knew best was Uncle Alexandru, born in 1883, who was a physician in Arad and married Ileana Halmagyi. She was a housewife. The two of them had two children: Ana and Gheorghe. Ana died of scarlet fever in 1928, at the age of three or four. Gheorghe graduated from medical school, completed his internship, and came back to Arad. After two years, he caught a disease and died at an early age of 24; he had a daughter, Cristina Gordon, who got married in Cologne. Alexandru died in 1936, before Gheorghe’s decease; I was 22 at the time, and Ileana remarried.

Francisc [1884-1902] died young too. Irina, born in 1887, was a housewife and lived with her husband, Iosif Somogyi, an accountant in Arad. They didn’t have children. Iosif died in 1925, and Irina in 1969. Ivan, born in 1892 died at the age of two, in 1893. He was buried at the Jewish cemetery in Simand. There’s a great cemetery there and the children’s tombs are right at the entrance. The youngest child was Erzsebet-Leopoldina, who was born and died in 1896.

My mother, Margareta Werner, was born in Simand, on 11th April 1890. When she was about two, she moved with her parents to Arad. As there was no high school for girls in Arad at that time, my mother was sent to Timisoara, to the Higher School for Girls. She was a housewife. Just like my father, she wasn’t too religious.

My paternal grandfather was named Carol Popper and was born in Berechiu, in the Arad County, in 1864. He had a brother, Samuila, who lived in Cermei. He also had a sister, but I can’t remember her name. I’m sure he did his military service because he had become a sergeant; I think he served in Vienna [today Austria]. For a while, he lived in Socodor, where he kept a store, but he moved to Arad in 1890, when my father was one or two years old.

My paternal grandmother, Iuliana Popper [nee Werner], was born in Siclau, in the Arad County, in 1867/8. I don’t remember her having any brothers or sisters; she was a housewife. After she got married, she lived in Socodor; after a while, she moved to Arad, where she stayed until she died. My paternal grandparents lived in a one-floor house, opposite the railway station; it was pretty large, but it wasn’t theirs, they paid rent. The place had belonged to a non-Jewish man who had no family. Eventually, he donated it to the Romanian Christian Orthodox Community in Lipova. As my grandfather got to Arad in 1890, he may have rented the house directly from the church. When the block of apartments was built, it was demolished; this happened around 1944 or right after the war. The house had a pretty large courtyard, but it had no garden. My grandparents didn’t breed animals. My grandfather had a rather large store in Arad too. He was a tradesman; he sold all sorts of things and, apart from the store, he also ran a kind of pub. The store, which had been painted by Eugen Popper, a cousin of my father’s, was at the front of the house, while the dwelling space was in the back. My grandfather was widely known among the railway workers; they were his regular customers, since the store and the pub were located opposite from the station.

Neither my grandmother, nor my grandfather was very religious. They were like most of the Jews in Arad. My grandfather wasn’t a devout man, and the Jews in Arad kept their stores open even on Saturdays. However, the New Year and the Day of Atonement were special days. They all closed their businesses and went to the synagogue. On Friday evenings, women would light the candles, but they didn’t usually go to the synagogue to pray. This is how things were in Arad. Grandmother Iuliana died when I was about 18, in 1933. Grandfather Carol died when I was about 20, in 1935.

There was a Neolog 2 community in Arad. The great synagogue was built in 1834. It wasn’t an easy thing to do. Back then, the city didn’t belong to the Hungarians, nor to the Romanians, but to the Serbs. And they prevented any attempt of erecting something permanent. As a result, some representatives of the Jewish Community in Arad went to Vienna and offered the land to the Emperor as a gift. Gendarmes were hired to guard it and the construction could thus be completed. The entrance is through a courtyard, as the synagogue is surrounded by other buildings. Every now and then there’s a concert held there. It has a very good organ. An expert claimed that such a good organ is a rare thing and that moving it would destroy it and so the organ must stay in the building. I read somewhere how it was purchased and set up inside the synagogue: the Jews organized a ball in 1850, and all the intelligentsia of the city were invited, regardless of their faith; the income from that party was used to buy the organ. This information was found by Professor Gluck in the library of the University in Cluj. [Editor’s note: The interviewee is talking about Jeno Gluck who’s a present-day historian in Arad.]

On holidays, the synagogue was overcrowded with people. Until 1940, a summer theater would be rented on holidays; it used to be located on the banks of the River Mures, but it was demolished in 1940, and a service would be held there too. Towards the end of World War I, around 1917, the Jewish Orthodox Community 3 was established in Arad. The Orthodox synagogue was erected in 1921. Its architect was Tabacovici, a Serb who also designed the Roman Catholic cathedral of the Minorites. I met him; he was a great architect.

My father had three sisters and he was the oldest child. Their names were Matilda, Ileana and Irina. They were all housewives. He didn’t have brothers. The oldest of the three sisters, Matilda, married Sigismund Brenner, an accountant. They had two children: Zoltan, who committed suicide around 1969 and had a daughter, Eva, who married Pavel Brenner and left for Israel with him, and Edita, who was married too, lived in Oradea, got deported to Auschwitz [today Poland] and died there. Ileana lived in Arad with her husband, Friederic Fulop, a musician. They didn’t have children. Irina married Samuila Havas, a hide tradesman. They lived in Arad and had a son, Ladislau, who left for Israel, where he was wounded and died in the last day of the War for Independence.

My father, Alexandru Popper, was born on 15th January 1888 in Socodor. He moved with his parents to Arad in 1890. He graduated from the Faculty of Law; he had a PhD in law and worked as a lawyer his entire life. He studied the first two years in Budapest, but he finished in Cluj, in 1908/1909. He entered the faculty in 1905 and he was the youngest among his fellow-students, as he had begun going to elementary school at the age of five; he wanted to be the first to get his PhD. The only places in Hungary where the graduation exam, the most difficult, could be passed were Budapest and Targu Mures. My father passed it in Targu Mures. He wasn’t a very religious man. He did his military service in Arad. He liked to collect stones of various shapes from everywhere he went to; he once brought my mother a heart-shaped stone.

How did my parents meet? Arad wasn’t a very big city. My father was a Law student and my mother had gone to school in Timisoara. I think they met after they came back home. They got married in July 1914. They also had a religious ceremony at the synagogue. The next day after they returned from their honeymoon in Austria, World War I broke out and my father was drafted. He became an officer in the Austro-Hungarian army 4. All my grandfather’s employees had been exempted from their military duties and my father could have enjoyed that status too, but he wouldn’t stay home as long as there was a war going on. He served in the Northern Carpathians, in Poland. He found a stone there, which he sent to my mother; she had a silver plate added to it, with the place and the date: Komarno, 8th September 1914. This is where my father suffered a leg wound; he was sent to Arad after that. Then he went back to the front and became a prisoner of war in September 1914. He was taken to Vladivostok in Siberia, where he stayed for seven years: from 1914 to 1921.

The interesting thing about it was that the prisoners of war received an officer’s salary back then; the Russians actually paid them. When the war ended, they were in the Eastern part of the country, close to the ocean. They were gradually moved to East Siberia. The Americans came to rescue the officers of the Austro-Hungarian army; they took them to an island where there were a lot of children who had been evacuated there. The island was located east from Siberia. My father and the other officers were taken there as laborers. What he had to do was take care of two furnaces lest the fire should go out. They were very well looked after and the food was very good. They even received an honorary diploma from the Red Cross acknowledging their work there. My father spent a year and a half there and came home by boat. In his lawyer’s office, the three credentials hanging on the wall were: his BA degree, his PhD in Law degree and the worker diploma from the Red Cross.

Growing up

I was born on 29th June 1915 in Arad, in the house of my maternal grandparents. I was my parent’s only child. At the time of my birth, my father was already a prisoner. They would take a photo of me every month and send it to him in Siberia. In the evenings, my mother would pray with me so that God could bring my father home. I first saw him when I was five. He came back from the war in 1921. We lived in Arad until 1923, when we moved to Buteni, I was eight. [Editor’s note: The traveling distance between Arad and Buteni is about 71 kilometers.] But my grandmother continued to live in Arad. Before World War I, my father had a practice in Arad. In 1923, a lawyer passed his Buteni office to an uncle, who in turn gave it to my father. The Buteni courthouse spread its jurisdiction over more than 50 communes [administrative division smaller than a town and comprised of several villages], and the town only had three lawyers; one of them was my father.

Although the county capital was in Sebis, the courthouse was in Buteni; it was the largest building in the entire county. Back in the old days, long before World War I, the Buteni notary persuaded the peasants to send a delegation to Budapest in order to request the opening of a courthouse in Buteni, so that they wouldn’t be forced to go to Sebis anymore. This is how the courthouse was built, some time between 1901 and 1903. The building is still there, but it’s no longer in use, although it’s a wonderful edifice. One night, the county’s prime secretary of the Communist Party had the courthouse moved to Sebis, without notifying the Ministry of Justice. The decision wasn’t altered. But in 1952, when the courts of justice were distributed according to districts 5, the district court house was established in Buteni.

It was in Buteni that Karoly Csemegi ran a lawyer’s practice in the 19th century. He was a Jewish major in the Austro-Hungarian army. After the defeat of the 1848 revolution, he was forced to reside in Arad, where he opened a practice. Because the Austrians persecuted him, he sought refuge in the Romanian commune of Buteni, where he worked as a lawyer for eight or nine years. Csemegi was a very good jurist; he had studied Law in Budapest. After peace was declared between Hungary and Austria in 1870 [Editor’s note: There was no peace treaty in 1870; the interviewee refers to the Great Compromise of 1867.], he was hired by the Ministry of Justice and he ended up as a royal councilor. His greatest achievement was the completion of the Hungarian Penal Code, which is still used today. Until 1946, it was also used in Transylvania 6, up to Gurahont, Zam on the River Mures and to the border of the Bihor County on the River Cris. [Karoly Csemegi (Csongrad, 1826 – Budapest, 1899): criminal lawyer. He was a major in the 1848 war of independence, and because of that he was imprisoned after the war of independence was suppressed. He later worked in Arad as a lawyer, then, from 1867 – the year of the Great Compromise – he entered the Ministry of Justice and later became a secretary of state there.] The Hungarians didn’t have a written civil code, this was only written after World War II, so the Austrian civil code was used in Transylvania. The Romanian one was just a translation: Napoleon’s code was translated into Italian, with mistakes, and from Italian, it was translated into Romanian.

As far as the Jews in Buteni were concerned, I remember one of them was a tradesman, another one was a clock smith; the town’s physician was a Jew, and so was the chief judge, Dr. Erger, accidentally. I remember that during my childhood, there were many peasants who had beautiful handwriting and worked for the courthouse. The Arad County was divided into several electoral districts that counted for the Great National Assembly [the supreme body of the State power], and one of them was Iosasel (today part of Gurahont), which was located between Buteni and Gurahont. [Editor’s note: The traveling distance between Buteni and Gurahont is about 18 kilometers.] Back in those days, Gurahont was nothing compared to Iosasel [Iosas]. The landowner there was a Jew named Polacek. His castle is still there today. Polacek had acquired the estate during the war. He had bought it from the Purglis, an Iosasel-based family who belonged to the nobility, whose daughter became the wife of Horthy 7. I knew the Polaceks: they owned a spirits factory which is still there today. And since we’re talking about the Jewish landowners, I remember that the entire Moneasa and the Dezna Valley belonged to the Wengheims at the time of World War I.

Buteni had a pretty large Jewish community; there were 15 to 20 families. Jews didn’t live separately from the other inhabitants of the town. There used to be a beautiful Neolog synagogue, until 1924/25. It was about that time that many Jews came from Maramures and the Orthodox became the majority group. My father was the president of the community. We didn’t have Talmud-Torah classes; there weren’t too many children. We didn’t learn Ivrit, but we did celebrate our bar mitzvah when we turned 13; the hakham prepared us for the event. We didn’t have a rabbi in Buteni, we only had a hakham. The nearest was Rabbi Sonnenschein in Pancota, in Arad and in Gurahont there was Rabbi Schwartz. After World War I ended, a very powerful Orthodox community was founded in Gurahont; it was larger than the one in Buteni.

The market day in Buteni was Friday; then Wednesday became a market day too, I think. My mother did all the shopping. My family wasn’t very religious. My mother lit the candles on Friday evenings and ate matzah for Pesach. My parents celebrated the New Year, the Day of Atonement and Pesach. But we didn’t eat kosher food, nor did we use separate vessels for Pesach. I remember we had books at home, mainly Hungarian literature. Today’s high levels of crime are mostly due to the fact that, while the parents are at work, the children are left to do whatever they want. In the past, the mother stayed at home and raised the children. My mother always had an aid around the house. All the families used to have an aid back then; moreover, when there was a great clean up or laundry had to be done, more than one aid would be employed. The house in Buteni was rented. We had two to three rooms and running water; the heating was based on firewood.

My parents made sure that I was always well prepared at school. While in Buteni, I took music lessons for a few years, piano and violin, but I didn’t really like it. I also took private lessons in subjects taught at school, especially the foreign languages. In high school, French was taught from the first to the last year; in the second year, we began the study of German, and Latin was introduced in the third year. I think that Ancient Greek was also taught in the sixth year. But I was more interested in Math. My Math teacher was named Stan Crisan. I had friends at school. I also had some Jewish classmates. If I remember correctly, it was the hakham who taught the religion class. I studied the first and second year in Arad, then the third and fourth in Buteni, and then I moved back to Arad. We had classes on Saturdays too. The only day off was Sunday.

While in high school, I lived as a tenant with some strangers, non-Jews, although my grandparents lived in Arad. My parents thought my grandparents spoiled me, so it was only during my last year of high school that I lived with them. I always went home, to Buteni, on vacations: for Christmas and Easter. In the summer, while in Buteni, I would play tennis and go bathing with my friends. I can’t think of any other sport that I may have practiced. I passed the graduation exam in 1935. It was very hard: out of 114 students, only five succeeded. I was one of them.

Before World War I, there used to be several Jewish schools in the county: not just in Arad, but also in Buteni and in Simand, which were pretty important Jewish centers. Buteni had a Jewish elementary school until 1943. Incidentally, before World War I, the headmistress of the Jewish school was named Popper; she was Jewish, but she wasn’t from our family. My father met her son during a visit in Budapest, around 1925, and it was interesting for them both to discover that they shared the same name, they were both lawyers and they both came from Buteni.

There were Legionaries 8 in Buteni in the interwar period. I remember seeing ‘Only speak Romanian’-like posters in stores, but they weren’t a real threat. I didn’t have any problem caused by anti-Semitism. I can’t remember anything important politically that would have happened in my childhood. We would just listen to the radio at home and read the Hungarian newspapers in Arad.

During the war

I graduated from the Faculty of Law; I chose Law because I liked it. I started in Cluj, in 1935. Later, in 1939, as I wanted to gain one year, I moved with several fellow-students and friends to Cernauti [today Ukraine]. Both in Cluj and in Cernauti, there were great professors. The difference was that Cernauti had a preparatory year, then three years of study; this is why we wanted to move there. We graduated there, but we never got to pass our last two exams, for the Russians invaded Bukovina 9, in 1939. [Editor’s note: Russians entered Bukovina in June 1940.]

Roman Law was a real delight. I had a professor in Cluj, Mosoiu, whom it was a real pleasure to listen to. He spoke freely, using no notes. And he always organized his time very well. And there were other professors as well prepared as he was. For instance, during a specialization course in Bucharest, after my graduation, I remember the subject of the Supreme Court being taught very well. But I also came across teachers of another kind. For instance, the German teacher would come to class, write a text on the blackboard and have us memorize it. This is all we did during the entire class. The Latin teacher didn’t explain anything to us either. There were no inspections back then, so teachers did whatever they felt like.

I didn’t serve in the army. When Jews were evacuated from the villages, in 1941 [because of the anti-Jewish laws in Romania] 10, my parents moved back to Arad, where they lived until 1944. Then they returned to Buteni. During the Holocaust, I was sent to forced labor from 1941 till June 1944. First, it was in the Fagaras County, then in the Arad County, at the canal of the vineyards of Arad [Paulis, Ghioroc]. I came home when work was interrupted. I lost several years of my life and I only passed my last exams after the war, in Cluj.

After graduating, in 1944, I started my lawyer’s internship with my father, who took me for about two years. I lived in Buteni until 1946, when I was appointed judge in Arad. Eventually, I became the president of the court between 1952 and 1968. In Arad, I lived with Aunt Irina, in the old house of my maternal grandmother. I was also a court president in Ineu for six years and in Chisineu Cris for ten years. I was never married and I never had any children. My father died at the age of 80, in 1968. My mother died at 92, in 1982, in Arad. They were both buried here in Arad.

After the war

By the time I became a court president in Ineu, there was no synagogue there anymore. In 1945 or 1946, the Federation from Bucharest ordered that all the synagogues from the towns where there were no Jews or very few of them were to be demolished. There may have been one family or two left in Ineu. The synagogue in Cermei wasn’t demolished, but it was bought by the Baptist Community and used as a prayer house. I know that the synagogue in Buteni had to be pulled down too, and the land was sold. The Federation issued such an order because there were no Jews left in these places. Dr. Weissblatt, one of the best dermatologists in Arad, once told me about the time when many workers from the furniture factory in Pancota, a very large facility, had caught a skin disease. He was sent there as an official delegate. While in Pancota, he learnt that a worker who had taken part in the demolition of the synagogue had fallen down from the building and died. The whole village found that incident to be pretty natural, since what they were pulling down was a church.

The synagogues in Chisineu Cris and in Seleus were demolished too. I was once at the town hall in Seleus and the mayor showed me the furniture of the place: it had been bought before the destruction of the synagogue, and the mayor’s chair was the old rabbi’s chair. The synagogues in Arad and Salonta are, to my knowledge, the only ones that survived in the entire Arad County. But I heard a few years ago that the synagogue in Salonta no longer exists either.

How come I didn’t immigrate to Israel? I was born in Arad, I lived in the Arad County all the time, and I happened to be appointed as a judge in Arad too. I don’t think too highly of the people who move too much. I believe that, once you start working in a certain place, it’s best to stay there till you die. Under the communist regime, I was still a lawyer; I was a judge president until 1975. When I turned 60, I applied for retirement.

I became a party member against my will. A friend of mine, Ladislau Lakatos, a druggist in Buteni, had gone to college in Bucharest before the war. There he joined a group of communist students and became a fervent Communist too, although he came from a family belonging to the Hungarian nobility. After 23rd August 1944 11, he joined the Party and signed me in too, without asking me about it. I took part in activities organized by the Communists and I had to attend weekly meetings. However, I didn’t become a party member out of conviction, but because Ladislau and me were very good friends. He was a good chap, a true gentleman.

I knew other people who had been accepted in the Party despite their origin. There used to be a bank in Arad; it was called Goldschmidt and it was owned by a Jew. His son, much older than me, studied Economics in Paris [France] before World War I. Back then, one couldn’t study this in Romania, but only in Vienna or Paris. While in Paris, he joined a communist society and became a fervent Communist, although his father owned a bank. When the Communists came to power in Romania, he received a high office in a ministry and was even sent to Hungary as a diplomat, for he spoke Hungarian.

I never had any problems with the Communists. I only met very few of them who liked to cause trouble. The county’s prime secretary of the Communist Party was the only one who had the right to check on me, but he never interfered with what I was doing. This was the order from Bucharest. My coworkers were nice people; as for the clerks I worked with, I was lucky because they did their jobs well. I also had Jewish coworkers: Livia Halmos, Maxim Goroneanu, Ladislau Samuel.

I only went to Israel once, in 1968. I was left with a good impression. I went to a niece of mine, Eva Brenner, right during Pesach. My niece is married to a Romanian from a place in Tara Motilor, near Baia de Cris. His name is Pavel and he’s a very decent man. He wanted to move to Israel and persuaded her to do that. Pavel worked as a locksmith in a factory; Eva is a clerk. They are doing well. I stayed with them for a month and they drove me every day to see as many places as possible. Each day, I visited a new town and some new places. I also went to the USSR, a two-week trip across the Black Sea, to Riga and to the North Sea.

The revolution of 1989 12 had no effect on me. I think nothing has changed. I had already retired when it came. After my retirement in 1975, a friend of mine who worked as the chief secretary of the County Council called me to do voluntary work for his office for a couple of years. Then the Jewish Community called me, and I went to help them with their legal matters. I stayed with them for 23 years, from 1977 until 2000 or so, when I became ill and had to go to surgery. I used to go out for a walk when I felt better. But now I’m too tired to do anything at all; I just read my newspapers at home.

Glossary

1 Nationalization in Romania

The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

2 Neolog Jewry

Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into to (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network. The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions. The third group, the sop-called Status Quo Ante advocated that the Jewish community was maintained the same as before the 1868/69 Congress.

3 Orthodox communities

The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants’ descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the ‘eastern’ type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities were registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country, in 1896. In 1930 30,4 % of Hungarian Jews belonged to 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 %).

4 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army

The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system. Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

5 Territorial reorganization in 1952

The new constitution adopted in 1952 declared Romania a country, which started to build up communism. The old administrative system was abolished, and the new one followed the Soviet pattern: the administrative partition of the country consisted of 18 regions (‘regiune’), each of them subdivided into so called ‘raions’. In the same year the so-called Hungarian Autonomous Region was founded, a third of which was made up by the Hungarian inhabitants living in Romania. The administrative center of this region was Targu Mures/Marosvasarhely, and it was subdivided into ten ‘raions’: Csik, Erdoszentgyorgy, Gyergyoszentmiklos, Kezdivasarhely, Marosheviz, Marosvasarhely, Regen, Sepsiszentgyörgy, Szekelyudvarhely.

6 Transylvania

Geographical and historic area (103 000 sq. kilometre) in Romania. It is located between the Carpathian Mountain range and the Serbian, Hungarian and Ukrainian border. Today’s Transylvania is made up of four main regions: Banat, Crisana, Maramures and the historic Transylvanian territory. In 1526 at the Mohacs battle medieval Hungary fell apart; the central part of the country was incorporated into the Ottoman Empire, while in the Eastern part the autonomous Transylvanian Principality was founded. Nominally Transylvanian belonged to the Ottoman Porte; the Sultan had a veto on electing the Prince, however in reality Transylvania maintained independent foreign as well as internal policy. The Transylvanian princes maintained the policy of religious freedom (first time in Europe) and recognized three nationalities: Hungarian, Szekler and Saxon (Transylvanian German). After the treaty of Karlowitz (1699) Transylvania and Hungary fell under the Habsburgs and the province was re-annexed to Hungary in 1867 as part of the Austrian-Hungarian compromise (Ausgleich). Transylvania was characterized by specific ethno-religious diversity. The Transylvanian princes were in favor of the Reformation in the 16th and 17th century and as a result Transylvania became a stronghold of the different protestant churches (Calvinist, Lutheran, Unitarian, etc.). During the Counter-Reformation and the long Habsburg supremacy the Catholic Church also gained significant power. Transylvania’s Romanian population was also divided between the Eastern Orthodox and the Uniate Church (Greek Catholic). After the reception of the Jewish Religion by the Hungarian Parliament (1895) Jewish became a recognized religions in the country, which accelerated the ongoing Jewish assimilation in Transylvania as well as elsewhere in Hungary. After World War I Transylvania was given to Romania by the Trianon Treaty (1920). In 1920 Transylvania’s population was 5,2 million, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,4 million Hungarian, 510,000 Germans and 180,000 Jews. According to the Second Vienna Dictate its northern part was annexed to Hungary in 1940. After World War II the entire region was enclosed to Romania by the Paris Peace Treaty. According to the last Romanian census (2002) Hungarians make 19% of the total population, and there are only several thousand Jews and Germans left. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

7 Horthy, Miklos (1868-1957)

Regent of Hungary from 1920 to 1944. Relying on the conservative plutocrats and the great landowners and Christian middle classes, he maintained a right-wing regime in interwar Hungary. In foreign policy he tried to attain the revision of the Trianon peace treaty ‑ on the basis of which two thirds of Hungary’s territory were seceded after WWI – which led to Hungary entering WWII as an ally of Germany and Italy. When the Germans occupied Hungary in March 1944, Horthy was forced to appoint as Prime Minister the former ambassador of Hungary in Berlin, who organized the deportations of Hungarian Jews. On 15th October 1944 Horthy announced on the radio that he would ask the Allied Powers for truce. The leader of the extreme right-wing fascist Arrow Cross Party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, took over power. Horthy was detained in Germany and was later liberated by American troops. He moved to Portugal in 1949 and died there in 1957.

8 Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

9 Bukovina

Historical region, located East of the Carpathian Mountain range, bordering with Transylvania, Galicia and Moldova. In 1775 it became a Habsburg territory as a consequence of the Kuchuk-Kainarji Treaty (1774) between the Habsburg and the Ottoman Empire. After the fall of Austria-Hungary Bukovina was annexed to Romania (1920). In 1939 a non-aggression pact was signed between Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union (Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact), which also meant dividing Eastern Europe into German and Soviet spheres of interest. Taking advantage of the pact, the Soviet Union claimed in an ultimatum from 1940 some of the Romanian territories. Romania was forced to renounce Bessarabia and Northern-Bukovina, including Czernowitz (Cernauti, Chernovtsy). Bukovina was characterized by ethnic and religious pluralism; the ethnic communities included Germans, Poles, Jews, Hungarians, Ukrainians and Romanians, the most dominant religious persuasions were Eastern Orthodoxy and Roman Catholicism. In 1930 some 93,000 Jews lived in Bukovina, which was 10,9% of the entire population. 

10 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

11 23 August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich. The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies.

12 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Raissa Makarevich

Raissa Makarevich
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: February 2002

Family Background

Growing Up

During the War

After the War

Family Background

My name is Raissa Grigorievna Makarevich. That's my maiden name, I didn’t change it after I got married. I was born on 12 February 1922 in Kiev.

My grandmother and grandfather on my mother’s side died before I was born, so all I know about them is what my mother told me.My maternal grandfather’s first name was Fivel, his last name was Golubchik. My maternal grandmother’s name was Leya Golubchik. I don’t know her maiden name. They lived in the town of Gornostaipol in Chernigov province. Later they moved to Kiev. I don’t know exactly what my grandfather did for a living. Mamma said he owned a business, it may have been a small store. They were relatively well off. My mamma told me that my grandfather and grandmother were very religious. They attended their town's synagogue. Grandfather began each day with a prayer. He put on his tallit and tefillin. They celebrated all the religious holidays at home, and strictly observed kashrut. A Ukrainian woman, their neighbor, came to their place every Saturday to start the fire and help my grandmother around the house. On Saturdays Grandmother didn’t do anything. Grandfather had been married before. Grandmother Leya was his second wife. He had one daughter, Lisa, from his first marriage. She was my mamma’s older stepsister. Her last name was Gershman after she got married. She lived in Kiev. I called her aunt Leika. She died before the war. She left two daughters, Bella and Sarra. Bella was an English teacher, but she got sick after the evacuation and died in the mid-1950s. Sarra moved to the USA. She died there in 2001.

My mother had siblings: an older sister, Rysia, and a younger sister, Fruma. Mamma’s older sister Rysia’s married name was Shekhtman. She died before the revolution. I was born in 1922 and they gave me her name. Rysia Shekhtman had three children: a daughter, Ania, and twins, Boris and Naum. Ania got married. Her married name was Rappo. She finished high school in Kiev and worked as an economist. During the war she was evacuated and died around 1960 in Kiev. Boris finished military college before the war, was summoned to the front as a lieutenant, and perished in 1942. Naum finished his degree at an institute in Kiev before the war. After Ukraine's western territories were united with the rest of Ukraine, he was sent to work there. He disappeared before the war. Mamma’s younger sister Fruma was married but she didn’t have any children. During a flu epidemic, Fruma got sick and died at the age of 32.

My mother, Dvoira Makarevich (née Golubchik), was born in Gornostaipol in 1894. Her family eventually moved to Kiev, but I don’t know when or why they moved. In Kiev, Mamma finished high school. Later she became a seamstress - a prestigious profession for Jewish girls. She met my father in Kiev.

My father, Gersh Peisah-Aizekovich Makarevich, was born in Kiev in 1886. He became an orphan at the age of 12. I know nothing about his parents. I know he had a brother – Naum, who lived in Podol, Kiev, with his family. I don’t remember Naum; he died at an early age. His son, Mikhail Makarevich (my cousin), perished during the war. He was part of the River Fleet and was involved in the evacuation of women and children. He perished during an air raid on the Dnieper. My father, being an orphan, became a butcher’s apprentice and later started working at a butcher’s shop. During the First World War, my father was a private in the tsarist army. He served for a period in Ussuriysk. He was photographed while there and sent the picture to my mother – they had met by then. He was wounded and sent to a hospital in Moscow. Mamma went to Moscow to take care of him. Given the period, this was a bold step as they weren't yet married. Once Father recovered he returned to Kiev and got a job with the same butcher. My father and mother got married soon after, in 1917.

They had a traditional Jewish marriage in a synagogue. They observed all the rituals, and there was chuppah. My father was a very religious man. My father and mother always went to the synagogue on Saturday. He always prayed - donning the tallit right up until the end of his life. He died in 1972. Mamma said his time serving in the tsarist army had been a trial for him, he hadn't wanted to join. But he didn’t have parents, so he had nobody to stand up for him. And so he had no choice. After my parents got married, they rented an apartment in a three-story building on Bratskaya Street, in Podol. Their landlord was a Jew, his name was Lukashevich. There were fifteen apartments in the building and they were all leased. Our apartment was on the first floor.

My parents got married in 1917, and in 1919 they had their first daughter, my older sister Feiga. At home we called her Fenia. Fenia went to school and took music classes. (It was fashionable to give children music lessons.) After she finished school she worked as an accountant at the plant. Later, she married a Jew named Raikhstadt. Fenia was in evacuation during the war. After the war she continued to work at the plant. She died in Kiev in 1987. Her husband is alive, he is ninety years old. During the war he was at the front, got captured, and went through several concentration camps. He managed to hide the fact that he was Jewish and miraculously survived. He lives with his daughter and my cousin Lina.

In 1920 my older brother Naum was born. He was named after Daddy’s brother Naum. Naum died as a baby. Mamma told me that, because it happened during the pogrom in Kiev, they couldn’t bury the baby's body. People were afraid to leave their homes and there was nobody to bury the dead. Daddy hired a cab and took his dead son to the cemetery to bury him.

This period was terrible, when Jewish people were killed for no reason. Mamma told me that across the street from us, at Bratskaya 9, a rabbi and an Orthodox Christian priest lived in the same building. During the pogrom, the priest hid the rabbi’s family and the families of all of the neighboring Jews, including our family. Bandits did not dare to enter the priest's home. This priest was a very kind and honest man. In 1938, during the period of repression, both the rabbi and the priest were arrested. They disappeared without a trace - they were probably killed. I have dim memories of the rabbi and the priest, but I remember the rabbi's daughter, Donia, well. We used to play with her. I never saw her after the war. They say she perished at Babi Yar.

My younger sister Rosa was born in Kiev in 1925. During the war she was in evacuation with me. After the war she married Leonid Markman. My sister was always very sick and couldn't work. In the late 1970s she,  her husband, and her son Vladimir moved to the USA. She lives there now, in Cleveland.

Growing Up

I’m the middle sister. I was born on 12 February 1922. Our family lived at Bratskaya Street 8. We had a two-room apartment and everything we needed. We had metal beds, but, then again, we also had a leather sofa, embroidered and starched little napkins, little china elephants on the shelf. These were the symbols of being well-to-do. Our kitchen was really big, but this may have just been my impression as a child. The girls lived in one room until our older sister got married, and the parents lived in another room. After Fenia got married, we moved into the room with our parents and the newlyweds got a room to themselves. The toilet and water were in the yard, but we were used to it. We had electricity.

In the early 1920s, during NEP [New Economic Policy], Daddy worked in a big butcher shop. We were living the good life then; my parents could afford to pay for a big apartment, we had good food and clothes. After NEP, my father worked in an ordinary, state-owned store and our life became more complicated. But still, we were an average family. We were not poor. 

We lived in Podol, near the synagogue, and my parents went there every week. When Father couldn’t go to the synagogue, he prayed at home. We celebrated Shabbat at home. Father had to go to work, as he worked in a state-owned store. But our mother didn’t even light the primus [small kerosene stove] – she asked us to do it for her. I also went to our old neighbor, Tsylia, to light her primus on Saturdays. Because Mamma didn’t touch money on Saturday, as it wasn’t allowed, we bought everything we needed in advance. On Friday evenings Mamma used to light the candles and say a prayer.

We celebrated all the Jewish holidays at home. During Pesach, Father went to the synagogue and brought back a basket of matzah. We cleaned up the house and put our beautiful kosher dishes on the table. Mamma called them "Easter dishes." Father sat at the head of the table and guided the first seder. He said all the traditional prayers and words in Yiddish. All the traditional items were laid out on the table at Pesach: matzah, bitter greens, eggs, chicken. And Mamma cooked a lot of other delicious things. There was no bread in the house during Easter. For Purim, Mamma always baked hamantash, little triangular pies stuffed with poppy seeds. We had guests over to our house and they all drank wine and enjoyed themselves. At Hanukkah we children would always get money and gifts. But at that time we didn't understand the origin of these holidays. Our parents didn’t tell us anything. During Yom Kippur Mother and Father kept the fast, but the children didn’t. Children were not supposed to fast. At home our parents spoke Yiddish to each other, and Russian to us children.

When I was six years old I started attending Jewish school. I was small and they didn't want to admit me. But I was bored at home, I was a smart girl, and so Mamma convinced them to let me go to school. At the Jewish school we studied the same subjects as in Russian or Ukrainian schools. The only difference was that the language of instruction was Yiddish. But we didn’t have any special subjects related to the history of the Jewish people, their culture, or their religion. I studied at this school for five years and then went to the Russian school. Our entire class moved to the Russian school because the Jewish one closed. This was around 1932. Goldhar, the director of the Jewish school, was arrested in the early 1930s. He was charged with having ties to Zionists. I don’t know what happened to him, but I never saw him again.

When I got to the Russian school, I made quite a few Russian and Ukrainian friends. They treated us very well. All nationalities were equal back then. Podol, where we lived, was a historically Jewish neighborhood. Many Jewish families lived there. One of my classmates was Misha Reider, who became a musician and worked in the philarmonic. His brother, Abram Reider, became a military pilot and served in the army throughout the entire war. There were also our neighbors, the Olevskiy family, who all got a higher education and became candidates and doctors in the sciences. Basically what I'm saying is that, before the war, the Jews were treated the same as any other nationality. I didn't know the word "zhyd," I'd never heard it. 

I liked my school. I liked math the most out of all my subjects. I was also part of the school's dancing and singing clubs. Soviet schools only observed Soviet holidays, and rejected all the others. So if I had missed school and stayed home to celebrate a Jewish holiday, I would have been punished as if I had just been skipping. But we did celebrate the Soviet holidays: the 1st of May, October Revolution Day. I remember our regional office sent a wagon to take all the residents to the festive parade in Kreschatik. After the parade, we had guests; Mamma laid the table and they all enjoyed themselves.

But it was not always like this. I remember well the Ukrainian famine of 1933. Father got horse sausage somewhere. He and Mamma didn’t eat it, they left it for us, children. I remember the starving people. Once, I came down our building's stairs and saw a stranger. He was lying on the ground, his legs were swollen and huge as barrels, he was breathing hard and died soon after. Sometime later, a wagon covered with black cloth came to pick up the dead man. At school they gave us some food and bread in exchange for special coupons. Our situation at home was a little better than it was for other families – at least our father worked in a store. Mamma taught us to share bread and food with those who were suffering more than us. And at school we always shared our breakfast with other children.

At school, I was an Octobrist and a pioneer. I was proud to wear my red pioneer tie – I thought it was the most beautiful thing ever. My father, however religious he was, was understanding about our interest in all this stuff. He did not object to our becoming pioneers and, later, Komsomol members. We, in turn, respected his outlook and his faith. Our family was very close.

I finished seven classes at school. I went to work at the Kiev-Petrovka railroad station as an assistant accountant and then became a full accountant. While working there, I took night classes and finished secondary school. At the same time, I became a member of the Komsomol League and the Komsomol Bureau.

I had many friends and we celebrated holidays together. In 1940, at a New Year's celebration, I met my future husband. He came with his girlfriends, but he liked me very much. The following day he found out my address and came to our home. He started courting me and we got married on 5 March, by which time I had turned 18.

My husband's name was Sokolanskiy Semyon Phippovich. He was much older than me. He was born in 1908 in Kiev, but his family came from Litin, in the Vinnitsa region. I didn’t know my husband’s parents. But I did know his brothers, Victor and Yuriy. They both held high, official positions and were Party members. My husband had finished his service in the army and graduated from the Institute of Trade. He was the director of a store. We didn’t have a big wedding. We just had a festive dinner. Although my parents insisted on a religious wedding, we didn’t have any religious rituals. We didn’t even want to hear about it, as I was a Komsomol member and my husband was a Party member. I moved to my husband’s place. He had a big room in a communal flat in the center of town. Four families were living in this apartment. There was a big kitchen and each family had a coal stove. There was running water and a toilet.

At the beginning of 1941 our daughter Larissa was born. She died from diphtheria at the age of two years and ten months during the evacuation.

We knew about fascism and Hitler, but we all thought the disaster wouldn't touch us.

During the War

On 22 June 1941, as we were on the way to the beach, we heard that the war had begun. Molotov made an annoucement at 12:00 over the radio. I had heard the sound of an air raid earlier, but I didn’t know why. On that same day, my husband received his military call-up papers and left. I took my child and we went with him to the military office. I remember the crying women in the yard of the military office well. They were saying their farewells to their husbands, sons, and brothers. From there, I went to my parent’s place in Podol. We stayed in Kiev for a while. But we didn’t think of evacuation, even though many people were leaving.

My husband stayed in the area around Kiev for a while. Their military unit was between Nezhyn and Bakhmach. In August, he came to Kiev with his commanding officer, Colonel Vlasov. The Germans were near the town, they told us. Kiev was in a panic. People were stealing food from the stores and the markets were closed. People were saying there were German spies disguised in the town. Colonel Vlasov told me to evacuate immediately. He said that the army would leave Kiev soon.

We all left Kiev on the same truck on which my husband and colonel Vlasov had arrived: Larissa and I, my older sister Fenia, my younger sister Rosa, and my parents. We went to Bakhmach where my husband’s military unit was, and later we all moved to Akhtyrka, in the Sumskaya region. My husband was with his military unit, and we rented an apartment. But we didn’t stay there long. As the front moved closer to Kiev, the military command organized the evacuation of all military families. They sent us to some plant in Ulianovsk. We went there on a freight train. On the way, we stopped in Kharkov. There was a terrible raid going on there that killed tons of people.

It took us several weeks to get to Ulianovsk. When we arrived, we rented a room. I started work as an accountant at the plant, and my sister Rosa worked in a shop there. As a military wife, I received 400 grams of bread and 200 grams for my child. My parents got bread through ration cards. As a military family we also received some wood. This was a great help as the winters were very cold.

I was a Komsomol member and we were all extremely patriotic. I went to the hospital to care for the severely wounded. In 1943 I became a member of the Communist Party.

My husband was part of the front-line forces. He was wounded in a battle around Rostov and sent to the hospital in Oufa. I needed a special permit to visit him, and I managed to get it because he was severely wounded. His leg was damaged and he became an invalid.

I returned to Ulianovsk and after some time my husband joined me there. He got a job with a local trade organization and our life got a little better. Later, I changed jobs and joined the State Trade Inspection. I was the Ulianovsk Region's State Trade Inspector for the Ministry of Trade of the USSR. I was responsible for inspecting public catering establishments, canteens, and stores. I received more food through ration cards as my provisions now came under category A, a category reserved for managerial staff. We received meat and oil. In general, we managed all right.

I remember one store inspection that happened before the holidays. Remizov, Head of the Department for the Struggle Against Theft of Socialist Property, accompanied me during this inspection. We entered a store and he told the shop assistants, “Put your bags on the counter and stay where you are.” This was to prevent them from hiding food in their bags. The store was found to have an excess of egg powder [at that time, people were given egg powder instead of meat]. The director of this store, Valia, was a widow. Her husband had perished on the front. She had two small children. She got so scared that we would find out about the excess, which would mean court and then prison for her. Remizov trusted me completely and never double-checked my findings. So I issued a deed of inspection indicating that everything was all right and entered the figures that should have been there. I was risking my own neck, but I felt sorry for Valia. That evening, Valia found me and came to our home. She brought a package of cookies, cried, and thanked me for saving her from jail. I didn’t take the cookies, of course, and I sent her home. I always tried to help people if I could, because this was a terrible time.

I felt awfully sorry for children. They never got enough food and they were always sick. My daughter Larissa died in Ulianovsk in 1944. She had diphtheria. My mother was in hospital with her, as I couldn’t leave my job. The doctors couldn’t help Larissa – they didn’t have the necessary medication. My husband was on a business trip in Ulan-Ude. By the time he returned, Larissa had died. We mourned our daughter deeply. Only work could distract us a little. At the end of 1944, my daughter Nelia was born.

After the War

The entire family of my mother’s relative, Goldenberg, perished at Babi Yar. They had missed their window to evacuate. Boris Shehtman, my cousin, perished on the front. My husband's sister, Maria Sokolianskaya, perished in the Northern Caucasus. She was a nurse in the kindergarten and they evacuated with the children to the Northern Caucasus. They were captured by the Germans there, and Maria was shot because she was a Jew. David Raikhstadt, my sister Fenia’s husband, went through several concentration camps. He managed to conceal the fact that he was a Jew. In one of the camps, somebody reported that he was a Jew. When he was called up for a medical examination, his Russian went in his stead. He rescued him.

In 1945 we returned to Kiev. My husband, Nelia, my sister, her child, and I traveled by train. My parents arrived in Kiev later. Our apartment on Chkalov Street had been occupied, and we were not allowed to move in. We lived for some time with our neighbor Musia on Chkalov Street. She was Russian and had stayed in occupied Kiev. Her husband became a traitor and was executed when our forces returned. We only lived there a few days. My husband thought that a longer stay might spoil our reputation, as both of us were Party members.

My husband received a small room in Podol as a war invalid. It was a small room with a little kitchen, a stove, and a sink. That was all there was but we were happy to have anything, however small. We were happy to be back in our dear city.

Kiev was destroyed, Kreschatik was in ruins.

I remember going to watch the execution of the fascists. They were hanged in the square in front of the Conservatory. These were the Germans that had tortured people during the occupation. The whole town came to watch the execution, there were thousands of people.

I needed to find a job after the war. But after the war the general attitude towards Jews was totally different. It was next to impossible for a Jew to find a job. When my sister’s husband returned, he asked his acquaintance from the Town Party Committee to help me find a job. His answer was “We already have one Rabinovich in commerce.” He was talking about Rabinovich, the director of Podolskiy's department store. I couldn’t find a job for a long time, all because I was a Jew. Finally, and with much difficulty, they helped me get a job as an accountant in a shop. There were many such small shops and they were the only places that would hire Jews. But you still needed connections to get this sort of job. I worked there until 1956, and then I went to work for the Kiev Artists’ Community, where I worked until retirement. 

My husband didn't have any problems finding a job. During the war he managed to change his official nationality. He became a Ukrainian when they were reissuing his papers after he was wounded. He came to Ulianovsk as a Ukrainian. So my husband didn’t have any problems with employment. He found a job as a director of a store.

In 1947 our second daughter, Svetlana, was born. Although we had a family and two daughters my husband and I didn’t get along. In the early 1950s he went to Kemerovo on a business trip and never returned. After that, he was seldom interested in our life, never helped, and rang only on holidays. We got divorced years later. I worked hard for the rest of my life to raise my daughters and provide them with a good education. My ex-husband saw his daughters rarely, and only if it was on his way to the Crimea or the Caucasus. He died a long time ago, in 1978. We didn't even know where the funeral was.

I've been proposed to several times over the years, but I was always afraid of giving my children a stepfather that treated them badly. So I didn't remarry.

My girls Nelia and Sveta finished school. They did very well. This was during the eruption of anti-Semitism. Nelia and Sveta chose to be officially recognized as Ukrainian rather than Jewish. By having Ukrainian written on their passports they were able to enter educational institutes. Their friends were mainly Russian and Ukrainian.

At home we didn’t observe any Jewish traditions or celebrate any Jewish holidays. I was a Party member and I was afraid.

My parents moved into our old apartment in Podol when they returned home from evacuation. After the war, my father worked in a store for a while. Then he retired. My mother didn’t work. My father died in 1972 and my mother died in 1977. My parents continued to observe Jewish traditions and celebrate all the holidays. They regularly went to the synagogue in Podol. All our relatives got together at their place during Pesach. My children and I also went. I believe my girls identified as Jews, even though they were officially listed as Ukrainian. They always asked my father about Jewish holidays, traditions, and the history of our people.

Nelia finished her degree at the Institute of Trade and Economy. She worked in commerce for several years. Now she is retired. Her husband is Ukrainian, but he treats Jews with respect. My grandson, Yura, Nelia’s son, works at a car company. They lead a moderate life. They have enough to survive.

Sveta also married a Ukrainian. She got her degree from the same institute as Nelia. Sveta has two children, Vita and Andrei. Vita graduated from the same institute and she’s doing well. Andrei, my dearest grandson, died recently. He had diabetes. He started to lose his sight. Then he developed severe kidney problems. Andrei died in November 2001. In 11 days he would have been twenty eight years old. When Andrei got really sick, Sveta asked me to help them move to America and join them there. It was difficult for her to leave with a sick child. Sveta thought he could be saved in America. Andrei kept saying "Granny, you are my only hope." They left in 1993. I never wanted to leave, but I kept thinking about it. And then it was too late. Andrei died.

My older sister Fenia died in 1987 in Kiev, and my younger sister Rosa lives in Cleveland, USA. I visited her in 1990.

Strange as it may seem, I identify as Jewish more than I did when I was young. I feel drawn to Jewish history and to my ancestors. I read Jewish newspapers and watch the Jewish program “Yahad” on TV. But I don’t know whether God exists, at least in this world. It seems to me that if he did exist he wouldn’t have allowed the extermination of over six million Jews during the war, and he wouldn’t have allowed my grandson to die. But maybe I am just not a believer.

After perestroika, many religious and Jewish communities popped up all over Ukraine. But I cannot trust the sincerity of those who were communists yesterday and today are holding candles in the Orthodox churches or putting on a kippah. However, I do try to celebrate Jewish holidays. I buy matzah at Pesach and observe the fast at Yom Kippur. I do what I couldn’t do during the Soviet years.

I'm glad that we got the opportunity to go back to our Jewish roots, to our history. I am so happy that you’ve come to hear about my family, just one story from the history of the Jewish people. Thank you.

Janos Dorogi

Janos Dorogi

Budapest

Hungary

February 2001

My family background

Growing up

After the war

My family background

My father’s mother was called Berta Schwartz.  She was born in Kecskemet around 1860. She went to grade-school there.  She finished 6 grades.  First she lived in Nagyvarad [now Oradea, Romania] then in Marosvasarhely [now Tirgu Mures, Romania]. She went there with my grandfather because that’s where one of my grandfather’s cousins – Vilmos Feiglbaum – lived. He had the biggest colonial goods trade in Transylvania, and he had no children.  And he wanted to leave the business to my father.  In the end he closed the business and bought a little one-floor house, and my grandmother, who was a widow by then, went there to take care of her beloved in-law, who was blind.

My grandfather [Lajos Feigelbaum] was born in Hajdudorog.  Then he had a little tool workshop in Nagyvarad.  He put together one of the first bicycles in Hungary there.  He also installed the first telephone in Nagyvarad, in the Town Hall.  My grandfather wasn’t well-to-do.  I’ve got a couple of cards from the front that he wrote my father when he sent him 50 crowns, ’send it back, because I’ve got such troubles’.  My grandparents actually kept kosher. But my grandmother didn’t wear a wig.

My father was born in 1893 in Nagyvarad. He was called Laszlo Feigelbaum, but he magyarized it to Dorogi in 1906.  My grandfather decided to magyarize it, and it became Dorogi because he was born in Hajdudorog.  My father went to high-school for four years in Nagyvarad, and then to a trade college for three years.  He graduated from there.  Uncle Vilmos, who wanted my father to work in the trade business, sent him to Pest for a year to learn banking, and in Marosvasarhely he sent him to work with an agent who would buy a trainload of, say, coffee or tea for the business.  Uncle Vilmos had my father educated.  But in the meantime the war began.  My father was a volunteer then, with the rank of Captain.  He was sent to the Russian front, and he got shot so badly in the arm in ’17 that his right arm was paralyzed. 

That’s why I didn’t wear a star, and in ’44 I got into the university, where I wrote that my religion was Israelite, but I was not to be considered a Jew.  Right after the war my father got into the Association of War Invalids, and worked there for two years.  At the start of the ’20s the Rico Bandage Factory was established.  My father became the Assistant Director there. Then in ’28 he got into the Hungaria Rubber Factory, which had ten workers at the time.  By the time of the Second World War it had 1,200 workers, and was a very modern factory. And my father was there until December 2, 1944.  When the Germans came in, I also joined the factory right away.  It was a first-class military-factory, and that’s why I came back out of forced labor, because I got a special relief, because the factory director said that Dorogi had done more for the Hungarian homeland than anybody else. 

My father went to temple regularly.  We went to the boys’ orphan home, where there was a nice, modern synagogue, with an organ.  And the service always started with a schnoder of 50 thousand golden Pengos.  My father always gave them 200 pairs of gym shoes because he said ’you’ll steal it otherwise’.  And my father was proud to admit he was a Jew.  Along with the fact that he was a K. und K. soldier, with medals.

My father had only one sibling, a little sister called Ilonka.  She married Zsigmond Brechel, the son of a very well-to-do family from Beszterce [now Bistrica, Romania].  That was a patriarchal Jewish family in Beszterce.  They had a brewery called Hohrich and Brecher.  They made a quality of beer that was very well known in Transylvania.

There was a brass mesusah on every door in the brewery. Uncle Zsigmond worked in banking, and for awhile he was the Director of the Romanian-Hungarian Bank in Kolozsvar [now Cluj, Romania], and then Arad.  Then the bank somehow didn’t do too well, and the family asked Uncle Zsigmond, who understood banking, but didn’t like to work, to run the brewery.  When the Jewish laws were passed, Count Balazs Bethlen took on the brewery as a strohman [false director, or frontman].  Then they deported the family.  They would have saved my uncle. Mengele told him to step a bit to the left, but after a little thought he went over to my aunt.  He was murdered immediately….the first day.  In Auschwitz. They had a daughter, Eva, who was also killed, but there’s no way to tell where.

My great-grandfather was called Steiner.  He must have been born around 1840-1850.  He had a sort of guesthouse in Gyongyos. He died relatively young. He had 7 or 8 kids, both boys and girls.  If I look at his picture, I had a really ‘gutmuttig’, dear, and very handsome grandfather.  He wasn’t deeply religious.  He had a true Jewish family, full of love.  But the rest of the siblings, the kids all married Jews. He wasn’t a Neolog in the sense of today – he surely kept the great holidays.  I don’t believe the house was kosher.  Well, the guesthouse wasn’t kosher for that matter.  One of his sons took over the guesthouse.  He was nice and a great singer.

My mother’s family, the Ullmanns, also came from Hajdudorog.  My Ullmann grandparents had six children.  My mother’s oldest sister was Ilus, then came Iren, then my mother, Margit, she came in ’94, then Jolan in ’97, Marcsa in 1902, and after her Sanyi [nickname for the male Sandor].  My aunts all resembled one-another, in appearance and character too.  Since he [the grandfather] had six kids he wasn’t drafted to be a soldier, but worked for the Red Cross. For instance, he was there to meet the trains coming from the front in the First World War.  My grandfather was a very good-looking man. He wore a top-hat and it was always a joy to walk with him on Andrassy Road [in Pest] because  we lived nearby.  Grandpa Ullmann prayed in the morning.  He didn’t go to temple much, but he prayed, every morning.

Aunt Berta was one of my mother’s youngest aunts.  She was very smart, and cross-eyed, and one of the ugliest of the girls, and she married a man named Richard Igel.  Uncle Igel was a wiry-haired, bandy-legged Jewish man. He never did know Hungarian well.  He was from Moravia, and was the son of a very well-to-do family. My mother’s family got to know his mother, and his five sisters who were elegant ladies.  They were well-to-do Moravian Jews. Richard Igel didn’t really want to study, and he zipped in to be a soldier in the Monarchy.  He was a gear-making sergeant, and he’d make horse tack, saddles, and horse outfits.  And when he got married, and took aunt Berta, they opened a saddlery in Gyongyos that became famous all over the country.  The aristocracy there had their coach gear, and horse fittings done there.  I got a rocking horse from him when I was 3 or 5 years old, and it was covered with real hide.  Aunt Berta would come up and visit Pest from time to time, to see my mothers’ family.  Then she was really devastated because her sole daughter, Bozsi, married a non-Jew from there, Sandor Benei.  Those Beneis were very well-to-do peasants.  And their boy, who wasn’t prejudiced against her because she was a Jew, fell in love with her, and Bozsi married him, and they had a child.

My mother had one other aunt, Etel, whose husband was Gyula Weinberger.  When they circumcised me he was the one who held me.  Uncle Gyula was started as an apprentice with Lampert-Wodianer Press, which later became Franklin Publishing, and was a real powerhouse, and he became the Director whom everyone respected enormously.  My childhood is wound-up with uncle Gyula.  Uncle Gyula was good-looking.  We would have our summer vacations in Nogradveroce, and sometimes we’d go to Vac or Nagymaros by boat to the market.  And then early in the morning the boat was full of saleswomen, and baskets, and everything.  Uncle Gyula would immediately stand up, if he was sitting, and have an old peasant woman sit down, and he would say – he was relatively old then – ‘my dear soul, I’m only on summer vacation, you’re tired, please take a seat’.  Everybody really liked that.  Uncle Gyula died in ’41 or ’42.

My mother was a beautiful woman. She was truly beautiful.  She was a closed and reserved, but also unusually pleasant and delicate.  She and her siblings were born in Pest.  They lived in Rozsa Street, and they went to school there where the Basilica is.  They only went to Gyongyos to visit their grandparents.  But they always spent their childhood summers there.  During those visits they learned all sorts of dirty poems, and phrases from peasant children, and the local dialect.  My mother finished trade school, but just a one-year course, and before that she attended grade-school like her siblings too.  My aunt Iren and my mother started to work, because they needed to. Both of them wrote beautifully, expressively, and could take shorthand.  My mother got into the National Manufacturers’ Alliance, before the First World War, because she wrote so well and beautifully.  And she worked there until it was closed, until ’47 or ’48.

My mother got a prayer-book from my father once, who courted her back in ‘20.  In it he wrote, ‘believe and trust in this book, so that every one of your desires may be fulfilled. Laci’.  It was the famous, beautiful prayer-book by Arnold Kis.  Just in Hungarian.  Because my mother was completely amhorets [ignorant] from that point of view.  When my parents got married, they were to have the Rabbi, Dr. Simon Hevesi marry them [He was the Chief Rabbi of Budapest from 1905 – one of the leading figures in Jewish social and cultural life at the time.] But he suddenly got sick and asked, ‘what would you say if my son, who just became a rabbi, were to marry you, it would be his first independent marriage.’  My father said, fine.  And the famous Bernat Linevszki was the main cantor.

Growing up

My parents lived in Dohany street, but in ’26 my father was sort of out of a job, and we had to give up the flat.  That’s when we moved to where my aunts lived.  So, my grandfather Ullmann, my mother’s three siblings, my mother, my father and I lived in that very big apartment [Janos was born in 1924].  I grew up there from ’26 to 1933.  Then, in ’33, when my father had become a good, honored colleague, his pay was 1,000 Pengos, and that was quite a good salary then.  Summer vacation, and everything else we needed, fit in.

I started school in Sziv street, because it was the standard then that there should be no private school.  My father wanted me to go to the Lutheran high-school in the [Varosliget Avenue], because he had good information, and it came through too.  But they told my father that they would put me on the list, and I could only go if they had a place.  So my father, the moment that happened, grabbed me and had me entered in the Avenue [i.e. this Lutheran high-school]. I got into high-school, in the year the Numerus Clausus came out, so there could only be 10% Jews in any class.  I went to religious school there from first to eighth grade.

The Levente training [a quasi-fascist troop, modeled on the Boy Scouts] started at the end of the ‘30s in that school, just about the same time as the first Jewish law.  It was required.  I wasn’t really a Boy Scout, just a little bit, in one of those Jewish Boy Scout troops.  During Levente class the Leventes would practice in hats and with rifles.  The Jews, depending on the school, had to practice with shovels.  In the Avenue, when they told us ‘specially to get shovels, I went into the principal and asked why.  The principal was very kind to me because he respected my father, who was a decorated officer.  He was just a lieutenant. And he said, if I need a shovel the school would buy one for me.  What a shame that brings to the spirit of the Avenue school.

We had summer vacation in Nogradveroce every year.  My parents went on vacation there for the first time in ’24, and they went there until my father’s death.  My parents went on vacation there for 24 summers, and I spent 20 summers there.  We always took the whole household with us, because that was the style.  With the servants.  From the end of May to the first of October.  The Hungaria Rubber Factory gave us their car – it was a dark green, closed, large coupe, with big back doors – there were our baskets, our chests, the whole household went.  And we always rented there.  Those who were a good deal more well-to-do had their own villas.  The aunts were always there for the summer at Nogradveroce too.  Pretty much the same company had vacation together, it got to be a big circle of friends.  Jews.  Mostly Jews.  My father always went in to work in the morning, and came back at noon.

My father, who really knew how to lead a Seder, never hosted one at our home.  My aunts weren’t really interested in religion.  My aunt Iren was rather an atheist.  Friday they kept, my mother lit candles.  But my father bought a gorgeous, leather-bound complete prayer book – unfortunately somehow we managed to spirit it away.  There were one or two volumes on Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah.  My father bought them.  He took me, when I was still a little kid, to temple, then in school it was sort of required.

Well, let me tell you about my Bar Mitzvah we had in ’39.  It was in the boys’ orphanage in elegant surroundings. It was important for them that I do it there.  When there was a Bar Mitzvah then everyone who was to be invited got a very nice, proper invitation. Jews and non-Jews.  The circle of friends, the immediate ones, wasn’t all Jews.  But they all know that he went to Rosh Hashanah, or temple.  He didn’t go regularly, sometimes on Friday, but usually I did instead, because its what you half-way had to do in school.  At the end of ’44 I fell out with the non-existing God, I even went so far as to say that man made God in his likeness, and not the other way around.

After the war

I finished medical school in ’49, and by ‘50 I was working in the hospital in Kutvolgy as an internist.  First I worked as an internist, and then as a pediatric surgeon.  I met my wife at the university, when I held a contest as a graduate student, and where my wife was the best of course.  We got married in December of ‘50.  Unfortunately my father didn’t live to see it, but I thank my lucky stars that he at least got to know Agi.  My mother and her two sisters lived with us right away, and Agi had to give up a lot for them, but I believe we got along well with my aunts and my mother until they died.  It could be that’s why we never had any children, and why we traveled so much, and travel so much now.  Even though my wife’s family, who were as Jewish as we were, had Christmas, because one of her aunts married a Swabian, the two of us never celebrated Christmas, but we didn't celebrate Jewish holidays either. (My mother had a little prayer-book, though, and I know she went to the synagogue from time to time.) It’s hard to say, but we only felt comfortable among Jews, even though we were mostly surrounded by non-Jews at work, naturally.

Alice Kosa

Alice Kosa, (nee Molnar)
Sepsiszentgyorgy
Romania
Interviewer: Emoke Major
Date of interview: September 2005

I met Alice Kosa in autumn 2005. Her husband had died in 1988, since then she lived alone in her two-rooms flat in Sepsiszentgyorgy.

Her sole visitors are her grandson, who lives in Sepsiszentgyorgy, and Julianna Reismann [Editor’s note: Centropa interviewed her as well], her 86-years-old lady-friend. One of the consequences of her advanced age – she is 96 years old –is that she is hard of hearing, moreover she has cataract on her both eyes, therefore she has a poor eyesight as well.

She can nearly see shades and contours, and all this increases her loneliness and isolation. She is extremely interested in everything happening in the outside world, mainly in the political situation of Hungary and Israel, but she likes to be well-versed in science, art, literature as well.

For this reason she used to read newspapers daily, even if it took her hours to go through an article. Unfortunately since summer 2006, because of her poor health she lives in the St. Elizabeth Home for Elderly People in Gyergyoszentmiklos, completely isolated from the outside world.

  • My family background

My father’s father was Emanuel Marmorstein, I don’t know what my grandmother’s name was. They had a large bakery in Nagyborosnyo, they baked so many bread that they distributed them to villages too. Nagyborosnyo was considered a large village then, with its 1500 inhabitants. 

[Editor’s note: Nagyborosnyo, in Romanian Borosneu Mare, is 18 km far from Sepsiszentgyorgy to the east.]

It was a big village yet in the 1940s, well I don’t know how many shops were there, but there were at least five or six groceries alone.

But villagers moved to cities during communism, because their lands were taken, so the village became poor, it went off, many Gypsies moved in the village, that’s what people told me.

In 1916, when the Romanians [the Romanian Army]were coming in, Hungarians were fleeing. The Romanians came in with an intense hate, and they were very course, uneducated soldiers, it was dreadful. The Romanians [soldiers] beat a lot the few men who were at home – since, well, men were either soldiers, either in captivity or dead on the battlefield. It [the beating] was called ‘the twenty-five’, they struck 25 or 50 with a cudgel, depending on how they liked that person.

My grandfather’s family fled too, and my grandfather died during escape – in 1916 – in Nagybacon [Editor’s note: Nagybacon, in Romanian Batanii Mari is 54 km far from Nagyborosnyo in north-west direction] of a contagious disease, I suppose of Spanish flu. 

[Editor’s note: Spanish flu – the first large-scale pandemic of the 20thcentury, the Spanish flu had symptoms similar to the influenza’s; it had 20-21 millions of victims between 1918-1919. For example in Hungary 44 thousand people died of this disease in October 1918.]

I know that he caught some infectious disease, which transformed into pneumonia as well. Grandma came back then from Nagybacon to Nagyborosnyo, they didn’t stay there for long, only a few weeks, and everybody came home, who didn’t leave for other country.

My father had a first cousin in Feldoboly [Editor’s note: Feldoboly, in Romanian Dobolii de Sus is 23 km far from Sepsiszentgyorgy, 5 km to south-east from Nagyborosnyo], they were cousins on the paternal side. That aunt of mine was called Gizella Marmorstein (she was the daughter of grandfather Marmorstein’s brother).

They had two daughters: one of them was called Ella, the other Jolanka. They had a small shop, and they lived of that. They were selling everything, Feldoboly is a small village, it has let’s say 300 inhabitants, so what people ordered, they provided it.

But they didn’t stay for long in Feldoboly, because they found a shop, a pub and grocery for rent in Malnas, they rented it, and they lived their life in Malnas village after that.[Editor’s note: Malnas, in Romanian Malnas is 41 km far from Feldoboly, in north-east direction.]

My father’s younger brother was called Izso Molnar. His name originally was Marmorstein. There were two boys in the family, my father and his brother, and the two boys adopted the name Molnar. They magyarized their name when they were bachelors, unmarried, as soon as they became of age. [Editor’s note: This must have happened in the 1900s.] 

This was a kind of custom. That’s why there are so many [Jews with] nice names. They adopted nice names. I don’t know why they didn’t like their [old] name. It was a German name, and if they lived in Hungary, why should they have had a German name, why shouldn’t it be Hungarian?

Uncle Izso stayed in Pest as a young man, and married his first-degree cousin, Irma Steiner. They didn’t care about the blood relationship, the blood composition wasn’t known in deep, so they didn’t have any objections to it.

The two mothers, the mother of the girl he married, and his mother were sisters. Uncle Izso was a clerk in Rakospalota – it’s one of the suburbs of Pest – at the lamp factory. In 1912 they had two daughters, Luci and Klara, twins, but not identical twins.

They moved home to Nagyborosnyo, their son, Gabor was born there. They had moderate means in Nagyborosnyo, so I invited them to stay in Brasso. Since there was a small pub near the grocery we were renting, where they cooked soup as well, and it became available.

knew that if it was handled by a straight, honest man, who didn’t water down the beer, it could develop very well. I announced uncle Izso, they moved to Brasso, rented the pub, and it worked very well indeed. They were in Brasso during the war as well, uncle Izso and his wife too died there after the war, but I couldn’t tell more precisely when. Klari too died in Brasso, she was married about two times.

Luci got married quite late, after World War II, to a Jewish boy from Nagyvarad, but their marriage lasted only for a few weeks. The autumn festivals were near, she told her husband that she would go home to her parents for the festivals, and she never went back. She left for Israel, she still lives there in the same town with her brother, Gabi [Gabor].

One of my father’s younger sisters was called Berta Marmorstein– she remained Marmorstein. Aunt Berta got married to a boy from Pest, they lived in Budapest. Their daughter is Aliz, who is still alive, thanks’ God, she was born in 1913, she is 92 years old. 

She got married to a catholic man, to Istvan Bogdan, but he didn’t observe [religion], because he was a great communist. He was a clerk in the Manfred Weiss Aircraft Factory 1 2, and there the workers were great communists anyway.

Their daughter, Eva Bogdan is a teacher of German and French language in Budapest, she was born there, and she lives there. She was married, she has two children, one of them is Peter, he’s twenty-seven or twenty-eight years old now, he’s engaged in music, that’s all I know about him.

I used to be a great corresponding person, I enjoyed corresponding with nice, intelligent people. I corresponded with this cousin of mine too, though quite rarely, with Eva’s mother, with my namesake [Aliz Bogdan]. And she wrote me once that after the final exams he [Peter] had gone to Szeged [to study], because he was interested in music. I don’t know what became of him.

This cousin of mine who was born in 1913, my namesake had an elder sister, Ibolya, who was a genius, she was a university teacher. Her husband – his first name was Tibor, I don’t recall his family name –, though he was a Jew, he was awarded two times the Kossuth prize.

Tibike [Tibor] never took the Kossuth prize [the money given with prize], he always said he would give it to the poor. Three months ago too, I heard [on TV]how they praised him, how unselfishly he gave everything to others, what a great teacher he was!

He used to be so wrapped up in his work, aunt Berta, my namesake’s mother told me that she cooked several times at their house, and she was bringing soup to Tibike [to his study room], he was only making a sign, he was wearing a hat, and it was written on that: ‘No, thanks!’.

He put a slip there so that she didn’t interrupt him. Tibike was very lean, he wasn’t quite healthy in fact, he cooked potatoes for himself in salty water, and he ate that by himself.

They were both engaged in mathematics, that’s how they fell in love with each other, when they were students. Tibike called Ibolya ‘my golden flower’. They had a child, but it seems he wasn’t vigorous, since he died when he was four or five months old. Tibike died at quite a young age.

Aunt Gizella too was one of my father’s younger sisters, she got married to Nandor Friedenthal. They lived in Nagyborosnyo, then they bought a house in Brasso and moved there.

My father had two more younger sisters in Nagyborosnyo, who were old maids, one of them was called Margit Marmorstein, and Roza the other; after my mother died, my father lived with them [in the family house], until Margit got married to Nandor Nussbaum [in 1929].

My father’s name was Albert Molnar, but Molnar was an adopted name. But my father’s original name has a story. Since not Marmorstein was his name, but Steiner – complicated things, you see.

He told me that his mother had gone to Hungary [to her sister] to give birth, because she was from Hungary, well, she had come to Nagyborosnyo because of her marriage, she had come from far, from Budapest’s surroundings.

Her elder sister was there, she didn’t have any relatives here [in Nagyborosnyo], and back then women gave birth at home, and so she, my father’s mother went home to have her child born there, at her sister’s.

My father was born there [near Budapest] in 1888, and it’s a small town, well everybody knew everybody, the sister of my father’s mother was called Mrs. Steiner, and the midwife reported him under the name Steiner. Thus my father’s name originally was Steiner, and he was registered in Budapest.

My father did the army service when he was a young man, but ‘thanks God’ he had a hernia, so he had to do a kind of support service, he had some kind of job not requesting any qualification in Budapest.

The maiden name of my maternal grandmother was Franciska Feder, Fanni. Her first husband was a man called Sternbach, he was an elder man, he could have been her father. That’s what my grandmother told me, that she didn’t love Sternbach, though he was a very good person, but he was so old, and there was the handsome Klein, who was an optician, and she loved him. 

However, Sternbach was wealthier, he had a prosperous restaurant, and her parents wanted her to get married to him.

What could a 14-15 years old girl do? She had to marry him. She hid even under the bed, when she saw Sternbach was coming, that’s what she related. All this happened in Fogaras, but I don’t know these more in detail; today’s children inquire more their parents than we did at the beginning of the last century.

My grandmother had a son, Viliam, Vilmos from Sternbach, he left for France, and had a large tailor’s shop in Paris.

Grandma’s first husband died, then she married Klein, but they had a very bad married life. My grandmother told me that he had been a very handsome man, but he was as beautiful as a bad and rude person, so their marriage lasted for a short time. 

They had a daughter, but she died after a few months. She was 10 or 12 months old, when grandma had to go to Brasso for some reason – I don’t know why, I didn’t ask such things as a child – [and she took the child too with her].

Grandma said that she had been such a beautiful child that people had stopped on the street in Brasso, and had admired her. But the little girl ran such a high temperature by the evening that she died soon. She was the eldest Klein daughter. Then a girl called Berta followed, then my mother.

In the first half of the last century it was a fashion that craftsmen went to Bucharest. Romania was underdeveloped, there wasn’t anything, and craftsmen, whoever was capable, flocked to Romania from here [from Transylvania].

Szatmari was a famous photographer, he went to Bucharest at that time [at the beginning of the 20thcentury], and he made a big fortune there. If we find Romanians with Hungarian names, you can be sure that their great-grandparents went there from here, as Hungarians, because they could earn well.

They introduced this and that. People didn’t buy shoes from the shop, they could do that, but most of them wanted to have shoes, which suited their feet perfectly. There were fashion magazines, so they could choose the model they liked, and they had that made. 

That’s how my grandmother got to Bucharest as well. She was already a widow [a divorced woman] – she divorced the handsome Klein she had got married to for the second time – when she left, but she was a great cook, and she had a small, homely, kosher eating-house in Bucharest, it went well. It wasn’t a restaurant, just a small hash-house. But why [and when] did she come to Sepsiszentgyorgy, I don’t know that.

My grandmother had three sisters here, in Sepsiszentgyorgy: Terez, Gizella and Cecilia, they were married women, I remember them as elderly aunties. Aunt Terez was called Terez Hartmann after her husband. Aunt Terez had a daughter, we called her aunt Pipi, I don’t know what was her original name.

Aunt Pipi lived in Uzon [Editor’s note: Uzon, in Romanian Ozun is 11 km south from Sepsiszentgyorgy], well, Uzon passed for a good village, and her husband – a man called Halmos – worked there as a skilful tailor. They had two daughters and a son: Margit, Gizi, Bela. And they raised one more boy, Sanyika [Sandor], the son of aunt Pepi’s sister, aunt Zseni. They [this line of the family] all died as well.

Aunt Terez had a son, Herman Hartmann, and she had one more daughter, Zseni, her husband was uncle Baruch. Aunt Zseni died with a difference of three weeks to my mother, she was also a young, 24 or 25 years old woman when she died [in 1912]. And she left a little boy orphan, Sanyika [Sandor Baruch], he was raised by aunt Pepi.

Regina was the daughter of aunt Terez too, but a sister of my grandmother, Cecilia Kende adopted her. Regina Hartmann got married to Sandor Frank, he was from Szinervaralja, which is some 30 km far from Szatmarnemeti [in Romanian Seini].

I don’t know how he met Regina Hartmann, but they met each other even from so far. Girls weren’t so free [at that time, like today], because they were religious, and they didn’t have any occasion to meet stranger boys [not even Jewish boys].

Boys didn’t have a chance either to meet [girls]. And so it was a custom that they found and introduced [girls to the marrying boys]. It wasn’t fashionable yet in my time, but in my grandmother’s time they [wives] were introduced, arranged.

In my time they [girls] could act more freely already. Uncle Sandor’s had a nice small-wares shop [in Sepsiszentgyorgy] – the shop itself still exists –, but when fascism came, I don’t know why, they gave it as a dowry to their daughter, and it ran under her name.

Regina Frank had a son, Erno Frank, who was born in 1910, he was a pharmacist, he was enrolled as a pharmacist [during World War II]. Erno had a wife – they were a young couple –, and they had a little son, they were deported. The little boy was 4 or 5 years old, he was such a sweet, oh, I could cry for months after I found out [what happened to those deported], and that innocent boy too… [was killed].

Regina Frank had a daughter too – she was born in 1912 –, Eugenia Frank, but everybody called her Agi. She was very pretty, one could even say she was beautiful, not so beautiful to be the beauty of Sepsiszentgyorgy, but pretty.

She had shapely legs, and she was kind too. She was deported too with her parents, this family died out. Some people, acquaintances, who came home alive [from deportations], they met Agi Frank and Erno Frank too after the liberation.

They argued repeatedly, not just one person, since I was inquiring too – well my grandmother was taken, I knew well she would get killed, she was 89 years old –, and everybody told me to have seen Agi and Erno, when the camps were liberated already. But they didn’t come home. Yet they disappeared.

Many fell sick, because after all that starvation they invaded the storehouse left there, which was full with canned food, and those starving people, who had got unused to food, shouldn’t have done that [shouldn’t have eaten], and perhaps they died of that.

However, nobody came home from the Frank family, everybody died, it didn’t have so many members: Sandor Frank, Regina, Agi, Erno, his wife, and their little son. That’s how this family died out.

Aunt Gizella wanted to be an actress by all means, but her parents didn’t let her, and she got married to a merchant, who was selling at the market too, he brought out from his merchandise on Mondays. Aunt Giza was a very romantic person [she had her head in the clouds], well I told you she wanted to become an actress. She watched every performance, it was breaking her heart.

And there was aunt Cila, Cecilia Kende, she had a small grocery, her own, in her house – since she had quite a big house in the Olt street –, so she had a door cut in the room which gave to the street, she had shelves made, and she was selling there.

But it was her who ran [the shop], because her husband – Jozsef Kende – was a keen card-player, he left in the morning, and came home in the evening. But he was playing cards in the café, not at families.

In the morning practically only card-players were in the café, they ordered a coffee or two, because they stayed long [and they played cards]. It was terrible, one could hear that so many family heads [didn’t do anything else but played cards].

The husband of aunt Cila, who was playing cards from morning until night, was caught too in 1916 [by the Romanian soldiers], though he didn’t do anything at all, and when he got home, after one or two weeks, his face around his eyes was all blue, and he also said that they hit him 25 times. I don’t remember whether he got 25, or two times 25. Aunt Cila and her husband didn’t have any children, and they adopted Regina Hartmann.

Grandma had a younger sister in Szatmarnemeti, aunt Mari. She also finished four years of higher elementary school [like grandmother], but she was a very religious woman. 

[Editor’s note: It is rather unlikely that Alice Kosa’s grandmother born in 1855 would have attended higher elementary school: higher elementary schools (civil schools called ‘polgari iskola’) were established following the Law on Public Education of 1868.] 

She got married to an Orthodox [Jewish] man, and she moved to Szatmarnemeti, the family of uncle Schonberger was from Szatmarnemeti. I suppose this must have been an arranged marriage as well, but she established a family there, in Szatmarnemeti.

They were millionaires, they were wholesaler haberdashers, meaning that they didn’t sell for people, but only to merchants. They had six traveling agents. That’s how it was back then, agents traveled all around the country, and they booked the orders in villages, towns, everywhere.

Aunt Mari’s husband was called David Schonberger, they were Orthodox Jews, because aunt Mari wore a wig, and she was going to the Orthodox synagogue, and she had an Orthodox cook.

Only the housemaid was Christian, but the cook, who prepared food for them, was also Orthodox, she had to be. Aunt Mari had a son and two daughters. Her son was called Hendrik Schonberger, well he was the commander, the big bug [the manager] of the shop, he presented the goods, everything, because his parents were aged.

Her [aunt Mari’s] elder daughter was called Rozsika Schonberger, and she had a much younger sister, there was a difference of age of ten years maybe [between the sisters], that was Ilonka Schonberger. But they called her by her Jewish name, and her Jewish name was Haneli.

My maternal grandmother didn’t have her hair cut [when she was a young woman], she wasn’t that religious to wear a wig. But she got cataract on her both eyes, so she took an oath that she would cut her hair, if her operation went well, and she would see.

The most famous ophthalmologist in Transylvania was a Saxon in Segesvar, doctor Depner – he came to my mind one of these days, because I also have a cataract on my eye, and I can’t see almost anything – [he operated grandma’s eyes].

Her operation went well, and that’s how it happened that finally, I don’t know how old she was, because I was a child, but she cut her hair off indeed, and wore a wig after that. Grandma wore a long, black skirt, and she put on a black or dark-blue blouse, but she had a lace jabot, she put it there.

The jabot was made of thin lace, and they put it around the neck to decorate the blouse. My grandmother didn’t wear a shawl, I suppose because the wig counted for shawl as well. But it [the wig]was made of [real]hair, it surely had the same color as her hair she had cut off, because she had cut it off at a young age, she got cataract on her eyes at quite a young age.

There were two women wearing wig in the whole town, only grandma and her younger sister. In Sepsiszentgyorgy my grandmother had three more sisters, one of them [Cecilia Kende]had her hair cut, because she had cancer.

She was praying God to help her, and she thought that if she cut her hair [she would recover]. But she died, she cut her hair in vain. Her hair was cut, and she died.

Only the two of them had their hair cut [in Sepsiszentgyorgy], my grandmother because of her oath, that her operation was successful, and her sister, because she had cancer. Neologs don’t cut their hair either, Neologs too don’t wear wigs, only the Hasidim 3 and the Orthodox.

On Friday the usual things: grandma lighted candles, she recited a prayer over the candle, she baked the usual challah. She didn’t bake bread, she bought it as far as I remember.

She prepared the meat after leaving it for one hour in water, then half an hour in salt. Blood is forbidden for Jews, meaning that they mustn’t eat anything bloody, because the Jewish religion considers that blood is unclean. 

[Editor’s note: The procedure of koshering the meat was the following: the meat rinsed thoroughly was soaked into lukewarm water for half an hour, so that the salt would be able to drain out the blood.

Then they rinsed it again, removed the tendons and cut it; after that they salted it exhaustively with medium hard salt, and put it on an inclined surface so that the blood would flow out of it. The liver had to be broiled as well (like the meat which wasn’t fresh, but resulted from a three days older slaughter). The meat had to be left like this for at least one hour, then it had to be rinsed three times.]

My grandmother was religious, she was going [to the synagogue]. She could read in Hebrew, the religion prescribed that one had to read from a prayer book and the Bible [Torah], that was the prayer. Therefore all the children could read when they were little already. 

[Editor’s note: According to the Jewish teaching prayers shouldn’t be recited from memory for not to commit errors.] She knew prayers by heart as well, I heard [her praying].

Jews, even if they weren’t religious, I think those too had a Star of David hung out on the entrance door. And I saw it at my grandmother’s too, on the door, the packed Star of David was fixed with two small nails, it was packed in a small piece of leather I think [one inch large, 10-15 cm long].

[Editor’s note: The packed Star of David is supposed to have served as a mezuzah, perhaps it replaced the usual parchment. Presumably it would have been very difficult to purchase a real parchment made by a scribe.]

My grandmother told me that every Jew had one on his door, he entered [the house] after kissing the Star of David. Nothing could be seen [from the outside], just a small package, with something in it. But I asked my grandmother, and she told me that the Star of David was painted on something. And if a Jewish person came, they kissed it.

Formerly Jews had servants, I don’t even know a family who hadn’t. Each family had one, because they used to say that food didn’t matter. This was the slogan. That it could be acquired somehow. People didn’t cook like they do today, in portions.

There was always left [food], so one more always could [eat]of it. And poverty was so deep in villages, that they sent them [girls]at the age of 12-13-14 already to exist somehow. They were beggars, one couldn’t imagine that, the villager woman was barefoot until she could, because if she bought a pair of shoes, she was happy to have something to put on Sundays and on holidays. Hungary was even called ‘the country of three million beggars’.

Throughout, until Kadar came, until then [this was Hungary’s name], the truth is that people gave a sigh of relief just then. And now, as I follow the events, I think it might regain its former name. Grandma too always had a servant, a 14-15 years old girl, since she always had such young little servants. 

Aunt Mari, her rich sister wouldn’t have let her to lead a miserable life by no means. She sent her enough money, allowance monthly, so she and the little servant had a good life in that one room-and-kitchen flat.

She [the servant]was cleaning the house, she was doing the laundry, she was doing everything, except cooking – it was grandma who did the cooking. And they went together to the market, grandma bought [what she needed], and the girl carried it home in her basket. And she [grandma]was happy, well, they were together. And grandma cooked delicious meals, they led a pleasant life together.

On Saturdays she didn’t work, the servant didn’t work either, they only ate, talked, she liked to go out in the park, when the weather was fine. She was getting a newspaper, the Szekely Nep [Editor’s note: Hungarian political weekly paper in Sepsiszentgyorgy, from November 1940 independent political daily paper], she always read that. 

And my grandmother was interested in everything, even at an advanced age.

Well, not things like where God comes from[she wasn’t doubtful concerning religion, she accepted the Jewish traditions and teachings], but as simple as she was, she was interested in everything [in worldly issues], politics too, everything. And she went for holidays to Szatmarnemeti each year to her sister. So that’s how she lived tranquilly. She was reading, she was mending her clothes, if it still had a sense to do so, well if it got torn… She was an assiduous woman.

Well, my grandmother sewed her funeral clothe. The dead are not buried in casual clothes [but in kittel]. Even the less religious were buried according to the ancient Jewish belief. My grandmother told me that a Jewish woman had to sew everything with her hands, everything she was wearing from white linen, to the handkerchief, or – well, a woman wore apron in the kitchen – to the apron. And she had these indeed, she sewed them.

My mother had an elder half-brother, Vilmos Sternbach, from the first marriage of grandma, who left for Paris, and opened there a menswear shop. She had an elder sister too, Berta Klein. The French nuns had a convent and a school in Bucharest, and grandma sent both Berta and my mother to the French school, so that they would learn French.

She wanted the girls as well to go to Paris, so that their brother would do something of them, either they would earn [work], either… [get married].

So French language was indispensable, and that is why grandma sent them to the French misses, as she called them. Berta was the first to go to Paris [she was the elder sister], and she got married there indeed, at a young age, she was 16 years old; she got married to a German boy, to Fritz Ernst Rohm.

He was head waiter in Paris, in a smart restaurant, but he was a learned man. And they met, Berta was beautiful, they got married. But from Paris they moved to Frankfurt am Main, so they lived in Germany. I never saw this uncle of mine.

My mother was called Regina Klein, she was born from my grandmother’s second marriage [in 1989]. My mother too attended the school of the French misses in Bucharest, from the age of 10 until she got 14. After that she went to Paris as well to her brother, her sister was already there.

She stayed there for quite a long time, she spoke French perfectly. That’s why I’m Alice. My mother was famous in the village for her beauty, it was always her who played the leading lady.

She left two violins [after her death], because she learnt to play the violin. I don’t remember my mother, but the villagers told me how beautiful she was, and she was playing the violin splendidly. And she could sing too, but I don’t have a fine voice, I didn’t inherit that. And my mother wrote poems too, she sent them to the women’s magazine. [Editor’s note: We couldn’t clear up which magazine Alice Kosa is talking about. Her mother died in 1912.]

My father was a timber-merchant. He was that kind of timber-merchant, who bought the timber in the wood, but someone else managed it [further], because he liked playing cards.

He signed the contracts over the timber – since he didn’t buy the wood, just its product, the timber –, and he went to play cards. That’s what my father did. He had an employee, a gardener, he was called Hajdar, and he managed everything.

They sawed up the wood, as it was required – they counted in cords then –, they transported it to the railway station and loaded it into freighters. Well, this Hajdar administered everything, he was measuring with others, everything. And my father ran away, he had a game of cards.

I don’t know whether they played in money, I don’t know either what kind of game they were playing, but I think they played with Hungarian cards. I wouldn’t have dared to ask my father: ‘Do you play in money?’ It was impossible.

There was a regular party in Nagyborosnyo, two reformed priests were in it, one the priest of Nagyborosnyo, the other from Kisborosnyo, and a butcher, who counted for a rich man in Nagyborosnyo.

But he didn’t work either, because he had an elder brother, a full brother, a bachelor, who didn’t get married, because he wasn’t quite handsome, he lived with them, and managed the business of the butcher. So it was an everlasting party. The priest from Kisborosnyo, who was called Cegledi, was such a keen player, that it [cards]was a real obsession for him.

Though he was a priest. Once there was a festivity, which begun with a service – first the service should have been kept, then the festivity itself. People were already in the church in Kisborosnyo, and… There is no priest. The public is in the church, and the priest wasn’t there. He was playing cards in Nagyborosnyo. When he realized this, he started to rush.

He ran into the church, and people chased him out from there. ‘Just as you ran it, Father Reverend, you should run out from here forever.’ He was kicked out immediately, well imagine that, the mass was in, and there wasn’t any priest.

Such things occur rarely. I think the whole county was laughing on him after that. Finally Cegledi came to Sepsiszentgyorgy, and he became a doorman at the cinema, with his rank of priest. He didn’t get a job elsewhere.

In Sepsiszentgyorgy, where the theatre is today, that building used to be a cinema. Only for six weeks every year [were performances kept there], when actors came to Sepsiszentgyorgy. In Kolozsvar, in Pest, in big cities there were permanent theatres, but they didn’t come to Sepsiszentgyorgy, to such places, they didn’t go even to Kezdivasarhely. 

But there were many strolling players, they wondered all around the country. And they organized six weeks long courses in Sepsiszentgyorgy as well in each year.

It went well, one could buy a subscription ticket, or if the public liked what they were going to perform, they concluded a contract for eight weeks. They performed good operettas – operettas by Imre Kalman, the ‘Csardaskiralyno’ 

[The Riviera Girl, also known as The Gypsy Princess], ‘Vig ozvegy’ [The Merry Widow], they performed these, I liked them a lot when I was a young girl – and comedies, because people liked those, but they always performed a drama as well. 

[Editor’s note: Emmerich (Imre) Kalman (Siofok, 1882 – Paris, 1953) – composer, finished the Fasori Evangelikus Gimnazium (The ‘Fasori’ Lutheran Gymnasium) in Budapest, enrolled at the Budapest Academy of Music at the age of 15, then studied law at the University of Budapest.

He was the editor of the musical column of the ‘Pesti Naplo’ for 5 years. His first great success was the ‘Tatarjaras’ (The Gay Hussars, 1908), it was staged in Vienna as well, which was the capital of operetta in those times.

At the age of 25 he moved to Vienna, he became an operetta composer of Vienna. During the first decades of the 20thcentury The Gay Hussars was performed in New York, Moscow, London, Rome, and this was the first Hungarian operetta to be staged in France. His most famous operetta is the ‘Csardaskiralyno’ (The Riviera Girl, also known as The Gypsy Princess, Vienna, 1915).

Following the Anschluss he moved to Paris, then to America. After the war he returned to Europe, and in 1953 he was awarded with the Cross of the French Legion of Honor for his artistic activity.

He died in Paris, according to his will he was buried in Vienna. The ‘Vig ozvegy’ (The Merry Widow) was composed by Franz Lehar. Franz Lehar (Komarom, 1870 – Bad Ischl, Austria, 1948) – composer, conductor. He began his composer activity with operettas. His first operetta was presented in Vienna, in 1902 (Wiener Frauen), which was a world-wide success. He lived most of his life in the Austrian capital, between 1926-1938 he lived in Berlin.

After the war he moved to Zurich, and returned to Austria only a short time before his death. He is one of the greatest operetta composers from the beginning of the 20thcentury (The Tinker, The Merry Widow, The Count of Luxemburg, Gypsy Love, Eva, The Land of Smiles etc.). Source: Hungarian Biographical Encyclopedia].

  • Growing up

I, Alice Kosa Molnar was born on 16thMay 1909. My mother was 20 years old when I was born, my father was 21. Within three years my mother had two more children. My parents didn’t have a peaceful life, because my father’s younger sister, aunt Gizella, as there is always a boss among children, who gives orders, well, this sister of him was like that.

Though my father was two or three years older. I read one of my mother’s letters, it was left at my grandmother, where she [my mother]wrote [to my father]: ‘You listen to your black hearted sister.’

My paternal grandparents built a large house, with a shop in front, and a big bakery next to the house. And my father was giving money there, so that his parents built whatever they wanted to.

My mother had a grudge against him for giving his earnings, when they already had two children. And that fat aunt Gizella, who later adopted Annuska, was stirring up my father, at least the letter said that she had told my father: ‘You can get as many wives as you like, but parents you don’t [they are irreplaceable], and you ought to help them.’ Well, it’s nice to help one’s parents, but not on the children’s account.

My mother died when she was 23. A nice family, as one might call it, disintegrated within hours. We lived in a village, in Nagyborosnyo, and my mother came in with the three children [to Sepsiszentgyorgy, to grandma]and with the domestic – of course we had a domestic, as there were three children.

And she died in two or three days. She must have had appendicitis, because they dissected her, and she was full of pus inside, I suppose they couldn’t discover it then. I met many people during my long life, whose parents died in a similar way. Well, appendicitis wasn’t known, and due to poultices it turned into peritonitis.

She left behind three little children. When she died, I was 3 years old, my brother one and a half and my sister six months old. But I recall clearly some things from the age of three: a Christmas, that there was a Christmas tree on the table, and a chocolate roll big like this, it must have been of chocolate, because it was covered with silver, and I liked that. 

And what I still remember, and I could cry of it even now, and I was crying for years, though I was only three years old, when my mother died, I remember clearly that an auntie was holding my hand at the grave, she asked me something bent down to me, I only remember that I told her: ‘She will come home by the evening.’

I suppose she must have told me: ‘Your mother is gone.’ I might have answered to this: ‘She will come home by the evening.’ I tell you as it was, this sentence haunted me for years, and if it came to my mind, I cried, that I had been waiting for her to come in the evening, that...

I was sent to my maternal grandmother [to Franciska Feder], my brother to the other grandmother, and my aunt, the younger sister of my father [aunt Iza], who didn’t have any children, took my sister. This is my childhood. My grandmother lived of moderated means, but my father paid my grandmother for my clothing, so my father provided for all the three children. He never married again. 

My maternal grandmother lived here in Sepsiszentgyorgy, the other grandmother, at whom my brother was, in Nagyborosnyo, and my aunt in Nagyborosnyo too.

But my brother lived at my grandmother [from Nagyborosnyo] just for a very short time, because some people came to us and said: ‘Aunt Fanni, you ought to bring here that child! How was that child taken care of with her mother? And there are those two girls – the two daughters of my paternal grandmother –, those two lazy girls, and the boy is dirty all the time.

Don’t let it be so.’ And indeed, my poor [maternal]grandmother went to Nagyborosnyo, and she told me that she had scolded them [my aunts]for finding that one and a half years old child so untidy. So she undertook him too. She was a very clever woman. It seems that I inherited from my grandmother, that I was always concerned about earning something more for my family.

Well, my grandmother was the same. She was engaged in many things, I don’t remember quite precisely, I know that she was selling sweets, she bought delicious sweets, and she put it in a glass chest on a table – its top, its side, everything was made of glass, only that thing holding it was made of timber – in front of the entrance door. But I told you, my father gave [money]anyway.

My brother, Andras Molnar, Bandika was born on 12thFebruary 1911. He attended four years of gymnasium at Sepsiszentgyorgy, after that, since he was orphan, he went to Szatmarnemeti to the sister of our maternal grandmother, who had a wholesale business, to learn that. 

He registered at the school of commerce and finished it, but he attended the evening classes, and he helped at the shop during the day. They were trading only with wholesalers, they packed in rolls what people needed, so that’s what he did.

His marriage was a recommended one. Her wife, Piroska Schwartz had a popular shop in Gyergyoszentmiklos [after the marriage Andras was managing it]. They had a son born prematurely, at 5 months, but he died after the birth.

The poor baby, he lived, he breathed for a short time, but he died. He [my brother]had to do forced labor with yellow armlet on his clothe [during World War II], they were taken to a village in the surroundings of Gyergyoszentmiklos.

His wife was deported, but she got home alive. Bandika finished a three-months course in Bucharest [after World War II], after that he became chief accountant in Csikszereda. In Ceausescu’s time there were blocked cities. 

[Blocked means that it was impossible or possible only on particular case to move to the main cities like Brasso, Marosvasarhely, Kolozsvar] 4.

This meant that he brought the balance sheet from Csikszereda to Marosvasarhely. He didn’t like Csikszereda, he wanted to leave from there at all costs. They moved to Sepsiszentgyorgy, they bought a three-room flat.

Their daughter, Agnes was born already in Sepsiszentgyorgy in 1947. Agnes established a family in Pozsony. She was spending the summer holidays at her mother’s sister, and there was the son of an acquaintance from the concentration camp too, this Czech Jewish boy.

They got acquainted with each other, and this acquaintance finally resulted in marriage. My brother died here [in Sepsiszentgyorgy] in 1986, he is buried in the Jewish cemetery. After his death his wife, Piroska left for Pozsony, to her daughter, she died there.

My sister, Annus was born in 1912. She finished primary school in Nagyborosnyo. But in Nagyborosnyo the school had only six grades [so it was a primary school], and after that she finished four years of higher elementary school here in Sepsiszentgyorgy, in the Miko [Szekely Miko Colleague], and she stayed at grandma. 

[Editor’s note: The ‘Miko’ was a gymnasium, according to our information there wasn’t any higher elementary school within the institution. Thus either she finished four years in the gymnasium, either she didn’t attend the Miko.]

My sister got married in 1932, my brother-in-law is called Feri Citrom, Ferenc. They lived in Brasso, then [after World War II] they asked for permit to go [to emigrate]to Israel. Everybody who wanted to go was allowed to leave.

And Jews were running from Romania. Just a very few stayed. Well, just Sepsiszentgyorgy had more than 300 Jewish inhabitants. They gave [passports]to everybody, to Jews who wanted to leave forever, well, everything was left to them [to the Romanian state], each of them had a house, you couldn’t find a Jew who didn’t have one. And on top of it all, it was a demand that it [the house]had to be renovated completely.

The Romanian state accepted the gift only if it was perfectly arranged, everything painted, doors and windows, the floor, everything. Here my brother-in-law was a tradesman, but in Israel – since he didn’t speak Hebrew – he was the aid of a butcher from Romania, he was carving the meat. My sister died in February 1999 in Israel.

I had a Jewish name – Szuri –, as one had to have. But nobody ever called me Szuri, I don’t know what I would have done. A child likes what he gets used to. The family called me Alica, called me Aliszka, but nobody called me Szuri.

The community [in Sepsiszentgyorgy] was the simplest one, a status quo community 5. I heard on TV that this religion [religious trend]doesn’t exist anymore [in the surroundings], because it has no followers. It has almost no followers. 

In Brasso, when we were living there, both Neologs and Orthodox lived. Here in Sepsiszentgyorgy Jews from the whole county weren’t religious at all. My father couldn’t even read in Jewish [Hebrew]. None of his siblings could speak Jewish.

They learnt how to pray, but I think they didn’t know what it meant. I attended the cheder as well. That’s how they called the kindergarten, Jewish children attended the kindergarten at the age of two already. I was going to the kindergarten as well.

Even if they were irreligious, they still sent the children to the kindergarten. In villages they didn’t even have this [cheder], though many Jews lived in the villages too. Well, only in Nagyborosnyo there were five or six Jewish groceries.

Just a few observed them [the commandments]in a religious way. A few elder persons – my grandmother and about two other persons – had the poultry cut by the shochet, because they said that was the religious way. All the other[Jews]ate pork, observed nothing. Then there were Jewish families, who had the poultry, the goose cut by the shochet, but they also ate pork.

This was a kind of ritual, the shochet. He cut the poultry, and there was sand, they always had sand brought, and he threw it there [the killed animal], so that all its blood would flow out until the last drop.

Because they considered blood to be unclean. I think in villages there weren’t families who had the poultry cut [by the shochet]. There wasn’t any shochet in the villages, and they cut the animals themselves. And it’s not kosher anymore, well, they [religious Jews] considered it treyf.

There was a beautiful synagogue in Sepsiszentgyorgy, in the Csiki street. In the same area where the synagogue was, lived the cantor, the shochet, there was the prayer house, and in front, on the square in front of the synagogue a large and beautiful house of culture was built. 

[After World War II] The few Jews who returned were managed [guided]from Nagyvarad, most of them too left directly for Israel – it wasn’t Israel then, well, who wanted to emigrate to Palestine –, and thus there were just a very few Jews in Sepsiszentgyorgy.

The synagogue was demolished in the 1940s, I think the state required it to be demolished. And nothing was built there, the lot still exists. The [Jewish] house of culture is still there, as far as I know the state uses it.

The public library of Sepsiszentgyorgy was installed there for a few years – I was often going there –, after that they gave it to Jehovah’s Witnesses, and I don’t know what is in there now.

I didn’t go to the synagogue in Sepsiszentgyorgy, only on high days, I went there a little on autumn holidays, for one hour or two. I had to go then, my grandmother told me to do so. The cantor had two sons, they were children yet, 12-13 years old, but they could sing so beautifully, they had wonderful voices, they could even have become opera singers. And I went there also to listen [to them].

There was a rabbi in Sepsiszentgyorgy, he was carried off as well. He was a young, modern rabbi, who committed suicide in the concentration camp. Those who came home told us that he put his hand on the electric wire, and he killed himself with the electricity. He was a handsome and clever young man, around 28-30 years old, he wasn’t even married.

There was a mikveh, but in my childhood only people of my grandmother’s age went to the mikveh, later it was wound up too. I suppose only a few went there regularly. People like my grandmother, if they had taken an oath, but young people didn’t. And finally it was wound up, I don’t know precisely when, because I never went there.

My grandmother spent three-four months each year at her sister, in Szatmarnemeti. She always went there in the summer, when the school year was over; well, she had to be there when we had lessons, as I grew up at hers. And in the meantime I was in Nagyborosnyo, I spent the summers there, those three months. But sometimes they invited me as well [to Szatmarnemeti].

My relatives from Szatmarnemeti were Orthodox, but it was a huge step towards modernity comparing to Hasidim. They took me to the Orthodox synagogue to see it. The Orthodox had a proper, very beautiful, large synagogue, I was there too, it was similar to the Neologs’ synagogue, but there wasn’t an organ. 

[Editor’s note: The wises established four basic prohibitions concerning the Sabbath, one of these relates to work: one has to abstain from any kind of work on Sabbath; the pressing of the keys of the organ is also work, so it’s forbidden. Thus the Orthodox Judaism considers that the presence of an organ in a synagogue is scandalous, in turn it is a symbol of reforms for Neologs.

(In Hungary the first synagogue where an organ was built in 1845 was the synagogue in Nagykanizsa.)]It was a synagogue as it should be, it had a gallery, women were on the first floor, and in front of them a large plate was placed, like a riddle, so women could watch out over men through the holes, but a man wanted to in vain, he couldn’t see through those small dense holes. And they took me to the Hasidim as well. The Hasidim didn’t even have a proper synagogue.

Their synagogue consisted of two rooms only, two halls opening to each other, and a thick curtain between them. Women could see in shadows through the curtain that people, beings were moving over there, they [men and women]couldn’t see each other, they were separated by a curtain. [Editor’s note: In some Orthodox synagogues the gallery of women was also separated by a curtain.]

And Haneli – that’s how they called Ilonka [Ilona Schonberger, one of the daughters of the maternal grandmother’s sister who lived in Szatmarnemeti]by her Jewish name – said: ‘Now I’m going to take you to a Hasid wedding.’ And they related me the story as well.

The wedding was nearing, but they [the bride and the groom]didn’t see each other yet. And they told me that the men, the fathers were negotiating about what the bride, respectively the groom would add as a dowry. The two fathers were negotiating as if it was an object. But they had never seen each other. They were a very young couple, the boy was virgin as well, the Hasid boy with his big payes. At the wedding they had a kippah above their head too.

The kippah was installed in the yard where the synagogue was. And the guests were there too. I don’t remember in what language the ceremony was conducted, in Yiddish or in Hebrew, maybe in both languages, but maybe in Hebrew.

Two women led someone wearing a thick veil under the kippah, and they brought there the boy, he broke the glass. They [the grooms]break a glass by stepping on it, so that they would live happily for as many years, as many splinters result.

Men tried to crush it as much as they could, to have many splinters. Then Haneli told me that they would go home, and the boy would take down that dense thing from the girl’s head, and they would see each other only then. We don’t know how this marriage ended. But Haneli told me stories, for example about a bride who had jumped out from the entresol, when she had seen the groom, she had found him so repugnant.

Things like this happened indeed. Well, these Hasidim were extremely religious, they preserved their 5,000 years old [customs]. They wore the same fur hat and kaftan summer and winter, as our ancestors did. 

[Editor’s note: The specific Hasid attire developed from the Polish noble dressing of the 18thcentury.]

And they were dangling their payes. Orthodox too had a payes, but they put it up [behind their ears]. Well, Orthodox were religious as well, but not in the same manner as [Hasidim].

We [I and my little brother]went to the Jewish kindergarten in Sepsiszentgyorgy, I know that. But I attended the Hungarian kindergarten too, it was compulsory. I liked the Hungarian kindergarten better, because there were more toys, we played more in the normal state kindergarten.

And I remember less the Jewish kindergarten, I don’t know how things were there. And we attended the Jewish school [cheder]as well, while we were in the four primary grades. I could read [in Hebrew], but I forgot.

We were two naughty children, my grandmother told me that my brother and I were fighting, and the poor woman couldn’t bear it.

So my grandmother arranged [so that we went to school together]. I was six years old in May [1915], and I was enrolled to the first degree, and my brother wasn’t even five, but she said: ‘If you fight, he will go too [to the school].’ And she enrolled him so that we wouldn’t only wrangle. And I don’t know how, but they accepted him. Thus we weren’t in the same class, but in parallel classes, he in a boys’ class, because girls and boys had separate classes.

Oh, but in the first form we learnt to count until twenty. We made – we had to, the teacher told us to – twenty little sticks of twigs [we used them for counting], and we were writing on the board with slate-pencils.

This was the whole great science, that we learnt to count until twenty, and one or two block letters, capital letters, and one or two words, like horse. That’s what I remember. I don’t recall all this well, it was too long time ago to remember it precisely.

But I finished there only one grade of primary school, because my grandmother sent me back to the convent in the first grade, because she wasn’t satisfied with the things they had taught me here.

It was also my grandmother who wanted me to learn to play the piano – she was so ambitious, she would have liked to do everything –, so she sent me to the nuns, to the catholic school. And there one of the nuns taught me to play the piano. But she taught me in vain, if I didn’t have a piano. 

So I finished four years in the convent, only the primary school. [Editor’s note: In those times one could go to a secondary school (civil school, first grade of gymnasium etc.) only after finishing four years of primary school. Those who didn’t study further, had to finish the fifth and sixth grade of elementary school.] 

The convent had only six grades, those who didn’t want to go to a gymnasium after finishing the fourth grade – well, poor children too attended the convent –, finished only five or six grades. 

Because those went to work already, a kid who finished six grades, was ten or twelve years old, became a gooseherd, so in those times the parents had the little girls and boys work. That’s how things were, poverty was deep.

I finished four years of gymnasium in the Miko, I finished the fourth grade of gymnasium in 1924. [Editor’s note: The ‘Miko’ started its activity in 1859 under the name Szekely Tanoda, by launching the first year of gymnasium, as a German school. In 1870 count Imre Miko (who was called in 1876 the Szechenyi of Transylvania) requested Gusztav Zofahl, a building engineer to project one of the wings at the count’s own expenses (it was accomplished in 1877).

Later, thanks to Imre Miko’s foundation of 60 thousand crowns and to some state aid, in 1892 the second wing was built according to the projects of Ignac Alpar. The school was named Szekely Miko Tanoda (Szekler Miko School), and in September 1892 it was opened as a gymnasium of eight forms; the first final examination was organized in summer 1893.

In the first quarter of the 20thcentury girls could attend the school as well, but girls and boys were set apart by a fence.]

And then there was a two-years reformed school of commerce in Brasso, and I attended it, I finished my studies in 1926. I don’t believe there are any former classmates left in Brasso. I don’t think they would live for so long.

I would have preferred to go to Kolozsvar, to the Jewish gymnasium, and then to become a doctor. I would have liked to become a doctor by all means – though I wouldn’t have been capable for it –, I don’t know why my father sent me yet to Brasso, to the two-year commercial school. 

[Editor’s note: In Kolozsvar a Jewish high school for boys and girls was functioning from 1920; the teaching language was first the Hebrew, then the Romanian, but due to financial difficulties in 1927 the school was abolished, though the number of its students was around 700.]

Though I finished this two-year commercial school in Brasso, I didn’t start to work, it wasn’t fashionable back then [for women to work]. And women could hardly get a job in offices. I didn’t try hard either. I lived at my grandmother’s for a while, until 1929, when my father rented a nice big house in Nagyborosnyo, he wanted me to go there. 

Because he had two old maid sisters, and they lived together [until 1929]. But one of my old [maid]aunts got married, and so my father wanted to live separately.

Well, I went there in 1929, but my husband started to court me already, so I don’t know precisely, I stayed with my father for about two years, because on 25thDecember 1930 I got married, and I moved to Sepsiszentgyorgy, my husband was from here. My father died at a young age, when he was fifty-five years old [in 1943, in Nagyborosnyo].

My husband was born on 12thFebruary 1905. He and his father had the same name, Jeno Kosa. The old man [my husband’s father] was well-to-do, he had a tannery. But it went well, because the villagers liked to wear boots and brogue made to order. I wasn’t well up with leather, but people told me they were producing very good, soft leather.

His [my husband’s] mother was raised as a Hungarian, but she came from a Romanian orthodox family. Their mother died while giving birth, and my mother-in-law was taken by a Romanian aunt, whose husband was a wealthy man called Karoly Zoldi, well I don’t know if he was a landowner, but he was an educated man, they took her [raised or adopted her] when she was three or even smaller.

Since Karoly Zoldi was a Hungarian man, his Romanian wife became reformed as well, so my mother-in-law observed the reformed religion too, and emotionally as well…

She knew she was of Romanian origin, but she was angry when someone mentioned it. Originally her name was Virag Pulugor. But my husband told me that she must had been called Florica, but those who had taken and raised her, called her Virag [Editor’s note: ‘Virag’ is the Hungarian equivalent for ‘Florica’, meaning flower.]I don’t know why, her name was Virag Pulugor, but everybody called her anyway aunt Zsuzsika.

My husband had three elder brothers and two younger sisters. One of his brothers was killed during World War I, so I didn’t get to know him. His second brother, Arpad [Kosa]was working as a tanner with his father. 

His third brother, Laszlo [Kosa]finished four years of higher elementary school, after that he was sent to a grocery as an apprentice – he worked as an apprentice from the age of fifteen –, so that he would learn trading. Back then one had to work as an apprentice in a shop.

And at the beginning an apprentice had to do everything: cleaning, carrying water, everything, until he started to sell too, then he became an assistant. And there were many Hangya cooperatives, he was appointed the president of the Hangya Cooperative of Kokos.

My husband and I were almost neighbors, and my husband, as a boy visited many times a family, who were my relatives [the Frank family]. The boy and the girl of that family were my second-degree relatives, but they were younger than him, even so Jeno, my [future]husband went there to spend time. 

I was attending the commercial school in Brasso, and my sister, while she went to school here [in Sepsiszentgyorgy], she stayed at grandma. And my poor sister, she was a very coquettish girl.

And when I came home for Christmas holidays, I heard that Jeno was courting my sister. I was very upset that a grown-up man was interested in such a young girl. Well, she was still young, twelve or thirteen years old – but she was more developed than me – and he was around twenty. So I took him for an unreliable person, and I couldn’t stand him because of my sister, I didn’t fancy him, and since I behaved towards him accordingly, he didn’t fancy me either.

He noticed I couldn’t stand him. This Frank family was raising an orphan girl, they took a great advantage of her. One night, at twilight, I don’t know why, but I went to this family. Nobody was at home, just this adopted girl.

And I entered, because I liked talking to her, I was also sorry for her, because she was orphan, and she was so exploited. And as we were talking, once somebody is knocking at the door, and who came? Mister Kosa. I don’t know how this idea came to my mind, I thought I would be nice, let’s see what would happen.

I tell you honestly, just for fun. And I received him very nicely. He was telling me stories, finally I don’t know how we came to this, but I wrote something on a paper, and he wrote me back [we were corresponding]. We were sticking them to each other. How did this develop, from a joke, that finally [we got married]… it’s unbelievable. This happened in 1929, and we got married on 25thDecember 1930.

My husband, this Jeno Kosa was very disobedient as a student. He had a marvelous voice, but he didn’t attend [singing]lessons regularly, and his form-master told him to be punctual. Jeno said: ‘I won’t go.’ ‘Yes, you will.’ ‘No, I won’t.’

Or this one happened with his gym teacher: he had to kneel down, that was the practice about, but he was wearing new trousers, and he didn’t kneel down. And there was one more scandal – he must have been in the eleventh grade [that is he was in the seventh form of the eight years gymnasium] –, but it came out such a big scandal, that his form-master was pounding the teacher’s desk, and Jeno his desk.

So they called his father to the school, and told him: ‘Uncle Kosa, it’s the end of the year, we won’t expel him at the end of the year, but from next year you ought to take him away even from the town, he can’t have his final exams here.’ Next time his father enrolled him to the catholic gymnasium in Kezdivasarhely.

But he had brains, so he had good results, and he got a scholarship to Hungary, to study medicine. Not only him, but five students were given scholarship [from that school].

So, his parents were happy, well, his father was a craftsman, but a wealthy tanner with a good reputation. And he was happy. Once somebody is opening the entrance, I don’t know precisely if after half-a-year, but he came home. ‘Why did you come home? Do you have vacations?’ ‘No, I just don’t like the medical profession, I won’t go back. I want to become a lawyer.’

The old man said: ‘I won’t raise a scoundrel. Because every lawyer is a swindler, a thief, I won’t raise an infamous man.’ His father was such a character, though he finished four years of higher elementary school as well. ‘Well, said the old man, if I won’t pay you to become a lawyer, you come and work in the tannery.’ And he had to carry water.

Because as he told me, a lot of water was needed for tanning, and two of them carried water on their shoulders, in a big bucket. So finally the right shoulder of my husband bulged out a little [because of carrying water]. So, he started to court me. My father asked him. ‘But what would you rely on when getting married? On the fact that you carry water for your father? It’s out of question.’

My father’s brother [Laszlo Kosa]was the leader of the Hangya Cooperative in Kokos [Kokos, in Romanian Chichis is 11 km south from Sepsiszentgyorgy], he was a learned merchant, my husband only had his final exams, he wasn’t a trained merchant. The old man said that he would encumber his estate with mortgage, he would take out money from the bank, and they should open a shop, ‘Kosa Brothers’, a grocery. And they opened a grocery.

We organized an engagement ceremony one year before the marriage, it was a little greater [than our wedding], but not much. I was bride for a long time, well Jeno had to acquire an employment, otherwise my father wouldn’t [have given his consent]

The engagement was kept in our apartment, we rented a nice apartment with my father in 1929, when I went home. My husband’s close relatives came too: his parents, his sibling – his two brothers and their wives, then Rozsika and her husband. But we didn’t invite the first-degree cousins. And these [relatives]of mine [were there], who were in Nagyborosnyo [my father’s sisters, my sister].

We didn’t have a religious wedding. I told Jeno that I wouldn’t quit my religion, even if I wasn’t observing it, I wouldn’t quit it. I don’t believe in it more, so why should I? Jeno and I walked up to the parish hall of Nagyborosnyo, and I said whoever would be there, would be the witness.

So an engineer became the witness, he worked in Brasso, at the sugarworks as an engineer, and he had just come home, and a farmer. That’s on my marriage certificate. They were in front of the parish hall, the farmer was talking to the engineer, and we asked them to be the witnesses. My two aunts prepared a good, tasty lunch, cakes, all kinds of things, but just for the family. My husband’s parents weren’t there [for lunch].

After the wedding we lived in Sepsiszentgyorgy, as the grocery he and his brother opened was there. And he didn’t want me to work. The shop was in the Csiki street, where the bookshop is today, next to the corner. ‘Kosa Brothers’.

But his brother was five years older, and he was the shopkeeper. Now, what happened? It occurred that my husband didn’t learn this professions, he was just measuring. But the money too was taken in by his brother – they noted what people took home [and paid for later]–, he purchased the goods, he managed the money.

It didn’t go, it didn’t go [the business for us]. I couldn’t accept it, I told Jeno: I can’t stand that Laci is taking the money, and you are serving. What if I need a pair of stockings, should I ask money from Laci? I tell you I can’t bear this, we have to do something. I didn’t like this at all.

The merchants opened a huge groceries warehouse in Brasso, to have a Hungarian one. Well, the Saxons all had their own large shops, and the Hungarian grocers from Brasso and Haromszek decided to open a large depot in Brasso. 

Well, I found out they were looking for a chief stock clerk. But I didn’t know whether my husband was suitable for this, though we were married for four years already. I didn’t know, I didn’t know him in this respect. I had no idea that he wouldn’t be able to learn it.

He came home, we were talking, I say: ‘You submit an application immediately, you will apply for this job.’ He did so. I will never forget that when he applied for it, it was a nice weather, we were taking a walk in the evening. And he was crying.

For what was going to happen. He felt it for sure, but I didn’t know his abilities. I didn’t know him. I couldn’t get to know him in four years. He says: ‘Now we quit the shop, the secure, and what if the other won’t work?’

I answered: ‘No problem if it won’t work, we are young, we will get out of it.’ That’s what happened, we had to get out. Within two years he received his notice. I didn’t despair. It never came to my mind how courageous I was, but now, after all this, that I’m alone, I inquire myself if I would dare to do those things I did back then.

In Brasso the rents were extremely high, well they [the owners]lived of that. We rented an apartment with two rooms and a bathroom, but not a first class one. It was very nice, but one could access only the kitchen from the hall, and [from there]you got into the rooms.

And it gave onto the yard [not on the street]. And still, we paid two thousand two hundred lei for it. So, we had this big debt [rent]. I was looking for other apartment. Accidentally I met an acquaintance from Malnas, he says: ‘How are you?’ I told him that we didn’t have a job, that was it.

He says: ‘Hey, there is a very good shop in Bikszad, rent it.’ [Editor’s note: Sepsibukszad, in Romanian Bixad is 31 km far from Sepsiszentgyorgy.]I said I would take a look. There are several houses in the railway station area in Bikszad, just as it used to be.

One of them was a house with entresol, down there was a shop and a pub. They wanted to sell the shop, because the manager got married and moved to Kolozsvar. I took a look, alone, well, my husband did what I wanted him to do. Because my husband admitted without words that he didn’t understand business. That’s why he lost it [his job]. He didn’t know what to do as a stock clerk. [We rented the shop, and moved to Bikszad.]

Since we stayed near the railway station, it was a very good shop. Because I made of that shop a well going one. Half of our shop was with brandy [a pub], but in the other part one could find everything. I introduced all kinds of things, because I was a skillful trader.

Though I didn’t learn it. I was selling everything, not only what I had taken over from the former manager. I had more than three hundred woodmen from the surroundings of Barot, they were cutting the trees in the woods, they came on Saturdays for bacon, curds, things like this. These woodmen bought the food in advance for one week. I liked the workers very much, and they liked me too, because I purchased everything they said.

‘Madam, bring me this. For me that. I need a saw.’ And I said: ‘What should I look at [a saw]to buy a good one?’ And they showed me how to sound it, how to listen to it. I went shopping, my husband couldn’t have gone, he didn’t even know the goods.

Me either, but I learnt it, he didn’t, because he wasn’t interested in it. Formerly the wholesalers had traveling agents, who offered the goods. The wholesaler produced [distributed], let’s say spices, so his traveling agent called on the traders in villages and everywhere, he was offering the shopkeepers what they had, what they needed. And the shopkeeper told him to send hundred kilograms of sugar, send him this and that.

For example a traveling agent was frequenting us too, from Brasso, from the hardware shop. I was ordering everything, I was selling everything I knew a worker would buy: shirts made for workers, dark-colored shirts, two types of alarm-clocks, sandals, boots, saws, small and big storm-lanterns. It was a very good shop.

One could have become rich of that. I paid only a rent, the owner lived in Malnas. But the apartment was large, because I even had two rooms I could let out.

That’s all very well, but the child had to go to school. In Bikszad one has to cross a sort of forest to go up to the village from the railway station – we lived next to the railway station, you know. And stupid me – biased motherly love – I said I wouldn’t send him to school there.

First I won’t send him to a village school, second I won’t let him go to school through that wood, because in the morning it’s not even getting light. I said I would send him to Brasso. I traveled to Brasso, but they didn’t accept him in the Saxon school, because there was a law, which said that one should attend his own national school, or the state one 6. Well, they didn’t accept him, so I enrolled him in the reformed primary school.

An acquaintance recommended me the Lutheran priest, that he would receive the child. One had to pay him well, generously. And indeed, I went there, they received me with kindness, they had a son of his age and two elder sons.

But not even after one month I was going there to see if the child had got accustomed to it. I found him in bed. And the wife of the priest says that the child had temperature, and she called for a doctor. ‘Now, I said, I’m packing up and taking him home.’ I felt pity for him, because he was laying alone, nobody watched over him. I paid two thousand lei monthly. But as I said, he was there only for one month, I paid for one month.

I took him home, the next day his temperature went up more. And then – it’s really unbelievable, but I swear on my daughter’s memory that I’m telling the truth – I told my husband: ‘I’ll pack up, and I will go to Brasso to live there. That’s it.’ First I took the child there, that night, when he got temperature again. I took him to Brasso, to the sanatorium, some kind of Saxon nuns worked there. We were both there, me and the child.

And I said, now I’m going to move away. I wound up within three weeks. I had ducks, hens, because the ground was flat. There was a streamlet just in front of the house, and the ducks were paddling in that, but when they wanted to eat, they were so cute, they came to the door of the shop, and ‘quack-quack-quack’. 

My clients were laughing on how sweet they were. There were about six steps, because this house was built on a slope, and when my husband started to walk down the stairs, the ducks were coming up. I sold it to a Romanian, I wound up, and moved to Brasso. I rented out this apartment, it was in a very good condition, it gave to the yard, number ten in the Kozep street, a storied house.

This Kozep street opens from the first part of the Hosszu street, but the number ten is just in the fore-part, the fourth or fifth house. But I liked it a lot, because it had several levels. Downstairs there were rooms, the ground floor, you went further, then you walked up the stairs, but it was still the ground floor.

What [the grocery]we rented was a good shop, but it was in the Forras street, quite far from our apartment. I could have had a better one – I realized later that the shop I didn’t want to rent would have been better, busier –, but I didn’t rent it, because one had to go down four steps to the shop.

I didn’t like that one had to go down. In the shop I rented there were six steps upwards. It was a grocery, there weren’t shirt or things like that, it was a grocery. I was with the child, and I was quite far from the shop, my husband was there.

Oh, but my husband was such a shopkeeper, alas!, I didn’t know that until I realized it. Once my husband had to do one-month military service, and it was only then that I found out what kind of merchant he was. He was that kind of shopkeeper, that he ordered the flour, poured it [in the storage vessel], and when it was sold out, he gave a phone call only then to order [more].

When I took over the shop, I was checking that we didn’t have this, we didn’t have that. I realized only then that he thought he should order when he was out of stock. When he came home I told him: ‘What’s this, my dear? You are selling, and you always must have one more portion at hand. In the case of flour, two more sacks of it.’ He wasn’t a good shopkeeper, oh no.

My husband would have been great in one thing: he had a beautiful, marvelous voice, he had an absolute, secure ear for music. This was his only talent, he could have been prominent with that, famous and well-known. If he became a singer, if we lived in Hungary, he would have run rings around all of them [every singer].

One couldn’t even compare him with Janos Kosa. [Editor’s note: Janos Kosa (Gergyoszarhegy, 1937) – singer, actor, humorist, presenter of several television shows. 

Since 1960 he is a pop singer.] In Sepsiszentgyorgy my husband was solo singer in the choir of the weaving mill – it was a mixed choir –, the conductor of the choir visited us when he wanted to teach a new song, saying ‘Jeno, please sing it for me.’

We were selling all kind of spices [in the grocery], like today, and very delicious candies. I haven’t eaten such a good halva since then. Because the Turks, the Bulgarians were settling down here in those times, and they introduced the real halva. 

One can’t compare it with the halva they are selling nowadays. It’s not made from that kind of olive. The halva was pressed using sesame seed. It didn’t crumble like today’s halva, one could slice it up. It was so delicious! Turks came in, they brought the Comb Honey, very delicious sweets.

When we were children, we liked Comb Honey, and some other Turkish sweet, I forgot its name. The Comb Honey was chopped with a small hatchet, oh, it was so good.

Well, this was their specialty, Turks eat a lot of sweets, because their religion prohibits them to drink wine. Not only wine, they are not allowed to drink any kind of alcoholic drink. It is a great sin, a very big sin, even today. Therefore they invented and prepared all kind of extremely delicious sweets.

One could buy many things in the grocery, just like today. The instant coffee, maybe that’s new. But instead of that we prepared Turkish coffee all the time. That coffee had to be boiled, it was called Turkish coffee. And we had a special Turkish coffee maker, long, narrow.

We held it above the burner, and when it became foamy, we took it away, let it for a while to settle. This was the fashion. Not the instant, but the Turkish coffee. That was what people liked. I was drinking it too, its foam mainly.

Jams were made only by the confectioner, formerly one could buy it only from the confectioner’s shop, not like today, that one can find it in a grocery as well. But everybody [prepared jam at home], people didn’t consider a good housewife the person they knew she was buying jam from the shop. One who lived alone perhaps. I started with the gooseberry, and I conserved from everything. I would have been ashamed not to. Everybody had her larder full.

Cucumber, everything. We didn’t buy things during winter from the shop. That’s why one needed to have a larder, and it would have been a shame if that was empty. We even bought the flour too for winter, in autumn, at once.

It was a shame to go to buy flour in January. It was purchased, I took out the flour, the sugar, beans, peas, lentils, everything from the larder. If we knew one was poor [and that’s why she didn’t have], we felt sorry for her. But if we knew she should have filled up her larder, it was a shame. That woman was a superficial, negligent housewife.

This story of mine doesn’t belong to the religious Jewish stories at all. When I got married, I told my husband that I wouldn’t [quit] my religion. Even if I wasn’t observing it, but I wouldn’t quit it. I don’t believe in that one more, so why should I? At the age of sixteen I was reading Hegel already.

I was already searching for why. So why should I change religion, if I’m doubtful. But however, I wanted to stick [to my religion], I was born in it, my grandmother lived in this, I didn’t want to offend her with things like that. I told my husband: ‘I won’t convert to your religion, but if we will have children, they will be reformed.’ I observed my religion in the sense that for example I observed autumn festivals and Christmas [Chanukkah].

I observed autumn festivals due to the fact that my father’s sisters lived in Nagyborosnyo. I had a relative in Feldoboly too, one of my father’s first-degree cousins with her family. Feldoboly is a small village, I think it’s three kilometers far from Nagyborosnyo. For autumn holidays they came [to Nagyborosnyo] to my aunt. 

The owner of the local distillery had a large apartment, he was Jewish, and he always offered a room for the autumn festivals, for Yom Kippur and for those two days of so called Christmas [Chanukkah]. [Ed. NoteChanukkah is an eight day festival, but it does not belong to the high festivals.

It’s a half-holiday, working is allowed.] Jews came to Nagyborosnyo from other villages too, from Rety as well, because there was only this room, arranged like a synagogue [prayer house], only for this two-days holiday [Chanukkah], and for the day when they fast, on Yom Kippur, it was occupied only for these three days. 

They put in benches, chairs, where people would sit down. In one part only women, in the other men. I don’t know whether it was separated with a curtain, I don’t remember. And the distillery owner was religious, he was from the surroundings of Zilah, he could pray very well, and he knew the religion very well. And he led the service, and my aunt, aunt Gizella, who adopted my sister, told [me]that I was welcome, if I wanted to celebrate the holiday, I could go if I wanted to.

Well, I didn’t convert, I kept my religion, and I went there with Alpar – my son was two years old –, I observed these two days. In order to fast, I didn’t need to go to Nagyborosnyo to observe that, I could fast at home too, I mean at Yom Kippur.

So I always went there for two days, for Christmas holidays, I spent there these two days. We were dressed more nicely, in our best clothes, that was all, people were praying, I know that the prayer was recited in Hebrew, and they delivered a speech, and people wished each other all the best.

[Ed. note: Most probable that Ms Kosa thought of the Rosh Hashanah rather than to Chanukkah.]And we ate good meals at my aunts’, because Jews liked to cook tasty things.

At Passover I bought the matzah, my husband and Alpar, my son liked it as well. But it [Pesach] didn’t mean for me what it meant for grandma, who had her own separate [Pesach] dishes, she used those only during those eight days, then she didn’t use them during the rest of the year. Not like this, but I bought the matzah.

I even prepared kneydl, which had to be put in the meat soup. Why shouldn’t I prepare it? It’s good. And my husband liked it too. But I didn’t observe [Pesach]in a religious way, no. Well, I bought the matzah, I prepared kneydl, but not because it was holiday. The next day I would eat a different soup, a pasta soup. This is Passover, that’s what I kept [from the tradition], but it’s not observing.

  • During the war

It occurred then that the Iron Guard came. In 1938 we had a very well going shop in Bikszad. In 1938 one could feel the presence of the Iron Guard in Romania. They were everywhere, they set foot in everywhere. The Iron Guard started to rule, and one could hear many rumors about Hitler’s deeds. Formerly Austria, Hungary was one. But in 1919 they parted, Austria became independent. And it wanted to stay independent, but Hitler wanted to annex it to himself [to Germany].

This was called Anschluss. We heard about Hitler everywhere, he marched in here, he marched in there, one heard something each day. And people liked us, we were very honest, not like most of the merchants. And the actuary liked us as well, though he was Romanian. And once he came to the shop, and told me: ‘Madam, the Iron Guard will take the power, you should convert, you should quit [the Jewish religion], because Jews will have a hard life.

You see what’s going on.’ I don’t know now if the king [King Carol II] 7 fled already– since well, he fled with a Jewish woman [Editor’s note: Alice Kosa refers here to Elena Lupescu, nee Magda Wolf (1895-1977), who was the daughter of Nicolas Grunberg, a Jewish pharmacist, and the official mistress of the Romanian king.

In 1940, when the king had to resign, they fled together to Portugal; in 1947 they got married in Rio de Janeiro.]–, I wouldn’t swear on it, but it seems to me he had already escaped from the Iron Guard. I think the persecution had already started in Germany.

‘Please do convert.’ I say: ‘Alright, you know this better.’ He says: ‘You need to do nothing, you don’t even have to come, I will issue it and have it signed…’ that I requested officially to quit my religion and to take on the reformed religion. He resolved it indeed, he brought it to me and said: ‘You ought to go to the priest from Malnas and report him as well.’

The grandfather of Laszlo Tokes, the bishop was the priest in Malnas. But he was higher, his rank was one level up to a priest. So I went to Malnas, and I told him how things had happened, he said alright, he acknowledged it [the certificate], but I should be attending [lessons of religion], to learn the laws [of the Church], to learn the catechism. [Editor’s note: The Heidelberg Catechism is the reformed creed in the form of questions followed by answers.]

Well I didn’t go, I would have had to travel a lot. I said alright. He recognized it, I had an official certificate that I was converted, that was it. I didn’t care [about attending lessons of religion], I didn’t go. But I had no idea how fascism would be, if the Iron Guard prevailed in Romania.

We lived there [in Brasso]only for two years, and in 1940 we came back to Sepsiszentgyorgy. My husband, since they had a shop with his brother for a short time, knew the tradesmen. 

During the Romanian rule the Hungarian gentlemen had shops. In the Romanian era they didn’t have employments, because they considered themselves gentries, and they didn’t want to become unimportant clerks, they rather opened shops. So, when in 1940 the Hungarian era begun 89, they all became noble judges, main county heads and deputy county heads. 

[Editor’s note: The noble judge was the head of a processus (district), the territorial subunit of a comitatus (county) formed between the 16th and 18thcentury. In each processus one main noble judge and several deputy noble judges were elected (Law no. XLII of 1870); each deputy noble judge administered one circuit (in turn the processus was divided into circuits), the main noble judge had his own circuit.

They communicated the county decrees towards the villages, and controlled their enforcement. They had an important role in jurisdiction and administration (taxation, mobilization, publicsecurityetc.; in case of insignificant civil suits and contraventions they ruled as an autonomous forum).

The function was abolished in 1950, when the county system was reorganized.] For example there was a grocery called Barabas & Sipos, in 1940 Sipos became noble judge, and Barabas became deputy county head. And my husband got a job through them. He was a clerk in the deputy county head’s office, in the noble judge’s office.

Of course they didn’t put him in a high position, but in a less significant one. I know that his salary was hundred and fifty pengo. Well, we brought some lei with us [from Brasso, which still belonged to Romania]– half of it was gone later, because they stole it –, and we brought with us everything from the grocery, all the spices left.

I always sympathized with Hungarians, my society consisted of Hungarians, and I support Hungarians even today, in all matters. Jews had many good deeds for Hungary. Because they [Hungarians]didn’t have any industry, anything. In Pest there were German newspapers, German theatre, not to talk about Jews only. 

Because Swabians came in, and a part of Buda, and a part of Pest was definitely Swabian. That’s why there are so many Hungarians with German names. And Kolozsvar was more Hungarian, much more Hungarian [than Budapest].

There was the [Hungarian] theatre, there were [Hungarian]newspapers, and later Budapest had two. And during the Hungarian era many people turned back suddenly [into Germans], from 1940.

They didn’t speak German anymore, because they were second or third degree descendants, but because Germany was so triumphal, that it crushed countries within days time, many among Swabians, mainly young people, ‘Heil Hitler’, they learnt that at once.

In Sepsiszentgyorgy we lived in the Kozfurdo street – it [the house] is still there –, because Romanians left, and we rented a nice, one-storied apartment – it used to be nice at least –, surrounded by a garden, and a large field in front. It had three rooms, kitchen and bathroom.

It belonged to a Romanian family, the Romanian man had a Hungarian wife, but she felt to be more Romanian than her husband. Well, and they left [in 1940]. Romanians left from Sepsiszentgyorgy, maybe one or two had the courage to stay.

Because Szeklers were bad, they smashed everyone’s window, they [Romanians]didn’t dare to go out. The Romanian entrusted somebody – a Hungarian man –, we paid the rent through him. And we lived there.

My brother went to Pest [for a visit] with his wife – I still have first-degree cousins there –, and he brought me a needle for invisible mending. I still have it. But it’s not so simple to have only a hook, but it has a little spring. Well, I set down and learnt how to mend stockings.

I could do it so rapidly, almost like the machine. [Editor’s note: Stockings could be repaired not only with a needle, but also with a mechanic invisible mending machine.] My hands got so used to it.

Thus I earned more than my husband, because stockings were a problem, it wasn’t that simple that I go to the shop [and buy]. Sometimes you could find, sometimes you couldn’t. I had a lot of work, I always went to bed at half past one in the night. Because during the day I had to cook, I had to do cleaning. And I had three rooms, I let out one, I was mending, we felt want for nothing.

They accepted this [conversion] paper, because the law said that for those who lived in a mixed marriage, and the Jewish spouse converted, they [the anti-Jewish laws] 10 didn’t apply to. 

[Editor’s note: The validity of anti-Jewish laws was extended to Northern Transylvania in March 1941, when following the Second Vienna Dictate it was re-annexed to Hungary. Under the terms of the second anti-Jewish law those persons could be exempted for example, who converted before July 31st1919.]

They accepted it in Horthy’s time 11, but after Horthy Szalasi 12 came. Now, Szalasi wouldn’t have accepted anything, because he recruited even fifteen, sixteen, eighteen-years-old kids, and they shot Jews into the Danube 13. Well, they escorted even the world-champion fencer to the Danube, and shot him into it, because he was a Jew. [Editor’s note: Alice Kosa surely refers here to Attila Petschauer.

Attila Petschauer (1904-1943) – fencer, journalist. He was member of the champion Olympic fencing team in 1928 in Amsterdam and in 1932 in Los Angeles. In 1928 he won second place, in 1932 fifth place in individual sabre competition, in European championships he acquired first, second and third place several times in individual competition; as a member of the National Fencing Club he was a representative player 17 times between 1928 and 1931.

After his withdrawal he was an editor at the ‘Az Est’. In 1942 he was called for work service, he died in Davidovka. (According to Karoly Karpati, the cadre ordered him to undress, climb a tree and crow like a cock. In the meantime they sprayed him with water.

The water froze to his body, and soon after he died.)] Fortunately Szalasi didn’t get here yet, to Sepsiszentgyorgy, to this part, war was going on. Here in 1944, a little before – one month or two or three months before – Horthy resigned, Romanians and Russians entered already. They marched in already. They were on the Orko. 

[Editor’s note: The 957 m high Cenk Peak rises in the Cenk Mountain, on the southeastern part of Brasso.]

My maternal grandmother, the poor, she was alone after I left [in 1929]. Just as she was, she had to go out of the house in 1944, when they took her, they deported her, and sealed up the door. And what she had in the house, her few things, letters and everything, was left there sealed up.

That’s why I don’t have any photos of her. In Sepsiszentgyorgy the yellow star 14 had to be worn, but this was already in 1944, soon after they were all taken away. I didn’t have to wear the yellow star, because I was exempted.

There was another rule for example, that Jewish families – all of them had a servant – weren’t allowed to hire young Christian employee, only old persons. [Editor’s note: Under the terms of the ant-Jewish laws in Hungary neither young, nor old Christians could be hired in Jewish households.]

Those were terrible times. Terrible. How can people change! I was living here, in Sepsiszentgyorgy too, from the age of three! And there were some among my former schoolmates, who pretended not to see me, in order to avoid that I talked to them on the street, that I compromised them by talking [to them]

There were such people. There were persons who had asked me this and that in the school, then this world came, and I saw she was pretending that she didn’t see me.

So I evaded them on purpose, I didn’t approach anybody, well, I knew I would condemn them. I wouldn’t talk to any of them on the street, because people would have felt offended. That’s how things were. People incline towards evil so easily, much more easily than toward good things. One can not teach them good so easily, to be good, to give a clothe from yours, no. But the evil, that one yes.

One day Jewish men were taken to the field to work. And they shouted aloud: ‘In front the Gypsies, Jews only after them!’ And well, there were tradesmen [among those Jews], and even if he was a craftsman, he was a better one, the Jewry of Sepsiszentgyorgy was quite wealthy.

Next to me was staying the first-degree cousin of Jeno, and a well-known farmer. The husband of Jeno’s cousin was a very good upholsterer, they were well-off, they were reformed, but they had many Jewish clients too.

He knew well these Jewish men who were taken, and he saw how they carried their food, and he felt sorry for them, and he said there, staying in the back: ‘Poor Jews!’ Oh, hearing this was enough for that 180 cm tall farmer: ‘What did you say! Watch out, I don’t want to hear that once again, ‘cause you might get there as well!’ There were such times. They changed so fast, before this fascist era it didn’t occur to them to be anti-Semitic.

Everybody changed, lop and top! There were very few exceptions. There were, but just a few. A great education was needed for that. But they could convince people even with a great education. But what could they use to convince people, so that they wanted to kill every Jew, until the last one!?

And they did many things on purpose, in order to punish, to taunt, to mock [Jews]. For example when Miklos Horthy’s son, Istvan Horty crashed [Editor’s note: Istvan Horthy lost control over his Heja aircraft on 20thAugust 1942, during his flight meant for farewell sortie, and he crashed. 

His death evokes many guessing even today, but most of the experts think that the cause of the accident was the difficult handling of the aircraft and Istvan Horthy’s lack of experience (http://www.bibl.u-szeged.hu/bibl/mil/ww2/who/horthy_istvan.html)], then a formerly good acquaintance – I don’t know what his occupation was, but I know he was an educated man – went to the house of Sandor Frank [the husband of Regina Hartmann (the daughter of Terez Hartmann, nee Feder)], and he rang, because he wanted to put a mourning-band on his coat, and he asked him to give him. ‘Well – he [uncle Frank]says –, the shop is closed.’

‘No problem if it’s closed, but please give me, because that black band has to be put on, the Deputy Regent died.’ – because that was Istvan, Horthy’s son, Horthy had him elected, so that he would have been his successor.

So uncle Frank went out, cut a piece of the black ribbon, and gave it to him. ‘And how much does it cost?’ Well, I’m not sure, fifty bani [the coin for lei] or one leu, the standard low price. Well, the next day an article was published in the ‘Szekely Nep’: ‘Sandor Frank, making use of the tragic death of our Deputy Regent, stood out to his shop, and sold mourning-bands to the passers-by.’

The ‘Szekely Nep’ was the newspaper of Sepsiszentgyorgy, it was a daily, not a weekly paper. It had a good editorial staff. Once a sarcastic article came out in the ‘Szekely Nep’, we were so glad, we laughed. An article praised the Szekler people, but it included somehow as if it praised the fascists, it was that kind of article. 

That they were like this and that, that they were so smart and so on, so an anonymous person wrote a very commendatory article about the Szekler people, because he signed it – I repeated so many times, that I still know it –, he signed it as ‘Kotari Sipkos Akos’.

Well, the newspaper published the article, and one more came out, which praised Kotari Sipkos Akos, saying that a foreigner sent the article, and how well he knew the Szekler people.

And after one week Kotari Sipkos Akos spoke, saying that they should read [his name] backwards, and they would find out who he was. Reading it from the back it was: ‘Soka sok pisi ratok’ [literally meaning: ‘much pee on you for a long time’]. This was Kotari Sipkos Akos. Somebody made fun of it. But first they praised so much Sipkos Akos, then he revealed himself.

When they gathered the Jews in the town, my poor grandmother was eighty-nine years old, and she had to go [to the concentration camp]. Where the tuberculosis section of the clinic was in Ceausescu’s time – I don’t know what is there now –, they rounded up Jews there.

Once I wanted to bring a little food to my grandmother, while she was here in Sepsiszentgyorgy. I agreed with a Christian acquaintance, Ilonka Bogdan, whose husband was Jewish, that we would try to send there packages.

Ilonka’s husband was doing work service somewhere; when here they gathered the Jews, she wanted [to bring food]to her mother-in-law, she was an elder woman. I don’t know anymore what I cooked, something with honey to make it nutritious, that’s what I packed and wanted to bring there. There was a second lieutenant in the yard, because five-six-seven-years-old children were out in the yard and playing.

I said let’s try and ask [the lieutenant]to let us give it. He took the packages, and said he would give them to the children. Indeed, he opened the packages right there, and shared them out among the children. We were glad of that too, but however, we both would have liked that the person received it [to whom we brought it].

Especially me, well, should my eighty-nine years old grandmother die of hunger? They were in Sepsiszentgyorgy for a very short time, I couldn’t tell precisely, one week or two weeks, then they took them away, we heard that they took them to Szaszregen, then to Germany [first to Auschwitz], and I never saw my grandmother again.

  • After the war

And this is a different story. My husband got an employment, and he was handsome, I must admit that. Hundred seventy-seven centimeters, not too tall, but tall enough. And there he fell in love with a girl, who was fifteen years younger than him. 

He was going back to the office in the after-noon saying that he had to work overtime; he always went here and there. He was a solo singer at the men’s choir [of Sepsiszentgyorgy], and the choir was invited here and there, they even took a trip to the Saint Anna lake, he always went, but alone [without me].

And that’s how things were going on. Back then the promenade was fashionable in every town. I wanted to take a walk on the esplanade, he was busy, so we went the two of us, me and the kid. People knew me already.

In 1943 I was still young, though I had some grey hair, but people told me, ‘that’s nice’. Once there was some official holiday, which began with a service, and people went to the church.

I heard these things, his women colleagues told me what mister Kosa was doing, and I thought I would go and see what he was doing. I stood at the gate of the reformed church, and [I thought I would]watch him. And I see that one of them comes out, then the other one.

And as they arrived next to me, my husband didn’t even stop, he walked further, and I grabbed Ilonka, and I said: ‘Now we go and ask mister Kosa, which one of us he wants. Because I would leave, but I have to find this out.’ That’s how it happened. Because he walked away, but he didn’t leave completely. We went to the park, and I asked: ‘Do you love Ilonka?’

He says: ‘I do.’ ‘So, you don’t love me.’ ‘It’s not true, I love you too.’ I say: ‘It won’t work, both of us. It’s not good either for Ilonka, either for me.’ ‘Well, alright then, we’ll see.’ He says: ‘I’ll come back in a minute.’ He leaves. I don’t know how long it takes, one hour maybe, he comes back, he says: ‘I settled this.’ He enrolled as a volunteer soldier.

He reported himself in 1943 for the first time. And I was trembling that I was left alone with the kid in this fascist world, and he left on the front-line. But luckily I could mend invisibly. Let’s say he was honest in this matter, he couldn’t help it that he fell in love, but he didn’t want to leave me anyway. That’s how I interpreted his first leave. As if he wanted to leave, they would have separated a Hungarian man from a wife of Jewish origin within twenty-four hours, most willingly.

I don’t know if I still have the letter he wrote me from there, that I was the only one whom he could always trust. And I kept that letter. I praise myself again, but I was so firm, it was me who ruled everything in our life, his father gave us only the first, to open a shop, after that everything, everything... believe me, the family life rested upon my shoulders. 

He felt that he wouldn’t be able to make his living, if he preferred to carry water. His father didn’t want him to become a lawyer, he didn’t want to study medicine, because he had a dread of it, he hated medicine, and he rather accepted to carry pailfuls of water for the tannery.

He couldn’t create anything for himself, but in the evening they went to drink. They were hard drinkers, because they made a vow, my husband and his friends not to drink water.

He left for the second time in September 1944, he enrolled in the Hungarian army again. He liked very much to put on his second lieutenant dress, because it suited him well. But this time it was me who sent him. Because I was afraid that Romanians would qualify him as a ‘fascist’, because he reported voluntarily [in 1943, in the Hungarian army]

At the beginning everybody fled, only a few persons left, a few women, then they were coming back. But when Russians came in, and Romanians came in, they left, they were afraid. Because they were rounding up [Hungarian]men, and they took them near Brasso, there was a place where they gathered women, men, and took them to Russia. Most of them died, mainly men. 

[Editor's note: ‘The number of civilian Hungarians and Germans from Hungary fallen under Soviet captivity was around 200-250 thousand persons. The total number of Hungarians in Soviet captivity, including soldiers, civilians carried off from the Subcarpathians, Northern Transylvania and Upper Hungary was more than 600 thousand persons; at least 200 thousand of them never returned from the Soviet concentration camps.’ Source: http://or-zse.hu/resp/ronatamas-holocaust2006.htm]I sent away my husband the second time.

I told him: ‘You must go away. Listen to me, we have one option here. You reported yourself voluntarily to the fascists, they won’t ask you whether you went there for emotional reasons, because you didn’t want to divorce me. The first thing they would do will be to arrest you – I said –, it won’t be of much use for me. It’s much worse.

Thus I can hope that we would meet again, but if they take you away, it’s sure you won’t get home alive. So it has no reason that you stay. Go away, so that I have hopes!’ Oh my dear God, I was so right! I always said that I had a presentiment of evil.

I must make a low bow to myself, because I assumed to send him to the front-line, to the unknown – I have no letters – with one child and a future one, because I was four months pregnant. And I was left here with nothing, with absolutely nothing, with one and a half child. He didn’t resist me, though he knew we would be left without bread and butter.

He was wounded on the Cenk [near Brasso], in September 1944. He got wounded by shrapnels, so his back and shoulder was full of splinters. And he had on his head too. They put him on train wounded, I knew nothing of him until he came home, after one and a half year.

He was wounded here, they transported him with the medical train, he was in a hospital somewhere, and when he recovered, he got to Csempeszkopacs [Editor’s note: It was a small village in Vas county, 20 km far from Szombathely].

My husband was in Csempeszkopacs for a while with the army, until they brought him to Germany, I suppose to the front-line, because the Americans captured him. He was imprisoned in Germany. He had luck there in the sense that the Americans provided him with cigarettes. And I had made him [previously] quit smoking, because he had woken up in the night, he had been used to smoke a cigarette even in the night.

And he had been so grateful that I had made him quit, and he could have bought so many things [from the price of the cigarettes]. But I knew nothing of all this. I had news of him only a little before [that he got home], a man wrote me a letter from Szekelyudvarhely, saying that ‘Don’t worry, because Jeno is fine, we were together in captivity, and he [will come home]very soon.’ I got this letter from Szekelyudvarhely in February 1946, and in March my husband came home.

He took home a photo, he is so smiling, it’s worth to see it. He always had that photo on him, he was so conceited that he kept on showing the photo. He brought home one photo, but one would not enter to the photographer to make just one photo, the photographer makes three anyway. The neighbor was there too, and he told me that my husband was quartered at a young woman. Well, if she was young, then for sure he left one photo there.

My husband disapproved, didn’t want to let me work. Alright, he didn’t feel like letting me work, but I invented all sort of things, because he couldn’t have supported the family from his salary. In the meantime the family got a fourth member, and we couldn’t have lived on his salary of a thousand and four hundred lei. I invented all kind of things. I prepared chocolate, I filled slices with delicious Dobostorta cream, and I was selling home-made chocolate, cakes, with a modest interest, to say so.

I sold one piece of chocolate for one lei, and the cake too. And in the meantime I mended invisibly until midnight, I earned more than my husband. Because I couldn’t bear it, I needed it [the money]… And we had two children. Then I was teaching German [at home], sometimes I even had nine students [during one academic year].

I took on a job late, I worked for six years and eight months only. It has a story too – life consists of these minor stories. Since I wasn’t ugly at all, my husband didn’t want to let me go to work by no means. He cheated me, but he couldn’t stand that I would cheat him. But I never had something like this in my mind.

Juditka [Alice Kosa’s daughter]was a kindergartener. In this street, very close to us lived a pretty, divorced woman – she was also called Aliz, Aliz Farkas – with a five-years-old little girl, Ildiko, who came to play with Juditka. That five-years-old girl became an actress later, she was called Ildiko Fulop. Juditka liked little dolls, I bought her a lot, she was five, but she cut holes in old rags, and put them on [the dolls as skirts].

And around three o’clock someone is opening the door, my husband was coming home. And the little girl says: ‘Uncle Kosa is coming.’ I was staring open-mouthed. I say: ‘So dear, do you know well uncle Kosa? How do you know him?’ ‘He usually visits us.’ Ah, that’s it, here in the neighborhood, and uncle Kosa frequents that house. Well, let’s see to do something, because one may never know.

I’m getting old. I earned well, because I was mending invisibly, I was selling home-made chocolate, my sister sent me from Brasso coffee, everything I could sell. So I didn’t feel the want for anything, but it wasn’t a secure ground. I needed a secure ground. Alright then, if he goes there, then I would go to an office. And I found a job, against his will, because I said myself, what would happen if time passed and he left me? I have to do something.

So I reported to the employment agency, and that’s how I got a job from 1stAugust 1952. I was the chief accountant of the county headquarters of the Agricola. I had ten branch offices, ten villages had agricultural engineers, they all fell under my responsibility. I liked accounting very much, and that was what I had learnt, it’s true that I forgot everything.

But I learnt again very fast, and the Agricola had a much simpler accounting system than if I were chief accountant in a factory. Maybe I wouldn’t have taken on a job in a factory, but this was a small [enterprise], I had ten points [villages], I could do it properly.

In 1958 I fell ill, I had temperature for three months constantly, even the doctors didn’t know for a long time what my problem was.

Then they figured it out: heart valve stenosis. I became a second-degree disabled due to my heart, they pointed out at that time already that my heart was of two and a half inches on the left side, three and a half on the right side, the blood-pressure was over two hundred.

And look at me, in 2005 I’m still alive. And my dear child isn’t. My heart is still big. Two years ago I went to a very kind, young Romanian doctor with my grandchild, I told her that I was still alive after so many years, because I didn’t take the medicine [doctors prescribed me].

I retired on 1stApril 1959, I had six years and eight months, that’s the period I worked. I had a low pension, I retired with seven hundred fourteen lei pension. In 1988 my husband died, I live alone for seventeen years.

My son was born in 1931. I read the ‘Poganyok’ [Pagans]from Ferenc Herczeg when I was sixteen. [Editor’s note: Ferenc Herczeg (1863-1954) – writer, journalist. From 1891 he was member of the editorial staff of the ‘Budapesti Hirlap’ edited by Jeno Rakosi, in 1894 he launched the literary weekly paper called ‘Uj Idok’, and edited it until 1944, in 1903 he was founder and editor of the paper called ‘Az Ujsag’.

From 1896 he was parliamentary representative for two cycles, he was a follower of Istvan Tisza’s politics. In 1911 they launched together the political paper called ‘Magyar Figyelo’. From 1927 he was member of the Upper House. After 1919 he got actively involved in irredentist, revisionist movements, from 1929 he was the president of the Revisionist League. 

His novels idealize mainly the gentry society of that age. His historical novels were popular. (Source: Magyar Eletrajzi Lexikon / Hungarian Biographical Encyclopedia)]And in the ‘Poganyok’ the Pecheneg prince was called Alpar, due to the book I took a liking for the beautiful Pecheneg prince, and I said if I was to have a son, his name would be Alpar. That’s how it happened.

I had a son, and I gave him the name Alpar. But nobody ever heard the name Alpar in the county. The priest says: ‘Dear, you want to call him Alpar, but that’s not a name, that’s a plain. Alpar is the name of a plain where only wars occurred.’

I say: ‘It doesn’t matter, I will give him this name, because a Pecheneg prince was called like that. Please register it.’ He [Alpar Kosa]was a good goalkeeper at the beginning. He was a goalkeeper for a while in Sepsiszentgyorgy, within the class B. In Marosvasarhely the team was of class A, and somebody saw Alpar playing, and convinced him to go to Marosvasarhely. That’s how he got to Marosvasarhely, as they accepted him as a goalkeeper.

His first wife was called Magda Puiu, they had a son, Alpar, who is in Germany. Alparka spent several summers at me, and I taught him too the Esperanto language. I say: ‘I can’t stand that you’re just playing from morning to night.

You should learn something.’ He learnt it [Esperanto]readily. My son had from his second marriage [around 1977] his daughter, Iringo and his other son, Zsombor. They also live in Germany. My son left for Germany on 19thDecember 1989, his wife, Emese a few months later. They didn’t stay there for long, they came back to Marosvasarhely, then my son was a referee, mainly for class C teams, in villages. He divorced his second wife too.

My Juditka was born in 1945. Juditka too liked languages very much, I thought she would study languages. But she took to mathematics, and so only engineering… And she could have chosen a profession, a university, which was close. We didn’t have the financial means – though she had a scholarship too. And that’s why she had to choose something which was in Brasso, she finished timber engineering.

She finished her studies in 1968, and I told her: ‘If there are jobs in Marosvasarhely – since they put out a notice-board with the jobs –, I advice you to choose Marosvasarhely, to be in the same town with Alpar, your brother.

‘Cause you see, your father is forty years older, I’m ill with my heart – well, I was always burying myself, I thought I had a short time to live, well, my feet and arms swollen, full with water, my face was filled with water many times –, my life is uncertain, and you shouldn’t be left alone.’ That’s how it happened indeed.

There were three places in Marosvasarhely, and she got one of them, in the furniture factory. She had to do practice in the factory for three years, it was compulsory. During the time she was accomplishing those three years of practice, they were looking for teachers for the timber engineering high school of Marosvasarhely, for the evening classes. And they called on Juditka as well in the factory, if she wouldn’t like to teach in the evening classes – those who attend evening classes.

Well of course, she had such a low salary, she had one thousand and two or three hundred lei salary, she accepted. And people became attached to Juditka in the school, and they asked her if she didn’t want to go there as a teacher, when the three years would be over. Oh, gladly, with pleasure. She was happy. She felt much more like [being a teacher], of course.

She didn’t have to get up so early, I don’t know if they went to work at six or seven, and one had to stay in the factory until three or two. And after three years she accepted the full-time teacher job. In the meantime she started to learn pedagogy, because she was an engineer, but she needed a teacher’s qualification too in order to teach. She enrolled and passed exams.

It was settled when she had to go, she was in Bucharest several times, maybe in Brasso too, because she passed her exams there. So her qualification was engineer and teacher. She had two diplomas. Juditka’s husband was called Jozsef Dezsi. They had two sons.

My elder grandson is called Jozsef Ivan Dezsi. He is so angry because of this name, Ivan… He was born in 1972. Jozsika is married, they live in Sepsiszentgyorgy. My grandson installed everything for me [in my apartment]: water-meter, gas meter, heating. Besides I note each Friday what I need for one week.

He buys me all that, and I cook of it. And he always gives me small gifts. Chocolate or halva or… My grandson’s wife lived with her parents on the first floor, me, on the second [that’s how they met]. They are married for about eight years, I think.

He has a small boy, he’s three and a half years old, his name is also Jozsef. His wife wanted to call him Milan, because she had read Milan Fust, and my daughter-in-law liked it so much, that she said her son would be Milan.

But Jozsika didn’t want it to be the first name, and he reported Jozsef, the little boy is the third Jozsef. But his second name is Milan. She was so upset, I told her, you shouldn’t be upset, because the child would be called as you call him.

Szabolcs [the younger grandson] is thirty years old [he was born in 1975]. He has just finished the timber engineering faculty in Brasso, before that he finished a technical school. He already got a job in Marosvasarhely, in a furniture factory.

It was destined for me to loose my child on my birthday. I was born on 16thMay, and Juditka died on 17thMay, in 1999. That’s what fate gave me at the age of ninety. The 16thMay fell on Sunday in 1999. She used to call me every Sunday at noon, and we talked. 

On this day the phone wouldn’t ring. But my daughter forbade them to let me know she was ill. I didn’t know anything, I was waiting for her phone-call here, alone, astonished. Something is wrong for sure. But I wouldn’t have thought that she was dying. And my son-in-law, Jozsika, my grandson and Alpar, my son came after the funeral. And I open the door, and I thought they wanted to make a joke. I was looking for Juditka.

I liked languages very much. I was engaged in seven languages counting my mother-tongue too: Hungarian, Romanian, Latin, German, French, then I attended English and Esperanto courses, but I learnt more privately than on courses. 

One of my students’ father came and told me: ‘Will you tell me how many languages you speak?’ I say: ‘I will tell you how many languages I was engaged in. Counting my native language I studied seven languages. In school, in courses. How many do I speak? None.’ I don’t speak any. Now I can really say that I’m searching for words. That’s also why I speak slowly. But no wonder, my husband died seventeen years ago, and since then I live alone.

I have no one to talk to, I can talk only to myself. And often I can’t recall so simple, every-day words. But then, after a few hours or the next day, without thinking of it, I even forgot that the previous day I didn’t recall it, I’m doing something, and all of a sudden: Elvis Presley – I didn’t remember this name either one day. The mind is magnificent, really magnificent.

I learnt German only in school. But the German language is very similar to the Yiddish language. It’s distorted, but it’s similar. And it was interesting, that my grandmother talked to her sisters – they were four in Sepsiszentgyorgy – in Yiddish, so that I and my brother wouldn’t understand.

I suppose Yiddish was even their mother-tongue, because they always turned their speech into that. But it’s so interesting, what is language? If you live in it, if you hear it day by day, without being taught, somehow you understand it automatically.

Without being taught, we didn’t speak Yiddish, but we understood everything they were saying. We heard it daily either from one or the other, and we understood everything. I learnt German in school, but since I understood Yiddish already, I learnt German easily.

[After my retirement] I studied Esperanto, I attended two courses of English. But I attended tailoring course as well. We didn’t quite learn to tailor, but we were drawing on paper. The teacher was a man, he took the measures, and he drew on the board, we in our copy-book with a pencil, one square was one centimeter, that was the base. I still have that copy-book.

  • Glossary:

1 Weiss, Manfred (1857-1922): Industrialist, businessman. His grandfather, Baruch Weiss, a pipe-maker, moved to Budapest in the early 19th century. His son, Adolf was a founding member of the First Steam Mill of Budapest Co. After finishing the Academy of Commerce, Manfred, Adolf’s son, worked in Hamburg.

Upon his return home he opened a canning factory with his brother. In 1884 he married, and through his father-in-law he swiftly became the main provisions supplier of the K.u.K. Army.

They broadened the scope of manufacture with the production of ammunition and cartridge-cases. Owing to an accident in 1890, the factory had to be moved to Csepel (an island at Budapest). He was the largest purveyor of the K.u.K. Army during WWI and was promoted in title to baron in 1896 for his services rendered.

2 Csepel Works: enterprise group of heavy industries. Its base was the factory founded by Manfred Weiss and his brother, Bertold in 1882, which produced canned food at the beginning, then started to manufacture ammunition and cartridge-cases. The factory was moved to Csepel in 1892.

In 1895-96 (the owner was only Manfred Weiss by then) the metallurgical plant, the foundry and the brass mill, in 1911-12 the steel mill, the iron foundry and the presser were set into operation. By the end of the 1910s tool production is launched.

During the 1920s the range of products was enlarged (household equipments, agricultural machines). In 1928 the Manfred Weiss Aircraft and Motorworks Co. was established, during the 1930s the production of bicycles, motorcycles and sewing machines was started.

In 1935 the aluminum smeltery was put into operation. During the military preparations program announced in 1938 the factory was given orders for tanks and jeeps. From 1946 the factory was managed by the state, and in 1948 it was nationalized.

Between 1950 and 1956 it had the name ‘Rakosi Matyas Vas- es Femmuvek’ (Matyas Rakosi Iron and Metalworks), between 1956 and 1963 ‘Csepel Vas- es Femmuvek Troszt’ (Csepel Iron and Metalworks Trust), between 1967-1983 ‘Csepel Muvek’ (Csepel Works).

After abolishing the trust-type organization, the ‘Csepel Muvek Ipari Kozpont’ (Csepel Works Industrial Centre) was established. (Based on the Magyar Nagylexion / Great Hungarian Encyclopedia)

3 Hasidism (Hasidic): Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18thcentury that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God’s presence was in all of one’s surroundings and that one should serve God in one’s every deed and word.

The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York , London , Israel and Antwerp.

4 Restrictions on free movement in Romania: Beginning in 1952 the composition of the urban population underwent considerable changes.The workers of the newly created enterprises, who were usually brought in from entirely different regions of the country, but, in any case, from the countryside, had to be accommodated.

In order to solve the problem, the Militia increased the number of people deported due to political reasons, making place for the workers.Starting in 1952, the law only allowed removal on the basis of a permit issued by the authorities.

The Militia checked any movement between towns, and traveling was allowed only if it was work-related or for reasons of health, and one had to produce the required certificates.If someone traveled from a village to a town, they had to report at the militia station where and how long they would stay there.

The traveling restrictions were suspended in the early 1960s, but the restrictions for removal remained in force.

By the early 1970s, however, due to the massive deployments, the rural population had dropped dramatically, and therefore the dispositions adopted in the 1970s drastically restricted removal to the towns (1976), and obliged the intellectuals living in the towns but working in the villages to move there. It also prohibited the children from the villages to enroll in city schools.

In addition, movement between towns was also restricted:According to a law adopted in 1978, citizens were only allowed to receive treatment from the physician of the district their home address pertained to.It is also important to mention that the right to free movement was not guaranteed by the Constitution adopted in 1965.

5 Status quo communities: After the Universal Israelite Congress of 1868-69, Hungarian Jewry split into two major institutionally sectarian groups, orthodox and neolog.

However, some communities rejected the split, and maintaining the millennial unified Jewish position, refused to join either of the groups. In reference to the situation before the congress, they took the name 'status quo ante'. In actuality, they represented a different point of view from the end of 1871, though a national organization only formed in 1928.

In 1896, 76 primary and 171 secondary communities avowed these beliefs, and between the wars, 3.9% of Hungarians of Jewish religion lived in status quo communities. In 1944, 14,289 people (2.7%) belonged to 38 status quo communities. The status quo ante communities institutionally revived in 2004.

6 Romanian educational policy between the two World Wars: One of the main directions of the Romanian educational policy in the period between the two World Wars was the dissimilation of Transylvanian Jews. Romanian was declared the only language of state education (1928/Monitorul Oficial nr. 105).

In special cases (in cities where national minorities made up the majority of the inhabitants) the establishment of sections in the language of minorities was allowed. The ecclesiastical schools had no right anymore to accept the enrollment of students belonging to other religions.

Hebrew and Romanian became the only permissible languages of Jewish high school education starting in 1925 (1925/Monitorul Oficial 283,36). The university system allowed the access of Jews until 1938, but the violent actions of the Iron Guard made their attendance technically impossible.

7 King Carol II (1893-1953): King of Romania from 1930 to 1940. During his reign he tried to influence the course of Romanian political life, first through the manipulation of the rival Peasants’ Party, the National Liberal Party and anti-Semitic factions.

In 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system.

A contest between the king and the fascist Iron Guard ensued, with assassinations and massacres on both sides. Under Soviet and Hungarian pressure, Carol had to surrender parts of Romania to foreign rule in 1940 (Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR, the Cadrilater to Bulgaria and Northern Transylvania to Hungary). He was abdicated in favor of his son, Michael, and he fled abroad. He died in Portugal.

8 Hungarian era (1940-1944): The expression Hungarian era refers to the period between 30 August 1940 - 15 October 1944 in Transylvania. As a result of the Trianon peace treaties in 1920 the eastern part of Hungary (Maramures, Crisana, Banat, Transylvania) was annexed to Romania.

Two million inhabitants of Hungarian nationality came under Romanian rule. In the summer of 1940, under pressure from Berlin and Rome, the Romanian government agreed to return Northern Transylvania, where the majority of the Hungarians lived, to Hungary.

The anti-Jewish laws introduced in 1938 and 1939 in Hungary were also applied in Northern Transylvania. Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19thMarch 1944, Jews from Northern Transylvania were deported to and killed in concentration camps along with Jews from all over Hungary except for Budapest.

Northern Transylvania belonged to Hungary until the fall of 1944, when the Soviet troops entered and introduced a regime of military administration that sustained local autonomy. The military administration ended on 9thMarch 1945 when the Romanian administration was reintroduced in all the Western territories lost in 1940.

9 Second Vienna Dictate: The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless. In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties.

The verdict was pronounced on 30thAugust 1940 in Vienna: Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants.

This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary.

Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5thSeptember. The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

10 Anti-Jewish laws in Hungary: Following similar legislation in Nazi Germany, Hungary enacted three Jewish laws in 1938, 1939 and 1941. The first law restricted the number of Jews in industrial and commercial enterprises, banks and in certain occupations, such as legal, medical and engineering professions, and journalism to 20% of the total number.

This law defined Jews on the basis of their religion, so those who converted before the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919, as well as those who fought in World War I, and their widows and orphans were exempted from the law.

The second Jewish law introduced further restrictions, limiting the number of Jews in the above fields to 6 percent, prohibiting the employment of Jews completely in certain professions such as high school and university teaching, civil and municipal services, etc. It also forbade Jews to buy or sell land and so forth.

This law already defined Jews on more racial grounds in that it regarded baptized children that had at least one non-converted Jewish parent as Jewish. The third Jewish law prohibited intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews, and defined anyone who had at least one Jewish grandparent as Jewish.

11 Horthy, Miklos (1868-1957): Regent of Hungary from 1920 to 1944. Relying on the conservative plutocrats and the great landowners and Christian middle classes, he maintained a right-wing regime in interwar Hungary.

In foreign policy he tried to attain the revision of the Trianon peace treaty ‑ on the basis of which two thirds of Hungary’s territory were seceded after WWI – which led to Hungary entering WWII as an ally of Germany and Italy.

When the Germans occupied Hungary in March 1944, Horthy was forced to appoint as Prime Minister the former ambassador of Hungary in Berlin, who organized the deportations of Hungarian Jews. On 15thOctober 1944 Horthy announced on the radio that he would ask the Allied Powers for truce.

The leader of the extreme right-wing fascist Arrow Cross Party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, took over power. Horthy was detained in Germany and was later liberated by American troops. He moved to Portugal in 1949 and died there in 1957.

12 Szalasi, Ferenc(1897-1946): The leader of the extreme right Arrow-Cross movement, the movement of the Hungarian fascists. The various fascist parties united in the Arrow-Cross Party under his leadership in 1940. Helped by the Germans who had occupied Hungary on 19thMarch 1944, he launched a coup d’etat on 15thOctober 1944 and introduced a fascist terror in the country. After World War II, he was sentenced to death by the Hungarian People’s Court and executed. 

13 Banks of the Danube:In the winter of 1944/45, after the Arrow-Cross, the Hungarian fascists, came to power, Arrow-Cross commandos combed through the protected houses of Ujlipotvaros, a bourgeois part of Budapest, collected the Jews, brought them to the bank of the Danube and shot them into the river. 

14 Yellow star in Hungary: In a decree introduced on 31stMarch 1944 the Sztojay government obliged all persons older than 6 years qualified as Jews, according to the relevant laws, to wear, starting from 5thApril, “outside the house” a 10x10 cm, canary yellow colored star made of textile, silk or velvet, sewed onto the left side of their clothes.

The government of Dome Sztojay, appointed due to the German invasion, emitted dozens of decrees aiming at the separation, isolation and despoilment of the Jewish population, all this preparing and facilitating deportation. These decrees prohibited persons qualified as Jews from owning and using telephones, radios, cars, and from changing domicile.

They prohibited the employment of non-Jewish persons in households qualified as Jewish, ordered the dismissal of public employees qualified as Jews, and introduced many other restrictions and prohibitions. The obligation to wear a yellow star aimed at the visible distinction of persons qualified as Jews, and made possible from the beginning abuses by the police and gendarmes.

A few categories were exempted from this obligation: World War I invalids and awarded veterans, respectively following the pressure of the Christian Church priests, the widows and orphans of awarded World War I heroes, World War II orphans and widows, converted Jews married to a Christian and foreigners. (Randolph L. Braham: A nepirtas politikaja, A holokauszt Magyarorszagon / The Politics of Genocide, The Holocaust in Hungary, Budapest, Uj Mandatum, 2003, p. 89–90.)

Boris Lesman

St. Petersburg 
Russia 
Anna Shubaeva 
August, 2005 

Boris Lesman is a Jew, who belongs to the second generation of assimilated families. This assimilation was probably caused by communists, who came to power in 1917; though paternal grandfathers of Boris Lesman did not wear traditional Jewish clothes,
got secular education and spoke Russian (and at the same time they knew Yiddish and Hebrew). 

But already his father knew neither Yiddish, nor Hebrew. His mother and grandmother (grandmother lived together with her daughter’s family for some time) spoke Yiddish.  
Despite the assimilation, Boris himself and his son Vitaliy were married to Jewesses, and his father Moissey Lesman was married twice according to soviet traditions (without marriage brokerage) and both his spouses were Jewish. 

Paradox of assimilation is behind it: 
Boris Lesman was and remains a man without any national prejudices. He calls himself ‘a Russian of Jewish origin’.

At present he is 80, but very vigorous, cheerful, and always fond of jokes, but at the same time he is terrifically obliging and  responsible. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
My family background 
 
I was born in 1923 in Kerch. [Kerch is a seaport in Crimea.]
 
I know nothing about my distant relatives. In 1915-1917 parents of my mother lived in Kherson, but I am sure that my Mum was born not in Crimea, but in Belarus or in Ukraine. [Kherson is a seaport on the Dnieper River, 30 km far from the Black sea.] It was in 1901.
 
I keep a book which is handed over from person to person in our family by right of succession. The book Parables of Solomon with comments ‘Tohahat haim’ by M.Lesman was published in Berdichev at Sheftel printing-house in 1893. The author of the book was Moissey Lesman, my great-grandfather. The title page reads that Moissey Mordekhay Lesman was born in Mogilev on the Dneper River and lived in Melitopol of Taurian province.
 
I believed that the book was written by one of my grandfather’s brothers (probably by Abram Lesman). But I do not know Hebrew and know nothing about the contents of the book.
 
She spoke very poor Russian. ‘I all wet, up to my knees’ she used to say (her speech was full of typical Jewish mistakes) having come home from the market when it rained very hard. To us she spoke only Russian: my father could speak not a syllable in Yiddish. And sometimes she spoke to my mother in Yiddish. 
 
When Mum cooked very good pork, she used to say ‘Mum, eat it, it is beef.’ And my grandmother ate it with pleasure, though she knew it all along (we used to laugh at her, on the sly). We often ate a lot of baked meals: my grandmother and my mother cooked well. I was brought up on chebureks. [Cheburek is a sort of meat pie – typical meal in Crimea and Caucasus.] 
I remember not much about my grandmother, because when I was seven she left us for another daughter of hers, who lived in Ukraine, in Pervomaysk. [Pervomaysk is a city of Nikolaev region; it is situated on Yuzhniy Bug River].  Germans appeared there soon. They hang her, as I know, together with my aunt and Naum, my cousin. Their dead bodies were hanging several days: Germans had forbidden taking them down. They put a tablet ‘Judas’ on them.
 
My paternal grandfather Boris Moisseevich was a poet. I have a book of his poems issued in 1890. He died very early, at the age of 37, from tuberculosis. I did not know him. And my grandmother Rebecca, as far as I know, was an owner of a bookstore and a stationer's shop. I never saw her and did not know her: she had died before I was born.
 
My grandfather had 2 brothers: Abram and Semen. They were called in a strange way: Abram ‘Brichka’ [Four-wheeler] and Semen ‘Seriy’ [Grey], and I do not know the reason. They lived in Leningrad near the stadium named after Lenin, Zhdanovskaya embankment 3/1, 2nd floor (it is not in the center of the city, but on Petrogradskaya side). [At present Petrogradskaya side is one of the central districts of St. Petersburg.] They had there an eight-room apartment. Later, after the Revolution of 1917 1, when the authorities started reducing space per person in living accommodation [they used to move poor homeless people to rich apartments of bourgeoisie], they gave four rooms to his relative Boris Zeydeman unbesought. Later Boris left for Tashkent, where he worked in Tashkent conservatoire as a professor (a composer: he was an author of several musical compositions). [Tashkent is the capital of Uzbekistan.] Before the war they showed film Submarine Т9, where he was a composer. Uncle Semen, uncle Abram and Vitalia and Deborah (two sisters of my father) occupied four rooms: Vitalia in the first room, Deborah in the second one, both grandfathers slept in the third room, and the fourth one was their sitting room. They also had a bathroom: they burned wood to heat it, because there was no central heating. But they had electricity supply (they lived in Leningrad, thank goodness!). There also was a large kitchen and two corridors. 
 
They had a housemaid. Oh, no: they had a servant! At that time there were no housemaids, only servants, and I do not remember her name. She was Russian, she had lived at them for hundred years (from her childhood to her death). By that time she was already very old: a good bit older than both my uncles (and they were about seventy or even older …). But she was full of mischief! I remember her, when she was younger. I knew her for about ten years: possibly from 1930s. And I do not remember when she died. She was very slim, short, but full of mischief! She practically became a family member. She cooked, washed, and cleaned, and also helped me to take a bath. She used to heat the bathroom and say ‘Let’s go! Let’s take a bath!’ She was there to order about; she was the mistress of the house. She was paid for her job, moreover: when we came back or left the house, uncle Abram always told my father ‘Moissey, have you given money?’ It was always an extra sum of money. And my father used to leave money somewhere on the table (he never delivered anything into anybody’s hands). Uncle Abram kept vigilant watch over it. 
 
Abram Moisseevich was one of the most devout Jews in the town. Russian tsar Nicolas II 2 held him in high respect and offered him a post of minister (sure, in case he denied his faith and accepted Christianity), but my uncle refused. 
 
He wore ordinary (secular) clothes (a suit of clothes and a tie); he had no payes; He was very handsome, he had long gray hair, moustache and a beard. At that time all men had beards, and uncle Semen had it, too. Uncle Abram celebrated all Jewish holidays; he could read Hebrew well; he was religious. And uncle Semen was not so religious, but he took part in celebration of all holidays.
 
Polina, the wife of Abram Moisseevich (Polina Lesman) died, when I was a little boy: I did not know her. Judging from her photos, she was a real beauty.
 
The wife of Semen Moisseevich left for France together with an officer, she deserted her husband Semen and their son. It happened during the revolutionary days of 1917. And they never spoke about her. I never saw her.
 
Abram Moissevich died in 1937. And uncle Semen was evacuated from the besieged Leningrad during the war. After the end of the war he returned back to Leningrad and lived together with the son Moissey. He died here, in Leningrad in 1950s.
 
My father’s name was Moissey Borissovich. He was born in 1899 in Melitopol (Ukraine), if I am not mistaken. My mother’s name was Millerman Anna Naumovna. She was born in 1901.
 
After the revolution of 1917, in 1920s my father worked in GPU (State Political Department) 3 as an investigator (he was a lawyer); and my Mum worked as a typist and a secretary in our soviet revolutionary bodies. And when White Army soldiers 4 came to Kherson (where she lived and worked at that time), she was arrested. She was kept in prison and was sentenced to death. Later the White Guard 5 members were dislodged, she was released from the prison, and my father got acquainted with her holding an investigation. They got married in 1921 or 1922.
 
My father had no juridical education. He studied at the Aircraft Engineering College in tsarist Russia, but did not graduate from it. We have his photo in pilot’s uniform: civil, not military. After the revolution of 1917 he studied at some juridical courses and later worked as a legal adviser at different institutions. My mother only finished school, because in 1917 she was 16 years old - and reorganization of the country already started. She worked as a typist, and after her marriage she did not work, she was a housewife.
 
My father and my mother were not religious, because they were brought up and lived among Russians. My mother knew Yiddish. Both my father and I did not. I understand Yiddish a little, because I knew German well. We did not speak Hebrew at all. My grandmother left, and members of our family started speaking only Russian. Among those relatives of my fathers, whom I was acquainted with, only uncle Abram was extremely religious, in contrast to my father’s brothers and sisters.
 
My Mum died very young in 1935 in Kerch. After the death of my mother I remained with my father. Several years later he married a Jewess; her name was Dorah Isaacovna Shuster (probably later she changed her surname for Lesman). Her family members also did not celebrate any religious holidays. We lived in Kerch. Dorah Isaacovna was very nice to me. She died very young from blood cancer in Chapaevsk, where they were evacuated together with my father. [Chapaevsk is a small city in Samara region. From the beginning of 1920s they produced there chemical weapon, for example, mustard gas. The production process was not accompanied by any sanitary actions, and resulted in monstrous pollution of environment. Practically, the city became unsuitable for life; however manufacturing was not closed. They had to replace all employees of the factory approximately every three months. Three months period was enough for a healthy man to become an invalid. At present in Chapaevsk they produce explosives. The situation with sanitary norms did not change a lot, and half of the citizens suffer from oncological diseases. The city is recognized to be a zone of ecological disaster (http: // www.svoboda.org).]
 
After the end of the war my father worked in Simferopol (Crimea) in regional consumers union. [Simferopol is a large city in the south of Crimea.] He was an extremely good lawyer – even Moscow lawyers invited his suggestions. He died at the age of 96 in Leningrad. All his life he lived in Crimea and only his last five years he spent here. He died in 1995.
 
My paternal grandfather (Boris Moisseevich, a poet) had 6 children: 4 brothers and 2 sisters. All of them lived and died in Leningrad.
 
The senior brother Samuil was born in 1897 (but I am not sure). He lived in Leningrad (at that time Petrograd); he was called up for military service in tsatist army, where he was an ensign (a junior lieutenant). To tell the truth, he became an officer in haste – just like me when I became a lieutenant two months after the war burst out. After the end of the war he was not subjected to repression [at that time Soviet authorities annihilated officers of the tsarist army], because he did not fight against Red Army 6. But as he was a tsarist army officer, he was deprived of some rights: in 1920s he could not find work and managed to get fixed up in a job of photographer in a photostudio. He died here in Leningrad in 1970s (it seems to me that it happened in 1973). His wife Maria (I do not remember her patronymic, for me she was aunt Marussya) was a Jewess, a doctor, a major of medical service, chief of a hospital train. Their daughter Adelaida was born in 1922. She died in Leningrad two years ago, in 2002. She lived not far from here. Her husband Andrey Kossenko, a Ukrainian, was a radiologist. She also was a radiologist – and they got acquainted. He died a bit before his wife also here in Leningrad. They had a daughter.
 
Their second brother was my father.
 
The third brother Emanuil (we called him Manila) was born in 1901. I think I am right, because my father was born in 1899, and Emanuil was the third son. He was a splendid chess player: he managed to trim Botvinnik at chess several times, when Botvinnik was young. [Botvinnik was a well known USSR world champion in chess.] A journal named Chess Bulletin remained intact somewhere at ours, where there was a series of photos named ‘Emanuil Lesman’s Display of Multi-Board Chess in Berlin’. He was acquainted with Kapablanka. [Khose Raul Kapablanka, a Cuban, was one of the world champions in chess.] He also knew Lasker and Reshevsky (American grand masters and champions). Uncle Manila worked at the Electrossila factory. [Electrossila factory was one of the largest electrotechnical enterprises in the USSR.] He died here, in Leningrad, from starvation, during the siege 7. I was the last one from our family to see him, because all the family members had been evacuated, but him: he was going to leave Leningrad together with Electrossila employees a bit later. I used to visit him in his apartment in Michurinskaya Street. Last time I brought him crackers and 2 packs of tobacco (I received it as I was a cadet). I said ‘Uncle, I am leaving tomorrow.’ I remember him together with his neighbour sitting on the stove, trying to get warm. They had all their clothes on, because it was terribly cold in the apartment. It was in December, I was evacuated in December 1941, and he had to leave a couple of days later together with the factory staff. And as I got to know from documents, he died literally several days after our last meeting. 
 
The fourth was Vitalia Lesman, a great architect: there are a lot of buildings constructed according to her project in Sverdlovsk and one or two buildings in Leningrad. [Sverdlovsk is a large industrial center in Urals, nowadays Ekaterinburg.]
 
The fifth was Deborah Lesman. She was a pianist. At first she lived in Leningrad (Petrograd), during the war she was in evacuation (I do not remember where). Later she lived somewhere else, and returned to Leningrad after a ten-year period. She died in Leningrad.
 
They both were single. They died in 1970s.
 
And the last son was Isaac – uncle Isya. He was a head of some department in the tram depot named after Leonov. He survived during the siege of Leningrad and died from heart attack in 1970s. He lived in Vassilievsky Island. [Vassilievsky Island is one of the central islands in St. Petersburg.] One day he left his apartment to buy some bread and died in the street. His wife Valentina Vostryak, a Jewess died in 2002. Their son Vladimir died at the age of 50 from the serious illness: disseminated sclerosis. At present his wife Barbara lives in America together with her second husband, and their son Sasha lives in Switzerland. 
 
Semen Moissevich had a son Moissey, who was a book-hunter. When the war burst out, he left Leningrad and left his vast collection. The collection was robbed: there were no Germans in the city, but our people did their best. When he returned, he started his collection anew. His collection was tremendous: if I am not mistaken he had about ten thousand issues. And he did not collect his books indiscriminately: he did his best to collect autographes. I saw there originals (decisions and orders), signed personally by Peter the Great 8 and Nicolas II. I remember well the signature of Alexander I: Alexander, then hooks, squiggles and flourish and Roman number I at the end. [Peter the Great, Nicolas II and Alexander I were Russian tzars of different times.] Besides uncle Semen gathered a unique collection of subjects from archive of Arakcheev: books, letters, and documents! [Arakcheev was a well-known statesman in the time of Alexander I.] He handed it over without any compensation to our Leningrad Public Library. I asked him ‘Uncle, why didn‘t you sell it? Why didn‘t you leave it at home?’ And he answered ‘I can’t keep these great people at me, I gave them away.’ He also gathered a large collection of Lenin’s 9 original documents and also presented them free-of-charge to the museum of Lenin in Ulyanovsk. This deed brought him the title of a freeman of Ulyanovsk: they awarded him a special ribbon and a diploma. He used to say ‘Well, Lenin was a genius of mankind, how could I keep his documents at me?’ And he knew each book very well: not only its contents, but also all its background.
 
He graduated from a conservatoire as a pianist. He worked as a concertmaster at the Leningrad Philarmonic Society. But the lion’s share of his time belonged to his collection, and when he retired at the age of 60, he devoted all his time to his collection. 
 
I have been acquainted with him since I realized myself: approximately since 1930s, when I was 6 years old. We met each other very often: he always visited my uncle Abram on holidays and came to see my father. I remember him to be a cheery fellow and a joker (and a very clever person). We liked to make fun together. He used to come to my place and say ‘Boris, do you know any new anecdotes?’ I said ‘No.’ And he answered ‘But I know! Do you want me to tell it?’ And he started telling me one of his spicy stories. 
 
In my mother’s family there were also 6 children: four sisters and two brothers. I knew not all of them. 
 
Semen was one of my mother’s brothers. As far as I remember, he was a high-ranker somewhere on Sakhalin (I guess, director of a fish-factory). After his retirement, he lived in Kharkov. He died at the end of 1970s or in 1980s.
 
Her second brother Lev was the youngest. Lev was the only one of them whom I was on informal terms with. The others were not so close to me. He lived at us in Kerch (in our family). He was a bookkeeper, a financier. During the war at the front he was a chief of financial department at some division (a captain, later a major). After the end of the war he got ill with cancer and died young in 1952.
 
His wife Galina Simkina was a Jewess. They have 2 daughters: Valentina (named in honour of my grandmother Velya) and Anna (named in honour of my Mum). They lived in Leningrad not far from the Winter Palace. [Winter Palace is the former residence of Russian tsars, at present it houses the world famous museum the Hermitage.] I often visited them. Lev adored me. We found each other here in Leningrad by pure accident. After his death I went on visiting his family. Valentina married a French person, whose name was Patrick. They were students of the University here in Leningrad, and got acquainted with each other. They got married and left for Paris, where they live now. They have got a son Daniel (my nephew); I saw him, because they came by car from Paris to see us (they visited us two or three times several years hand-running). Patrick speaks Russian well; Daniel knows both Russian and French. But now we do not communicate any more. As far as I know, Anna together with her mother (my aunt and a wife of Lev) left for Israel after collapse of the USSR 10. It seems to me that later they left Israel for Paris. At present I know nothing about their location. To my mind, Anna has got a son, whom I never saw.
 
One sister of my mother (aunt Sofia) was hung in Pervomaysk together with my grandmother and my brother Naum, who was 16 or 17 years old at that time (he did not manage to evacuate). Sofia was an economist and a Communist Party leader. They lived together with my grandmother and I visited them once. There was Bug River near by, and I remember that I went to Bug for swmming.
 
Her elder sister (my aunt Vera) lived in Odessa together with her husband. She died there after the end if the war. [Odessa is a city in Ukraine on the western coast of the Black sea.] She worked somewhere (I do not remember the place, but I know for sure that she was not a housewife). I guess her son Leonid is still alive – last time I met him in 1975 or 1976 in Odessa. At present I have no idea about the place of his residence: we do not correspond. I also visited Leonid and his father after my aunt’s death. His father Yanya was a Jew. Their surname was Moukomel. 
 
I saw my mother’s younger sister Elizaveta only once, when I was a little boy. Before the war she lived in Odessa 11, during the war she was in evacuation in Tashkent, and remained there. She died in 1980s.
 
You see, I know my maternal relatives not so well. I know for sure, that all of them were not religious. But I maintained close contact with my paternal relatives: we visited them in Leningrad together with my Mum, when she was alive.
 
All Lesmans lived in Leningrad, except us. We lived in Kerch, in a communal flat 12. We had two rooms, and there were two families of our neighbors (i.e. two rooms more in the flat). Anteroom was very large – about 40 square meters. It also served as a common kitchen: a kerosene stove was situated there. Of course, there was no bathroom, no water supply. There was a water-pump in our court yard – some sort of an old-fashioned waterpipe: we had to carry pailfuls of water to the second floor. We had to go to a bath-house to wash ourselves. Toilet was situated in the corner of our court yard, of course, it was common. There was electricity supply, strange as it may seem. 
 
In the first room to the right from the entrance there lived a lonely girl, who was sometimes visited by men at night. Some guy lived at her for a short period of time, later he disappeared somewhere, and after that another young guy came to her place. I remember it well, because I was a child and I saw them coming and leaving. The second room was occupied by a couple with a daughter. Their daughter was my coeval, but she studied not at my school, therefore I was not in touch with her. 
 
And the rest two rooms were occupied by our family. The second wife of my father had a child, whose surname was Ghin (the surname of her first husband Ghin). He was nine years younger than me (born in 1932, probably in Kerch); and we lived together with him in the same room: his bed, my bed. My father together with Dorah Isaacovna lived in the other room. We had neither servants, nor baby-sitters.
 
Dorah Isaakovna died in evacuation, and my father took care of that boy. Once in 1950s his mother’s sister came to us and took him away to Chelyabinsk. [Chelyabinsk is a city in the Urals, 200 kilometers far from Kazakhstan border.] For some time he studied in the Leningrad Shipbuilding College, but to my mind he graduated from a Building College in Moscow. He is an engineer.
 
At present he lives in New York and everything has turned out all right in his life: in 1989 he received a special certificate of The Best Engineer of New York, a brass plate, $5,000 and increase of salary. He engineers bridges. He has 2 sons. Andrew is a son of his wife (a Jewess), his father was Russian. The second son is Vadim. Vadim is a very good guy. When I visited them in New York (in the beginning of 1990), he studied in the 11th class, and by now he has already graduated from the university. He played piano very well, touring the USA. At present I am not in touch with them. Visiting New York, I went to synagogue for the first time in my life. Its building was rather roomy, there were two floors, but I had not visited any other synagogues and had no chance to compare. 
 
 
Growing up 
 
I am sure that in Kerch there were no synagogues! [The interviewee is mistaken: in Kerch there still remain buildings of several synagogues.] And nobody talked about it! There were tatar mosques. And in Crimea there were a lot of Greeks. On the third floor of our house there lived a former Consul of Greece (a retired consul, as it seems to me now). His name was Jordan Simelidi. He lived there together with his sister Ekaterina. She was a school teacher, but not at my school. It was Jordan Simelidi, who educated my taste in philately. He also was a very good artist, he painted my mother’s portrait, and he also presented her a miniature: a sea and a sailing ship. Their family was very good.
 
On the first floor of our house there lived Kostya Manioti, my coeval. We were friends. On the second floor (in the other wing of our house) there lived Aphrodite, my youthful sweetheart.
 
Another girl I loved (one among many) was Elza Kelzon. And she loved me, too. She came to our school in the second class; she was a Jewess, born in Kerch. Her cousin Misha also studied with us; during the war he was lost at the front. Elza married our schoolmate Ilya Babich, a Jew. They named their son Ilya. Later they divorced and Ilya Babich lived in Moscow, and she lived in Kerch. But their son suffered from heart disease. At the age of 17 he was brought by Elza to Moscow to go through surgery, but died during operation. Later Elza married a person from Kharkov, who moved to Kerch specially, and their life was very good.
 
At that time children went to school at the age of 8. My school was very good, it was named after Zhelyabov, a Russian revolutionary, a member of the Executive committee of Narodnaya Volya Organization (in 1860s he lived in Kerch). It was situated far from our house, though according to Leningrad criteria it was very close to us: I had to go down, walk along Lenin Street and turn to the seashore. In Leningrad I went to school by tram, and in Kerch there was only one tram route: the tram went to a plant. The plant was famous for its large blast-furnaces. When they finished cast at night, we saw bright light as clear as daylight. The plant was situated 10 or 12 kilometers far from Kerch, and in 1939 or 1940, before the war 13, they arranged tramway from the Kerch railway station to the plant, because a lot of its workers lived in Kerch. Actually, it was not city, but local tramway. I used it extremely rarely. 
 
Before the war we had no idea about private automobiles, there were only official cars and trains. I often went to Leningrad by train, because all my paternal relatives lived there. My father always took me with him to Dnepropetrovsk: he often went there on business trips. [Dnepropetrovsk is a city on Dnieper River; at present it is a Ukraine regional center.] He also took me with him to Odessa and somewhere else. To Leningrad we always went by train; there was a train Kerch-Moscow with one carriage Kerch-Leningrad. I remember that in Jankoy they hooked it on to another train Feodosiya-Leningrad and we continued our way. [Jankoy is a town and a large railway junction in the north of Crimea.]
 
At the age of 6 or 7 I started my music studies. I was not a schoolboy yet, I visited a kindergarten. My father hired a teacher for me: she used to come to us. We had a grand piano at home. I studied under the whiplash. I remember my Mum sitting beside me, holding a long ruler in her hands. When my friends cried from the street ‘Boris! Come out!’, she stroke on my hands with the ruler ‘Bang!’. That was the way I studied music. You see, our life events were concentrated in the street. I had a lot of friends not only among my schoolmates; there were many street guys, but no hooligans. We were very friendly: ran and played like other boys. 
 
We also used to go to the cinema: there were two cinema houses in Kerch. They showed only soviet films: at that time there were no foreign films, they appeared after the end of the war: German, English, and American captured films. And before the war we watched Chapaev 14, Seven Courageous Polar Explorers and other soviet films.
 
I took some interest in philately and liked to read Jules Verne and Belyaev. At home we had a lot of books. My father liked books, he always bought them. And it was important that we had an acquaintance at the bookshop. You see, when I was a schoolboy, there was a girl (my classmate). I was an excellent pupil, and she was an excellent pupil, too. Her name was Assya Ryssina. So, at the end of 1930s her father was director of that shop. And it was he who worked for my grandmother before 1917. I knew that father of Assya Ryssina was the former worker of my grandmother, and later (in 1935, 1937, and 1939) he was the director.
 
The shop was large; it was situated in the main street of Kerch named after Lenin. I remember that there was only one room (a large hall), where there were bookshelves and a writing-desk. I visited that place very often: I bought there textbooks. When there appeared new books, Assya Ryssina used to say ‘Daddy asked me to tell you that some new books came.’ You know, there was shortage of books, to tell the truth, at that time there was shortage of everything. We had different books: fantasy, fiction. In 1930s there were no subscription editions. We had no old books. We subscribed to newspapers Crimean Truth (regional newspaper), Kerch Worker. All these newspapers were in Russian. There was no idea about Jewish language in Crimea, and of course no publications. But they issued books in Tatar language, because Crimea was a Tatar territory. We studied Tatar language at school.
 
 
During the war 
 
Assya Ryssina was a Jewess. I do not know, what happened to her. After we finished school in 1941, I left and we did not communicate. I do not know, whether she survived the war or not (in Kerch fascists shot more than 7,000 Jews). 
 
Alexander Turchinsky was a very good guy, a Jew. He was an excellent pupil, but some sort of Jewish dawdle: he perished at the front. 
 
There were a lot of Jews at our school: Boris Benkler, Irina Kompaneets, Sofa Berman. 
 
Boris Benkler was badly wounded at the front. Later he became a head physician at the hospital in Tyumen, an honoured physician of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic, and was awarded an Order of Labour Red Banner. [Tyumen is a city in the Urals.] [Honoured physician of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic was a honorary title for the most distinguished persons.] [Order of Labour Red Banner they gave for feat of working.] At present he is dead already: he had a bad heart. 
 
Irina Kompaneets married Nikolay Babich. He was also our schoolmate, Russian, and she was a Jewess. By now he has already died, and she lives in Sverdlovsk (Ekaterinburg now). One more Jewish-Russian couple was Sofa Berman and Ivan Vlesko, they lived in Kerch. 
 
We knew that we were Jews, but we did not pay much attention to it: we were russianized. I remember that colleagues of my father always called him Mikhail Borissович, it became the custom. And when I joined Komsomol organization 15 in 1930s I wrote in the questionnaire ‘Lesman, Boris Mikhailovich, a Jew’ (they always insisted to indicate nationality). Later I accidentally got to know that I was Boris Moisseevich. I came to my Daddy and asked ‘Daddy, are you Moissey or Mikhail?’ He answered ‘My name is Moissey.’ – ‘If you are Moissey, it means that I am Moisseevich!’ And I thought I was Boris Mikhailovich! So, when they exchanged Komsomol-membership cards, I told everybody with pride ‘I am Boris Moisseevich!’ Since then I was not Mikhailovich, but Moisseevich. And my father was called Mikhail until his last days. But I still remember my horror when I got to know his real name! ‘Daddy, are you Moissey?!’ I remember it very well. So I am Boris Moisseevich and I am not ashamed of my patronymic.
 
In Kerch I knew no religious Jews. All of them were russianized. We did not celebrate Jewish holidays, until now I know nothing about them. In Kerch we lived among Russians. Only my grandmother knew Yiddish. But she always talked Russian to me, therefore neither I, nor my father knew Yiddish. When she talked to Mum, I understood ‘kushen tohas’.
 
I was in touch with my paternal relatives, and uncle Abram celebrated Jewish holidays. I remember special biscuits – hamantashen? One day uncle Abram gathered all members of our family to celebrate one of Jewish holidays. We were children: two my sisters [cousins] and I. Uncle Abram invited all brothers and sisters with their spouses and children – about 30 persons. There was no bread on a table, only matzot, and sweets were also made from matzah. The table was laid perfectly. A special table was laid for children in another room and a housemaid brought us meals. Of course, there was gefilte fish, chopped herring (looked like caviar) to spread bread with. The first course was meat or chicken.
 
In Crimea we knew nothing about matzah. I got to know about it in Leningrad. For about a year I studied there at school and lived at my grandfathers Abram and Semen. It happened because a year or a year and a half after my mother’s death my father decided to move to Leningrad, because all his relatives already lived there. Therefore I was taken to Leningrad beforehand and went to school on the 1st of September (to the 5th class). Later my father changed his mind and took me back to Kerch; therefore I finished my school in Kerch. 
 
Near by there lived Igor Lekney, a Lithuanian. He lived in Kerch together with his aunt, because his mother and father had been arrested as enemies of the people 16. It happened in 1930s. I do not know the way he appeared in Kerch. I only know that in Leningrad he had an aunt, too. And you know that I often visited Leningrad, especially in summer during summer vacation. There we used to meet with him. I remember that once (in 1939 or 1940) we went to Petrodvorets, we started at 5 p.m. and somewhere by 3 o’clock in the night we already got tired and lay down to have a sleep under a tree on our way there (it was warm in summer). We slept a little and went home about 7 o’clock in the morning. [Petrodvorets is a suburb of St. Petersburg, full of fountains; it used to be a summer residence of Russian emperors.] All night long we chattered. Igor married Lora Gankina – our classmate, too. She was a great specialist in financies: during the Olympiс Games of 1980 she (already a pensioner!) was invited specially to be the main financier of the Olympic Games. She was awarded an Order of Honour after the Games. And Igor Lekney worked as director of the famous Olympic swimming pool Chaika; he was an Honoured Worker of Culture of the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic (a special title for distinguished workers). Igor Lekney has already died, and Lora Gankina is alive, now she lives in Moscow.
 
It is funny that many couples from our class got married! But it happened already after the end of the war - and before the war we were afraid even to touch each other! We were extremely naive: already at the age of 18 we knew nothing about sexual relations between a man and a woman. During our parties we rotated the famous ‘bottle’ and left for a dark room (it was a game for children: according to its rules a chosen pair had to kiss). I went there with one of my classmates, but I was afraid to touch her; we stood still there for 2 or 3 minutes and went back. Of course we danced, gathered at different apartments. We danced tango, rumba, and boston.
 
At school we had lessons of manual training: metalwork and joinery. A teacher of joinery was a Jew, his surname was Rokhlis. 
 
Our teacher of physics became a professor at Pedagogical College in Simferopol after the end of the war. 
 
Director of our school was very good. He was Russian, Alexander Tretyakov. He was ten years older than us. We loved him very much and were in touch with him up to present day; by now he is 95 or 96 years old. As for me, he stopped writing me letters about three years ago.
 
Rosa Kheifets, a Jewess was a teacher of literature - she adored me! We called her ‘Molecule’: she was knee-high to a duck. I quess, she was not taller than 1.5 meters. During the war she was in evacuation, but later she returned to Kerch, taught children at school and later retired on a pension.
 
I also took great interest in water tourism and gymnastics. I was a good gymnast: in 1940 I managed to become a champion of Crimea in gymnastics. I achieved ranking in gymnastics, and in 1941 I started working to become a master of sports, but the war burst out... Gymnastics is a perfect kind of sport; I was able to turn somersaults here and there. I belonged to Vodnik sports society; I was a member of their team. But in future I was going to become a sailor.
 
Though I played piano, I rarely took part in amateur perfomances: I did not like to act on a stage. When a military college student, I played in cadets’ jazz band. But in the beginning of 1942 I left for front line.
 
But when Eddie Rozner’s jazz band from Poland appeared in the Soviet Union, I went crazy with it! Eddie Rosner was trumpet-player number two in the world, after Louis Armstrong! And as for me, I considered myself to be a musician at the very least … 
 
When I studied at school, it was very fashionable to be a member of aviation club! I entered aviation club being a pupil of the 10th class (at the age of 17). They did not allow younger schoolchildren to become its members. They used U-2 planes. I finished the theoretical course and flied together with instructor. But by that time I already handed in my documents to a military college and gave up aviation. At that time everything connected with aviation was in fashion, for instance Tsiolkovsky. I did not read his works; I only knew that there was Tsiolkovsky, a teacher at Kaluga school. [Tsiolkovsky was a well-known Russian scientist and inventor (1857-1935).] At that time very famous were soviet pilots Chkalov 17, Baidukov, Belyakov, Gromov, Kokkinaki, Grizodubova, Raskina, and Ossipenko. Everybody got really crazy about them!
 
During vacations we walked all over the southern Crimea, beginning from Kerch and finishing in Evpatoria. [Evpatoria is a city-port on the western coast of Crimea.] Once (I remember it well) three of us went from Kerch to Feodosiya by bikes. We started early in the morning and arrived in Feodosiya in the evening; but we daren't get back by bikes and went by train. And it was a long way from Kerch to Feodosiya – so cheerful guys we were! One of us, Vova Khomutov was lost during the war; and I do not remember the name of the other one. We also went on foot from Simeiz to Alupka, through Yalta. I remember that we visited the palace of Bukhara emir, situated in Yalta. [Simeiz, Alupka and Yalta are towns on the southern coast of Crimea.]
 
In Kerch there was a perfect beach (fifteen minutes by bus from our place) in a small settlement on the Black Sea shore. We went there for swimming. We also went for swimming to the Azov Sea in Enikale.
 
At that time we had only 2 holidays: the 1st of May and the 7th of November 18, nothing else. And I had my birthday on the 1st of May! We did not celebrate the New Year day: it was not a day off, it was forbidden to decorate New Year trees. Only in 1938 Stalin permitted it. We used to celebrate holidays participating in demonstrations. After that we came home and had dinner. That was all.
 
When the World War II burst out, we did not attach importance to it. Probably, it happened because we were boys, not adults. 
 
On June 14, 1941 I finished my school, on June 22 we were going to hold a meeting in celebration of it, but that day the war burst out. They cancelled our banquet, gave us urgently our certificates, and that was all. Approximately for a week I stayed in Kerch, and Komsomol leaders appointed me to be a company commander. We participated in patroling the city streets (2 or 3 men together). And a week later I left for Leningrad. Here I entered the Naval School named after Frunze 19. I sent there my document beforehand, in 1940. That School celebrated its 300th anniversary in 2001 (it is older, than St. Petersburg itself, because it was created in 1701, and St. Petersburg - in 1703). According to the decree of the President Eltsin it was renamed Naval College of Peter the Great.
 
Seamen were always rich, having 8 variants of uniform. No.1 - white trousers, white jacket with high collar and white cap; no.2 - black trousers, white jacket with high collar; no.3 - black trousers, black jacket with high collar and black cap; no.4 - no.3 + pea-jacket; no.5 - no.3 + overcoat and sailor's cap or uniform cap; no.6 - the same + fur-cap; no.7 - the same + tied up fur-cap; no.8 - a sheepskin.
 
I had a lot of friends at the College: Markin Eugeny (he died already); Pautov Nikolay (he lives in Petrodvorets); Alexander Zaharov (he died); Baboshin Eugeny (handicapped: he lost his leg at the front; he has already died); Chernov Yury (he was a member of Association of Writers: he managed to graduate from the Literary College in Moscow after retirement in the rank of captain, he died already); Novimzon Abram (we served together on the Black sea (in Kerch), later he served in Vladivostok, and I went to Kamchatka, and we met in Vladivostok several times. Later we moved to Leningrad, and he visited me million times. Now he lives in Haifa). We use to gather at the Naval School every year on the 9th of May (to celebrate the Victory Day).
 
Before war my father worked as a civilian legal adviser at a military training ground, which was based near Kerch. As my father was not subject to call because of his disease, in 1941 he together with his wife and child was evacuated to Chapaevsk of Kuybyshev region. [Kuybyshev is a city in Urals, Samara at present.]
 
I entered the Naval School on July 3, as soon as I arrived from Kerch, and in August I was already at the front, here in Leningrad. I was a machine gunner (they changed our cloths for infantry uniform). At the end of September they brought us back to Leningrad and changed our uniform for naval one. We starved in blockade for three months, till December 9. On December 9, 1941 we were brought to Ladoga Lake [39 km far from St. Petersburg]. The Lake was already ice-bound, and 1 day and a half we went on foot across the Ladoga Lake to Kobona. [Kobona is a settlement on the east coast of the Ladoga Lake, where they accepted people evacuated from the besieged Leningrad.] And we happened to loose our way at night walking through the ‘ice desert’ and went towards German positions. We were lucky to be noticed and set on the right way by ski patrols of the Road of Life 20
 
We walked about 50 km across the Ladoga Lake: it was terribly windy and frosty. On my left there walked Sergey Akhromeev (later he became a USSR Marshal and a Hero of the Soviet Union 21), and on my right – Evgeniy Markin. All of us were cold and lousy, because we had no opportunity to wash. We suffered from starvation! During the hardest period of the siege people received 125 grammes of bread per day, and we got 250 gr. From Kobona we went on foot to Tikhvin. [Tikhvin is a city 140 km far from the Ladoga Lake; front line went across Tikhvin.] At that time Tikhvin was recaptured and was full of corpses: both German and Soviet. We were told to take away corpses. They promised to give us supplementary ration for it. We did it and received half-pack of porridge concentrate and two small bits of sugar each. In Tikhvin we got into the train and moved to Astrakhan: our School had been already evacuated there. [Astrakhan is a city in the Delta of the Volga River.]
 
It took us a month to get to Astrakhan by train. We got terribly dirty - black! But we were well fed, in compare with Leningrad. 
 
We arrived in Astrakhan on 10th January 1942. Immediately from the railway station we were brought to bath-house, they gave us clean uniform and took to our School. And we started our studies. At first I studied at the command faculty. But soon we got to know that a lot of students from Hydrographic school perished on the ice of Ladoga Lake. Therefore in Astrakhan they offered us to change the faculty in case we wished. I agreed to change for hydrographic department, because I wanted to get engineering education.
 
Having finished the first course, we went for practice to a village near Astrakhan. As far as I was a specialist in hydrography, I fulfilled topographical survey. 
 
By that time German troops approached Volga (Stalingrad, Volgograd at present). Our School students immediately finished their practical studies and moved to Baku. But we, specialists in topography (‘educated’ already after a year of studies) were made lieutenants: those who had not very good marks for exams became junior lieutenants, and those who had good and excellent marks (like me, for example) became lieutenants. And we were sent to Stalingrad hell 22. It was the time of the famous Stalingrad battle. By the way, not all students, specialists in hydrography were sent to the front line (only 28 from 100). And the rest 72 did not participate.
 
Most of all I was afraid of being captured: I was Jewish, a Communist Party member, an officer. I joined the Communist Party at the front; I went into actions crying ‘For our native land! For Stalin!’ We had no idea that Stalin was a devil incarnate. And we knew nothing about ideology of Fascism.
 
November 19 became the Day of Artillery and Rocket Troops, because it was the day of full-scale offensive in Stalingrad. I was a lieutenant, an assistant of company commander, but by the end of the day I already became a company commander. Statistics tells us that during that battle, a terrible, a dreadful battle platoon leader commanders lived 3 days. On the fourth day they were either killed or wounded; company commanders lived 7 days. I became a company commander and managed to drag out my life from November 19 till December 2. The temperature was 30 degrees below zero, and we wore thin socks and naval boxcalf boots. We were in field caps! 30 degrees below zero! 
 
I went to commissary and asked to give me a pistol. They gave me a rifle, an old Russian rifle, rusty. Sergeant fired it several times to clean it and gave it to me. ‘I am a lieutenant.’ – ‘Procure a gun in action! We have no pistols!’ To tell the truth, by evening 18 people remained from 100, and only 1 officer – me. So, I was a company commander, I was a platoon leader commander, and I was a section leader at the same time. There was no place to take cover: it was impossible to dig trenches, because the ground was frozen – that was the way we ‘amused ourselves’. 
 
There I got my feet and hands frostbitten and also was wounded - therefore in the hospital they treated me both for my wound and for chilblain. A German sniper managed to take aim at us: we had to lie down on the ground covered with snow; we could not move our hands or legs (he would have shot us). And we were underclad… We had to lie still till dark. We were two: I and a political officer 23 lieutenant Diveykin. Our hands and feet got absolutely frostbitten: we were in boxcalf boots and in rag gloves – not suitable for winter conditions. And only after dark we started rolling over and crawling away. At that time the sniper wounded me in the buttock by an explosive bullet. And the same bullet caused a fatal wound in the stomach of Diveykin. When we reached our positions, we were brought to a hospital. In the hospital a doctor looked at me (I was 19 years old – a child) and said to a soldier ‘Bring him (me) to the operating-room, and take that guy over there.’ – ‘Where?!’ – ‘Over there, I said: he is dead.’ On our way to the hospital he spoke to me, he called me ‘lieutenant’! So, I was quickly operated, and Diveykin…
 
They took me away to Uralsk to a hospital, where I spent a month and several days. [Uralsk is a city in Kazakhstan.] After that I left hospital and went to the front via Saratov. [Saratov is a city on the Volga River.] In Saratov I spent a day or two. And once early in the morning I was walking to Saratov railway station to learn about the departure time of the train from Saratov to Stalingrad front (in south direction). And I was walking along an empty street (January, 7 o’clock in the morning, snowstorm) and suddenly saw a figure across the street: that was my uncle Lev! Can you imagine that it could happen during the war, at 7 o’clock in the morning! I embraced him. He was a junior lieutenant, I was a lieutenant. We embraced and kissed ‘Where are you from?’ – ‘I am from hospital. And you?’ – ‘I go from the Caucasus (Germans were already in the Caucasus by January 1942) to our headquarters to get informed about my destination.’ – ‘Do you have a place to live here?’ – ‘No, I don’t’ – ‘Come with me!’ And we spent 2 days together with him. Later I left Saratov, but I gave him my father’s address in Chapaevsk, and through my father we found each other: got to know our field mail addresses. 
 
It was my first wound. I have got to Stalingrad front. By that time Paulus troops had already been encircled, but not taken yet. So I was moving to the south by train. I was lying on the upper berth (my wound still bothered me). Three officers were sitting below: two lieutenants and one junior lieutenant. They were talking, suddenly I looked at that junior lieutenant … and understood that I knew him! ‘Konstantin Vassilyevich! Hi!’ He looked at me. I said ‘Konstantin Vassilyevich, don’t you recognize me? You are my teacher of physics, and I am Lesman …’ – ‘Oh, Boris!’ We embraced … 
 
He was a junior lieutenant. He said ‘Boris, where are you going?’ – ‘To our headquarters.’ – ‘Listen, come with me, to our army. We will be there together.’ – ‘But can it cause any troubles for me?’ – ‘No, you will go to the front line, not to back areas!’ – ‘Where shall we go? To the front headquarters?’ – ‘No, it is not necessary! We will go directly to the army headquarters.’ And so we arrived there. They asked me ‘Do you want to serve in our army?’ – ‘Yes, I do.’ – ‘Good. What position did you occupy before you were wounded?’ – ‘I was a company commander.’ – ‘Good.’ And I found myself in the rifle division no. 302 as a company commander. Thanks to my teacher I became one of them through and through. We liberated half of Ukraine, when Germans managed to defeat our division, and we were taken off from the front line and sent to Voronezh region, to heartland (it happened in July). [Voronezh is a city in the Central Russia, 500 km far from Moscow.] There we got new weapon, new soldiers, because we had lost many people. And I was appointed a battalion commander (about thousand people). And you remember that I was a twenty-years-old senior lieutenant! Two fourty-years-old captains and several senior lieutenants much older than me were subordinate to me. I fought for my country very well.
 
From Voronezh region we were transferred to Ukraine, where I was wounded badly for the last time: for about seven months I have been treated in hospital in Kuybyshev. 
 
Olga Ponterovskaya, my classmate found me there (if I am not mistaken, she died about 2 years ago). After the end of the war she lived in Kerch. She told me that my beloved Elza Kelzon lived in Nizhni Tagil and she corresponded with her. [Nizhni Tagil is a city in the Urals.] I also got to know that Irina Kompaneets lived in Sverdlovsk. So, I received addresses of my school friends. I wrote letters to all of them, and received an answer from Elza; she also sent me her photograph made in 1944. 
 
Once on the Ukraine front in Antratsit city we held the line during April, May, and June 1943. Germans did not disturb us, neither did we. Peaceful life was around us: Ukraine, summer - amazing time... I was a batallion commander, a senior lieutenant. I do not remember how it happened, but there appeared a photographer, and took a photo of us together with Boulatnikov, a headquarters commander. We were standing in the street, when a very young girl passed by. I said ‘Let’s have our picture taken!’ And she agreed. After that she left and I know nothing about her name or place of residence. She lived in Antratsit, and she was about 17 or 18 years old - that was all I knew about her. 
 
At that time I served in the 51st army, where I managed to get, thanks to my teacher of physics. 
 
About 40 years have passed. In 1983 or 1982 I was invited to Antratsit to participate in some celebration. We were 7 (former soldiers). Hospitality of local citizens was fantastic - we had been among those who liberated their city. They arranged tasty meal for us and invited to the local museum, where showed an exposition devoted to our division and regiment.
 
And I brought with me that photograph of unknown girl, because I wanted to find her. I showed it to director of the museum. He made copies (at present copy of that photo is an exhibit of that museum) and said ‘We will find her.’ I left, several months passed. Suddenly I got a letter from a woman named Yavorskaya. She informed me that it was her, the girl we had our photo taken with. By that time she was already a grandmother (having several grandchildren). We corresponded for some time, but it resulted in nothing.
 
I started thinking where I to go after the hospital. Of course, to the front. Later I decided that it would be better to join Lev. By means of field mail he informed me that he was able to take me to his unit. And it meant serving not at the front line, but somewhere in a financial department. By that time I already was a senior lieutenant. And my uncle arranged a request from the front line, from his unit ‘… to detach the senior lieutenant Lesman to our unit.’ But at that time I got to know by chance that according to Stalin’s order, all man-of-war's men had to return to fleet. All of us were in infantry: they threw us to Stalingrad on feet, because the course of war events was extremely hard. I addressed the hospital command, and they answered ‘We have no right to send you to the School: we do not know such order of comrade Stalin.’ – ‘But I have official information that they return seamen!’ – ‘Certainly we can send you to the front line. Otherwise you have to recall your assignment.’ And I wrote my uncle (nervously and urgently) ‘Lev, I have an opportunity to get back to the Navy School, please recall your request.’
 
And they sent a telegram from the front line ‘We do not object to sending Lesman to the Navy School.’ That was the way I got back to the School and finished the 2nd, the 3rd, the 4th course and became a seaman. So Lev made a good act, a very good act for me: my uncle turned to be very fine to me! We were 5 on the course, who returned from the front according to the Stalin’s order; in total 22 cadets from 300 were back at School. I returned to School, which was in evacuation in Baku, at the end of April 1944. On 4th July 1944 the School got back to Leningrad, because the siege had been already raised. Destructions were not great, but people changed a lot, naturally: they starved 900 days during the siege. Leningrad looked not very attractively, but it was already clean: its citizens already introduced order in it.
 
At that time Dora Isaacovna, my stepmother, the second wife of my father died. When I got to know about it, I was urgently granted leave of absence and went to my father in Chapaevsk. I spent at him one week in February 1945.
 
Uncle Manila died in Leningrad during the siege. His wife and two daughters were evacuated, they lived very poorly, and they starved. His wife Antonina was Russian, and he had 2 daughters (Irina and Marina), who live now in Leningrad. Irina was born in 1930s, and Marina - 5 years later. My father invited them to Chapaevsk. As for us, we sent our money certificates to our relatives, because at the front they gave us no money. I received a letter from my father ‘Boris, aunt Antonina and her girls live in misery, if you can, send them your money certificate please.’ I knew already that my uncle was lost during the siege. Sure, I immediately sent them my certificate: they remember it till now. Later, when I left the hospital and had to go to School, I recalled my certificate, but they had been using it for about a year and survived therefore. And certainly later, when I met them in Leningrad, my aunt kissed me from top to toe and said ‘If it were not you, we would be lost.’ She died at the age of 90. Irina is married to Evgeniy, their daughter’s name is Natalya. Marina was married to a person, whose surname was Sadikov. They are divorced; they have a daughter Alena. 
 
After the end of the war I met in Odessa Vera, the elder sister of my Mum and her son (my brother)… And nobody else: actually I do not remember, where from I got to know that my aunt and my grandmother were hanged upon a gibbet. I guess it was aunt Vera, who told me about it. Aunt Vera was evacuated: they left Odessa before it was occupied by Germans.
 
On the 3rd course I became a lieutenant commander for my long service: I was at war! Being an excellent cadet and a former front-line soldier, I had the right to choose the fleet to serve at. I chose the Black Sea, because I was born there. I arrived in Sevastopol and said ‘I want to serve in Kerch.’ As I was a specialist in hydrography, I was appointed to research hydrographic group. [Sevastopol is a city-port in Crimea.] I arrived in Kerch: earlier I was simply Boris, and by that time I became a four-star lieutenant commander. And I used to meet there all my teachers, including my Molecule [Rosa Kheifets], and she always died from adoration meeting me in the street! Those who remained alive returned from evacuation to Kerch. Besides there also were several schoolmates of mine: some of them returned from the front-line, others survived in occupied Kerch. A lot of us perished during the war at the front. 
 
So it was my native city, I was there one of them through and through. But it was badly destroyed. During the war the city changed hands several times: in 1941 we liberated it, and in 1944 we did it again; that was the reason, why it was totally destroyed. 60 years have elapsed, but it is still in ruins. The factory was utterly ruined, too: all blast furnaces were destroyed. When I visited that place in 1990 or 1991, I found there craft workshops and no factory at all.
 
 
After the war 
 
In Kerch I served during one year (in 1947-1948), until they sent me back to Sevastopol and half a year later - abroad, to the Danube River.
 
Suddenly they called me and told that there came an order from Moscow to send me on Danube, to the Danube Military River Flotilla. ‘Very good!’ I got my documents and left for Izmail. [Izmail is a city on the Danube River near the Romanian border.] After my arrival they said ‘You go adroad for postwar creeping.’ Danube was stuffed with mines: Germans dropped them, Russians dropped, Americans and French did it. It meant that Danube was completely unsuitable for navigation: mines were everywhere. As for me I was an experienced specialist in creeping: I did it on the Black Sea and on the Azov Sea, too. On the Azov Sea I was blown up and thrown overboard, nearly died… And there it was necessary to creep all Danube long: through Germany, Austria, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Yugoslavia, Romania, and Bulgaria. It was necessary to creep, and I was appointed for that job – I do not know for what sins or battle services. We were in the process of training for about a month, our commander estimated our achievements, taught us the way to behave (you know, in the USSR authorities always taught people how to behave), etc. And we started: from Germany to Bulgaria twenty two times! That means that we shuttled over each area 22 times, because Germans made special magnetic mines, which reacted only to the 22nd pass of a ship: the first ship passed by – nothing happened, the second one passed – nothing happened, and only the 22nd one caused explosion. That means that twenty one ships could pass over that dangerous place safe, and the 22nd one had to be lost. That is why we moved there and back over every area 22 times, and then passed on to the next one – again and again along the whole river. Only after we finished, navigation was opened.
 
Vienna was damaged greatly. In Budapest all five bridges across the Danube River were destroyed [editor's note: the interviewee is wrong, there were seven bridges across the Danube]; and in 1948 all of them were still in ruins down in the Danube; people used bridges of boats, though 4 years had passed since Hungary was liberated. Situation in Belgrad was better. In Belgrad they started to develop uninhabited islands in the mouth of Drava River: they arranged communist subbotniks 24 (they were all Communists), where millions of people worked under banners and flags to ‘build the best decoration of the Earth.’ They worked so enthusiastically! They were building new city. At present that place is very beautiful.
 
I saw Marshal Tito, Rankovich, Kardel, Milutinovich, and doctor Ribar: in fact, I saw all the Yugoslavian history. Bulgaria, Romania, Hungary, Czechoslovakia followed our socialist way of development, except Yugoslavia. However hard Stalin tried to break them down, Tito went capitalist way. Therefore in Pravda Newspaper there appeared an article, signed by the CC [the Communist Party Central Committee] - we all knew that that signature meant Stalin himself, he wrote it personally (we recognized his style). It was titled ‘What is the future of the country leaded by the Anti-Communist Tito’s clique?’ There was a caricature: Tito holding an axe, and blood flows down from it. At that time the 5th congress of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia was held in Belgrad. And I was in Belgrad at that moment. In the streets there were tanks, portraits of Stalin and Tito, and slogans ‘Long live Marshal Tito! Long live comrade Stalin!’ Tito gave a five-hour report, I understood it a little (we learned their language), listening to the report by the radio.
 
Two weeks later they offered us to leave, to go home. By that time I moved from a flat in Belgrad to our ship (they ordered us to move). And as soon as we finished creeping, they ordered us to go home. So I witnessed to moment, when they separated from us, from the Communist International. And only Khrushchev 25 managed to renew contacts many years later. And other countries were with us. I visited Bratislava several times (the former Czechoslovakia), but I have never been to Prague. I have been to Budapest, Bucharest, Bulgaria, and Austria (in Vienna). I simply went there for a walk, when our ship moored there. And in Yugoslavia I managed to spend about 20 days in a hospital. In Novi Sad city there was a Hospital of Yugoslavian National Army - Hospital no.3. I caught cold, and had 22 furuncules and running temperature. I could not sit, lie down, I ate and slept upright. At first I was treated by our doctors, but it went from bad to worse, and they decided to send me to a hospital. They brought me there and left alone.
 
I was placed in the officer’s ward: 5 beds (4 Yugoslavs and me). But they loved us: ‘Oh! Here is our friend captain!’ I was a lieutenant commander (a captain). They spoke Russian a little, and I knew Yugoslavian a little, because in 1945, 5 Yugoslav's came to study in our School: 2 captains, a senior lieutenant, a lieutenant and a private. And I was appointed to show them Leningrad, to teach them Russian. We made friends. They were Mario Ostoich, Rade Stiela, and Tonko Zanetich. All of them were given Soviet uniform (they arrived in Yugoslavian uniform). I brought them round the city, taught them Russian. And they studied at our School, finished it and left for Yugoslavia. Therefore when I talked to Yugoslavs in the hospital, I already understood a lot of their words. I spent there about 20 days, and then my guys visited me and told me that they were going to leave for Vienna (Austria). ‘What shall we do with you?’ I answered ‘It’s enough, I am going to leave the hospital!’ The hospital command did not object: I was a Soviet officer, they gave me a certificate of health and I left.
 
But still I was sick. It lasted 2 months more, but not in a hospital. Therefore they gave me a holiday and I went to Simferopol, to my father’s. People working abroad had 45-day leave, in contrast to others (others had only 30 days). I reached Bucharest by transeuropean train Paris – Bucharest, and then I moved to Galatz, crossed the Soviet border and arrived in Izmail. [Galatz is the city-port on the Danube River in Romania.] We did not receive salary during a year, we had savings books. Therefore I arrived very hungry: I could not buy food, having no cash. First of all I went to the bank and received 22 thousand roubles. Rye-bread cost 16 copecks, white bread cost 9 copecks, sausage cost 2 roubles and 20 copecks per kilogram. I wore white uniform (it was summer), I was filling my pockets with money and people stared at me… A car waited for me, I ordered the driver to go to a restaurant. There I ordered meals for the driver and for myself. Then we went to buy a train ticket, and the next day morning I arrived in Odessa. I immediately went to the airport and on April 30 I was already in Simferopol in the face of my father. May 1st was my birthday. 
 
At that time I got acquainted with my future wife – it happened in the House of Officers during some celebration. We got married when I returned home from abroad finally. In 1949 in Sevastopol our son was born.
 
Her name was Serafima Rabinovich, a Jewess. If I am not mistaken, she was born in Belarus (in Mogilev) in 1928, on 31st December. But before the war she lived in Sevastopol with her parents Abram and Raissa. Raissa was a housewife, and I do not remember her father’s profession. Her family was not religious, her mother tongue was Russian. When the war burst out, they were evacuated from Sevastopol by a warship to the Caucasus (Tuapse), where she studied at school. Later they moved to Simferopol, where we met each other. 
 
When we got acquainted with her, she worked as a pioneer leader at school. We got married and she did not work for some time. Later she entered the Leningrad College of Soviet Trade and Economy. She became a financier, and works as a financier up to date.
 
When we finally returned from creeping, our families met us on the frontier. Our commander vice-admiral Kholostyakov also was there on his flagship; we crossed the frontier and moved towards Izmail.
 
When our detachment disbanded, I was sent to Sevastopol again. Again I arrived to the Black Sea. 
 
Three years had passed since I finished my School, it was necessary to go on studying; I decided to enter the Higher Officers Classes for Hydrography Specialists in Leningrad. I was the best graduate: I became a lieutenant commander and was sent to the Pacific Ocean. As the best student, I had the right to choose fleet. They said ‘Sure, you may choose, but we know that you served in the south.’ – ‘I am ready to serve on the Baltic Sea. Do I have the right to choose fleet?’ - ‘Yes, you do.’ … And they sent me to the Pacific Ocean. Probably, my Jewish origin played its role: it happened in 1951. 
 
I arrived in Sovetskaya Gavan on the Pacific Ocean: conditions there were even harder than in Vladivostok. [Sovetskaya Gavan is a city in the Far East of Russia.] [Vladivostok is a city-port in the Far East of Russia.] A nightmare! I went to headquarters and said ‘As I got to the Pacific Ocean, I ask you to give me an opportunity to go further - to Kamchatka.’ I already got to know that in Kamchatka one had an opportunity to serve only 3 years, whereas in Sovetskaya Gavan it was possible to spend a hundred years or even more. They told me that in Kamchatka there were no duties of a commander. I said ‘Guys, I’ll give you a receipt that I do not object to be appointed to any post, but in Kamchatka.’ My wife and my child (1 year and a half old) were together with me: they lived in a barge (there was no other place for living). It was heated by means of a small stove: ice on one side, warmth on the other one. That was the way officers lived at that time. Certainly, they sent me to Kamchatka.
 
We got to Vladivostok, got on board the steamship, and went to Kamchatka, to Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskiy. [Petropavlovsk-Kamchatskiy is a city in Kamchatka.] My wife cried (she was a girl, 20 years old, having a one year and a half old son). I said ‘Do not worry, we are naval! I am sure that there we will find thousand friends of mine!’ We came there three days before the New Year day, on December 27. I knew that the hydrographic department was situated in the city center. I came there and opened the door ‘Oh, my God! All my guys! Guys, it is necessary to find for us a place for living. It is urgent: we have a little child with us.’ – ‘Sure, come with me to my place!’ said one of them. That was an example of real naval friendship! I brought my family to him and went to my military unit. 
 
Later we moved to my study and lived there for about a week or more. There was a narrow sofa, where my wife and my son slept at night, and I spent nights on the desk. In the morning we went to the restaurant (it was situated across the street, thanks God!), had breakfast and they went for four-hour walk – until 12 o’clock, because I had to work. At 12 o'clock they came back, they warmed themselves, we had lunch, and at 2 o'clock in the afternoon (officers had a 2-hour break) they went for a walk again! At 6 in the afternoon they got back, I made dinner for them using electric stove.
 
Several days later my son got ill: he got covered with blisters, his temperature was very high - nightmare! I seized him and ran down from the mountain to the regional executive committee of the Communist Party. I pushed aside all the sentinels and ran directly to one of the secretaries. When he saw me, he understood that I was not one to be trifled with ‘What happened?’ – ‘I have no place to live, my child has very high temperature, he is dying!’ He called the manager of the regional Health Department - not less - and told him ‘Take this officer and help him.’ – ‘Let’s go, faster!’ He immediately made a telephone call and said ‘There is a place for your child; they will take him to the hospital.’ Several days passed, and I asked my chief ‘Where shall I bring my child after the hospital?’ – ‘There is no place for living.’ I ran to Headquarters of Kamchatka Fleet.
 
I went directly to the member of Council of War, a rear admiral. He was the second important man afloat, after the Commander! ‘You see, I have a sick child, I have no place to bring him after the hospital treatment: my family and I live in my study.’ At that time they were in the process of building a two-storied wooden house, not far from the headquarters. The rear admiral made a telephone call ‘Comrade Khryaschev, come to me.’ Major Khryaschev was the chief of the navy housing department. ‘What about our new house? Is it already occupied?’ – ‘Not yet, we will do it tomorrow.’ – ‘Give this officer a room.’ – ‘Yes, sir!’ That was the way I got a room in a two-room apartment. The guys, my friends, nearly killed me: ‘We stay here for 4 or 5 years! We pay 700 roubles per month to rent a room! And you got it during your first month here!’ A blessing in disguise. 
 
It was a block of 8 flats: 4 apartments on each floor. We lived on the second floor: the larger room was occupied by the chief of communication service Vassiliy Pudrikov. We lived in the smaller room. We used firewood to heat premises and had to bring water in buckets. That chief’s wife Polina called him Vassilyek, and my son used to say ‘Look, Polina, your Kossilyek has come!’ [Kosselyek is a purse in Russian, it is concordant with endearing word his wife chose to call her husband.]
 
I never came across Anti-Semitism: all my life I was an officer, a naval man - I never felt it. But at present I realize that it was Anti-Semitism that caused my demobilization at the age of 30. In 1953 I was dismissed, regardless of the fact that I was an excellent graduate of the Higher Officers Classes for Hydrography Specialists. I guess it happened because I was a Jew 26. But being in the army, I never felt it. I was a commanding officer, I was a chief, but we did not know words ‘You are Jewish.’ Around me there were Uzbeks, Azerbaijanians, Tadjiks, and Ukrainians. We were at war. After the end of the war I also did not come across something of that kind: they sent me adroad… But there were rumours about people (not my friends), who were dangerously touched… I was far from it, because I am a Russian man of Jewish origin. 
 
I brought up my son not as a Jewish child. Of course he knows that he is a Jew, but it is not of great importance for him: he is a citizen of the Russian Federation. He is not religious at all; he does not know Jewish language and takes part in no Jewish events. He had no difficulties while entering college: he had passed examinations well and became a student of the Leningrad Electrotechnical College (faculty of Automatic Control Systems). As far as the College also prepares specialists for the Army (through the special additional military course for male students), having graduated in 1972, he was sent to the North Fleet. Three years he sailed on board a rocket warship as a chief of computer center, a lieutenant. He visited Cuba and Egypt. After that he became a civilian, he is a civilian now. 
 
I was demobilized and worked in the Ministry of Navy and Inland Water Transport. I was the chief of Kherson Technical department of Azov Transport Shipping Routes. It was in Kherson in 1954-1955. 
 
And since 1955 we have been living in Leningrad: I was transfered to the Leningrad seaport as a chief of the surveying party.
 
Later I got tired of hanging about seas and I left for military hydrography department, but as a civilian. I started working at the Navy Central Cartographic Department as a chief editor. Later I became a chief of publishing department. I have been working there for 11 years.
 
After that I left for machine-building factory (the regional Communist Party Committee appointed me). I worked there as a deputy director, responsible for civil defence actions. And until I retired at the age of 60, I worked there. At the age of 60 I was taken ill of hyperthyroid and became a pensioner. It happened in 1984.
 
After the end of the war I met my schoolmates. We knew addresses. I visited Igor Lekney and his wife Lora Gankina in Moscow. One day I happened to meet Elza Kelzon in Yalta. I was there in sanatorium and she also had rest in Yalta: we ran across at the trunk-call office - nose to nose! It was so joyful! She had already called her mother, but after we met each other she said ‘Wait a minute, I’ll call my Mum once again to tell her that I’ve met you!’ And indeed she called her and said ‘Mum! Listen, today I met Boris Lesman!’
 
Besides, I and a lot of my classmates corresponded with our director Alexander Tretyakov. Later we, graduates of 1941, started our meetings in Kerch. We did it in alternate years during 20 years. Crazy, I guess! Our director used to say that there were no more schoolchildren of that kind (who went on meeting from year to year, though they were already grandmothers and grandfathers). But not only former schoolchildren came to our meetings, our teachers were also invited: Molecule came (she lived in Kerch), and our director came from Odessa already at the age of 90. Our classmates came from different cities: Sverdlovsk (a couple Nikolay Babich and Irina Kompaneets); Tyumen (Boris Benkler). A lot of us lived in Kerch. To tell the truth, by now I am not sure that they are alive: for the last time I met them in 1991, because later the Soviet Union collapsed.
 
Eltsin destroyed the great country and the reason was only one: his personal hostility to Gorbachev. But of course, it was impossible to go on living that way. Those years were hungry: shops were empty, people stood in line to buy bread or a piece of sausage – that was the result of our communists’ policy. When I was young, I certainly believed in ‘the bright communist future’, but later I understood that Communist Party members were (first of all) careerists and they gave a damn about people. We are different… We were brought up by Pioneer 27 and Komsomol organizations, by the Communist ideas: necessity to defend our native land, necessity to bear with difficulties for the sake of our native land guided our steps.
 
Gorbachev 28 understood that the country went in wrong direction, that reforms were necessary. His natural style was reorganizing, but his activities lost its urgency and he disappeared from political arena. But in the beginning of his reforms I welcomed them, because communists led the country into a dead end. 
 
We were the only country in the whole world, which lived according to its own rules. At present we live according to the global rules, but it is difficult: it happened that our people are not initiative, we are accustomed to live under oppression. We need time: Moses took Hebrew slaves to the desert for 40 years to free them, and I guess we need 80 years.
 
Among the postwar events that one was the impressive. Besides, I remember Gagarin’s flight 29. At that time I was sitting in the dental surgery having my cavities filled. Someone entered the surgery and said ‘A fellow called Gagarin started the first flight into space, he is flying now!’ So I remember Gagarin’s flight!
 
At present my grandson Mikhail lives in Israel, in Haifa. [Haifa is a city-port in Israel.] He is 15; his mother took him there in an underhand way. We searched for him for half a year through Moscow, through embassy, through our acquaintances. It was a tragedy. He does not love Israel, he does not love Hebrew, though he speaks it perfectly (he studies there at school). Now we call each other every month: I call him, my wife calls him, and my son (his father) calls him. We expected him to come to us in summer, but his mother did not allow him. He tells me ‘Grandfather, don’t worry, at the age of 16 I’ll get my passport and start to take decisions myself.’ 
 
And notwithstanding the fact that my grandson lives in Israel, I was and I am Russian of Jewish origin: I still know nothing about Jewish holidays and I do not observe traditions. So things came round this way.
 
To tell the truth, I attend the day time centre in the Hesed Avraham Welfare Center 30: they bring us there; we have breakfast, listen to a lecture or watch a performance. Then we have lunch, and they take us home. But lately I stoped visiting it: I disliked it.
 
A visiting nurse regularly comes to my place from the Hesed Center: she does my flat, cooks, goes shopping, because, you see, I am almost not able to walk, I live alone (I am divorced).
But every day I have a talk with my ex-wife by telephone: this morning, last night, yesterday morning.
 
 
Glossary
 
1 Russian Revolution of 1917: Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks. 
 
2 Nicolas II (1868 -1918): the last Russian emperor from the House of Romanovs (1894-1917). After the 1905 Revolution Nicolas II was forced to set up the State Duma (parliament) and carry out land reform in Russia. In March 1917 during the February Revolution Nicolas abdicated the throne. He was shot by the Bolsheviks in Yekaterinburg along with his family in 1918.
 
3 GPU: State Political Department, the state security agency of the USSR, that is, its punitive body.
 
4 Whites (White Army): Counter-revolutionary armed forces that fought against the Bolsheviks during the Russian Civil War. The White forces were very heterogeneous: They included monarchists and liberals - supporters of the Constituent Assembly and the tsar. Nationalist and anti-Semitic attitude was very common among rank-and-file members of the white movement, and expressed in both their propaganda material and in the organization of pogroms against Jews. White Army slogans were patriotic. The Whites were united by hatred towards the Bolsheviks and the desire to restore a ‘one and inseparable’ Russia. The main forces of the White Army were defeated by the Red Army at the end of 1920. 
 
5 White Guards: A counter-revolutionary gang led by General Denikin, famous for their brigandry and anti-Semitic acts all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.
 
6 Reds: Red (Soviet) Army supporting the Soviet authorities.
 
7 Blockade of Leningrad: On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.
 
8 Peter the Great (1672-1725): Tsar of Russia from 1689-1725. Peter Europeanized Russia by imposing Western ideas and customs on his subjects. His interests were wide-ranging: among others, he founded the Russian navy, reorganized the army on the Western lines, bound the administration of the church to that of the state and reformed the Russian alphabet. His introduction of Western ways was the basis for the split between upper classes and peasants that was to plague Russian society until the Revolution of 1917. 
 
9 Lenin (1870-1924): Pseudonym of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, the Russian Communist leader. A profound student of Marxism, and a revolutionary in the 1890s. He became the leader of the Bolshevik faction of the Social Democratic Party, whom he led to power in the coup d’état of 25th October 1917. Lenin became head of the Soviet state and retained this post until his death.
 
10 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring): Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR. 
 
11 Odessa: The Jewish community of Odessa was the second biggest Jewish community in Russia. According to the census of 1897 there were 138,935 Jews in Odessa, which was 34,41% of the local population. There were 7 big synagogues and 49 prayer houses in Odessa. There were heders in 19 prayer houses. 
 
12 Communal apartment: The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning ‘excess’ living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.
 
13 Great Patriotic War: On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945. 
 
14 Chapaev Vassiliy (1887-1919): Soviet military leader, hero of the Civil War of 1918-1920. He was in command of a brigade which played a significant role in the fights. During a battle in the Urals he was wounded and drowned attempting to cross the Ural River. Later he became a popular hero in the Soviet Union.
 
15 Komsomol: Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.
 
16 Enemy of the people: Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.
 
17 Chkalov, Valery (1904-1938): Russian test pilot, and hero of the Soviet Union. He developed several advanced aerobatic moves. In 1936-37 he conducted continuous, no-land flights between Moscow and Udd island (the Far East) and Moscow – North Pole – Vancouver (US). His plane crashed during a test flight. 
 
18 October Revolution Day: October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as ‘Day of Accord and Reconciliation’ on November 7.
 
19 Frunze, Mikhail (1885-1925): Soviet political and military leader.
 
20 Road of Life: It was a passage across Lake Ladoga in winter during the Blockade of Leningrad. It was due to the Road of Life that Leningrad survived in the terrible winter of 1941-42.
 
21 Hero of the Soviet Union: Honorary title established on 16th April 1934 with the Gold Star medal instituted on 1st August 1939, by Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet. Awarded to both military and civilian personnel for personal or collective deeds of heroism rendered to the USSR or socialist society.
 
22 Stalingrad Battle: 17th July 1942 – 2nd February 1943. The South-Western and Don Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad. On 19th and 20th November 1942 the Soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330,000 people) and eliminated them. On 31st January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91,000 people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance. 
 
23 Political officer: These "commissars," as they were first called, exercised specific official and unofficial control functions over their military command counterparts. The political officers also served to further Party interests with the masses of drafted soldiery of the USSR by indoctrination in Marxist-Leninism. The ‘zampolit’, or political officers, appeared at the regimental level in the army, as well as in the navy and air force, and at higher and lower levels, they had similar duties and functions. The chast (regiment) of the Soviet Army numbered 2000-3000 personnel, and was the lowest level of military command that doctrinally combined all arms (infantry, armor, artillery, and supporting services) and was capable of independent military missions. The regiment was commanded by a colonel, or lieutenant colonel, with a lieutenant or major as his zampolit, officially titled "deputy commander for political affairs."
 
24 Subbotnik (Russian for Saturday): The practice of subbotniks, or ‘Communist Saturdays’, was introduced in the USSR in the 1920s. It meant unpaid voluntary work after regular working hours on Saturday.
 
25 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971): Soviet communist leader. After Stalin’s death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.
 
26 Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’: The campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’, i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. ‘Cosmopolitans’ writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American ‘imperialism’. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors’ Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin’s death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’.
 
27 All-Union pioneer organization: a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers. 
 
28 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- ): Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People’s Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party’s control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.
 
29 Gagarin, Yuri Alexeyevich (1934-68): Russian cosmonaut, pilot-cosmonaut of the USSR, colonel, Hero of the Soviet Union. On 12th April 1961 he became the first man flying into space on the Vostok spaceship. He was involved in training of spaceship crews. He perished during a test flight on a plane. Educational establishments, streets and squares in many towns are named after him. A crater on the back side of the Moon was also named after Gagarin.
 
30 Hesed: Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.
 

Vladimir Tseitlin

Vladimir Tseitlin and his wife Larissa Goncharova live in a two-room apparent of a 9-storied building constructed in the 1970s in the south-eastern part of Moscow. The apartment looks tidy and cozy. Judging by the whereabouts I can say that the hosts have different interests. On the one hand there is a vast and diversified Vladimir’s library and on the other hand there are a lot of embroidered doilies and cushions, flower vases belonging to his wife. Vladimir is a tall, stout and tacit man. He is modest and coy. He does not consider his life to be somewhat extraordinary, besides sometimes his memory fails him, especially when it goes about his relatives. He did not agree to be interviewed at once. However, he is hospitable, amicable and when our talk was winding up, his story was not as arid and simple as it was at the very beginning.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family backround

My paternal grandfather Zalman Tseitlin and grandmother Sara-Kreina Tseitlin lived in an ancient Russian city Smolensk [370 km to the west from Moscow]. Grandfather was from the Jewish town Mstsislaw [Mogilev oblast, Belarus, 274 km from Minsk]. He was born in 1861. Mstsislaw is on the border of Belarus and Russia, not far from Smolensk. I do not know where grandmother Sara-Kreina was born. I think she is from Smolensk. Unfortunately, I do not know her maiden name. Grandfather moved to Smolensk, when he was a grown-up. I still keep certificate of master of bakery belonging to my grandfather. In accordance with that certificate Mstsislaw dweller Zalman Faibishev Tseitlin was given rights and royalties of a guild master as per order of the Emperor. Grandfather was permitted to live in Smolensk not within the Jewish Pale of Settlement 1. Grandmother was a housewife and raised children. 

I heard a family legend on the origin of the last name Tseitlin. When the empress Catherine II [Catherine the Great]2 was touring Russia, she came to the village of Smolensk province. A beautiful buxom Jewish girl brought bread and salt to the empress. The empress told her: ”What a beauty! What’s you name?”. The girl replied that her name was Tseit. The empress said: “Well, I wish you as the say in Russian proverb ’be healthy as a cow and fecund as a sow’”. The girl was some sort of relative of my grandfather. Then she gave birth to 24 sons. All of them carried name Tseitlin. But it was just a family legend. I do not know whether it is true. Grandfather had relatives in England, America and other countries. Unfortunately I do not know anything about them.

In 1890 my grandparents got married. Grandfather and his young wife left for England to seek fortune. They had lived in Manchester, England 4 years. Their first child, my father was born in Manchester in 1892. In accordance with the English law, the baby born in England acquires the citizenship of this country. So my father became British citizen. He was called English name Ellis. 

In England grandfather was not a baker. He worked at the steam engine manufacturing plant as a mechanic. He liked the job very much as it gave him the opportunity to use his potential, but the climate was not OK with him. His health was poorer. The doctor said that he had some sort of lung disease and he was recommended to return to his motherland. Grandparents and their little son came back to Smolensk. 

Grandfather bought a house in  Smolensk and regained work. Grandparents had three more sons in Smolensk: Haim born in 1897, Aron, born in 1899 and the youngest Samuel in 1901. Children were raised as Jews. They went to cheder. They knew Ivrit and prayers. Jewish traditions were observed at home. Sabbath and Jewish holidays were marked at home. The family belonged to middle class. Grandfather wanted all children to get education, but he did not manage. In 1909  grandfather was stricken with pneumonia and died. He was buried on the Jewish cemetery in Smolensk. There were hard times. Grandmother received some assistance from the Jewish community for the orphaned children. Of course it was rather skimpy as compared with the earnings of the grandfather. She could not even dream of higher education for her children. It was even harder with the outbreak of the WW1. Grandmother Sara-Kreinadied in Smolensk in 1919 and was buried in Smolensk Jewish cemetery next to grandfather.

When grandfather was alive my father managed to finish realschule 3in Smolensk. He worked in the local bank after finishing school. When WW1 was over, father was drafted in the army. He was not drafted in specific troops. He was assigned an officer as he was educated. Father was a gun-soldier in the lines. He was wounded in the front and was sent to hospital in Smolensk.It was a hospital for the wounded Jews and all medical workers were Jews. My mother Mariana Havkina worked in that hospital as a nurse. My parents were young. They fell in love with each other and got married shortly after they had met, while father was still being treated in the hospital. They had a traditional Jewish wedding in accordance with the rites. 

None of  father’s brothers, but Haim got special education. He finished financial school and then  had worked as a financier all his life. Haim was drafted in the tsarist army at the very end of the WW1, but he was not in action since the war was over. Haim was the head of the regional finance department of Russian NKVD 4 from the pre-war period till the outbreak of the WW2 [Great Patriotic War]5. He worked in Smolensk for a long time and then he was transferred to Crimea. He had worked in Vologda [Russia, 400 km to the North-East from Moscow]. When the war was over Haim retired and settled in Moscow. He was married. He had two children – son Jacob and daughter Sarah. Both of them were born in 1920s. During the war Jacob was drafted in the army.  He died in the first year of the war. Sara lived in Moscow. She died in 1975, 4 years after their father who died in 1971. 

Father’s second brother Aronwas at the lead of the Smolensk DepartmentOsoaviakhim. [Editorial’s note: The society of assistance in defense and aviation and chemical construction, it was a mass volunteer organization of USSR citizens, existing from 1927 till 1948. The aim was to assist the army in military training of the civilians and nurturing patriotic spirit in them.]Aron had 2 daughters – Larissa and Zinaida. Both of them are alive and live in Moscow. We call each other sometime. When WW2 was unleashed, Aron went to the front and died in 1941. 

The youngest brother Samuel was in the support staff of different departments by the ministry of the USSR. Both daughters Kreina, Lidia are younger than me .They live in Moscow. We do not get in touch that often. Samuel died in 1975 in Moscow. 

My mother’s family lived in the Jewish town Gusino in the vicinity Smolensk. Maternal grandfather’s name was Yuda Havkin. I do not remember grandmother’s name. Both of them were from Gusino. The family was well-heeled. Grandfather had a mill, the only one in the location and it was rather income-bearing. My father recollected that during Civil War 6, when everybody was starving, grandfather came to Smolensk from Gusino and brought them couple sacks of flour. Grandmother was a housewife and that was traditional. There were 4 children in the family: three elder sons, unfortunately I do not remember their names and my mother born in 1897. Mother was always called Russian name [common name] 7 Mariana. The family was religious. All mother’s siblings went to cheder. Mother did not go to cheder, but she got Jewish education at home. Mother’s brothers had lived in their native town all their life. They rarely came over. One my cousin Zyama Havkin came to Moscow to study in 1927. He graduated from aviation school, then Moscow aviation institute. Upon graduation Zyama got a mandatory job assignment to Moscow aviation plant to work as an engine expert. Grandparents died in Gusino in the 1930s. During WW2 one of mother’s brothers was a partisan in Smolensk oblast and perished in the guerilla squad. Other brother died shortly after war. The third one lived in Gusino and died in the 1970s. All of them were married and had children, but Zyama is the only one whom I remember. Mother got some elementary medical education. It must have been courses for the nurses. Mother was a housewife after getting married. 

Having discharged from the hospital, father entered the party of Bolsheviks 8 being captivated with the communist ideas. He was overwhelmed in the revolutionary work. After the Revolution of 1917 9 father was appointed the deputy head of Smolensk municipal militia. During the Civil War he was appointed the commissar [political officer]10 of the anti-gang squad, to be more exact the struggle against Makhno 11 gang. Father liked to go back to that time. He went to have talks with Makhno in his residence Guyai-Pole [about 800 km to the south from Moscow]. The talks were held regarding Makhno joining the Red Army, but they did not come to an agreement. In 1934 when father worked in France he met Makhno, who immigrated to France, at the Russian Embassy. I lived in France with my father and remember that episode. Makhno asked for a permit to come back to Russia under condition of security guarantee. He must have not been guaranteed security as he stayed in France. Father took part in the Civil War until 1920. Then father was demobilized from the army and was involved in financial and economic work. He was an educated person. There were few people like that back at that time. Parents moved to Moscow before I was born. Father was given an apartment in a large (for those times) 7-storied house in the center of Moscow at Nikitinskiy boulevard. It was a separate 2-room apartment, which was rare for that period of time as overwhelming majority of USSR population lived in poky communal apartments  12.

Our family was friendly and bonded.  Mother was very kind and hospitable. Our house was full of guests: mother’s pals and friends, relatives, who lived in Moscow. Brothers often came from Smolensk. Father had many friends. Father read a lot and was an erudite. He had rich library. He also nurtured in me love to books. Parents were pious, but they observed Jewish rites and marked Jewish holidays paying a tribute to the traditions. Jewish holidays were occasion to get together and have fun. We loved Pesach most of all. There was always matzah for that holiday. Mother cooked traditional Paschal dishes. I enjoyed gefilte fish the most. On Pesach parents’ Jewish friends and our relatives came over. Parents went to the synagogue on holidays. On the anniversary of the death of our relatives father read Kaddish. Parents did not raise me in religious traditions. It was the time of anti-religion propaganda[Struggle against religion] 13. I think parents did not want me to be any different from my coevals for me not conceal anything and not to prevaricate. I think their religiousness was coming from the recollections of childhood, parents and grandparents – it was a tenuous thread, connecting them with the Jewry. My mother’s family was more religious than father’s. Though, it is hard for me to judge as I was a child at that time. Other than that they were common Soviet people. We marked such Soviet holidays as: 7thof November – when the Soviet regime came to power [October Revolution Day] 14, 1stof May – international labor day.The whole family went to demonstrations. In the evening our friends and father’s colleagues and Civil War comrades came to see us. Father was a convinced communist and strongly believed in the party. Though, when the repressions commenced in 1937 [GreatTerror] 15 father questioned the correctness of the policy of the party. I remember my parents were speaking in sotto when certain subjects were broached and I could comprehend separate words. Father did not believe that some people he personally knew, were guilty. 

Father was a in a high position at work and family was rather well-off. The fact that we had a separate 2-room apartment in the center of Moscow testified to our wellbeing. Parents did not have dacha [summer house]. On vacation they went to the spas in Kislovodsk, Pyatigorsk  [about 1300 km to the south from Moscow]. There was a dreadful starvation in Ukraine in the period of  1920-1930 [Famine in Ukraine]16. There was hunger in Moscow but it was not as bad as there. It was the time when the food cards were introduced [Card system]17. Father had special cards for the responsible workers. There was a special store, where food was given by special cards and parents went there to get food. By the way, the variety was much better there than in any other stores. There was also a special policlinic, hair-dressers and grocery store. Our living was pretty good.

Growing up

I was born in Moscow in 1923. I was called Vladimir after Lenin 18. My name was popular with many people. I was an only child in the family. Mother was the one who brought me up as she was a housewife. She was also responsible for the work about the house. I did not have a nanny nor I went to the kindergarten. 

In 1930 father was sent to France to work. Mother and I went with him. We had lived in France for 2 years. The embassy rented a house for all employees of the embassy and the chamber of commerce. It was easier for children to catch foreign languages. In 3 months I went shopping with my mom and was interpreting for her. There was no Russian school at the embassy and I went to an ordinary French school. I was good at studies. I remember the French school I went to. The educational system in France was different from the Soviet one. The youngest class was the 14thand the graduation one was the 1st. It happened so that I got ill and meanwhile my Soviet friends with whom I studied together were transferred to another class. I came in the classroom and they were not there. I started crying and the teacher asked what the matter was with me. I explained her the reason. She took the book for the 1stgrade, opened the last page and told me to read it out loud. I read it unfalteringly. Then she gave me two tasks to solve and I did it very quickly. She took my hand and brought me to the 13thgrade and told the teacher to enroll me in her class.

We had lived in France for 2 years and in 1934 father was transferred to England. My father was appointed deputy USSR ambassador, Andrey Mayskiy was the USSR ambassador. Father was friends with him. There was a Soviet school for children of the embassy employees. All subjects were taught in Russian, and English was taught as a foreign language. Each week we had a meeting with some famous person. Mayskiy often came for a meeting in school. He told us interesting stories. He was Lenin’s friend. When Lenin lived in England, he stayed with Mayskiy in one apartment. Lenin enjoyed playing chess. Mayskiy said when he won chess game, Lenin bore grudge when he lost. Ambassador Mayskiy did a lot for the children of the embassy employees. In summer we went to the pioneer camp to the sea-side. 

With the outbreak of the repressions in USSR, employees of the embassies and trade representative offices were recalled. Upon arrival they were immediately arrested and after a short trial sent to Gulag 19 or shot. Mayskiy was called in Moscow for several times. He must have imagined what was going on there and refused to come referring to all kinds of reasons – either his wife or he was sick. Of course, the authorities in the USSR understood that he did not want to come back. Shortly before the war, in 1940 Mayskiy was appointed deputy minister of the foreign affaires. There was no way he could avoid coming back, even for a short period before the arrest. But still, he found pretexts to stay in England. During the entire period of the war he ensured supplies of the arms and provision from England. He was responsible for the monetary assistance. But bloodthirsty and vindictive Stalin reminded Mayskiy of his defiance.  In 1949 Mayskiy was arrested and sent to Gulag. He was lucky to survive. Shortly after Stalin’s death in 1953 he was released. Mayskiy never regained diplomatic work again. He was involved in scientific work and historic research. He became academician pretty soon. Later on he wrote in his recollections that almost all employees of Soviet organizations in London were arrested and exterminated.

Father was lucky to stay alive. Like others he was recalled from England. Father was likely to understand that he might be arrested upon his arrival in USSR. At that time some employees of Soviet representative offices and organizations refused going back and asked for political asylum from the government of the country, they were working and stayed there. But my parents were not thinking that way and wanted to come back to the USSR. In 1937 when repressions were in the full swing, we lived in the USSR. Father was predestined like many other people, who came back from the overseas. Father was saved accidentally. During the Civil War father was a commissar of the squad and the commander was his friend, who consequently became the general of NKVD. The list of those who were to be arrested and shot in the first place, was brought to that general. Looking though the list the general saw my father’s name and crossed it out. Of course, he was taking a risk, but things turned out to be OK. Father only was reprimanded and that was it. Father’s brother Haim who worked as the head of financial department NKVD told me that story. By chance he found out about the imminent danger for my father. Upon our return from England father was assigned the head of industry funding department at the ministry of finance. Father had to resign after being reprimanded by the party. He worked in different inconsiderable companies. Father was inlawed after Stalin’s death. He was not willing to be a dignitary any more and decided to resign.

When we came back to Moscow I went to secondary school № 110 20. It was the school where children of leading party activists and famous military commanders studied. History teacher Novikov was the director of the school. He was awarded with two Lenin Orders 21 for his pedagogical work. Director selected excellent teachers. Bad students were transferred to other schools. All school-leavers entered Moscow University [Lomonosov Moscow State University] 22 without any entrance exams.There was a strong ideological work at school. We were imbued with Soviet propaganda. I was a good student. Mathematics was my favorite subject. I became a pioneer [All-Union pioneer organization]23 in that school. 

When I was in the 9thgrade, some militaries came over to our school to encourage boys to transfer to artillery specialized school, which was the first of the kind in Moscow. In 1937 professional military schools were founded in Moscow. First there were 5 of them, then more were opened up. The best students were selected there - those who had straight excellent marks or 2-3 good marks and the rest excellent marks. Parents did not object to my studies at artillery school. In 1940 I was transferred there. We were taught major subjects in accordance with the syllabus as well as military artillery subjects. There were best teachers as well. I was fond of mathematics and other sciences. I became a Komsomol 24 member in that school. I did not take an interest in social work. We were clad in military uniform, but we were not confined to the barracks. We lived at home and went to school. Though, in summer time the entire school went to military camps. 

There was no premonition that the war was coming. Then there were rumors that Germans were positioning their troops on our border, there was a special announcement on the radio refuting those rumors. They said that Germans were just having a rest after war in Poland and there was no dislocation of troops. In spite of that father kept on saying firmly that the war would be unleashed soon. When non-aggression Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact 25 was signed, father and all his friends and pals castigated actions taken by the government as they thought that Hitler would violate the agreement and attack us. The person who captured half of the Europe could not be trusted . 

I found out about the outbreak of the war from Molotov’s 26 speech on the radio. I transferred to the 10thgrade of the specialized school and was on vacation. That morning father’s brother Haim was in our house. Haim’s son Jacob was in the army at that time. Jacob was a student, but in 1940 there was an order regarding drafting the students in the army. Jacob served in artillery troops. I remember how uncle Haim turned pallid. He knew what the war was like from the experience of WW1. Besides he worked in NKVD and was informed of many things. Haim understood that the war would not be as fast and victorious as it was pictured in propaganda. 

During the war

School started on the 1stof September as usual. The director of school told us to align and said that we had to study well as now was the time when literate officers were in great demand in our country. The 10thgrade students were agog to go in the lines, but we were told to finish school first then he would have our chance to be in the action. Moscow was bombed. Special fighting battalion was established [fighting battalion]27. We were on duty on the rooves of the houses during the attacks of German artillery, quenching fire bombs. Then the students of our school were taken out of town to fortifications, where we were supposed to dig moats. We went there early in the morning and late at night we came back. 

On the 15thof October 1941 some reconnaissance battalion broke through the defense of Moscow. German soldiers headed to Moscow along Minsk highway. There was 1stof Moscow military artillery school. The cadets were woken up at night by the alarm and called for battle. They exterminated that battalion. The rumors were spread. The commandment was reported on the situation and all of them fled taking the money and cars. Then they were shot for that. The main communication in Moscow, the subway, was closed down. There were hardly any transportation in Moscow. The metro was closed down because the general headquarters was being evacuated. At the beginning of the war general headquarters were in the heart of the city, in the deepest metro station - Kirovskaya. Thus, the metro was closed down. There was the announcement that people could get products for 3 months by food cards. All rushed to the stores. Directors of stores also fled. People started plundering the stores. Gangsters rushed in the city. German planes released the leaflets: “Kill communists and Yids! Things will get better with our arrival”. Moscow was panic stricken. There were the premises of the state organization in front of our house. The archives were burnt making clouds of dust. The workers got together at the plants. They were given 3-month wages and told to walk to Gorkiy. They said that the plant would be exploded. Our neighbor worked at the largest automobile plant named after Stalin, which was called Likhachev plant 28. When the workers were announced that the plant would be exploded they decided that they would not let it. They were on duty a round-o’clock and protected the plant. They were on pins and needles waiting for the Germans to come. 

There were rumors that the senior students our school would be sent to the lines. I was awaiting that. Then the commander of the school brought us together and said that Stalin told to prepare professional soldiers for a multiyear war. We should not go in the lines being half-educated, but study well. In the evening all out of 5 Moscow artillery schools got on the train and left for Siberia. Schools were distributed in different cities. Our specialized school came to Kemerovo [about 3000 km to the east from Moscow]. We were on the road for several days. It was warm in the car. There were meal stations on our way. We went there to have warm food. Parents stayed in Moscow for the entire period of war. Father worked at the weaving mill as an economist. The factory was not evacuated, so father stayed in Moscow as well.

Vocational school and children’s’ theatre were also evacuated from Kemerovo from Leningrad. We kept in touch with them. They gave free performances. We settled in the hostel of some college and had classes there as well. Apart from studies we also were involved in coal mining works. Almost all men were in the front, but the country needed the coal. In spring 1942 we finished school and took the oath. Now we were true militaries. 

100 people out of the 5 evacuated graduation classes of artillery schools were united in one battery and sent to Tomsk artillery school. Our battery was not reformed because we had a good level of knowledge - above the average. Military school did not give us much apart from the soldier’s staff- bed regime and marching. School gave us all necessary knowledge. The school was large. Upon graduation the attendees were conferred the rank of a junior lieutenant and excellent students were conferred the rank of a lieutenant. In other schools only 1-2 people out of 100 got the rank of a lieutenant, but in our school all graduates got this rank. When we were graduating Stalingrad Battle 29 was about to finish. Germans were besieged by Stalingrad.

All of us newly-fledged lieutenants were sent to the front. We were dispersed in different cities. I was assigned to the town out of Moscow, Kolomna, to the reforming regiment. The reforming lasted for 2 weeks. I hardly had any spare time, but I managed to drop by my parents. Parents were starving. There was a provision crisis in Moscow. We were fed pretty well. There was a special ration for the cadets and I gave it to my parents.

From the very beginning there were a lot of casualties in the lines. In 1942 the last reserve was drafted, people born in 1892, i.e. those who turned 50. They were not drafted before. Youth from Middle Asia were also drafted: Uzbeks, Tajiks. They were not drafted in the tsarist nor in the Red Army. There were people who fought in WW1 among the draftees of 1892. They knew how to handle the rifles. It was hard with the people from Middle Asia. It was required that well-prepared people were in the artillery and I taught Tajiks and Uzbeks every day. I told them what  howitzer and cannon were, how to load the shells and other things. It was a hard task as many of them did not understand Russian. 

I was the senior officer of the battery. Our regiment was called SCR - supreme commandment reserve. The regiment was armed with 122-mm howitzer. It was heavy artillery. In 2 weeks our squad was sent to the north-western front. We appeared in the region Staraya Russa, in the vicinity of Demyansk [about 500 km to the north-west from Moscow]. In Demyansk our troops besieged Germans but did not manage to do away with them as Germans broke through the siege. Our task was to exterminate German groups. I happened in the period of January-February 1943. We had fought in that area by spring and forced the river Glavat and took a defense position.

War is a daily hard labor. The artillery did not attack, but it did not mean that we were safe. We were frequently bombed by aviation and fired by the artillery of the adversary. German reconnaissance planes must have noticed our firing points. There were times when our positions were fired by the entire division over open sights. Of course, during the firing we hid in the shelter, but there were wounded. When we were taking positions, our life was getting calmer and more gradual. We lived in the dugs-out or in the huts. If the land was dry, we made the dugs-out. If it was not possible, we made log huts. Then logs were laid with stones for them not to be hit with fragments and shallow shells. Sometimes we settled in the houses of the local citizens, sometimes we had to live in the trenches. There were all kinds of things. 

We were well fed in the front. We did not starve. There were times when the army was moving forward and the suppliers did not catch up with the army, so nutrition was worse. Sometimes we were given 100 grams of vodka before the fight. Vodka was given by number of soldiers. Every day there was a report about the number of the aligned soldiers. Food and vodka were given in accordance with that list. Soviet holidays were marked in the lines: 1stof May, 7thof November. When we were on the defense positions, we had a tastier dinner and got more drinks.

Our battery consisted of about 100 people and 4 howitzers. The howitzer squad consisted of 8 soldiers and one commander. Battery commander was on the observation point and we fired from the closed firing positions as per his order. The observation point was prepared beforehand. The trench was dug, stereotelescope communication lines were installed. When the target was noticed the data was provided to make artillery calculations. As a senior officer I took the orders of the battery commander and gave instructions on the spot regarding aiming at the target and the timing of the firing. The fire position with cannons and howitzers was 2-3 km away from the leading edge, behind the shelter. Our howitzers were transported by American haulersstood-backers, delivered from the USA in accordance with lend-lease [Editor’s note: lend-lease is the system of transfer (loan or lease) of weaponry, ammunition, strategic raw materials, provision etc.; supplies in terms of lend-lease were made by the USA to the ally-countries on anti-Hitler coalition in the period of the WW2. The law on lend-lease was adopted by the USA Congress in 1941]. We received stood-backers during the forming and howitzers were supplied from the plants. Howitzer was agoodweapon, producedatour plant. The production of this weapon was launched in1938.  It is not obsolete even now in terms of operational parameters. It is a very powerful weapon being able to shoot at the distance of 12 km. After the war the howitzers were purchased from us in the entire world. They still use them somewhere in Africa, because they are so good. Army ammunition warehouses were 50-100 km away from the front. Ammunition was transported to the warehouses by railroad transport and suppliers delivered it to the regiment. When we were in defense position, remaining at one and the same place, ammunition was supplied on time. When we were attacking and moving quickly to the West of Ukraine, there was no timely supply. At times we ran out of shells.

We were awaiting attack from Germans in the vicinity of Kursk [Kursk battle] 30 [about 500 km to the south from Moscow] and were getting the staff renewed because the army had a lot of casualties after the Stalingrad Battle and each front got the order to send a certain number of battle-seasoned gunners in the vicinity of Kursk. I and other gunners were dispatched to Kursk from the northern front. We came to the headquarters in Kursk. All of us were distributed to different armies, wherefrom we were sent to divisions. I came to #41 artillery regiment of rifle division. Kursk battle was over, when I was catching up with the regiment. Germans were vastly retreating and our troops were to persecute them until reaching Dnepr. When I joined them, bridgeheads had been captured. I was on the major bridgehead to the north from Kiev: it was the attack point. In October 1943 there were fierce battles. We started artillery preparation. Kiev was attacked on the 3rdof November 1943 and on the 6thof November it was captured. It took us hard to take Kiev. Germans were counterattacking trying to undermine our assault. There were a lot of casualties, but nonetheless we captured Kiev on the 6thof November. Our division was conferred the title Kievskaya. I did not enter the city, we went past it on the North. At that time I did not know anything about the mass fusillade of Jews in Babi Yar 31

Then Zhytomir [about 650 km to the south-west from Moscow] was liberated. But Germans were counterattacking and captured Zhytomir once again. They tried to push us in Dnepr. Our division was besieged. It was fearsome. I was afraid not to be held in captivity. I did not know how our soldiers captured by Germans were treated in our country, but I knew for sure that Germans exterminated Jews. We broke through the siege, resisted German’s attack and started assaulting. We liberated Zhytomir, right-bank Ukraine and moved forward.  I had stayed in that regiment by the end of war. I was promoted in rank - now I was senior lieutenant. I joined the party during the war. It was mandatory for the officers, besides the procedure of entering the party was simplified . 

During the war we did not have to liberate concentration camps and we did not come across any of them on our way. I found out from press about atrocities of Germans towards Jews. Those things were not often covered in papers, many details remained unrevealed. They treated me pretty good in the army. There was no anti-Semitism. The issue with nationality was not brought up in the front.Armenians, Georgians, Uzbeks etc. were fighting togetherOnly in years after the war we found out that there were orders to confer Jews as less awards as possible, not to promote them in rank or confer high ranks.  

Like in the peaceful times we were under the ‘omniscience eye’ of  NKVD. Its subdivisions SMERSH 32 were founded. There was no less than one NKVD representative in each regiment. Usually there were more than one. Those ‘warriors’ had to divulge the spies and diversionists. They did not take part in the battles. They worked with military personnel, picked the stooges who reported on anti-soviet dispositions and talks. They were not respected in the army. Besides, penalty battalions were also under NKVD command. Such battalions consisted of volunteers out of criminals and militaries condemned with the martial court for different misdemeanors. Officers were reduced in ranks and sent to the penalty battalions and soldiers and sergeants were sent to the penalty squads. The soldiers of the penalty battalions fought to death or until they were wounded in the battle. After being discharged from the hospital they were sent to ordinary military units. It was called ‘to wash off the guilt with blood’. I had to come across with those battalions. There were times when penalty squad was taking position on the left flank. Penalty squads were also sent for pre-battle reconnaissance. It meant that they were supposed to depict the attack under insufficient support from artillery in order to determine what kind of German forces were focused on that site. Of course, most of the penalty squad soldiers died. Upon their death, their families were reported that they were exonerated ‘guilt was redeemed by blood’. Fortunately, none from our regiment was in the penalty squad. Closer to the end of war, two officers, senior lieutenants, who were previously in penalty squad, came to our regiment. They were wounded, therefore restored in rank and sent to us. They were good fighters and our soldiers treated them with respect. One of the officers said that their penalty battalion consisted of 4000 people. They were ordered to break through the river Danube in Budapest. After they succeeded in their task, only 200 survived out of 4000. They were rehabilitated and restored in rights. 

Shelter squads were also under NKVD. Those troops were established by NKVD. They consisted of armed NKVD employees, who were to follow military subdivision. They were supposed to make sure that no deserting would happen and not to let anybody in the rear. They had power to kill the running soldier on spot. Deserters were caught. Sometimes they had to go through martial court. At times they were shot depending on the circumstances. Such  shelter squads were made of loyal communists and Komsomol members. They acted very ruthlessly, even too ruthlessly.

There was an amusing story with me when we were in Ukraine. A journalist from the army paper came over to us. He had been asking me many things and then a short article was released in paper. The articled was written about me, how I shattered the caterpillars and wedged the turret of the tank with one shell. The tank stopped and ceased fire, allowing our infantry to attack. Of course, it was preposterous as the person did not even think that caterpillar was on the bottom of the tank and the turret was on the top. Of course, it was a laughing stock. I was asked how I could adroitly do those things with one shell. Then I met the journalist and asked him how he could have written such tosh about me. I remembered his reply till the rest of my days. He told me ”it was of no importance - the task was to write what should have been, not what had actually happened”. I often recalled his words when I was reading our papers…

There were other funny stories. We fought on the territory of the Western Ukraine for the city of Ivano-Frankivsk [about 1500 km to the south-west from Moscow]. The city was defended by Hungarians. The war was winding and Hungarians were aware of it. So, they tried to be on our side and not to resist. That is why Germans sent their squads trying to stop our attack. Germans sent the tanks against us and we were running out of shells. Only three shells left and those were smoke shells. Smoke screen was not a toxic smoke, but a stinky one. We had no choice but to shoot with them. There were clouds of smoke and when the smoke was dispersed we saw Germans getting out of tanks and stampeding. They must have thought that they were burning and left the tanks. Our infantry rushed to the tanks to get the trophies. 

There was also an interesting case at the forced crossing of Dnepr during attacking the town of Stanislav, Khersonsk oblast [about 1200 km to the south-west Moscow]. When our infantry was crossing Dnepr, German bombers were strenuously bombing the crossing. Our troops were plainly visible and we did not have aircraft guns to bring down German planes. Then the division commander suggested that I should make a fraudulent maneuver. We had shells with remote control explosives in our ammunition sets. These were the shells which could be exploded in any trajectory point of their flight. They were meant for the troops. The shell exploded at the distance of 10m before the trenches, where the infantry was hiding so that the fragments of the shells hit the infantry. So we had to calculate at what distance the shell was to explode at the right time. We made one trial shot. Zenith blasts were usually bright and light, but this one turned out to be a dark cloud. After making trial shots I adjusted the data and we made couple of shots on the planes, but they were a little bit more advance, above the infantry. The shell flew off and exploded in the adjusted point. We would not be able to bring down a plane with such a shell, but we just scared off the Germans. They thought that there was no zenith artillery at the crossing and then all of a sudden there were such powerful blasts among the planes. German bombers turned back and flew away. 

In 1944, when we were in  Subcarpathia 33, I felt Jewish solidarity and assistance for the first time. I decided to take a picture with other officers and send the photo to my parents. We went to the photo saloon, but its host, an elderly Jew, said that he would not be able to take our pictures as he ran out of photo materials, We were about to leave and then the host asked whether I was a Jew. I did not look like a true Jew, so I was surprised by the question. I said that I was a Jew. Then he said that he would take only my picture by using his reserve and would not spend precious materials on the others. I was really taken aback, there were no things like that in USSR. It was the first time I thought that Jews must have survived because they had been supporting each other in the course of many generations.  

Our division took part in liberating Budapest. The attack commenced on the 5thof December 1944 in the area to the north-east from Budapest and the city itself was captured on the 5thof February 1945. There were long battles. We encircled the city and positioned on two banks of Danube. We succeeded in the first stage of our attack: we broke though German positions and moved forward. The infantry was ahead, followed by artillery. The commandment was reported on the breakthrough. Tank army also joined us to support the breakthrough. I was on the outskirt of  a hamlet in the observation point and saw our tanks moving in two rows along the highway. The hamlet was practically taken, only couple German tanks hid away there. Those tanks opened fire on our column of tanks. Some of our tanks were punctured and started burning. They could not support infantry. I understood that the next stage would be firing at the hamlet from long-range artillery weapons. It was not known whether Germans would suffer from that, but we definitely would suffer. I sent a soldier for him to reach our buttoned up tanks and making a use of the radio connection I reported that the hamlet was practically taken by us. I also added that there was commandment of the rifle regiment and asked our gun soldiers not to fire at us. It was hard for the soldier to cross the territory under fire, but he managed to do that and sent the message like I asked. We remained alive the troops made a precipitant advance and approached Budapest. There was enough distance to fire at the city. Though we lacked the shells, there was enough for us to make 4 salvoes at the outskirts of Budapest. When the capital was captured, Hungarians finally joined our troops and subordinated to the general commandment. I remembered another case. During our stay in Hungary local people, Hungarians, came over to me asking to protect them from Romanians, who were killing and raping. I had to send my soldiers to protect the civilians. 

By the end of the war, when the troops of the western front were on the territory of Germany, we were allowed to send the parcels home weighting up to 8 kg. We corresponded with the inmates of the orphanage. We decided to send children the parcel with the toys. We gathered a lot of nice and expensive toys, but it turned out that the weight was not 8, but 12 kg. I addressed to the political department asking for a permit to send the parcel of 12 kg. I described the content and the destination of the parcel and obtained a permit. We sent the toys to the orphanage and soon we received the answer. Children were very delightful and thanked us for the parcel. 

When we crossed Carpathian ridge, battles commenced in Eastern Slovakia and in the cities Mukachevo, Uzhgorod. Slovakian tongue was approximated to Russian and we were able to understand each other very well. The population of that territory cordially welcomed us because Eastern Slovakia had been under yoke of the fascist Hungary since 1938. People were rejoicing in liberation.  

There were fierce battles in Slovakia. Once German gunners hid behind the powerful walls of the gas plant on the outskirt of a village without letting our infantry keep their heads up because of the incessant artillery fire. 76-mm cannons could not pierce brick walls of their shelter. The division commander called me and told to shoot from howitzer over open sights.  One howitzer was set over the open sights and after short trial shots all German gunners were exterminated by 3 shells. Being a gunner I can boast in our material part as well as in training of our soldiers, which was better than German’s. That is why artillery was called ‘the god of war’. It played the most important role both in defense from the German tanks and during assault, clearing the way for the infantry.

I was heavily wounded in the thorax with the fragment of blasted shell during the liberation of Bratislava. All my foot bones were crushed. I was in the hospital. I underwent operation and then I changed couple of hospitals. I met the victory day in the hospital. 

I got awards for the battles – 10 orders and medals. The most important are Great Patriotic War Order of the 1stclass 34, Red Star Order 35, Medal for Military Merits 36 and others. In the post-war period I also received jubilee medals on the occasion of different memorable dates of victory and Soviet army.

After the war

When the war was over I went to my squad from the hospital. We happened to be in Hungary. In early 1946 we were transferred to the Northern Caucasus, to the town of Georgiyevsk, Stavropol oblast [1400 km to the south-east from Moscow]. I got married during my service in the Northern Caucasus. At that time many of my fellows, young lieutenants, married off. My wife Larissa Goncharova, was born in the Northern Caucasus in the town of Georgiyevsk in 1925. Larissa is Russian. Her father is Alexander Goncharov and her mother is Rozalia Goncharovа. Larissa was the only child in the family. When we met, she studied at medical school. She quitted studies after getting married. In 1947 our son Sergey was born. The second son Igor was born in 1954, when I  served in Siberia. Larissa followed me no matter where we went, sharing adversities and inconveniences of the professional officer. Of course, her life was not easy. She had 2 children. I was constantly busy with studies and work and could not help her with anything. My wife was strong enough to stand fast without involving me in everyday problems.

I had not seen my parents during the entire period of war. We did not have any leaves. My parents were in Moscow. When I was in the Caucasus I was lucky with a vacation. My father, having resigned from the leading position, worked as an economist at the banner factory. Shoulder boards with golden embroidery were also manufactured at the factory, where my father was working. Our commandment was eager to get those shoulder boards as soon as possible. Having found where my father worked, they sent me on vacation under condition that I would be back with the new shoulder boards for them. I came to my parents with my young wife Larissa. It was happiness without alloy. My parents were pleased to meet Larissa and they even did not care that she was not a Jew. They treated her like their own daughter and Larissa also loved them very much.

When I was in the Northern Caucasus, I decided to obtain higher education. The most logic for me was to enter artillery academy. There were 2 strong academies in Moscow: Aviation Academy and Artillery Academy. Both of them gave an excellent education. Subjects were taught by the teacher from Moscow State University. Mathematics, theory of mechanics were taught at the highest level. I entered the institution from the 2ndattempt. During the 1sttime I failed because my preparation was not as good. The second time I passed all entrance exams with straight excellent marks and was admitted to the academy. It was the year of 1948 - the last year when Jews were admitted there. The next year none of the Jews was admitted. There were a lot of Jews in my course. There were 8 out of the 28 people, viz.  30% out of students. During my studies at the academy our family lived with my parents, in their apartment.

Baiting of Jews commenced in 1948 with the outbreak of the miserable cosmopolitans processes  [Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’] 37. It was not a pre-war repressions period, when Stalin exterminated his adversaries without taking into account nationality. Since 1948 and up to Stalin’s death in March 1953 these were Jews who were hunted, and it was in the open. Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee was exterminated 38. Some of its members were shot and some of them sent to Gulag. Solomon Mikhoels 39, the chairman of the committee and a wonderful actor of the Jewish theatre was assassinated. It was an imitated car accident, but everybody knew that it was a murder. My mother and her friends went to the synagogue at Malaya Bronnaya. There was a commemorating prayer – Kaddish - over Mikhoels. It was the time when father was expelled from the party without any reasons. We understood that it was just the beginning and he was imminent with more dangerous things. In 1950, upon graduation of the 3rdcourse, I and some more of the Jews were expelled from the academy in spite of the fact that all of us had straight excellent marks, and sent to the remote military commands. I was sent to a small squadron in Siberia. I was the commander of the squadron in the corps regiment.

In years, I was shown my personal record from the academy. The curator of our course wrote that I was a good student, but politically inauspicious as my father was English subject. That was it. Can you imagine anything like that. They found out that father was born in England! I was expelled because of political motifs, not because of my performance. They could not openly say that I was expelled in accordance with item 5 40. Though, I cannot say that my academy peers maltreated me. On the contrary, both peers and teaches had a good attitude towards me. I understood that my nationality would be stumbling stone in my further life. I even felt inferior at work. After Stalin’s death I wrote a letter in the rehabilitation committee [Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union]41. I was called in Moscow and told that my father was totally exonerated and restored in rights with membership in the party since 1916. I informed the head of the academy of that and I was called to the academy to finish my studies. 

Upon graduation there was a mandatory job assignment 42. Nationality was also considered and Jews were not assigned to good position. They wanted me to teach at high artillery school, but I was sent to scientific and research training area. Though, I do not regret that I happened to be there as the work was very challenging for me. I defended a thesis there [Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees] 43 and became a doctor of the technical science, acquired the status of the senior scientific employee - equal to the assistant professor in the educational institutions. I was a lieutenant colonel and later I became a colonel. We tested new arms on the training area. It was produced at Moscow military plants. Nudelman, a Jew, twice the Hero of the Soviet Union 44, a famous weapon designer, the head of design bureau of precision industry, came to test weapons. We met him. I was on frequent business trips in Moscow and took an active part in their elaborations. Nudelman suggested that I should be demobilized from the army and join his team in the design bureau. It was hard for me to get demobilized, as the general, commander of the training area, was against it. The medical board recognized me unfit for the military service in the civil times due to the consequences of my battle injuries. Thus, I had the grounds to get demobilized. In the period of 1972-1990 I had worked in the design bureau of precision industry being involved in elaboration of new weaponry.We had an excellent team. There was an intelligentsia. There were 90% of Jews. It was a strategic military enterprise. Even in the full swing of anti-Semitism Nudelman was entitled to offer job to anybody he wished no matter what nationality they were. He picked gifted designers, Jews, who were fired from other organizations. There was such an excellent team, that Nudelman’s design bureau provided several samples of the arms annually, meanwhile it took 5 years to elaborate one pattern at other enterprises. Nudelman said when he turned 85 he was suggested that he should be conferred the title the Hero of the Soviet Union once again. Everybody agreed to it, he became twice hero of the Soviet Union . 

When I was sent for a mandatory job assignment to training area, our family was given an apartment in  the military community. When I was an academy student, we lived with my parents but I did not have the residence permit 45 in their apartment. In 1950 mother died from a heart stroke. Father remained by himself. I was expelled and sent to Siberia. I could not save parents’ apartment. Father died shortly after mother. In 1954 he passed away from extensive myocardial infarction and the apartment was transferred to the state property as now nobody had residence permit for it. Parents were buried in Novodevichie cemetery in Moscow. It was a common city cemetery. [Editor’s note: In USSR city cemeteries were territorially divided into sectors. Usually all city cemeteries have common land plots, plots for burial of children, sectors for burial of the titled militaries, Jewish sector, land plots of the political leaders etc. People were usually buried in accordance with the will of the relatives of the deceased or the testament.]

When I worked for Nudelman’s bureau the issue with apartment came up. Since I was I born in Moscow and drafted in the army from Moscow I was supposed to get the apartment in Moscow in accordance with the law. In 1973 I got a 2-room apartment in a new house built in the south-western part of Moscow. At that time it was a newly built and now it is a lived-in district. My wife and I are currently living in that apartment. 

It was mostly my wife who was raising children. I did not have that much spare time, but I tried to spend it with my wife and children. Even in summer my family often went on vacation without me. We marked birthdays of all family members at home. We also celebrated New Year’s Day and Soviet holidays – 1stof May, 7thof November, Soviet Army day 46, Victory day 47

Both sons were good students - prudent and kind. When sons’ passports were processed they were to choose their nationality [Editorial’s note: In the USSR the ethnic identity was indicated in citizens' passports. The situation in the Soviet Union was such that Jews had problems with entering higher educational institutions, finding jobs, traveling to foreign countries, etc.]. My wife and I suggested that the nationality of our children in passports should be Russian. They carry my name, but their nationality was Russian. As a matter of fact I do not identify myself a true Jew either. I do not know the language, nor Jewish traditions. My parents were the ones who kept the traditions, and it was stopped after their passed away.

Elder son Sergey finished school in 1965. These were hard years, when anti-Semitism was evolved at the state level. I understood it would be difficult for my son to enter the institute in Moscow with his Jewish name Tseitlin, even though it was written ‘Russian’ in his passport. The son left for Nizhniy Novgorod [about 400 km to the east from Moscow], successfully passed entrance exams and was admitted to the Novgorod Polytechnic Institute, Instrument Making Department. When Sergey was a student, we helped him out with money. Larissa took frequent trips to him. Sergey got married before graduation. His wife is a Russian girl Svetlana, born in Nizhniy Novgorod. Upon graduation both of them got a mandatory job assignment to Nizhniy Novgorod and settled down there. Sergey works at the military plant as an engineer - instrument-maker. He has a daughter Elena. We get along with my son’s family. Sometimes we visit them. Every year they come over to us, when they are on vacation. 

Younger son lives in Moscow. Upon graduation he finished medical school, served in the army. He also finished the course of masseurs. Igor worked as a sports masseur in hockey and basketball teams of the supreme league. Igor is married. His wife is also Russian, born in Moscow. They have 2 children: son Vladimir, named after me and daughter Alisa.  

I retired in 1990, when my sons were independent. Then my wife and I decided to catch up with the missed opportunities during the period of my hard work. We started spending a lot of time together, going on vacations. We usually went to the leg treatment spas as my battle injury was constantly speaking for itself. In 1985 my wife and I went on voyage tour round the world.

When in 1948 the state of Israel was founded, I took it with great joy. It was good that Jews now had their own state and rampart. I approved of the mass immigration to Israel started in the 1970s. I could not leave as I worked for the military industry and my job was classified as sensitive, so I was entitled to leave abroad earlier than in 10 years after having retired. I could not even think of it. When my friends or relatives were leaving, I thought they did the right thing. Of course, it was hard for the elderly people as the mode of life is going to be different and nobody would be able to accept it easily. As for the youth - they had a perspective, they did not have before. Usually children were the first who left, and their parents followed them. I found it good. I have never been to Israel, though I was invited and was willing to go. First, I could not go because the term of secrecy was not over, then because of my health. I can hardly walk, besides my physical condition is not as good . I am old... and nothing doing about it.

I thought it was great when the general secretary of the central committee of the Communist Party Mikhail Gorbachev 48 started perestroika 49 in USSR. I was aware that we were lacking behind in all respects. No matter what we did, we could not revive and catch up with the developed countries. The gap was only getting bigger, including the gap in the national politics. Yes, the very outset was wonderful. But the outcome of perestroika did not seem as good as it was pictured at the very beginning. Nevertheless, I think our country became better as compared to the past. The country became open, covering honest information. There is no censorship. Now we have the opportunity to visit our relatives abroad, correspond with them, invite them to come over without fearing of being repressed by KGB 50. State anti-Semitism is in the wane, though it is still felt in everyday life, nationality is of no impediment to enter higher education institutions or in promotion. A gifted person can find his way. Party does not play a critical role in our lives. Though we have a strong stratification in terms of income and it is sad. 

I do not approve of breakup of the Soviet Union [1991]. I think it was caused by a mere conjuncture. Somebody wanted to wield the scepter and take Gorbachev’s seat. Now I sympathize with Gorbachev. They are still scolding him, but in the course of history all would come in its place. There is nothing he should be nagged at! He was the one, who initiated the fight with the party regime, which planned our lives for us. Only courageous person could start things like that. Gorbachev also takes credit for the acquired liberties - having the right to speak one’s mind. 

Of course, I identify myself as Jew, but I do not know Jewish traditions. During Soviet regime I was constantly reminded of being a Jew. If there had been a true international politics during the Soviet regime, the way it was written in the constitution, none of the Jews would have felt himself humiliated and inferior. People of all nationalities would have been equal having a chance to realize their potential. I do not feel humiliated for being a Jew nee, just the other way around I am proud of being a part of such an ancient and talented nation.  

Now I am taking an active part in Jewish life in Russia. I am deputy chairman of Moscow Council of Jewish War Veterans 51. In the post-war period there were rumors that Jews were not in the lines, just holing up in the rear. I think Stalin did a lot for such rumors to emerge. Ilya Erenburg 52 wrote in his recollections: “In summer I was asked to write an addressing speech to the American Jews about atrocities of Hitler and on necessity to do away with the Third Reich”. One of the aides of  the commander of the Soviet army chief political department A. S. Scherbakov said that there was no use in writing about the feats of Jews-soldiers of the Red Army. By the end of the war the surnames of Jews, being distinguished in battles, would be crossed out from the papers. After the war that tittle-tattle about the Jews, who ‘fought in Tashkent’ [Editor’s note: Tashkent is a town in Middle Asia; it was the town where many people evacuated during the Great patriotic War, including many Jewish families. Many people had an idea that all Jewish population was in evacuation rather than at the front and anti-Semites spoke about it in mocking tones] grew stronger. Even now there are people who believe that. Council of Jewish War Veterans was founded in order to exterminate those rumors. I am involved in the work of the council after having retired. We are in the middle of writing a book where all Jews, who fought in WW2, are enumerated as well as those who are reported missing. The book is called ’Commemoration Book of the Jews, Killed in Action against Nazi. 1941-1946’. I think it is the duty of those who survived to commemorate those who perished. The idea to publish such a book belongs to our chairman, the Hero of the Soviet Union Marianovskiy. The 8thvolume has been released, the 9thone is about to be released and we hope that the 10thone will be published. Marianovskiy is our main ‘bread-winner’, who is going from one Jewish tycoon to another begging for money. There are a lot of donations for this commemoration book. People are willing to contribute. The book is circulated throughout the world. We are thanked by people who did not know anything about the death of their fathers, children, relatives. They find  names in the book, commemorating their kin. They do not have a grave to attend and to bow, but at least there is a trace left – the names of those people are in our commemoration book. This is a commemoration book of the whole Jewish peoples. I think that it is a necessary and a great action. 

We do not welcome nationalistic ideas in our Council. We rather support the internationalism spirit. Even though it is a Jewish council, nobody forces its members to follow Jewish traditions. We are not a religious organization. Only those go to the synagogue, who are willing and nobody pushes them. We keep friends with other communities, i. e. Ukrainian and Georgian. They invite us for their events and we invite them for ours. Of course, we keep in touch with other Jewish organizations – religious and social. 

Glossary:

1 Jewish Pale of Settlement

Certain provinces in the Russian Empire were designated for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population was only allowed to live in these areas. The Pale was first established by a decree by Catherine II in 1791. The regulation was in force until the Russian Revolution of 1917, although the limits of the Pale were modified several times. The Pale stretched from the Baltic Sea to the Black Sea, and 94% of the total Jewish population of Russia, almost 5 million people, lived there. The overwhelming majority of the Jews lived in the towns and shtetls of the Pale. Certain privileged groups of Jews, such as certain merchants, university graduates and craftsmen working in certain branches, were granted to live outside the borders of the Pale of Settlement permanently.

2 Catherine the Great (1729-1796)

Empress of Russia. She rose to the throne after the murder of her husband Peter III and reigned for 34 year. Catherine read widely, especially Voltaire and Montesquieu, and informed herself of Russian conditions. She started to formulate a new enlightened code of law. Catherine reorganized (1775) the provincial administration to increase the central government's control over rural areas. This reform established a system of provinces, subdivided into districts, that endured until 1917. In 1785, Catherine issued a charter that made the gentry of each district and province a legal body with the right to petition the throne, freed nobles from taxation and state service and made their status hereditary, and gave them absolute control over their lands and peasants. Catherine increased Russian control over the Baltic provinces and Ukraine. She secured the largest portion in successive partitions of Poland among Russia, Prussia, and Austria. 

3 Realschule

Secondary school for boys. Students studied mathematics, physics, natural history, foreign languages and drawing. After finishing this school they could enter higher industrial and agricultural educational institutions.

4 NKVD

People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

5 Great Patriotic War

On 22ndJune 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9thMay 1945.

6 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups – Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

7 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19thand 20thcentury. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

8  Bolsheviks

Members of the movement led by Lenin. The name ‘Bolshevik’ was coined in 1903 and denoted the group that emerged in elections to the key bodies in the Social Democratic Party (SDPRR) considering itself in the majority (Rus. bolshynstvo) within the party. It dubbed its opponents the minority (Rus. menshynstvo, the Mensheviks). Until 1906 the two groups formed one party. The Bolsheviks first gained popularity and support in society during the 1905-07 Revolution. During the February Revolution in 1917 the Bolsheviks were initially in the opposition to the Menshevik and SR (‘Sotsialrevolyutsionyery’, Socialist Revolutionaries) delegates who controlled the Soviets (councils). When Lenin returned from emigration (16 April) they proclaimed his program of action (the April theses) and under the slogan ‘All power to the Soviets’ began to Bolshevize the Soviets and prepare for a proletariat revolution. Agitation proceeded on a vast scale, especially in the army. The Bolsheviks set about creating their own armed forces, the Red Guard. Having overthrown the Provisional Government, they created a government with the support of the II Congress of Soviets (the October Revolution), to which they admitted some left-wing SRs in order to gain the support of the peasantry. In 1952 the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

9 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

10 Political officer

These "commissars," as they were first called, exercised specific official and unofficial control functions over their military command counterparts. The political officers also served to further Party interests with the masses of drafted soldiery of the USSR by indoctrination in Marxist-Leninism. The ‘zampolit’, or political officers, appeared at the regimental level in the army, as well as in the navy and air force, and at higher and lower levels, they had similar duties and functions. The chast(regiment) of the Soviet Army numbered 2000-3000 personnel, and was the lowest level of military command that doctrinally combined all arms (infantry, armor, artillery, and supporting services) and was capable of independent military missions. The regiment was commanded by a colonel, or lieutenant colonel, with a lieutenant or major as his zampolit, officially titled "deputy commander for political affairs."

11 Makhno, Nestor (1888-1934)

Ukrainian anarchist and leader of an insurrectionist army of peasants which fought Ukrainian nationalists, the Whites, and the Bolsheviks during the Civil War.His troops, which numbered 500 to 35 thousand members, marched under the slogans of ‘state without power’ and ‘free soviets’. The Red Army put an end to the Makhnovist movement in the Ukraine in 1919 and Makhno emigrated in 1921.

12 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning ‘excess’ living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

13 Struggle against religion

The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

14 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as ‘Day of Accord and Reconciliation’ on November 7.

15 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public ‘show trials’. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

16 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

17 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

18 Lenin (1870-1924)

Pseudonym of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, the Russian Communist leader. A profound student of Marxism, and a revolutionary in the 1890s. He became the leader of the Bolshevik faction of the Social Democratic Party, whom he led to power in the coup d’état of 25thOctober 1917. Lenin became head of the Soviet state and retained this post until his death.

19 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

20 School

Schools had numbers and not names. It was part of the policy of the state. They were all state schools and were all supposed to be identical. 

21 Order of Lenin

Established in 1930, the Order of Lenin is the highest Soviet award. It was awarded for outstanding services in the revolutionary movement, labor activity, defense of the Homeland, and strengthening peace between peoples. It has been awarded over 400,000 times. 

22 Lomonosov Moscow State University

Founded in 1755, the university was for a long time the only learning institution in Russia open to general public. In the Soviet time, it was the biggest and perhaps the most prestigious university in the country. At present there are over 40,000 undergraduates and 7,000 graduate students at MSU.

23 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

24 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

25 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non-aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

26 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

27 Fighting battalion

People’s volunteer corps during World War II; its soldiers patrolled towns, dug trenches and kept an eye on buildings during night bombing raids. Students often volunteered for these fighting battalions.

28 Likhachev plant

The oldest and the biggest Russian vehicle manufacturing enterprise founded on 2ndAugust 1916, best known for its ‘Zil’ brand. The ‘Zil’ trucks were widely used in the Soviet Union and Soviet occupied countries after the 1970s as well as in the Soviet Army. The enterprise also manufactures limousine vehicles buses and refrigerators. It has over 20000 employees and manufactures 209-210,000 vehicles per year. It has produced 8 million trucks, 39,000 buses and 11,500 cars in total.

29 Stalingrad Battle

17thJuly 1942 – 2ndFebruary 1943. The South-Western and Don Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad. On 19thand 20thNovember 1942 the Soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330,000 people) and eliminated them. On 31stJanuary 1943 the remains of the 6thGerman army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91,000 people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

30 Kursk battle

The greatest tank battle in the history of World War II, which began on 5thJuly 1943 and ended eight days later. The biggest tank fight, involving almost 1,200 tanks and mobile cannon units on both sides, took place in Prokhorovka on 12thJuly and ended with the defeat of the German tank unit.

31 Babi Yar

Babi Yar is the site of the first mass shooting of Jews that was carried out openly by fascists. On 29thand 30thSeptember 1941 33,771 Jews were shot thereby a special SS unit and Ukrainian militia men. During the Nazi occupation of Kiev between 1941 and 1943 over a 100,000 people were killed in Babi Yar, most of whom were Jewish. The Germans tried in vain to efface the traces of the mass grave in August 1943 and the Soviet public learnt about mass murder after World War II.

32 SMERSH

Russian abbreviation for ‘Smert Shpionam’ meaning Death to Spies. It was a counterintelligence department in the Soviet Union formed during World War II, to secure the rear of the active Red Army, on the front to arrest ‘traitors, deserters, spies, and criminal elements’. The full name of the entity was USSR People’s Commissariat of Defense Chief Counterintelligence Directorate ‘SMERSH’. This name for the counterintelligence division of the Red Army was introduced on 19thApril 1943, and worked as a separate entity until 1946. It was headed by Viktor Abakumov. At the same time a SMERSH directorate within the People’s Commissariat of the Soviet Navy and a SMERSH department of the NKVD were created. The main opponent of SMERSH in its counterintelligence activity was Abwehr, the German military foreign information and counterintelligence department. SMERSH activities also included ‘filtering’ the soldiers recovered from captivity and the population of the gained territories. It was also used to punish within the NKVD itself; allowed to investigate, arrest and torture, force to sign fake confessions, put on a show trial, and either send to the camps or shoot people. SMERSH would also often be sent out to find and kill defectors, double agents, etc.; also used to maintain military discipline in the Red Army by means of barrier forces, that were supposed to shoot down the Soviet troops in the cases of retreat. SMERSH was also used to hunt down ‘enemies of the people’ outside Soviet territory.

33 Subcarpathia (also known as Ruthenia, Russian and Ukrainian name Zakarpatie)

Region situated on the border of the Carpathian Mountains with the Middle Danube lowland. The regional capitals are Uzhhorod, Berehovo, Mukachevo, Khust. It belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until World War I; and the Saint-Germain convention declared its annexation to Czechoslovakia in 1919. It is impossible to give exact historical statistics of the language and ethnic groups living in this geographical unit: the largest groups in the interwar period were Hungarians, Rusyns, Russians, Ukrainians, Czech and Slovaks. In addition there was also a considerable Jewish and Gypsy population. In accordance with the first Vienna Decision of 1938, the area of Subcarpathia mainly inhabited by Hungarians was ceded to Hungary. The rest of the region, was proclaimed a new state called Carpathian Ukraine in 1939, with Khust as its capital, but it only existed for four and a half months, and was occupied by Hungary in March 1939. Subcarpathia was taken over by Soviet troops and local guerrillas in 1944. In 1945, Czechoslovakia ceded the area to the USSR and it gained the name Carpatho-Ukraine. The region became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1945. When Ukraine became independent in 1991, the region became an administrative region under the name of Transcarpathia.

34 Order of the Great Patriotic War

1stClass: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for skillful command of their units in action. 2ndClass: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for lesser personal valor in action.

35 Order of the Red Star

Established in 1930, it was awarded for achievements in the defense of the motherland, the promotion of military science and the development of military equipments, and for courage in battle. The Order of the Red Star has been awarded over 4,000,000 times.

36 Medal for Military Merits

awarded after 17thOctober 1938 to soldiers of the Soviet army, navy and frontier guard for their ‘bravery in battles with the enemies of the Soviet Union’ and ‘defense of the immunity of the state borders’ and ‘struggle with diversionists, spies and other enemies of the people’.

37 Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’

 The campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’, i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. ‘Cosmopolitans’ writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American ‘imperialism’. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors’ Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin’s death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’.

38 Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee (JAC)

formed in Kuibyshev in April 1942, the organization was meant to serve the interests of Soviet foreign policy and the Soviet military through media propaganda, as well as through personal contacts with Jews abroad, especially in Britain and the United States. The chairman of the JAC was Solomon Mikhoels, a famous actor and director of the Moscow Yiddish State Theater. A year after its establishment, the JAC was moved to Moscow and became one of the most important centers of Jewish culture and Yiddish literature until the German occupation. The JAC broadcast pro-Soviet propaganda to foreign audiences several times a week, telling them of the absence of anti-Semitism and of the great anti-Nazi efforts being made by the Soviet military. In 1948, Mikhoels was assassinated by Stalin’s secret agents, and, as part of a newly-launched official anti-Semitic campaign, the JAC was disbanded in November and most of its members arrested.

39 Mikhoels, Solomon (1890-1948) (born Vovsi)

Great Soviet actor, producer and pedagogue. He worked in the Moscow State Jewish Theater (and was its art director from 1929). He directed philosophical, vivid and monumental works. Mikhoels was murdered by order of the State Security Ministry 

40 Item 5

This was the nationality factor, which was included on all job application forms, Jews, who were considered a separate nationality in the Soviet Union, were not favored in this respect from the end of World War WII until the late 1980s.

41 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20thCongress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin’s leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before. 

42 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

43 Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees

Graduate school in the Soviet Union (aspirantura, or ordinatura for medical students), which usually took about 3 years and resulted in a dissertation. Students who passed were awarded a 'kandidat nauk' (lit. candidate of sciences) degree. If a person wanted to proceed with his or her research, the next step would be to apply for a doctorate degree (doktarontura). To be awarded a doctorate degree, the person had to be involved in the academia, publish consistently, and write an original dissertation. In the end he/she would be awarded a 'doctor nauk' (lit. doctor of sciences) degree.

44 Hero of the Soviet Union

Honorary title established on 16th April 1934 with the Gold Star medal instituted on 1st August 1939, by Decree of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet. Awarded to both military and civilian personnel for personal or collective deeds of heroism rendered to the USSR or socialist society.

45 Residence permit

The Soviet authorities restricted freedom of travel within the USSR through the residence permit and kept everybody’s whereabouts under control. Every individual in the USSR needed residential registration; this was a stamp in the passport giving the permanent address of the individual. It was impossible to find a job, or even to travel within the country, without such a stamp. In order to register at somebody else’s apartment one had to be a close relative and if each resident of the apartment had at least 8 square meters to themselves.

46 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the ‘Day of the Soviet Army’ and is nowadays celebrated as ‘Army Day’.

47 Victory Day in Russia (9thMay)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germanyand the end ofWorld War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

48 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People’s Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party’s control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic states independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

49 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

50 KGB

The KGB or Committee for State Security was the main Soviet external security and intelligence agency, as well as the main secret police agency from 1954 to 1991.

51  MoscowCouncil of the Jewish War Veterans

It was founded in 1988 by the Moscowmunicipal Jewish community. The main purpose of the organization is mutual assistance as well as unification of front-line Jews, collection and publishing of recollections about the war, and arranging meetings with the public and youth.

52 Erenburg, Ilya Grigorievich (1891-1967)

Famous Russian Jewish novelist, poet and journalist who spent his early years in France. His first important novel, The Extraordinary Adventures of Julio Jurento (1922) is a satire on modern European civilization. His other novels include The Thaw (1955), a forthright piece about Stalin’s régime which gave its name to the period of relaxation of censorship after Stalin’s death.

Singer Alexander

Alexander Singer
Bratislava
Slovak Republic
Interviewer: Martin Flekenstein
Date of interview: December 2006

Mr. Alexander Singer is from a well-known rabbinical family, which before World War II was active in what is today Slovakia. He grew up in an Orthodox family, which paid strict heed to adhering to customs and traditions.

He received the highest possible religious education. But already before the war, it was clear to him that he, a rabbi's firstborn son, would not be following in his father's footsteps.

His decision saddened his parents, but they had understanding for their son. The tragedy of the Holocaust did not pass his family by either. Of his closest relatives, only his sister survived, who moved to the USA after the war. 

She lives with her husband in New York, in a strict religious community. Their son also became a rabbi. Nor did Mr. Alexander Singer renounce his Judaism, despite the fact that he didn't practice it in such a devout spirit as before the war. 

During the 1950s he was a leading member of the Jewish Religious Community in Jablonec nad Nisou, where he also led religious services. Despite his advanced age (90), he is vital, and even works part-time. 

During our meetings he literally stunned me with his linguistic and religious learning. In my opinion, he belongs amongst those one could call a well of human knowledge and wisdom, and at the same time a pillar of Jewry and Jewish religious learning in Slovakia.

  • My family background

All I can tell you about the origins of my ancestors on my father's side is that they were from Spain. Most likely, they were Sephardic Jews 1. The family's original name in Spain was Cantor. After leaving for Holland, they changed the surname to Singer. Both words mean the same thing, a singer.

I don't know if already back then there were rabbis in the family. My father's grandfather was named Jakub Singer. From 1858, he was the head rabbi in the town of Lucenec. At the beginning of the 20th Century, Lucenec was an important economic and cultural center. Orthodoxy 2 had a very strong influence in the town. It led all important establishments and associations in the town. The number of Jews in Lucenec in 1939 exceeded 2000, of whom 90% died during the Holocaust.

My grandfather was named Jisrael Singer. My grandfather's wife was Tereza, neé Ehrentreu. They lived in Bratislava. I don't remember my grandfather much. He died while I was still a small child. Originally he made a living as a businessman. Because he was a rabbi's son, and had more of a Talmudic education, he didn't understand business very much. He slowly went bankrupt.

Finally he became the rabbi of a small Orthodox community in Bratislava. The community's name was Torat Chesed. My grandfather was head of the synagogue, where each evening he lectured Torah and Talmud and led discussions with members of the community.

My paternal grandparents had four children. Two sons, David and Jakub, and two daughters, Sarolta and Foga. After my grandfather died, my grandmother lived with her daughters. She lived in a three-room apartment, on the second floor, at 1 Vysoka Street.  She rented out two of the rooms, and used the proceeds to cover household costs.

The building belonged to the Büchlers, who had a large carpet store on the ground floor. The building stood where the Forum Hotel is today. Across the street was the Astoria Café. Every evening, there would be music being played in that café. My grandmother loved to sit by a half-opened window and sing to herself the operettas they were playing there. She was only sad in the winter, as the café windows were closed, and she couldn't hear the music.

After her husband died, my grandma was very poor, a pauper. She de facto lived on support she got from my father [Jakub Singer] and her daughter Sarolta. Sarolta worked as a sales representative for some company, which for a woman was very unusual in those days. She was very capable, but the poor woman died young due to her thyroid gland, in Vysne Hagy.

In the Singer family, Jewish customs and traditions were observed to the letter. My grandma's hair was cut short and she wore a wig. She also covered her head with a small decorative scarf, which also had little pearls crocheted onto it 3. Back then, all old devout women wore that. In her household, cooking was done according to ritual 4. Women didn't attend synagogue very much, just once in a while for the High Holidays. As our family didn't live in Bratislava anymore, my grandma was used to spending the High Holidays with her other son, David.

My mother's father was named Abraham Grünburg (1839 – 1918), and her mother was Rebeka, neé Weiss. Abraham Grünburg was the head rabbi in Kezmarok from 1874 until his death in 1918. I don't remember his name anymore. I was only two years old when he died. Up to the end of World War II, Kezmarok was a center of German culture in Spis [Spis: one of the region of Slovakia – Editor's note].

For a long time, the strong German majority prevented Jews from settling there. My grandfather had one son, named Nathan Grünburg, who became the town's new rabbi after his death, and the other son, whose name I don't remember was living in Csenger, a small town in Hungary, where he was a not very successful businessman, materially supported mainly by his brother Nathan.

At first Nathan refused the position of rabbi. He got married to some wealthy woman in Berehov. The way it actually was, was that after Grandpa died, my father, Jakub Singer, became the Kezmarok rabbi. But Nathan returned to his home town, and my father ceded the position of rabbi to him, because the custom was for the son to take over his father's position. Nathan was the last rabbi in that town. In 1944 they shot him in the Polish town of Zakopane. Before the war his community had around 1000 members.

Grandma Rebeka spoke only German. She died when I was a boy of about three, so I don't really remember her much. But I do remember one thing. Kezmarok was very poor, there wasn't any milk at all for the children. Close to Kezmarok, in the village of Lubica, there was one good-hearted farmer.

His name was Müller. Once, when I was a little child, he brought me milk in a small blue can. That then became a custom, and my grandma used to go get me milk every day. After she died, I started going for the milk myself. At that time I was only three, maybe four years old. Lubica was a couple of kilometers away from Kezmarok, but I didn't mind that.

The problem though, was that the farmer had two mean dogs. Because there were a lot of Gypsies living in the region, and they were all very poor and were forced to steal in order to support themselves. Well, and I was terribly afraid of dogs, because in town there weren't any.

I told my mother about it, but she answered me: "Don't be afraid, a dog that barks doesn't bite!"

"I know that, but I don't know if the dog knows it too!" is what I apparently answered back.

In those days, there were also a lot of Jewish immigrants from Poland living in Kezmarok. After the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy fell apart, they ran away to Czechoslovakia. This was because the Poles and Ukrainians were persecuting them en masse, pillaging their homes and stores.

They burned a lot of shtetls, towns. They even killed some of them. Polish Jews that settled in Kezmarok were mostly merchants, tradesmen, butchers, stonemasons. Stonemasons made matzeyves, gravestones. One of the Polish Jews was in charge of the ritual bath, the mikveh. He was called the Mikveh Yid.

His name was Östereicher. Jews in the town were also divided into Ashkenazim and Sephardim. Ashkenazim were mostly the original Jewish residents of Kezmarok, and Sephardim were immigrants from Poland. Immigrants were different in several basic ways.

Locals used to go pray at 6:00 a.m., so that at 7:00 a.m. they could open their stores and begin working. The Sephardim went to their synagogue at 8;00 a.m. Locals spoke mostly German, the immigrants Yiddish. The Ashkenazim dressed mostly the same as the rest of the population, but some of them had beards and wore black hats, while part of the Sephardim wore black caftans and black hats.

My father attended both synagogues. Some days he'd pray at 6:00 in the main one, and then on other days at 8:00 at the Sephardic one, and this in order to also show those members of the community that he was their man and that he respected their habits.

My father's name was Jakub Singer, and was from a rabbinical family, which is why he himself later became a rabbi in Samorín. His entire name was Abraham Jakob Koppel Singer, and his Jewish name was Abraham Jakov ben Jisrael.

My father was one of four siblings. He and his brother Chaim David were graduates of the world-renowned Talmudic school in Bratislava. The Sofer family taught at this yeshivah. The first one was Moshe Schreiber, known as Chatam Sofer 5.

Then, one after the other, his descendants taught there, it was always handed down from father to son, Ketab Sofer and Shevet Sofer. Shevet Sofer was also my father's teacher, and his son, Akiba Schreiber, was my father's classmate.

Before World War II, Akiba moved in time to Palestine, where he also moved the entire yeshivah. It's still active to this day, in the Mea Sherim quarter. My father and David attended this school together with Akiba Scheriber. They were very good friends. Akiba later recommended my father for the position of rabbi in Samorín.

This might be right time to mention an interesting anecdote that my father used to often tell me. My father was a very learned man. Besides other things, he spoke perfect German.

Due to the fact that he had good style and the appropriate knowledge, they entrusted him to welcome the Emperor Franz Joseph during his visit to Bratislava. During his stay in the city, Franz Josef also visited the synagogue in Zamocka St. Right at that time, a wedding was taking place in the courtyard.

The bride was standing under the chuppah, hidded under a veil. The emperor approached the bride, and was so bold as to look under the veil earlier than is permitted. He then stepped up to my father and whispered to him: „Kluge Sitten habt ihr Juden!“

That means: "You Jews have very wise habits!" Because the bride was terribly ugly. My father knew a song about an ugly bride: „Ich bin nit lang of a chaseneh gewen di kaleh mis der chosen schejn. Oj cores ojojoj cores. Cores vaksen den meter cores immer hecher. Es kimt a cat fin ach int veh. Ajeder shrat oj vej, oj vej.“ Its loose translation is: "Recently I was at a wedding. Ugly bride, beautiful  groom. O misery, o misery, o misery, grows by the meter, higher and higher. Comes a time for lament. Everyone shouts oy vey, oy vey." So when he told he told this story, he also sang this song.

My mother, Margita Singer, neé Grünburg, was a very intelligent and clever woman. I'll tell you just enough for you to be able to imagine our circumstances. I got my first store-bought suit of clothes when I had my bar mitzvah [bar mitzvah - “son of the Commandments”, a Jewish boy that has reached the age of thirteen. A ceremony, during which the boy is declared to be bar mitzvah, from this point on he must fulfil all commandments of the Torah – Editor’s note]. I was 13 years old.

Otherwise it was all sewn from my father's old things. My father used to tell one joke about this: "Young Moritz comes to school with his nose up in the air, and the teacher says to him: Moritz, just because you have a new vest doesn't yet mean that you have to be proud. But they made the vest out of my father's pants, and I can't stand the smell!" 

My mother was a very pretty and slim woman. She was one of eleven siblings. Two boys and nine girls. The girls got married to men from all over the monarchy, all the way down to Satmar [Satu Mare, a town in what is now Romania – Editor's note]. Back then I was still a little boy. Because they lived so far apart from each other, they didn't meet very much. I remember two of my mother's sisters.

The oldest was named Saly Horowitz. She married Rabbi Horowitz in Frankfurt am Main, who was also president of the Kolel Shomre Hachomos of Jerusalem [The Society of the Guardians of the Walls: a worldwide Jewish society that has for centuries financially and culturally supported the settlement of Jews in the city of Jerusalem – Editor's note]. He used to live in Jerusalem for three months of the year, and the rest in Frankfurt.

Another of the sisters married an assistant rabbi in Kezmarok. Her name was Roza Glück. I've already talked about my mother's brother, Nathan. He had a red moustache and beard. He was a very kind person. I can also talk about how as children we used to admire him, due to his skill in eating fish.

Back then people used to eat these small, white fish, that cost only a crown fifty a kilo [in 1929 it was decreed by law that one Czechoslovak crown (Kc), as a unit of Czechoslovak currency, was equal in value to 44.58 mg of gold – Editor's note]. They were very tasty, but were full of bones.

He knew how to eat them so that he'd stuff them in one side of his mouth, and bones would come out the other side. I don't remember my mother's other brother. He got married and settled down in the Hungarian town of Csenger. He made a living as a businessman. I unfortunately don't know anything about the fate of the rest of the siblings.

My father got married in 1914, about two years before I was born. He married the daughter of the Kezmarok rabbi. After the wedding he became a dayan [dayan: a judge of the rabbinical court – Editor's note] and taught German and religion at the German high school in Kezmarok. Kezmarok was mainly full of Germans, but they were from Spis, so they didn't speak grammatically correct German, but spoke a dialect. My father also spoke Yiddish, but it was so-called Oberländer Yiddish.

I was born into the worst poverty, in 1916, in Kezmarok. My parents named me Alexander, Jewish name Shmuel. With my father I spoke mostly German, but with my mother Slovak as well. I spent my early childhood in Kezmarok. Later, in 1926, we moved to Samorin, where my father became the head rabbi. For us it was a change to abundance.

It was a very good and big change from the standpoint of accommodations and supporting the family. Compared to Kezmarok, Samorin was a village, as Kezmarok was a town of artisans, but from the standpoint of supporting the family, it was incomparable.

A rabbinical position came up in Samorin, because the rabbi there was a former classmate of my father's, Dr. Weiss. He was a modern person, and became a rabbi in Wiener Neustadt [New Vienna]. For one, he himself recommended my father for his old position, and Akiba Schreiber also recommended him for it. Samorin was only a small town, about sixty Jewish families, which was about 200 souls.

But the problem was that there was only a Hungarian Jewish school there, and in Kezmarok I'd been attending a Slovak school, and my other siblings a German one. So we began learning Hungarian.

In Samorin we lived at 4 Hlavna St. The apartment had three rooms and a kitchen, no great luxury. The building also had a small garden, but there wasn't anything there, just a couple of flowers. As the oldest, I used to sleep in the last room, which also served as the living room. The windows faced the street.

The entire street was lined with acacia trees which gave off a beautiful aroma. Electricity had already been installed, but not running water. There was no sewage system either. The town had open sewers that collected dirty water, and the main sewer was in Hlavna Street. In the summer it stank horribly. I'll never forget how in the evening the beautiful aroma of the acacia flowers mingled with the stench of the sewers. It was intolerable. People had to close their windows.

My father loved books. In the room where I slept there was a huge cabinet full of books. Besides the cabinet there were also wooden shelves, which were full of  books all the way up to the wood-paneled ceiling. These were books that my father had inherited from his grandfather, the Lucenec rabbi.

That means that they were very, very old. In 1942 I was in Budapest, and by then my parents were dirt poor. In Budapest I got to know one big businessman, Schlessinger. In those days Josef Schlessinger was a famous book merchant. Before the Anschluss, he had a big bookstore in Vienna and one in Budapest. Josef Schlessinger & Sohn.

He was a great expert on books, so I wanted my father to sell some of them. He was interested, so in 1942 he traveled to Samorin and picked out various books. For one book, my father would have gotten 8,000 pengö. Back then, one modest lunch in a "buffet" in Budapest cost about 40 fillér [100 fillér = 1 pengó].

You can imagine how much money that was, because already at that time there was great poverty. There wasn't anything to live on. But my father wouldn't sell that book for anything. Not for anything, because it was too valuable for him.

He didn't want to sell any of the books, even when he needed money badly. The books were worth millions, because they were also valuable from a historical standpoint. After the war, when I returned, I went to the ghetto in Zlate Klasy, where my parents had been staying before they deported them to Dunajska Streda.

The residents that had pilfered the books after the Jews were deported from the ghetto were using them as fuel for their stoves! Some were also in the bathroom. They were using them because they didn't have toilet paper. That was the fate of my father's library.

Disagreements amongst the Jewish population were resolved by the rabbi, thus my father. He was roch beyt din [from Hebrew, "head judge" – Editor's note]. Yes, he was a judge. He mainly judged disagreements of a business nature.

I personally never participated in any trial. I wasn't allowed to be present. It was top secret. He didn't even talk to my mother about these matters, just superficially. My father got along very well with the other members of the community.

My father didn't slaughter poultry, we had a shachter  [ritual butcher] for that. He was named Stern, and lived beside the synagogue. He had a lot of children. He also butchered cattle. The only thing my father had to see was the veshet [throat]. The community also had a shammash [servant], who was named Schwarz. He lived in a house right by the synagogue. He took care of order and cleanliness in the synagogue, prayer rooms, ritual bath and the Jewish school.

  • Growing up

I was born in 1916 in Kezmarok, the firstborn son of Jakub and Margite Singer. I grew up in a rabbinical family. At the age of three, I already began learning. Still back in Kezmarok I began attending cheder [cheder: religious primary school for the teaching of the Torah and Judaism – Editor's note].

I used to go see this one old person who taught me to read, write and pray. Well, and then we studied Hummash, that's the Five Books of Moses, complete with commentaries. As far as secular educations goes, I attended four grades of people's school in Kezmarok in the Slovak language, and then one more year in Samorin, Grade 5 of peoples' school, in Hungarian 6.

Then I began attending Talmudic school in Bratislava. It was named Yesodei HaTorah [foundations of the Torah – Editor's note]. That was for four years. At 3:00 p.m. we'd also go to the council school in Zochova Street. That was a normal council school, a Jewish one. There we studied secular subjects up until 6:00 p.m. I failed the first year of council school, not however because I was dumb.

In May my mother went to Bratislava to find out how her son was doing in school. Well, and Mr. Professor König told her: "I haven't seen your son for three months now!" I didn't have any money. In Bratislava there were two tennis players, one was a Jew, Mr. Danzig, the other a non-Jew, named Bula.

Bula was some sort of official at the Tatra Bank. Danzig was a sack wholesaler. The two of them used to play together. Well, and in the afternoon, during the time I was supposed to be in school, I went to Petrzalka to be a ballboy. I'd get fed there. Yes, there was a lot of hunger.

I was eleven when I arrived in Bratislava. I finished Grade 5 of people's school in Samorín, and then started here, in Bratislava. On Zitny Ostrov [Zitny Ostrov (Island) takes up the majority of the Lower Danube Plain, and is the largest inland island in Europe. The town of Dunajska Streda lies in the middle of Zitny Ostrov – Editor's note], all the Jewish elementary schools were Hungarian. That was five grades with one teacher in one classroom. To this day I can't imagine how that teacher did it, but we learned normally. 

During my high school studies I lived in a sublet in Bratislava. Each day I'd go eat with a different family. We used to call it Tagessing [from the German Tag – day and essen – eat – Editor's note]. I used to go to former classmates, friends, of my father's. Each day to a different family. I wasn't picky, and I liked it everywhere the same.

In Bratislava I finished Talmudic Yesodei HaTorah and council school at the same time. From 1933 I studied at a rabbinical, Talmudic school in Nitra. There I studied for three years. Then I also studied at rabbinical school in Bratislava with Akiva Schreiber. After I finished I privately prepared for an entrance exam for 7th year of high school, on the basis of permission given by the Ministry of Education and National Enlightenment.

In 1933 I began studying at the yeshivah in Nitra. In Nitra I rented a room along with a classmate. We lived in Farska Street. It was close to school. It was a nice room that we had. For that my father always had to have money.

Accommodations cost 150 crowns a month. That was a lot of money for our family, which is why my parents weren't able to support me [in order for the reader to be better able imagine the amount spent on accommodations, I append the following: In the Regional State Archive in Sali, I found a document in which the Regional Office in Bratislava discloses the annual salary of the head rabbi of Samorín, Jakob Singer, to be 2,113.70 Czechoslovak crowns – Editor's note].

As far as food went, that was very miserable. I used to eat in the mensa [school cafeteria] of the rabbinical school. Luckily in Nitra there were Bulgarians selling vegetables 7, and those vegetables made up the main part of my daily menu.

For 50 hellers I got all sorts of vegetables. Bread was the most expensive, as a kilo cost a crown fifty. With one portion of vegetables, I always had a third or quarter of a loaf of bread. That's what I ate in the morning and evening, as the mensa only served lunch. On Saturday I always ate with some family.

The Rosh Ha Yeshivah [rosh ha yeshivah: "head of the yeshivah", thus the principal. Yeshivah; a school of higher Jewish religious education – Editor's note] was Rabbi Weissmandel 8, that means that he was in charge of everything, acceptance for studies, food, everything.

As far as teaching goes, that was taken care of by the main rabbi, Shmuel David Ungar. He lectured almost every day from 10:00 a.m. to 12:00 p.m. The lectures were on individual sections of the Talmud. We took mainly the practical part, like the observance of various laws and regulations.

As a matter of fact, we acquired good basic knowledge of some important parts of the Talmud at the Jesodeh Hatorah school in Bratislava, but here at the yeshivah the studies comprised of, among others, very important commentaries made over the centuries by some Talmudic scholars,and alse extended to the deeper study of some parts of the Talmud that had not been included in the studies at the Jesode Hatorah.

There were also those among us that had rich parents who were particular about their son studying at such and such a school and with such and such a rabbi. In yeshivah they only went into special things. Mainly legal matters and historical background from the Talmud were interesting.

Rabbi Shmuel David Ungar was from Piestany. He had three sons. The oldest one was a rabbi in the town of Hlohovec. Our entire yeshivah attended his inauguration. His younger son was named Shalom Moshe Ungar, in Jewish jargon Sholem Moishe. We were studying at yeshivah together.

I was his older classmate. He married my cousin, the daughter of the Kezmarok rabbi Nathan Grünberg. During the war Rabbi Shmuel Ungar and his son Moshe became partisans. Rabbi Shmuel Ungar perished in 1944. He was buried in the forest.

After the war they exhumed him and transferred him to a cemetery in Piestany, where he was from. Moishe moved to the USA, where he became a rabbi. In the USA, he and Rabbi Weissmandel together restarted the functioning of the Nitra yeshivah. Sholem Moishe Ungar died a few years ago.

My uncle, the Kezmarok rabbi Nathan Grünburg, also had a son. His name was Meir Grünburg. He became a rabbi in Liptovsky Mikulas before the war. He and his wife and little boy survived the war as partisans.

After the war he and his wife returned to Kezmarok, where I went to visit them. I remember that when their son misbehaved, they'd threaten him that he'd get skin for lunch. Because during their partisan activities they often had nothing to eat, and so the partisans would make a broth from beef skin. Meir then emigrated and became the rabbi of some community in New York.

Now back to my studies at the yeshivah in Nitra. During lectures we'd mostly read Hebrew, or Aramaic text, but the commentaries were in Yiddish, but not that proper Yiddish, just mangled German, because proper Yiddsh is only spoken in countries like Poland, Ukraine and Lithuania. Here they spoke in so-called Oberländer Yiddish. Western countries used Oberländer Yiddish, and those were Unterländer Yiddish.

As a joke, the people that were from there were called Finns. Because when you asked him: "Where are you from?" He didn't reply: "Von Budapest, or von München, but in Jewish fin Munkács!" Instead of von they used fin.

I had classmates from various corners of the former monarchy, and some even also came from Belgium, France and the USA. I remember that the one from America was named Harris. Their parents had lived abroad for long years, but were from this region and had the money to send their children here.

A lot of the boys were also from poor families who had no other option but to send them here, so that here they'd get at least a bit of bread, because they didn't let anyone go completely hungry. In Nitra I didn't perceive any persecution, absolutely nothing. In the end, three hundred students were coming into the town, who needed to eat, clothing, and rented accommodations. Basically it also supported the local tradesmen and businessmen too.

From the Nitra yeshivah I went to Bratislava; I graduated to a "higher level". My father considered it to be a higher level, because Akiba Schreiber lectured in Bratislava, from the famous rabbinical Sofer family.

From a Talmudic standpoint, they were bigger experts than the rabbi in Nitra. The Nitra ones were more Hasidic 9, and dealt mainly with customs and morals. Well, and in Bratislava, from a Talmudic standpoint, it was of higher quality.

They came to Ungar not only for learning, but also because he was a Hasidic rabbi, a rebbe. Hasidim are very spiritual and enthusiastic believers, and followers of their miraculous rabbis. During prayers they dance and sing loudly, and dress like devout Jews in the East. Some wear black iridescent caftans, leather beaver hats, and black shoes dress shoes with white socks.

Attending the cinema while you were in the Yesodei HaTorah schol was forbidden. But sometimes I cheated and went to a movie for children. I remember how I once snuck into the Adlon Cinema. The Adlon Cinema was near the U milosrdnych hospital [Sisters of Mercy Hospital], where the Royko Passage is.

The Adlon Cinema belonged to one Jew whose son was going to school with me. He told me how to get in without paying. When the gates opened, you had to hide there, and when the usher wasn't paying complete attention and it got dark, you'd sit in a free spot. The first time I did it, it was a film with Richard Tauber, The Land of Smiles.

As a student, I had to work part-time on top of attending school. In Bratislava there was this one very rich barber. He had two shops. One of them was across from Stefanka [Café Stefanka] on the Palisades. It was an amazing barber shop for the rich, both men and women. The owner was a German, Neugebauer.

The owner of the Astoria Café, Mr. Löwy, who was from Kezmarok, recommended me to him. The Neugebauers had two children, a boy and a girl. The children's mother tongue was German, but even their parents already spoke in the Schwäbisch dialect. They had terrible problems at school, because they didn't know grammar.

I used to teach them. I was teaching German children how to speak and write German. They weren't stupid. The parents were very decent people, from a racial standpoint... I used to go there for the best haircuts, and ate chocolate, because they knew that I didn't eat that stuff from swine [pork meat isn't kosher, see also 4].

Their son, that small, weak, thin little boy – I didn't find this out until after the war, because I searched the family out – well, their son was the biggest bastard in the Hitlerjugend 10, and after the war had to escape from Bratislava. Then a few years after the war, his parents moved to Austria.

In my youth I was a member of Mizrachi 11 in Bratislava. The youth group was named Bené Akibah, Akiba's Sons. Its name was based on the following historical event: During the Roman occupation of the Jewish state they were the students of the largest Talmudic school, most of which died in some epidemic.

To this day, the Com Akibah fast is held in their honor. The members were mostly Orthodox Jews. It was basically the same as Hashomer Hatzair 12. The only difference was that the shomers were leftists. The program of both was emigration to the Palestine, to participate in hachsharah 13, prepare oneself for a certain profession and subsequently for the aliyah [aliyah: moving to the land of Israel – Editor's note].

The only difference was that they were leftists, and Mizrachi was religiously oriented. The celebrated rabbi of Mukachevo, Shapira 15, for example, was an anti-Zionist 14. He was constantly making speeches and battling with Zionism.

In Mukachevo things began to come to a head when they founded the first Hebrew high school there. Shapira, on the other hand, had a famous yeshivah in town. I'll tell you one anecdote from Mukachevo. People there were poor. National elections were being held, and a large part of the population there was Jewish. There was a lot of poverty, which is why they were supporters of the Communist Party.

That was all over the East. Well, and the state purposely set the elections in the town on the Simchat Torah holiday [Simchat Torah: the main significance of the holiday lies in the continuation of the Five Books of Moses.

The cycle of reading from the Torah ends and begins on the same day, and the public celebration connected with this expresses the joy inspired by this process – Editor’s note], so that Jews wouldn't come and vote. The religious ones really didn't go, either.

Everywhere in the town hung large posters saying: „JIDALECH HOBT KEJN MOJRE, HAINT IZ SIMCHET TOIRE, ŠTIMT OF DI NIMER FINEF ALLE ANDERE ZENEN A TINEC.“ Which means: "Jews, don't be afraid that today is Simchat Torah, vote for number five, all the others are shit." Because No. 5 were the Communists. They purposely set the elections during Simchat Torah, so that they wouldn't go vote and the Communists would get less votes.

I finished yeshivah in Bratislava without graduating, I didn't need it, because I transferred to secular studies. I didn't have a penchant for being a rabbi. My father took it very hard, because I was the oldest son. In time he calmed down, because I had brothers who were better suited for this position.

Mainly Jisrael. The others were still little. Jisrael started in our father's yeshivah. But at the age of 17 they took him away to the munkatábor [munkatábor, from Hunarian, a work camp – Editor's note].

After I left the yeshivah, I gradually began breaking away from Orthodox Judaism. Above all, I was no longer concerning myself with Talmudic studies, and didn't wear payes. I still ate kosher, it wasn't until in Hungary, in 1939, that for the first time I didn't eat kosher food.

It was complicated for me to transfer from the yeshivah to high school, because I was missing a basic secular education. My main problems were with mathematics. On the other hand, my favorite subjects were languages and history, especially the Middle Ages.

Today I can communicate in eight languages. Already from home I can speak German, Hungarian, Yiddish and Slovak. With my father and at school I studied Hebrew and Aramaic texts. During my high school studies, I began learning French.

After the war it gradually became a useless language. In order to find some sort of a job, I had to quickly learn English.  In time I also added the Romanian language, which I learned during my five-year stay in that country. I also spoke Spanish well, but that faded away. I still more or less manage in it passively. Besides that I also know Czech, both spoken and written.

As far as religion goes, our family was strictly Orthodox 2. Already from the time I was little I had to wear a bottom tallit. The fringes were inside, not outside. I also wore payes, but only little ones.

I always had my head covered, only when playing soccer did I take the liberty of taking off my cap. My father was very much against it, but I was an excellent player. I even founded a local soccer team, SIT, Somorjai izraelita tornaegyesület [Samorin Israelite Physical Fitness Club].

We played together with Christian kids. On the whole, we got along well with the rest of the population. My father also had a good relationship with the Protestant and Catholic priests. Occasionally they'd meet lead discussions where they'd explain various Bible stories. They met mainly on walks in the countryside, or at schools.

During the holidays my father regularly put on feasts to which the entire community would be invited. My mother always baked cakes. She knew how to bake about a hundred different things. There was little alcohol.

The entire community used to come over to our place. Rich and poor. They'd set the table in that room that I used to sleep in, as it was the biggest. It was organized so that sixty people would fit inside. Women were separate, somewhere up front with my mother.

The community would meet like this for holidays like Purim [Purim: the holiday of joy. As is written in the Book of Ester, the holiday was decreed by Mordechai in memory of how God’s foresight saved the Jews of the Persian Empire from complete annihilation – Editor’s note], Simchat Torah and Chanukkah [Chanukkah: the Festival of Lights, which also commemorates the Macabbees’ uprising and the re-consecration of the Temple in Jerusalem – Editor’s note].

We observed holidays precisely according to regulations. The food was always the same, just during Passover [Passover: commemorates the departure of the Israelites from Egyptian captivity and is characterized by many regulations and customs.

The foremost is the prohibition of consuming anything containing yeast – Editor’s note] breadstuffs couldn't be served. My mother was very good at preparing it. For the bigger holidays my mother would buy a pike. Pike were very expensive back then, they cost three crowns fifty a kilo.

Otherwise during the year we had only whitings, in Hungarian "feher hal". They caught them right in Samorin. Yes, whitings, because carp cost two crowns fifty, and pike three crowns fifty. My mother would remove the skin, which would stay whole.

She'd gut and de-bone it. She'd make fish balls out of the meat and stuff the skin with the mixture. She'd cook it in an onion sauce, and served the fish with carrots on the side. She'd arrange it nicely on the dish. I loved it, even after the war.

While she was cooking she'd also add the fish head, which caused the sauce to thicken.  She used to put it in to thicken it. The head made it as if it was in gelatin, because gelatin wasn't kosher. Around it she'd arrange beautiful little carrots.

She'd strain the gravy, take out the vegetables, and pour it over the fish. A fish prepared like this was only served when there was money, that's the only time we'd buy a pike. Otherwise we had whiting. That was also served with sauce, but it wasn't as good.

It was served on Friday evening and Saturday morning. My mother also used to make one other specialty. Goose breasts were ground up and stuffed into the goose's neck, and then baked. My mother even used to send that to me to the munkatábor, when the opportunity allowed.

The Sabbath differed from other days in that the entire house had to be clean. The entire apartment had to be properly cleaned. Clean laundry and a tidy table of course. Things were clean during the week too, my mother made sure of that, but especially on the Sabbath.

On Friday evening after having come home from the synagogue, candles appeared on the table. My mother would light them. Always only two. The candlesticks were made of silver. My father would bless the wine, and we'd sing the appropriate songs that are meant for Saturday.

For other holidays there were other ones. On Saturday I used to go for walks. We didn't play soccer. Every Saturday morning at the synagogue, between prayers or "Schachrit" and "Musaf", my father gave sermons related to the appropriate sidra [Sidra; literally "organization, section".

Decreed portion of the Testament that is read from the Torah for the Sabbath – Editor's note], which is different each week. The sermons were in German, and later also in Hungarian. He mixed in Yiddish and Hebrew expressions. The sermons couldn't be in Hebrew because most of the community wouldn't have understood them.

Over the years, they filled entire notebooks. These  were then bound in hard covers. I got one that survived the war, at the Protestant priest's, and was sent to Jerusalem.

During childhood I liked Chanukkah the best. For one because of the story that the Jews defeated the enemy and re-consecrated the temple. And then because of fun. We used to make a "trenderli" [Denderli, trenderli: in Yiddish 'dreidl'.

Four-sided top. During Chanukkah children play with it for money that has been given to them during the holiday. Money was often substituted by other commodities, such as for example fruit or candy – Editor's note].

We'd find larger, dry branches, and carve it from those. We'd write Hebrew letters on the four sides, each one of which had some sort of meaning. Then the trenderli was spun, and the letter that came up would indicate the winnings.

There was gimel (ג), which stood for the Yiddish word ganz, meaning player takes all. Hei (ה), in Yiddsh halb, meaning half. Nun (נ), stood for non, nothing, and Yod (י), I don't even know anymore what that one was.

Most of the time we'd play for St. John's bread. St. John's bread is the sap of a tree. After drying it makes these hard, brown beans, which are then picked. Mainly we children ate it, because it was sweet. At Purim it was even ground for cakes. We played mainly for these beans and some five heller pieces.

When I reached the age of 13, I had a bar mitzvah. My father prepared me. At that time I got my first store-bought suit, which we bought at Engel's in Samorin. In the synagogue I had about a 15 – 20 minute speech.

It was an interpretation of the Torah. The celebration took place at our home. My mother baked, and the entire community was invited. There I had to give a speech. The speech related to the pertinent passage from the Torah for the given week.

I remember that I talked about the demolition of the Jerusalem Temple. This is because I was born in the month of Av, in which the anniversary of this national catastrophe takes place.

My father paid great heed to charity. For the Purim holiday, the custom is to send mishloach manot ["sending of gifts" at Purim – Editor's note]. It's written in the Megila Ester [Book of Ester (9:19), (9;22) – Editor's note], that's how they celebrated it in Persia, by sending each other gifts – mishloach manot, on the 13th of Adar.

In Samorin there were about better-off Jewish families. Among them were the families of a lawyer, a construction materials merchant, and a grain merchant. Ten to twelve, no more than that. They'd always send my father some money in an envelope.

Well, and my father would divide that money up, because there were about ten families that were dependent on that. They were very poor, and had children. Mostly they were various carters, or a tailor who wasn't doing well, or a cobbler.

This money was always divided up. My father would put it into envelopes, and I'd take them to the families. That was every year, because I was always home for the holidays.

During the summer months poor people in Subcarpathian Ruthenia 16 used to go on "yarche". They didn't call it begging, but yarche. They were so-called schnorrers [Schnorrer: a beggar, the Yiddish term schnoder means "to contribute" – Editor's note]. Mostly young people.

They used to walk around. They'd only stop there where they knew Jews lived. Older people were embarrassed, the younger ones simply came and asked if we didn't have money and something to eat. The older ones that used to come were from Poland too, and once we even had someone from Romania.

They always had a letter of reference from the rabbi of the town they were from that they had to arrange their daughter's wedding, that they'd lost their job, or had someone ill who needed an operation So that was charity.

Practically the first place they went after they got off the train was to the rabbi. He'd tell them that begging was forbidden in the town.  My father had one community member who he'd charged with collecting money for the schnorrers.

His name was Mr. Schonfeld. He was an older man. He'd go from one family to another and collect money. In the meantime they'd sit at our place and got fed. Every day my mother would buy, and I'd carry home, as long as I was at home, eight liters of milk.

Twice each week, we baked three huge loaves of bread at Lichtenstein the baker's. I used to take them to the baker's on a wheelbarrow in this basket. That's all we had at home, which means that she couldn't feed them that much.

They got a huge piece of bread and white coffee. The white coffee wasn't even normal coffee, just a some roasted rye and milk. Two spoons of real ground coffee would be added to a liter of milk.

We prayed only at home and at the synagogue. It never happened that we'd pray on the train, for example. Once, when I was still a little boy, we went to visit someone in Spisske Podhradie. The way used to be through Magura [Spisska Magura is a spread-out sedimentary mountain range of the Outer Western Carpathian Mountains.

Spisska Magura used to be a lumbering and sheepherding region – Editor's note]. You used to go through a forest. Each coachman had a weapon hidden under his seat, because robberies still took place there. We set out on the trip early in the morning. On the way we stopped. My father got off the coach, went off to the side, put on his tefillin [tefillin: prayer straps – Editor's note] and prayed.

  • During the war

I had five siblings. I can't tell you much about my siblings. I was older than they were. When they were little, I was studying away from home. I returned only for the High Holidays. I didn't spend much time with them.

The eldest of my sisters, Edita, was born in 1917. Her story is a downright tragedy. In 1939, during the Slovak State 17, she married Mr. Fridrich from Humenne. Her husband was a handsome, tall man. Already at that time there were various difficulties, so I didn't even make it to the wedding, just my parents.

Samorin was also attached to Hungary 18, while Humenne remained in the Slovak State. Before that we hadn't had state citizenship, just nationality. I had a home certificate [Home certificate: a document certifying residential rights in a certain municipality – Editor's note] for the town of Lucenec.

But they shoved Edita's husband off past the Hugarian – Slovak border, because he didn't have Slovak papers. He ended up in "no-man's land". The Hungarians then sent him to Poland, where he was shot. My sister was pregnant at the time. So my parents decided that it was necessary to bring her back from Humenne.

In 1939 I left for Budapest, because I couldn't stay in Samorin. Some people were yelling at me: „Csehúny, miért nem jött haza szeptemberben?“ ["Czech, why didn't you come home in September?"

After the First Vienna Arbitration Samorin was granted to Hungary, and at that time Mr. Singer was on the territory of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia – Editor's note]. Suddenly my parents wrote for me to immediately return, because my sister Edita needed our help.

We organized an illegal crossing from Bratislava. I came for her to the border, where smugglers brought her over onto Hungarian territory by the village of Miloslavov. She didn't even go home, but got on a train heading for Komarno and Miskolc.

My sister could have been living there to this day, because no one knew her there. They didn't know where she was from, and neither did they recognize the kid. She returned in 1944, just when they were preparing the deportation of Jews from Hungary.

The Jews were told that they would have to move to Poland and work there. Having no one in Miskolc but her little girl, she decided to join her parents.

In April 1944 they were first taken from their home in Samorin to the ghetto in Zlate Klasy (Nagymagyar) and from there to the railway station in Dunajska Streda, to be in the end transported like cattle in wagons to Auschwitz. There she ended up with her child and parents in the gas chamber.

My brother Jisrael was born in 1919. As I've already mentioned, he studied at my father's yeshivah, then at the age of 17 he was summonned to a munkatábor [munkatábor, a Hungarian labor camp – Editor's note]. He ended up in Erdelyi, and there the poor guy lived in all sorts of munkatábors. When the Nyilasites 19 came to power, he was deported to Mathausen 20. He died of typhus, a few days before liberation.

My sister Jolana was the only one of my siblings to survive. Jolana was in Auschwitz, and then in other camps, but ended up in Bergen-Belsen 21. When I returned home, I met one girl from Mliecno that told me about her.

Two days before the liberation she was walking along in Bergen-Belsen, and some girl was lying there, under a tree. She heard her calling her name. She didn't even recognize her. It was my sister Jolana. She'd caught typhus there, and her hair had fallen out.

She caught all sorts of diseases, and was close to dying. The Swedish Red Cross picked them up. Back then that girl told me that she likely wouldn't live, because thousands  there had died, mainly of typhus, and before that she'd had other diseases from Auschwitz. In the end she survived.

Jolana didn't even return home. For one there wasn't where [to return to], and then she married a fellow prisoner. He was from Hungary. His name was Laufer. They left for New York together.

In New York they ended up in the company of extremely Orthodox Jews, and they became ultra-Orthodox as well. Their son is a rabbi and at the same time a lawyer in New York. I've never gone to visit them, but we used to meet, they came to see me in Canada. Unfortunately I don't know if my sister is still alive, because already five years ago she had a stroke, and I didn't know absolutely anything about her.

I maintained contact with her through one nephew who was from Zeliezovce. They took care of her, which means that she had a nurse and all. I've got this impression that she must have died long ago,. but that they're keeping it a secret from me. I still write her during the holidays. She was the only one from our family who remained alive.

My brother Lazar wasn't very much into studying. He became a baker by trade. During the Holocaust he was also in Budapest for some time. In Budapest they caught him, because he hadn't gone to a munkatábor. I even met him in Budapest once.

He had some food, and brought me some bread too. While still in Budapest, he met some Frenchmen, who were deported along with him to Mauthausen. Well, and there in the camp they planned an escape attempt together, but they caught and publicly executed them. The youngest, Herman, went straight into the gas in Auschwitx together with my parents.

At the end of 1939 I signed up in Budapest for munkaszolgálat [22, 23] in Nagykaty. There was an army assembly point there. We got a yellow armband, but no uniform. I walked all over Erdely 24. We did all sorts of farm work.

I even took care of pigs for some counts. Finally in 1940 they sent me home, because by error they had me registered as having been born in 1915, and was born in 1916. I didn't go home, but straight to Budapest.

There I at first worked in a konzervgyár [cannery] on the outskirts of Csepel for 20 hellers an hour. I worked there along with one boy who I'd graduated with. We carted garbage in a wheelbarrow to the garbage dump. By the dump there was a fence, in which we made a hole and hid food there.

You weren't allowed to carry anything out, because when we left the factory, they'd check us. We lived off that. Things were rough there.

After two months, as soon as I got my bearings a bit, I left the factory and began teaching German and French. I taught both children and adults, from better-off Christian families in Budapest. Unfortunately, at this time almost all building supers were informers for the state police. Our super informed on me, that as a Jew I was illegally avoiding the labor camp, and on 15th December 1942 the police arrested me.

They led me off to a labor camp in the town of Esztergom. With shorter stops in camps in Erdelyi, I ended up in the town of Csikszereda. The camp was up on Hargita Hill. Csikszereda was the highest camp of them all. We walked 13 kilometers to work, and had to work for 8 hours.

While we were with the camp's army commanders, it was relatively normal, and we had food to eat. There weren't even any beatings, just once in a while someone got a slap or whacked with a cane. One day after assembly they assigned us to some camp where we were preparing defenses, bunkers against the Russians for the Hungarian army.

That was something awful. The first day, the commander picked me out for some reason, came over to me, there was something that he didn't like about me, and so as we were standing there in line, he hit me with a whip right across the eyes.

I couldn't see for a week. He was a second lieutenant, in civilian life a teacher, even. He wanted to introduce himself, which he also succeeded in doing. I don't remember his name anymore, but I searched for him for a long time. Maybe he died when the Russian army arrived.

We did the worst slave work there. We were supposed to dig lines of defense, bunkers, in the cliffs. Actually, they were trenches in the rock. Two of us had sledgehammers. The instructions were to dig down 60 centimeters into the rock within a certain time, and insert some dynamite.

We were already very weakened, and the hammers were heavy. When we didn't meet the quota, it was pants down and we got caned. You can't imagine that. Luckily it didn't last long, because the Russians were drawing near. You could already hear it in the distance.

One morning, around 4:00 a.m., gendarmes came, kakastollasok 25. We had to leave everything in that pajta [pajta is the Hungarian word for barn – Editor's note] where we were sleeping, and could only take our pants and personal things. I thought that was the end. Up on that hill they lined us up, completely naked, we had to give everything up. At that time I also lost my last documents and a picture of my mother.

They took everything, whoever had money, or a ring, papers, identification. I thought they were going to shoot us. Finally they loaded us up on a horse-drawn wagon and we rode to the station by the town of Csikszereda. There we stayed for some time as well.

At that station they loaded us into wagons. We didn't know where we were going. Finally, a week later we arrived in the Hungarian town of Rakospalota, a suburb of the capital Budapest. Daily we walked to Budapest and worked cleaning up the rubble left from the bombarded buildings.

Later on we were building anti-aircraft emplacements (FLAG- Fliegerabwehrgeschütte) [the interviewee is using a little-known variation on the expression "flak", a German acronym of Fliegerabwehrkanone, meaning `anti-aircraft guns' (more literally, `aircraft  defense guns') which passed into common English usage – Translator's note].

In the neighborhood of Rakospalota for the Hungarian army under the command of the Germans  The Germans had a radar station there. During a whole month we didn't shoot down even one plane. On the contrary, they bombed us constantly. Fragments of our own anti-aircraft shells were falling, and many people were wounded.

The fragments were so sharp, that when they fell down, it could even cut your head off. The shells were 70 cm long. There were about four in a case. During the day, mainly American and English bombers were flying over, and in the evening Russian planes, accompanied by the launch of so-called Stalin's lamps, which had the capacity to light up the target so intensely that at night one could read a newspaper on the ground.

They were dropping massive amounts of 50 kilo bombs. For us it was dangerous mainly after the attack, when you came out of the trenches, because there were fragments of our own shell falling. When it hit someone, they took them to the hospital.

  • After the war

In October 1944 the Horthy regime 26 fell, and they Nyilasites, led by Szálási 27 assumed power in Hungary. Finally they deported us via Hegyeshalom to Mauthausen, where on May 5th the Allies liberated us.As I've already mentioned, my father had a brother named David Singer.

David also had a Talmudic education. He owned a small bookstore in Bratislava, in Kapucinska Street, with Hebrew, mainly religious books and textbooks. Across the street from him was a huge bookstore, Lichtenfeld. The owner had once upon a time studied at yeshivah with Uncle David.

One could say that he also helped my uncle, he'd give him books on credit, which he could then sell. David had a good wife. She was from Budapest. Her name was Sara Unger. They had two children, boys. The older was named Abraham, the younger Israel.

They were very wise and talented boys. At the beginning of 1942 David's wife's brother searched me out in Budapest, asking me to help him smuggle those children into Hungary. Sara knew that I'd already helped smuggle my sister across, which is why Unger came to see me.

The parents remained in Bratislava. I smuggled them across at the same place as my sister Edita. We got on a train near the border village of Uzor and I went with them to Komarno and from there to Budapest. There I handed them over to their family.

Well, and I met the older one, Abraham, when in August 1944 they were transporting us back to Budapest from Csikszered. We stopped somewhere at some station, and got off the train. Suddenly someone said my name. Some big boy, and it was Abraham.

He'd grown unbelievably in two years. He recognized me, I didn't him. They'd also come from the Ukraine [Subcarpathian Ruthenia – Editor's note]. After the war, someone told me that that boy had survived in Budapest. So I went to Budapest from Mauthausen with the army, first with the English and then with the Russians, in the hope that I'd meet him there.

Unfortunately, just like his whole family, he didn't survive the war. I was in Budapest for only a short time. In August I returned to Samorin. Only a few Jewish boys and girls returned to Samorin. I had no place to go in Samorin, because the building we'd lived in was occupied, Nagy Sándor's family was living there.

They were decent people, they freed up that large room for me right away. There was just one old ottoman there, and one closet. Nothing else. At that time, the Samorin municipal office gave me a document that said that I was completely broke.

I then set out to find work in Bratislava, but somehow I wasn't having any luck, so I left for Prague. Shortly thereafter I was working for a lawyer and at the Schenker shipping company. It didn't suit me, because there it was organized in the "American way". We worked in these cubicles and watching over us was a boss whose office was higher up. They only took me due to my language skills, because I didn't understand the transport business.

In 1947 I took out a classified ad in the papers: "Clerk with knowledge of French and German with a talent for business looking for employment." I of course didn't have any business experience. At most, that I'd worked for three months in one export company.

It was only a tiny little company, about four employees. The owner was one Mrs. Heydukova. She was a collaborator, because during the war she'd had some German staying with her. The salary I got was just enough to pay the rent. You couldn't live on it.

I used to go for three-crown lunches, but normally lunch would have cost seven crowns. I ate with one Prague family. The husband worked and the wife was at home, so she cooked. Then more people started coming to their place for lunches, who'd pay them for that. In 1947 I got a job in Jablonec. Back then there were still former German companies there, which had a national administrator. Well, and one of the administrators gave me a job.

In 1948 I was myself named the national administrator of three small companies that exported costume jewelry. They were small companies, which I had to merge. There were still German employees there too, who hadn't been deported 28. All together about 15 employees.

There I needed English. I began learning English during the years 1939 to 1942. I was staying with one friend in Budapest. He had these scratched-up records, with about 30 lessons. It was a very good system. There was a book with it as well. There I gained the basics of English.

From small companies under national administration, a large export firm was founded, Skloexport. The main customers were American. Skloexport was later renamed to Jablonex. It was in charge of exporting costume jewelry.

In 1953 I was named the best worker in the entire sector of the Ministry of Foreign Trade. The award was given by the ministry itself. I was mainly in charge of the American market and Canada. In 1954 I went on a business trip to five countries in southeast Asia, which lasted 5 months, and then in 1956 – 1958 I went on three business trips to Canada

During the years 1951 - 1954 the press issued daily anti-Jewish articles under the pretext of anti-Zionism. I myself didn't feel much of this campaign – I was doing my job to the satisfaction of the Party and my management. But suddenly, a few weeks after I returned home in 1958 from a two-month business trip from Canada, the newly appointed general manager asked me to quit  my job without specifying the reasons.

I refused to do so, telling them to give me notice in accordance with the conditions of my contract. Highly placed party officials had a hankering for my position. They wanted to throw me out, and mainly to travel instead of me. The company had my passport, I had to hand it in each time.

Back then, based on a decision of the highest regional Party secretary in Liberec, it was decided that Skloexport would move from Prague to Liberec. They came with the fact that I wouldn't have to resign, but that I'd take a position in Liberec.

They offered me the post of manager of the export department. I was even supposed to get a salary increase of a thousand crowns. It was a trap. I got a new contract. I went happily home, well, and within the scope of a one-month layoff notice, they let me go from my new place of work a week before I was to start. I had of course had to resign from my old position.

That's what they did to me, an award-winning employee. I turned to one friend, a former colleague, who helped me find a job in Bratislava. Concretely, this is what happened: Back in 1948, the company hired one "working-class cadre".

You see, as soon as the Communists took power 30, the regional committee ordered Skloexport to employ one of their people in a management position. The aforementioned "working-class cadre" was a former farmer, the same as his wife.

But he'd been working somewhere for a baker, he still had "flour on his cap" when he came to introduce himself at the company. He didn't understand our work, which is why three of us were chosen to train him. I taught him languages. We even used to go to soccer together on Sundays, when weren't working.

He got very spoiled, the glory went to his head when he became the general manager of some company in Prague. There he was already a big man. Then when they threw me out of the company, he helped me a lot.

He was the only person who gave me a helping hand when I was out on the street without a job and a place to live. From January 1960, I began working in Bratislava. I worked there until I retired. For seven years I worked to increase my pension.

Besides this, at the start of the 1970s I taught foreign trade operations at the Economics University in Bratislava as an external worker. The rector there got the idea that they needed a person right from a foreign trade company, and our manager recommended me to him.

I was married, but I don't want to talk about my wife, as it ended badly. I've got a daughter, who I still keep in touch with. She worked in a large research institute. She's qualified as a sociologist, and documentarian.

During my stay in Jablonec, I was an active member of the Jewish religious community. I also participated actively in the community's religious life. I was even the only one who was capable of leading prayers. In the building that I lived in, there was also a prayer room.

I got an apartment there from the Jewish community. After moving to Bratislava, I became a member of the community here in Bratislava. I now only go to the synagogue only for the High Holidays, but I always go to the community.

I eat in our community's kosher dining room, because my state of health is such that my stomach is completely ruined as a result of the war. During the war for some time I even ate only raw corn and oats that had been left by horses. That made holes in my mucous membranes. After that I never had a good stomach or intestines.

I'd say that my relationship to Israel is very positive. I've been there three times. What impressed me the most was their courage and hard work, but mainly that that they've gotten used to life in constant danger. Their descendants have inherited that.

They've already got it as an inborn trait. When you ask them how they take it, that every while there's a pile of dead bodies... They take it normally, that it's a part of life. I've got to say, I wouldn't have the nerves for it. The revolution in 1989 31 didn't bring any changes to my life.

As a retiree, I'm still employed part-time. In my spare time I read, listen to the radio and watch television. I watch the news on various TV stations. For example the BBC seems to me to be quite anti-Jewish. When Palestinians blow up a school bus with Jews in it, they don't devote any space to this information. But when Jews invade a Palestinian refugee camp to catch the killers,  right away the television and papers are full of it. 

Glossary:

1 Sephardi Jewry: Jews of Spanish and Portuguese origin. Their ancestors settled down in North Africa, the Ottoman Empire, South America, Italy and the Netherlands after they had been driven out from the Iberian peninsula at the end of the 15th century.

About 250,000 Jews left Spain and Portugal on this occasion. A distant group among Sephardi refugees were the Crypto-Jews (Marranos), who converted to Christianity under the pressure of the Inquisition but at the first occasion reassumed their Jewish identity. Sephardi preserved their community identity; they speak Ladino language in their communities up until today.

The Jewish nation is formed by two main groups: the Ashkenazi and the Sephardi group which differ in habits, liturgy their relation toward Kabala, pronunciation as well in their philosophy. 

2 Orthodox communities: The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871.

In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants’ descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the ‘eastern’ type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary.

294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities were registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country, in 1896. In 1930 30,4 % of Hungarian Jews belonged to 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 %).

3 Orthodox Jewish dress: Main characteristics of observant Jewish appearance and dresses: men wear a cap or hat while women wear a shawl (the latter is obligatory in case of married women only). The most peculiar skull-cap is called kippah (other name: yarmulkah) (kapedli in Yiddish), worn by men when they leave the house, reminding them of the presence of God and thus providing spiritual protection and safety.

Orthodox Jewish women had their hair shaved and wore a wig. In addition, Orthodox Jewish men wear a tallit (Hebrew term) (talles in Yiddish) [prayer shawl] and its accessories all day long under their clothes but not directly on their body. Wearing payes (Yiddish term) (payot in Hebrew) [long sideburns] is linked with the relevant prohibition in the Torah [shaving or trimming the beard as well as the hair around the head was forbidden].

The above habits originate from the Torah and the Shulchan Arukh. Other pieces of dresses, the kaftan [Russian, later Polish wear] among others, thought to be typical, are an imitation. According to non-Jews these characterize the Jews while they are not compulsory for the Jews.

4 Kashrut in eating habits: kashrut means ritual behavior. A term indicating the religious validity of some object or article according to Jewish law, mainly in the case of foodstuffs. Biblical law dictates which living creatures are allowed to be eaten. The use of blood is strictly forbidden. The method of slaughter is prescribed, the so-called shechitah.

The main rule of kashrut is the prohibition of eating dairy and meat products at the same time, even when they weren’t cooked together. The time interval between eating foods differs. On the territory of Slovakia six hours must pass between the eating of a meat and dairy product. In the opposite case, when a dairy product is eaten first and then a meat product, the time interval is different. In some Jewish communities it is sufficient to wash out one’s mouth with water. The longest time interval was three hours – for example in Orthodox communities in Southwestern Slovakia.

5 Chatam Sofer (1762-1839): Orthodox rabbi, born in Frankfurt, Germany, as Moshe Schreiber, who became widely known as the leading personality of traditionalism. He was a born talent and began to study at the age of three. From 1711 he continued studying with Rabbi Nathan Adler.

The other teacher, who had a great influence on him, was Pinchas Horowitz, chief rabbi of Frankfurt. Sofer matriculated in the Yeshivah of Mainz at the age of 13 and within a year he got the ’Meshuchrar’ – liberated – title. The Jewish community of Pozsony elected him as rabbi by drawing lots in 1807. His knowledge and personal magnetism soon convinced all his former opponents and doubters. As a result of his activity, Pozsony became a stimulating spiritual center of the Jewry. 

6 People’s and Public schools in Czechoslovakia: In the 18th century the state intervened in the evolution of schools – in 1877 Empress Maria Theresa issued the Ratio Educationis decree, which reformed all levels of education.

After the passing of a law regarding six years of compulsory school attendance in 1868, people’s schools were fundamentally changed, and could now also be secular. During the First Czechoslovak Republic, the Small School Law of 1922 increased compulsory school attendance to eight years.

The lower grades of people’s schools were public schools (four years) and the higher grades were council schools. A council school was a general education school for youth between the ages of 10 and 15. Council schools were created in the last quarter of the 19th century as having 4 years, and were usually state-run.

Their curriculum was dominated by natural sciences with a practical orientation towards trade and business. During the First Czechoslovak Republic they became 3-year with a 1-year course. After 1945 their curriculum was merged with that of lower gymnasium. After 1948 they disappeared, because all schools were nationalized.

7 Bulgarian gardeners: Bulgarian gardeners have taken a prominent position in the cultivation of vegetables throughout Europe. Their migration began at the turn of 18-19. century. They started to arrive in Slovakia at the end of the 19th century.

In the following century, local authorities recorded about 64 horticultural settlements founded by the Bulgarians. In the period between the two world wars (1935) the number of Bulgarian horticulture in Slovakia was estimated at 320. Most of them were around Košice and Bratislava.

8 Weissmandl, Chaim Michael Dov (1903 -1957): rabbi Weissmandl became famous for his tireless efforts to the save the Jews of Slovakia from extermination at Nazi hands during the Holocaust. During the period of WWII, Weissmandl was an unofficial leader of the Working Group of Bratislava.

In the final days of the war he was evacuated by a transport organized by Rudolf Kastner with German permission. Later he moved to the United States, where together with those students of the original Nitra Yeshiva who were fortunate enough to survive the Holocaust, he established the Yeshiva Farm Settlement at Mount Kisco, New York.

9 Hasidic Judaism: Haredi Jewish religious movement. Some refer to Hasidic Judaism as Hasidism. The movement originated in Eastern Europe (Belarus and Ukraine) in the 18th century. Rabbi Israel ben Eliezer (1698–1760), also known as the Ba'al Shem Tov, founded Hasidic Judaism.

It originated in a time of persecution of the Jewish people, when European Jews had turned inward to Talmud study; many felt that most expressions of Jewish life had become too "academic", and that they no longer had any emphasis on spirituality or joy. The Ba'al Shem Tov set out to improve the situation. In its initial stages, Hasidism met with opposition from several contemporary leaders, most notably the Vilna Gaon, leader of the Lithuanian Jews, united as the misnagdim — literally meaning "those who stand opposite".

10 Hitlerjugend: The youth organization of the German Nazi Party (NSDAP). In 1936 all other German youth organizations were abolished and the Hitlerjugend was the only legal state youth organization. From 1939 all young Germans between 10 and 18 were obliged to join the Hitlerjugend, which organized after-school activities and political education.

Boys over 14 were also given pre-military training and girls over 14 were trained for motherhood and domestic duties. After reaching the age of 18, young people either joined the army or went to work. 

11 Mizrachi: The word has two meanings: a) East. It designates the Jews who immigrate to Palestine from the Arab countries. Since the 1970s they make up more than half of the Israeli population. b) It is the movement of the Zionists, who firmly hold on to the Torah and the traditions.

The movement was founded in 1902 in Vilnius. The name comes from the abbreviation of the Hebrew term Merchoz Ruchoni (spiritual center). The Mizrachi wanted to build the future Jewish state by enforcing the old Jewish religious, cultural and legal regulations.

They recruited followers especially in Eastern Europe and the United States. In the year after its founding it had 200 organizations in Europe, and in 1908 it opened an office in Palestine, too. The first congress of the World Movement was held in 1904 in Pozsony (today Bratislava, Slovakia), where they joined the Basel program of the Zionists, but they emphasized that the Jewish nation had to stand on the grounds of the Torah and the traditions.

The aim of the Mizrach-Mafdal movement is the same in our days, too. It supports schools, youth organizations in Israel and in other countries, so that the Jewish people can learn about their religion, and it takes part in the political life of Israel, promoting by this the traditional image of the Jewish state. 

( HYPERLINK "http://www.mizrachi.org/aboutus/default.asp" http://www.mizrachi.org/aboutus/default.asp;  HYPERLINK "http://www.cionista.hu/mizrachi.htm" www.cionista.hu/mizrachi.htm; Magyar Zsidó Lexikon, Budapest, 1929).

12 Hashomer Hatzair in Slovakia: the Hashomer Hatzair movement came into being in Slovakia after WWI. It was Jewish youths from Poland, who on their way to Palestine crossed through Slovakia and here helped to found a Zionist youth movement, that took upon itself to educate young people via scouting methods, and called itself Hashomer (guard).

It joined with the Kadima (forward) movement in Ruthenia. The combined movement was called Hashomer Kadima. Within the membership there were several ideologues that created a dogma that was binding for the rest of the members. The ideology was based on Borchov’s theory that the Jewish nation must also become a nation just like all the others.

That’s why the social pyramid of the Jewish nation had to be turned upside down. He claimed that the base must be formed by those doing manual labor, especially in agriculture – that is why young people should be raised for life in kibbutzim, in Palestine.

During its time of activity it organized six kibbutzim: Shaar Hagolan, Dfar Masaryk, Maanit, Haogen, Somrat and Lehavot Chaviva, whose members settled in Palestine. From 1928 the movement was called Hashomer Hatzair (Young Guard). From 1938 Nazi influence dominated in Slovakia.

Zionist youth movements became homes for Jewish youth after their expulsion from high schools and universities. Hashomer Hatzair organized high school courses, re-schooling centers for youth, summer and winter camps. Hashomer Hatzair members were active in underground movements in labor camps, and when the Slovak National Uprising broke out, they joined the rebel army and partisan units.

After liberation the movement renewed its activities, created youth homes in which lived mainly children who returned from the camps without their parents, organized re-schooling centers and branches in towns. After the putsch in 1948 that ended the democratic regime, half of Slovak Jews left Slovakia. Among them were members of Hashomer Hatzair. In the year 1950 the movement ended its activity in Slovakia.

13 Hakhsharah: Training camps organized by the Zionists, in which Jewish youth in the Diaspora received intellectual and physical training, especially in agricultural work, in preparation for settling in Palestine. 

14 Zionism: a movement defending and supporting the idea of a sovereign and independent Jewish state, and the return of the Jewish nation to the home of their ancestors, Eretz Israel – the Israeli homeland. The final impetus towards a modern return to Zion was given by the show trial of Alfred Dreyfus, who in 1894 was unjustly sentenced for espionage during a wave of anti-Jewish feeling that had gripped France.

The events prompted Dr. Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) to draft a plan of political Zionism in the tract ‘Der Judenstaat’ (‘The Jewish State’, 1896), which led to the holding of the first Zionist congress in Basel (1897) and the founding of the World Zionist Organization (WZO). The WZO accepted the Zionist emblem and flag (Magen David), hymn (Hatikvah) and an action program.

15 Shapira, Chaim Eleazar (1872-1937): Rabbi of Munkacs, Hungary (today Mukachevo, Ukraine) from 1913 and Hasidic rebbe. He had many admirers and many opponents, and exercised great influence over the rabbis of Hungary even after Munkacs became part of Czechoslovakia, following the disintegration of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy after World War I.

An extreme opponent of the Zionist movement and the Orthodox Zionist party, the Mizrachi, as well as the Agudat Israel party, he regarded every organization engaged in the colonization of Erets Israel to be inspired by heresy and atheism.

He called for the maintenance of traditional education and opposed Hebrew schools that were established in eastern Czechoslovakia between the two world wars. He also condemned the Hebrew secondary school of his town. He occasionally became involved in local disputes with rival rebbes, waging a campaign of many years.

16 Subcarpathian Ruthenia: is found in the region where the Carpathian Mountains meet the Central Dnieper Lowlands. Its larger towns are Beregovo, Mukacevo and Hust. Up until the First World War the region belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, but in the year 1919, according to the St. Germain peace treaty, was made a part of Czechoslovakia.

Exact statistics regarding ethnic and linguistic composition of the population aren’t available. Between the two World Wars Ruthenia’s inhabitants included Hungarians, Ruthenians, Russians, Ukrainians, Czechs and Slovaks, plus numerous Jewish and Gypsy communities.

The first Viennese Arbitration (1938) gave Hungary that part of Ruthenia inhabited by Hungarians. The remainder of the region gained autonomy within Czechoslovakia, and was occupied by Hungarian troops. In 1944 the Soviet Army and local resistance units took power in Ruthenia.

According to an agreement dated June 29, 1945, Czechoslovakia ceded the region to the Soviet Union. Up until 1991 it was a part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic. After Ukraine declared its independence, it became one of the country’s administrative regions.

17 Slovak State (1939-1945): Czechoslovakia, which was created after the disintegration of Austria-Hungary, lasted until it was broken up by the Munich Pact of 1938; Slovakia became a separate (autonomous) republic on 6th October 1938 with Jozef Tiso as Slovak PM.

Becoming suspicious of the Slovakian moves to gain independence, the Prague government applied martial law and deposed Tiso at the beginning of March 1939, replacing him with Karol Sidor. Slovakian personalities appealed to Hitler, who used this appeal as a pretext for making Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia a German protectorate.

On 14th March 1939 the Slovak Diet declared the independence of Slovakia, which in fact was a nominal one, tightly controlled by Nazi Germany.

18 First Vienna Decision: On 2nd November 1938 a German-Italian international committee in Vienna obliged Czechoslovakia to surrender much of the southern Slovakian territories that were inhabited mainly by Hungarians. The cities of Kassa (Kosice), Komarom (Komarno), Ersekujvar (Nove Zamky), Ungvar (Uzhorod) and Munkacs (Mukacevo), all in all 11.927 km² of land, and a population of 1.6 million people became part of Hungary. According to the Hungarian census in 1941 84% of the people in the annexed lands were Hungarian-speaking.

19 Arrow Cross Party: The most extreme of the Hungarian fascist movements in the mid-1930s. The party consisted of several groups, though the name is now commonly associated with the faction organized by Ferenc Szalasi and Kalman Hubay in 1938.

Following the Nazi pattern, the party promised not only the establishment of a fascist-type system including social reforms, but also the ‘solution of the Jewish question’. The party’s uniform consisted of a green shirt and a badge with a set of crossed arrows, a Hungarian version of the swastika, on it.

On 15th October 1944, when Governor Horthy announced Hungary’s withdrawal from the war, the Arrow Cross seized power with military help from the Germans. The Arrow Cross government ordered general mobilization and enforced a regime of terror which, though directed chiefly against the Jews, also inflicted heavy suffering on the Hungarians.

It was responsible for the deportation and death of tens of thousands of Jews. After the Soviet army liberated the whole of Hungary by early April 1945, Szalasi and his Arrow Cross ministers were brought to trial and executed.

20 Mauthausen: concentration camp located in Upper Austria. Mauthausen was opened in August 1938. The first prisoners to arrive were forced to build the camp and work in the quarry. On May 5, 1945 American troops arrived and liberated  the camp.

Altogether, 199,404 prisoners passed through Mauthausen. Approximately 119,000 of them, including 38,120 Jews, were killed or died from the harsh conditions, exhaustion, malnourishment, and overwork. Rozett R. – Spector S.: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Facts on File, G.G. The Jerusalem Publishing House Ltd. 2000, pg. 314 - 315 

21 Bergen-Belsen: concentration camp located in northern Germany. Bergen-Belsen was established in April 1943 as a detention camp for prisoners who were to be exchanged with Germans imprisoned in Allied countries. Bergen-Belsen was liberated by the British army on April 15, 1945.

The soldiers were shocked at what they found, including 60,000 prisoners in the camp, many on on the brink of death, and thousands of unburied bodies lying about. Rozett R. – Spector S.: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Facts on File, G.G. The Jerusalem Publishing House Ltd. 2000, pg. 139 - 141  

22 Forced Labor in Hungary: Under the 1939 II. Law 230, those deemed unfit for military service were required to complete 'public interest work service'. After the implementation of the second anti-Jewish Law within the military, the military arranged 'special work battalions' for those Jews, who were not called up for armed service. With the entry into northern Transylvania (August 1940), those of Jewish origin who had begun, and were now finishing, their military service were directed to the work battalions.

The 2870/1941 HM order unified the arrangement, saying that the Jews are to fulfill military obligations in the support units of the national guard. In the summer of 1942, thousands of Jews were recruited to labor battalions with the Hungarian troops going to the Soviet front. Some 50,000 in labor battalions went with the Second Hungarian Army to the Eastern Front – of these, only 6-7000 returned.

23 Working Battalion: According to a Hungarian law passed in 1939, those unable to serve in the military were obliged to do ,work service’. The Jews not drafted into the Hungarian army for armed service were to join these ,special work battalions’. A decree in 1941 obliged all Jewish men to be recruited to work battalions instead of regular army units. In 1942 more than 50,000 of them were taken to the Ukrainian front, along with the Second Hungarian Army; only 6-7000 of them survived.

24 Transylvania: Geographical and historic area (103 000 sq. kilometre) in Romania. It is located between the Carpathian Mountain range and the Serbian, Hungarian and Ukrainian border. Today’s Transylvania is made up of four main regions: Banat, Crisana, Maramures and the historic Transylvanian territory.

In 1526 at the Mohacs battle medieval Hungary fell apart; the central part of the country was incorporated into the Ottoman Empire, while in the Eastern part the autonomous Transylvanian Principality was founded. Nominally Transylvanian belonged to the Ottoman Porte; the Sultan had a veto on electing the Prince, however in reality Transylvania maintained independent foreign as well as internal policy.

The Transylvanian princes maintained the policy of religious freedom (first time in Europe) and recognized three nationalities: Hungarian, Szekler and Saxon (Transylvanian German). After the treaty of Karlowitz (1699) Transylvania and Hungary fell under the Habsburgs and the province was re-annexed to Hungary in 1867 as part of the Austrian-Hungarian compromise (Ausgleich). Transylvania was characterized by specific ethno-religious diversity.

The Transylvanian princes were in favor of the Reformation in the 16th and 17th century and as a result Transylvania became a stronghold of the different protestant churches (Calvinist, Lutheran, Unitarian, etc.). During the Counter-Reformation and the long Habsburg supremacy the Catholic Church also gained significant power.

Transylvania’s Romanian population was also divided between the Eastern Orthodox and the Uniate Church (Greek Catholic). After the reception of the Jewish Religion by the Hungarian Parliament (1895) Jewish became a recognized religions in the country, which accelerated the ongoing Jewish assimilation in Transylvania as well as elsewhere in Hungary.

After World War I Transylvania was given to Romania by the Trianon Treaty (1920). In 1920 Transylvania’s population was 5,2 million, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,4 million Hungarian, 510,000 Germans and 180,000 Jews. According to the Second Vienna Dictate its northern part was annexed to Hungary in 1940. After World War II the entire region was enclosed to Romania by the Paris Peace Treaty.

According to the last Romanian census (2002) Hungarians make 19% of the total population, and there are only several thousand Jews and Germans left. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

25 Constable: A member of the Hungarian Royal Constabulary, responsible for keeping order in rural areas, this was a militarily organized national police, subordinated to both, the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Defense. The body was created in 1881 to replace the previously eliminated county and estate gendarmerie (pandours), with the legal authority to insure the security of cities.

Constabularies were deployed at every county seat and mining area. The municipal cities generally had their own law enforcement bodies – the police. The constables had the right to cross into police jurisdiction during the course of special investigations.

Preservatory governing structure didn’t conform (the outmoded principles working in the strict hierarchy) to the social and economic changes happening in the country. Conflicts with working-class and agrarian movements, and national organizations turned more and more into outright bloody transgressions.

Residents only saw the constabulary as an apparatus for consolidation of conservative power. After putting down the Hungarian Soviet Republic, the Christian establishment in the formidable and anti-Semitically biased forces came across a coercive force able to check the growing social movements caused by the unresolved land question.

Aside from this, at the time of elections – since villages had public voting – they actively took steps against the opposition candidates and supporters. In 1944, the Constabulary directed the collection of rural Jews into ghettos and their deportation.

After the suspension of deportations (June 6, 1944), the arrow cross sympathetic interior apparatus Constabulary forces were called to Budapest to attempt a coup. The body was disbanded in 1945, and the new democratic police took over.

26 Horthy, Miklos (1868-1957): Regent of Hungary from 1920 to 1944. Relying on the conservative plutocrats and the great landowners and Christian middle classes, he maintained a right-wing regime in interwar Hungary.

In foreign policy he tried to attain the revision of the Trianon peace treaty ‑ on the basis of which two thirds of Hungary’s territory were seceded after WWI – which led to Hungary entering WWII as an ally of Germany and Italy. When the Germans occupied Hungary in March 1944, Horthy was forced to appoint as Prime Minister the former ambassador of Hungary in Berlin, who organized the deportations of Hungarian Jews.

On 15th October 1944 Horthy announced on the radio that he would ask the Allied Powers for truce. The leader of the extreme right-wing fascist Arrow Cross Party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, took over power. Horthy was detained in Germany and was later liberated by American troops.

He moved to Portugal in 1949 and died there in 1957. 

27 Szalasi, Ferenc (1897-1946): The leader of the extreme right Arrow-Cross movement, the movement of the Hungarian fascists. The various fascist parties united in the Arrow-Cross Party under his leadership in 1940. Helped by the Germans who had occupied Hungary on 19th March 1944, he launched a coup d’etat on 15th October 1944 and introduced a fascist terror in the country.

After World War II, he was sentenced to death by the Hungarian People’s Court and executed. 

28 Forced displacement of Germans: one of the terms used to designate the mass deportations of German occupants from Czechoslovakia which took place after WWII, during the years 1945-1946.

Despite the fact that anti-German sentiments were common in Czech society after WWII, the origin of the idea of resolving post-war relations between Czechs and Sudeten Germans with mass deportations are attributed to President Edvard Benes, who gradually gained the Allies’ support for his intent. The deportation of Germans from Czechoslovakia, together with deportations related to a change in Poland’s borders (about 5 million Germans) was the largest post-war transfer of population in Europe.

During the years 1945-46 more than 3 million people had to leave Czechoslovakia; 250,000 Germans with limited citizenship rights were allowed to stay. (Source: HYPERLINK "http://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vys%C3%ADdlen%C3%AD_N%C4%9Bmc%C5%AF_z_%C4%8Ceskoslovenska" http://cs.wikipedia.org/wiki/Vys%C3%ADdlen%C3%AD_N%C4%9Bmc%C5%AF_z_%C4%8Ceskoslovenska)

29 Slansky trial: In the years 1948-1949 the Czechoslovak government together with the Soviet Union strongly supported the idea of the founding of a new state, Israel. Despite all efforts, Stalin’s politics never found fertile ground in Israel; therefore the Arab states became objects of his interest.

In the first place the Communists had to allay suspicions that they had supplied the Jewish state with arms. The Soviet leadership announced that arms shipments to Israel had been arranged by Zionists in Czechoslovakia. The times required that every Jew in Czechoslovakia be automatically considered a Zionist and cosmopolitan.

In 1951 on the basis of a show trial, 14 defendants (eleven of them were Jews) with Rudolf Slansky, First Secretary of the Communist Party at the head were convicted. Eleven of the accused got the death penalty; three were sentenced to life imprisonment. The executions were carried out on 3rd December 1952.

The Communist Party later finally admitted its mistakes in carrying out the trial and all those sentenced were socially and legally rehabilitated in 1963.

30 February 1948: Communist take-over in Czechoslovakia. The 'people’s domocracy' became one of the Soviet satelites in Eastern Europe. The state aparatus was centralized under the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSC). In the economy private ovnership was banned and submitted to central planning.

The state took control of the educational system, too. Political opposition and dissident elements were persecuted.

31 Velvet Revolution: Also known as November Events, this term is used for the period between 17th November and 29th December 1989, which resulted in the downfall of the Czechoslovak communist regime. A non-violent political revolution in Czechoslovakia that meant the transition from Communist dictatorship to democracy.

The Velvet Revolution began with a police attack against Prague students on 17th November 1989. That same month the citizen’s democratic movement Civic Forum (OF) in Czech and Public Against Violence (VPN) in Slovakia were formed.

On 10th December a government of National Reconciliation was established, which started to realize democratic reforms. On 29th December Vaclav Havel was elected president. In June 1990 the first democratic elections since 1948 took place.

Laszlo Galla

Laszlo Galla

Budapest

Hungary

Interviewer: Dora Sardi

Date of interview: January 2004

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

My family background

Mor Kohn was my mother’s father. He was a textile merchant, he had his own textile shop. My grandmother, Netti Heitler was always ill. When I met her she was already bedridden, I don’t know anything about her illness. She died when I was seven, in 1923. My grandfather must have lived seven years longer, so he died around 1930. He was pretty old, at least 80, so he must have been born sometime around 1850. I don’t know where they were born. They lived in Hodmezovasarhely, but since they needed care, my father had them move to Szentes sometime in the 1920s and they both died there. I have never been at my grandparents’ original residence, and I don’t know how they lived. They were Neolog 1. They observed the high holidays now and then, perhaps they even ate kosher.

They had three daughters, one was my mother, and then there was Aunt Olga and Aunt Mariska. My mother, Erzsebet Kohn, was born in 1887, in her birth certificate she appears as Orzsike and her Jewish name was Eszter. Her sisters were older than her, I don’t know exactly, perhaps four-five years older, and they were both housewives. I know that my mother, after completing four years of civil school 2 went to school in Temesvar [today: Timisoara, Romania] there were higher girls’ schools 3 at that time, where they learned housekeeping and community skills. I think it was for two or three years, and my mother graduated from it. I don’t know about the schooling of her two sisters.

Aunt Olga lived in Hodmezovasarhely among very bad family circumstances. They were poor, she was quite deaf as well, and her husband died, so she was not capable of looking after my grandparents. Aunt Olga’s husband, Herman Mayer, was an agent. When they were mentioned in the family, it always came up how poor they were. They had two children, Rozsi and Lili. Lili studied acting but wasn’t really successful, and was in some films, but always in smaller roles. And as far as I know, she later committed suicide in Berlin [today Germany]. This all happened in my childhood, so I only found out about it second-hand. Rozsi lived in Bacska [Backa Palanka, Serbia] in Yugoslavia, she married a fairly rich Topolya [Topola, Serbia] merchant called Havas. He was a widower, and had a son. Rozsi was much younger than him, she was entrusted with bringing up the child. But they lived well in Yugoslavia.

Aunt Mariska lived in Szabadka [Subotica, Serbia], which belonged to Yugoslavia in the years after the war. She had a husband by the name of [Andras] Farago, who was Jewish and whom she divorced a big thing in those days. I don’t know his profession but they had two boys, Pista Farago and Bandi Farago, and a daughter, Ella Farago, who were still very small when their mother married a lawyer named Izso [from Izsak = Isaac] Tordai. So they were brought up by Uncle Izso Tordai. Ella was a journalist in Yugoslavia, and wrote for papers in Szabadka, Zombor [today Sombor, Serbia], and I think in Uj Videk [Novi Sad, Serbia]. For years she ran a psychological type section under the name Ella Havas Emil Havas was her husband and ran around in writing circles all her life.

My paternal great-grandfather was a shoemaker by profession. He was called Izrael Gunst. He was born in Albertirsa, and he worked there. [Editor’s note: In the time of the great-grandfather the place was called Irsa, it was joined with Alberti only in 1950, and Albertirsa was formed at that time.] He had eleven children. The first few were born in Irsa, then my great-grandfather moved for who knows what reason to Szentes. From then on he had his workshop and business there. Not only did he make shoes to measure, but also for the warehouse, and he sold them. All the while, he raised eleven children. There were huge age differences between the children, so some had already grown up and left home when the last child was born. The interesting thing is that there were ten boys and one girl. My grandfather only kept in touch with a few of his siblings, perhaps not that closely with them either, so I don’t know anything about most of them.

The youngest child, Berti [from Bertalan] became famous, relatively famous. When Lajos Kossuth [(1802-1894): Hungarian lawyer and politician, one of the leaders of the Hungarian freedom fight against the Austrians in 1848/49] was exiled after the freedom fight was defeated, he lived the last part of his life in Italy, near Turin and was preparing to write his memoirs. He needed a secretary who could translate and who could get hold of the raw materials. Kossuth asked his contacts in Pest to find him this kind of young man. Uncle Berci, who had legal training, and worked then as a freelancer for some Pest paper, was given the job. He went abroad, and was Kossuth’s secretary for three years, [Bertalan Gunst was Kossuth’s secretary from 1879-1883] and his memoirs were written in that time. He is even mentioned in the Szentes High School yearbook since he attended this school, as did my father, and then me as a famous old pupil, Bertalan Gunst, Lajos Kossuth’s secretary. Then as a young man living in London, Uncle Berci married a girl from Budapest, yet their wedding was in Szentes he so clung to his Szentes identity, and those in Szentes considered him that, too. Generally, our family is very close to their roots.

Another of my grandfather’s brothers was Uncle Henrik. Uncle Henrik’s story is very interesting. Joachim Gunst, then Henrik, or as he later called himself: Henri Horn, became an artist and lived abroad. He spent a little time in Italy, and most of his life he spent in France as an artist. He became a kind of a bohemian man, who had three wives. He had a child from both his first two marriages, and four children from his third wife, whom he married at the age of 50. This latter woman was in her twenties, so there was a huge age difference between them. Four children were born from this marriage. The first three between 1900 and 1904, and the last one in 1915, so when Henri was 66 years old. The boy is called Pierre, they became completely French of course, and Pierre is of my age. Once we discovered him in a Paris directory. I knew that Uncle Henrik took on the name Horn, and he was known under this name as an artist. I was looking for something in the directory at the post office, and I noticed the name: Gunst-Horn. It had to be him, both the Gunst and the Horn was right. Later I got in touch with him, and then it turned out that this Pierre also had several children, and one of them, Olivier, who was born in 1947 in Middle-France, became a Roman Catholic bishop somewhere. This much about the fate of a Hungarian Jewish family. I think this is a very good story.

My paternal grandfather was called Lipot Gunst. I have seen the birth certificate, and his name is down there as Leopold, but on the sign in the shop it was Lipot. My grandmother was Emilia Paszternak, who was closely related to Joe Paszternak, the famous Hollywood filmmaker. [Pasternak, Joseph (1901-1991): Born in Hungary, he immigrated to the US in 1921, beginning his Hollywood career as a waiter in the restaurant at Universal Studios. By 1928, he had moved up from assistant director to associate producer and then was appointed manager of Universal Studios operations in Berlin. He fled Germany in 1933, and though he returned to save Universal from bankruptcy with his Deanna Durban hit musical, ‘Three Smart Girls’ (1936), he lost family members in the concentration camps. The onset of Parkinson’s disease ended his career in 1968.] We never saw him, they didn’t correspond either, but the family connection was quite well-known. My grandmother was born in 1849, and my grandfather was born in Irsa, in 1844.

In Szentes there lived about 500-600 Jews, and they were all middle-of-the-road religious. Mako was 80 kilometers away, where a much more intense Jewish life went on than in Szentes. There was an Orthodox 4 synagogue and a Neolog one, and a few thousand Jews lived there. Szentes was nothing compared to that. The town was about as big as Mako and the region was also the same, but the Jewry in Szentes was fairly assimilated. There was a synagogue, it was very beautiful, today it is the town library. There was a Jewish community, my father was its vice-president, then its chairman. There was a Chevra Kaddisha too, of course, which dealt with burials the cemetery was very beautiful. There was a Malbish Arumim Society which dealt with charitable works for the poor, and there was a Jewish Women’s Association, my mother was its chairwoman for a while. Even though everyone got along in the Jewish community, there was a fairly big battle when it came to community elections, since that’s when they decided who should be the chairman, and his people then made up the tax committee, who took less tax from its own people, its supporters. The community tax at that time was collected like ordinary taxes, you had to pay them. So there was a battle mainly because of this, and the community was divided in two over it.

I know that before World War I, there was always a rabbi in Szentes. Between the two world wars sometimes there was, sometimes there wasn’t. The rabbi, who was in Szentes when I was born, left Szentes and for a long time there was no rabbi. So when I had my bar mitzvah when I was 13, that is, in 1929, there hadn’t been a rabbi in Szentes for years, and at my parents’ request this rabbi came to Szentes from Pest, where he was employed, to conduct my bar mitzvah. And there wasn’t one for years after either. For years after that, the Szentes community sponsored and looked after a rabbinical student, called Zoltan Kohn, who left them in the lurch. When he became a rabbi, he simply vanished and we never saw him again. And then once again, they were looking for a rabbi for years, and then came Jozsef Burdiger, who later magyarized his name to Berend. He was the rabbi in Szentes at the time of the ghettoization. There was always a teacher, and he was secretary of the community too. There was a shammash too. There was no kosher butchery. Uncle Ungar, the shammash went from house to house, he was the shochet and the shammash. It also happened that they took [animals] to him.

There were six siblings altogether in my dad’s family. The eldest was Erno, then Aunt Helen, then Aunt Maca – her name was Matild – then Regina. Then there was my father, and then Laszlo, who died young at 16, in 1899 – I was named Laszlo after him. My father was born in 1880 in Szentes. He attended high school there. At the time, this high school was connected with the Debrecen Calvinist High School. Since it only had six grades, anyone who wanted to go to seventh and eighth had to finish in Debrecen. My father didn’t go there, so he only completed six grades of secondary school. I used to know why, but now I can’t remember why he quit.

His sisters were all educated girls, but I don’t know what schools they were in, or what they studied. Aunt Helen married in Kolozsvar [Cluj Napoca, Romania]. I think her husband died and she married again. Her second husband was Jozsef Weisz, he was a tailor in Kolozsvar. Aunt Maca was married in Hodmezovasarhely, her husband was Schenk, but I don’t know his first name. She divorced, and then found a husband there called Droth through Aunt Helen, who was married and living in Kolozsvar. It was a very successful marriage. He adopted Aunt Maca’s three children, Istvan, Margit and Gyorgy. Regina married in Szentes and had her children there. Then she died giving birth to her last child, Gyuri. He [her husband] was left a widower with three or four children, and my grandparents took on the little child to take the pressure off the widowed man. Uncle Erno became a mining engineer, went to Rozsaszentmarton and worked at the coal mine there as a mining engineer and eventually became the director of the entire mine. He died of illness there, before the war. Since my father’s younger brother, Laszlo, had died, only my father remained in Szentes, and he took over the business from my grandfather.

First, Grandfather ran a grocery store in Szentes, which went better and better for him, and by the end, he became an ironmonger. So the spices and ox tongue and such that he sold at first gradually fell off and were replaced with hardware, more spare parts, like car parts, tools for blacksmiths, carpentry tools. Later when bicycles got big, they became a popular item. And of course, there were enamel pots, grinders, knives, scissors and such. The shop was opposite the Post Office, in the fourth house from the Main Square. He didn’t open his first shop there, but somewhere in Kiser, which was an outer suburb of Szentes. [Editor’s note: As it will turn out later, they celebrated the 75th anniversary of the ironmongery in 1943, so the grandfather opened the shop in 1868, at the age of 24.] Then, I suppose, he must have steadily got involved there, where I was born and the shop was. What I can remember, the shops were already 80-100 square meters large and there were numerous warehouses on the ground floor and in the cellar, which must have been about 250 square meters [2690 sq.ft.] altogether.

My father took over when grandfather started to get old, so I really only remember that period. There must have been four employees at the time. My father was a very diligent man. We closed the shop every evening at 7. At that time, you had to open from 7 to 12, then from 12 to 2 there was a noon break and from 2 to 7 it was open again, so my father was very busy. It was open on Saturdays – and for a time on Sundays, too – at first until noon and then from 7am to 10am. There was no stock delivery in the area. Even while my grandfather was in charge, it was my father who traveled for goods. One of our suppliers was the Weiss Manfred factory 5, but we were supplied by a number of other companies, the biggest merchants in Budapest at the time. There was a competitor of about the same size in Szentes, the Horvaths, and there were smaller merchants in the suburbs, they were more like general stores, but most of them had been assistants from my grandfather’s business who then set up for themselves. None of them were Jewish, these competitors, the Horvaths weren’t either. Ours was the only Jewish one of its kind, there wasn’t any other in Szentes.

There was a big ledger in which the sales on credit were written. There were some customers – Szentes was an agricultural area, most people were homestead or local village producers – who only had money in the fall. So there were many who only paid once a year, after the summer harvest, when they got money for wheat and other produce. Szentes was a county seat, there were many offices and schools, so there were also customers, clerks for example, who were paid monthly, and they paid us monthly. But you could say that at least 50 percent of the customers bought on credit, and most of them paid, too, at the set time. It was very rare that we had to take them to court or demand payment. Our customers were trustworthy people. There was no signing for things, it was just written down what a person had taken. And when the farmer came to pay in the fall, he trusted that we hadn’t written anything extra, and we trusted that he would pay. So it was such a patriarchal period, even between the two world wars.

Growing up

My father got together with my mother in the following way: Aunt Maca was married in Hodmezovasarhely [at that time], and my father, as a young man, used to visit her, and met my mother there. It might have been arranged, but of course, I don’t know that. I had an older sister who died before I was born, at the age of two and a half, of yellow fever. She was born in 1912, her name was Eva. [Editor’s note: Yellow fever: a disease transmitted by mosquitoes in tropical, Mediterranean regions, causing high-fever and yellow skin. Its fatality rate at this period was 75 percent. Our sources say this was not usual for Hungary, but was possible.]

When World War I broke out, my father was already 34, but he was still immediately called up. I remember that he went into the Lugos [Lugoj, Romania] regiment – Lugos is now part of Romania – then they were sent to Serbia. He spent the entire war there, in Dalmatia and its environs, right up until the final retreat. He was constantly away for four years, though he got leave time by time. I wasn’t made [sic – conceived] at home, but in Belgrade [today Serbia]. My father was given leave, but a very short one, and they knew in advance when it would be, so my mother traveled down to Belgrade. They met there in the officers’ wing of the barracks – my father had joined up as an ensign officer and was a captain when discharged – and they spent a few days there, and I was made [conceived] there in February 1916.

My grandmother, Emilia Paszternak, had two sisters who were also married in Szentes. Aunt Betti and Aunt Lina. When I was born, my cousin Gyuri was sent down to get the family together. I was born at home, by candlelight, as the electricity service went off at 9 o’clock in the evening and I was born at a quarter to one in the morning. There was a midwife and Dr. Lowy was called, who was an old doctor, since the young doctors were in the war. And they asked Gyuri to wake Aunt Betti to come over. Aunt Betti had false teeth, and in her rush, she left them behind and came to celebrate my birth. This story was told in our family for twenty years.

When I was circumcised, my father wasn’t at home yet. [Editor’s note: Under normal circumstances, circumcision would happen eight days after birth, and the boy is given his name at that time.] So they sent him a telegram and he came home quickly. The commissioned personnel, which he belonged to, were somewhere in Dalmatia and were living in some royal or aristocratic palace. When they found out that I had been born, they filched a beautiful album containing members of that aristocratic family, and the fellow officers sent that as a present for me.

We lived with my grandparents. The house was in the same building as the shop, a corner building. The shop and the warehouses were in the corner part of it, and the five-bedroom apartment was on the Petofi Street side. My grandparents brought up one of my cousins, my Aunt Regina’s youngest child, and one of the five rooms was his, my parents had three rooms and my grandparents had a huge room right beside the shop. We lived like the bourgeois, I would say. We had nice furniture and paintings on the wall. The paintings and the furniture all disappeared in 1944. I remember that we had paintings by Jozsef Koszta. [Editor’s note: Jozsef Koszta (1861-1949) was a significant artist, he lived in Nagybanya (today Baia Mare, Romania), Szolnok, then on his farm near Szentes.] I got my own room when Gyuri left home at the age of 19-20. He eventually became a doctor, and because of the numerus clausus 6 he was only able to finish his training in Italy. Until that time I didn’t have my own room, I slept in one room with my parents.

There were lots of books at home. There was a big bookcase with lots of books in it, books fashionable at that time, the Hungarian classics of the time: Jokai 7, Mikszath [Editor’s note: Kalman Mikszath (1847-1910) was a great Hungarian novelist and politician. Many of his novels contained social commentary and satire, and towards the end of his life they became increasingly critical of the aristocracy and the burden that he believed it placed on Hungarian society] and Gardonyi [Editor’s note: Geza Gardonyi, born Geza Ziegler (1863 –1922) was a Hungarian writer and journalist. Although he wrote a wide range of works, he had his greatest success as a historical novelist, particularly with Egri csillagok (Stars of Eger) and A lathatatlan ember (Invisible Man).] I only remember Hungarian, French and German books, there weren’t any Hebrew books among them. We subscribed to the ‘Ujsag’ [‘News’: a liberally-minded political daily that started in 1903, was banned during the 1919 Hungarian Soviet Republic, then continued that fall only to be banned again by the interior minister in 1925.] which you could call a liberal paper then. Then we subscribed to ‘Mult es Jovo’ [’ Past and Future,’ a Jewish literary and artistic journal], and when I was fairly little to ‘Remeny’ [‘Hope’: Jewish literary monthly]. And we had ‘Szinhazi Elet’ [‘Theatrical Life’: A popular weekly which appeared between 1912 and 1938, printing many colorful stories about the early theater and film world, including the text of new plays. Founded by Sandor Incze and edited with Zsolt Harsanyi.], which my mother read, and ‘Uj Idok’ [‘New Times: A literary journal. Produced for and popular with the educated middle class, it came out in many more editions than other literary journals.]. My father got ‘Magyar Vaskereskedo’ [‘Hungarian Iron Merchant’] and the National Hungarian Trade Association paper, which was a professional journal.

In the early days, when the family was still large and the six of us lived together, with my cousin, my grandparents, we had a cook and a maid. Later this was reduced to one. The cook, under my grandmother’s direction I believe, cooked the kosher meals. My mother did the housework, and when there were no chores to do, then she helped in the shop. She sat at the register. As my grandmother got older my mother gradually had to take over the household. But this takeover surely did not happen smoothly, something they generally tried to hide from me, but well, the tensions were running high during that time. My mother went to the market. It was near us, on the main square, just a few blocks away. She went with a ‘garaboly’ [hamper] on her arm, sometimes two. This is a Szentes word, it’s a round basket you can carry on your arm. I haven’t really heard this word in other regions. Sometimes the maid went with her, when she saw that it would be too much for her alone to carry. When there was a lot to slaughter then the shochet came to us, when there was only one chicken, we went to him.

My parents lived a fairly busy social life, they had quite a few close and less close friends. My father was the chairman of the Jewish community, my mother was the chair-woman of the women’s association, so they were in the middle of society things. Two or three times a week, after supper, so around 8 or 8.30 in the evening, the guests came, or they went somewhere. Their friends were 100 percent Jewish, even our doctor, who was also the district doctor, was a converted Jew.

Since my father was a community functionary, he went to synagogue every Friday night and every Saturday, too. At these times, my mother was in the shop, and when I was bigger, I was. My father said that he knew how to pray. He had a tallit, but I never saw him in a teffilin. I also had to take part in the morning prayers, as a student. Ten people were hard to gather together [for a minyan], so those of us who were high school students, so over thirteen, we were always divided up to take part in morning prayers. And for weekly prayers too, and then we had to put on the teffilin. I believe that my father would have stayed even more religious, but my mother was the spiritual dean, in that we tended increasingly towards irreligiousness.

On the high holidays, at Rosh Hashanah or Yom Kippur, the shop was closed. Perhaps it was closed at Pesach or Shavuot, I can’t remember exactly. But on the three big holidays, we were certainly closed, and we went to synagogue. At Yom Kippur, I started with half day fasts, so I had to fast for the first time from early evening until lunch the next day. I must have been about eight then. This half-day fast lasted two to three years and from then on I had to do a whole day [Editor’s note: Children have to fast for an entire day, like the adults, only after their bar or bat mitzvah. Until then they only fast half a day.]. This was so even when we’d already given up keeping kosher. Once, when on the second day of Yom Kippur we were going home from the synagogue, the entire family made my grandfather hurry, because everyone was hungry. And right after that, I think he became ill, so they said he died because of this.

We always ate together. At the Friday night supper the two candles were burning. There was always chulent, but we never ate gefilte fish, because my mother didn’t like it, so we didn’t have it, even when we lived with the grandparents. I also remember that Gyuri, my cousin, had an older sister, they had a glass shop in Szentes. And her husband had come from somewhere in the Nyirseg [region in north-eastern Hungary] to Szentes, so he was more religious by about 20-30 percent than the rest, and so it was more important for them to observe the rules related to Jewish life. For example, there they always had a more festive Friday night supper. They always invited to this the Szentes Jewish teacher, who was from Hajdudorog, where Jewish life was also very strong. I had supper there every Friday when I was older.

We didn’t have a sukkah at Sukkot, but at various places in Szentes, sukkot were put up. We had a paved yard because of the hardware shop, into which the big transport carts came in through the great gate, they were able to turn around there, and unload the goods that came by railroad. So it was not suitable for putting up a sukkah. If they had been religious enough, my ancestors could have surely found a solution, so that the carts wouldn’t have come in, but unload the goods on the street, but this wasn’t the case.

We always lit the chanukkiyah in those days, in my childhood. I remember the small sweets and some sort of present giving at Chanukkah. I’ve mentioned our doctor, who was a converted Jew. He had come from Transylvania 8, he had a half-Jewish wife, and they had two children; a boy and a girl. The boy was of my age, and when we went to high school we were together a lot, although he was not one of my best friends. They held a big Christmas, and later, when I was a teenager, my parents and I went to their house after the Christmas dinner, and spent the evening there. And then my father bought me a present too, since the two children there got presents, and he didn’t want me to feel left out. I also remember a Christmas, when my mother and I were already preparing for the supper, and then my father came in with a little bell and brought in the gifts like little Jesus [Editor’s note: In Hungary and other parts of Europe, on Christmas Eve parents ring a bell and tell the children that the baby Jesus has brought the presents]. We cheered up and laughed, so we didn’t take Christmas seriously, it wasn’t a holiday for us. I liked trains very much, and I usually got presents connected to them; a small train, rails, a big train, an engine you could sit in. And then those building blocks, Matador – it was a wooden building toy like Lego. And later there was Märklin, which was a metal erector set. [Editor’s note: Märklin –a metal construction toy known all around the world, manufactured in Göppingen since the end of the 19th century.] I also got books.

There was no purimshpil, but there was a Purim ball, which was always organized by the Jewish Women’s Association, and these were big events. And there were shelakhmones, cakes and brioche or such, we sent them to our six to eight best friends, and they sent them to us too. There was seder too, but that essentially stopped when my grandparents died. But at that Jeno Grunstein’s, who was from Nyirseg, there were seder evenings there too [Editor’s note: Jeno Grunstein’s wife was the daughter of Laszlo Galla’s paternal aunt.] I always went there without my parents, but I went with pleasure. 

I remember in my childhood there was a huge square dining table in my grandparents’ room. At seder all the family members gathered – my grandparents, my parents, Gyuri and I, and perhaps some sibling or relative who was there: there were eleven siblings in grandfather’s family, so there was always a guest, so they were great seder evenings. As far as I can remember there were a minimum of eight of us at the table. My grandfather recited the Haggadah. It says what you have to do in the Haggadah, and I remember we did it all. While my grandparents lived, there were spring house cleanings at Pesach, and a separate dining service.

While we lived with my paternal grandparents, we had a kosher household, and the moment my paternal grandmother died, she died later [than he], under my mother we gave up keeping kosher. This doesn’t mean that we started to cook with lard but we didn’t observe the milk-meat separation rules totally. So the whole family, as far as I know, easily bent the Jewish rules. There was religion in the attitude, in honesty, in respect for others, love, charity and empathy. These are wonderful moral characteristics which I noticed everywhere in my family. These indicated religiousness, I believe, not murmuring unknown prayers or observing all kinds of regulations.

We never spoke anything other than Hungarian, with any producer or shop, or with those who lived in Szabadka [today Subotica, Serbia] or Kolozsvar. Despite the fact that these were annexed territories 9, everyone was Hungarian there, too. My father spoke fluent German, my mother also spoke German, and she spoke French and Italian too. My mother loved languages. She learned Italian, for example, when she was well in her 50s, as there was an Italian class in Szentes. At that time we were very ‘in’ with Mussolini 10, so Italian was something very cultivated.

I didn’t go to nursery school, I was raised at home. There was a Jewish elementary school in Szentes, I went there for four years. The elementary school was four grades, and all four grades were taught in one room, there were so few children, there were about 30 students all together. The curriculum was the same as in the other schools. I know this because we could take part in city study competitions, and the good pupils of the Jewish school always did well.

After elementary school came eight years of public high school. I studied Latin for eight years, German for seven and French for four. I took private English classes later. There were compulsory religious studies. There was a separate classroom, a Greek culture classroom, and that inscription was still there from the days when one had to learn Greek, and the Jewish religion class was held there. There was a separate Catholic classroom, and the Calvinists studied in their classroom. Catholics were in the majority, but Szentes was quite a Calvinist town [Editor’s note: In 1920 47,6% of the inhabitants were Calvinists, 47,4% were Roman Catholics, and only 5% belonged to other denominations.]. The Calvinists were better off, the middle class. There were Lutherans too, a few, they had to go to their minister for religious instruction. I think it’s ridiculous that we learned Hebrew prayers without having to learn Hebrew. No one wanted us to understand, neither the teacher nor anyone else, the meaning of ‘ha-layla-haze.’ [Editor’s note: It means “this night.” As part of the seder ritual, the youngest child asks the person who leads the ceremony the following question four times: “Why is this night different from all other nights?” Through answering this question, the leader of the ceremony explains the special meaning of seder.] Yet, we had to read and, indeed, learn texts by heart. It was the most incomprehensible thing, but we had to do it.

In the early days, there was an A and B class in high school. There were three of us Jews in our class, I believe there were two in the B class, and in the combined class in the 6th grade, there were three of us Jews who took finals. I didn’t experience any anti-Semitism, not once. There were conflicts between the Calvinists and the Catholics, many more scuffles than between Jews and non-Jews. The three Jews included Pista Schiffer who was from Kunszentmarton, so I only met him at school, never outside it. Imre Polgar was a good friend of mine from the 1st grade. We always sat together in elementary school, then he was put in the class B, but we kept up our friendship. He then became a doctor. And the poor guy was sent from work service [forced labor] to a Soviet prisoner-of-war camp [Editor’s note: According to the estimations about 20,000-30,000 Jewish forced laborers fell into Soviet captivity.] Then he died here, in the middle of Hungary, in Baja, of some epidemic. He wasn’t my best friend, but we were on very good terms. I mainly made friends with non-Jews, because there was only a few of them [Jews]. Imre Polgar was just as good a friend as the half-Jewish boy, the son of our doctor, and the other non-Jewish boys. It wasn’t an issue who was Jewish and who wasn’t.

Besides school, I studied shorthand and took fencing lessons. I always liked sports: I played football, tennis and table tennis. I even won a table tennis competition when I was a 7th or 8th-grader. I also played chess. We didn’t go on hikes – there wasn’t anything to see in Szentes. But we did go to the beach, to the pool. There was a small fifteen meter pool in Szentes surrounded by changing rooms, a side feature of the steam baths – I didn’t go the steam baths, the elderly did – and I learned to swim there. And in 1932, when I was 16, a beautiful big pool was built, with a big park around it, and from then on, ‘pool-life’ was big, and I was a participant there every day. Our social life went on there every summer.

Zionism 11 was certainly not an issue in Szentes during my childhood. There was a dental technician who brought a religious assistant with him from the countryside or I don’t know where, and I think I heard the word Zionist for the first time from him. But I heard about what the point of it was, and what they were doing from an exceptionally religious young Jewish man, who was an engineer for the railway. He wasn’t from Szentes, he’d come there when he was 25-30. So he had brought his religion with him. Religion and the Zionist ideology was usually brought in from the outside to Szentes.

I had been going to Pest since I was a small boy. We had some distant relatives there but we didn’t go because of them only, but my father used to go to get goods. Sometimes my mother and father traveled together, but only if there was a way to leave the shop. I was usually only with my mother in Pest. We stayed at the Astoria Hotel, and I loved the elevator there, and I annoyed the elevator boys, because I was always going up and down in it. Opposite the Astoria was an open air cinema, the Markus Park Cinema, and one could see everything brilliantly from the upper floors of the hotel, if we managed to get a room on the fifth floor on that side. I also liked watching the trams. I loved Budapest in general by then, and I always wondered at the great traffic, and even today I don’t understand – in Szentes few people came and went on the street, everybody did their business wherever they were, and only went to the Post Office or shopping, if they really had to. There was no bustle, and I wondered why did so many people have to be on the street and go here and there, why didn’t they sit at home and do their job.

I was a very thin child, so my mother took me here and there to find out what was wrong with me. There was nothing, it just seems I didn’t need so much food. Once my mother took me to Tatrathaza, which belonged to Czechoslovakia at that time, in order to fatten me up. I can’t remember any other summer holidays, and my parents didn’t really go either. They couldn’t get away because of the shop, it couldn’t be closed, especially in the summer when the agricultural life was booming, and every day something was needed – here a watering can had busted at the Kovacs’, or the wagon wheel had come off at the Szabos’.

Even though my parents didn’t go on holiday, we went to Szabadka, and Kolozsvar; they could somehow take a couple days off, they found someone to substitute them. In Szabadka, my lawyer uncle had a villa in Palics – a pretty summer vacation place near Szabadka. I was there too. My grandparents died when I was in my teens; until then even though my grandfather was already old, they could leave him there for two-three-four days or at Christmas time. We often spent Christmas and New Year’s Eve in Kolozsvar. I have very nice New Year’s Eve experiences from Kolozsvar. My uncle, Aunt Helen’s husband, was a tailor. Their apartment and workshop was on the main square in a tenement. The workshop alone had three or four rooms, there were assistants, apprentices. Their apartment was right next to the workshop. By the way, he was the tailor for the Hungarian Theater in Kolozsvar, and was on very good terms with the actors. After the New Year’s performance, the actors came over, already a little tipsy, and gave another performance to the guests there, to my uncle’s circle. I was allowed to stay up until midnight, occasionally until after midnight, and could watch this performance. They gave a great cabaret there on New Year’s. I will never forget.

I graduated from high school in 1934. After that, it didn’t even occur to me to go to university. Partly because I didn’t know what I wanted to be. I knew one thing, that I didn’t want to be what my father was, a country ironmonger. For a while I was forced to, anyway. I believe my father took it with mild resignation. He would have liked the business to go on forever and grow. My father, who was one of the most known people in his profession in the country, had been asked by the Weiss Manfred factory for 15 years to come to Pest and be the factory’s iron merchandise director. And my mother kept going on about it, and at the end reproached him when the trouble came, that if we had lived in Pest, then what happened to my father wouldn’t have happened. Well, my father didn’t want to leave the shop for anything, he liked working there, and he would have liked me to take over the shop.

After graduation, I went to a cousin of mine in Kolozsvar, who had a pretty successful transport enterprise, as a trainee, and I was there for a short time. Then I was sent to Pest to a post-diploma course. The course was eight months, and there they taught sales management – in today’s terms. About two years after graduation, I came home to Szentes, and from then on, from 1936 until 1947, I worked in the shop.

In 1936 I was 20, the best age for a boy. I had a quite busy social life, but somehow then I moved more in Jewish circles. Earlier when I was at high school, and we lived together with Christian boys, naturally I spent more time with them. My best friend at that time was a Christian boy, with whom I had been at school for eight years. Then he went to the Ludovika 12, the military academy, and became an officer, so from then on I only saw him when he got leave, but then always. We maintained the friendship, despite the fact that we never wrote a single letter, but when we were together, then we were just as good friends as ever. Then the war came, and the poor guy died somewhere near Gyor. [Editor’s note: In November 1989 the Szentes City Council erected a monument in the memory of those citizens from Szentes who had lost their lives in World War II. On this monument it can be read that Janos Imre Csalah died in 1944.]

My other good friend, who was my friend until he died, was the Jewish teacher, who was always there on Friday nights and seder at my aunt’s, and who I have mentioned earlier. The brother of the teacher, Miklos Klein, later Fabian, was a rabbi. He became my best friend when I came back to Szentes in 1936. He was seven years older than I. When he had come to Szentes at the age of 20, I was thirteen and misbehaving at synagogue, and he came over to tell me off, tell me a few more things, and drive me away. But then the age gap closed, and from then on he was my best, perhaps my only real friend, and we always shared our troubles. We were together in forced labor. He got married in Szentes. They have two children, both pedagogues. Gyuri and Judit are married, everyone in the family is a pedagogue. Miklos Fabian worked at the education department of the county council as an assistant director. When the chief town of the county became Hodmezovasarhely instead of Szentes, they moved there, and later, when the chief town of the county was changed again [1961], they moved to Szeged. He worked at the education department of the county council, and he died there in Szeged, in 1995.

During the war

When Hitler came to power in 1933, we didn’t feel the effect of it in our daily life yet. Naturally, we heard about it in the newspapers and on the radio, but somehow we didn’t think it was that serious. In 1938, the first anti-Jewish law 13 was passed. This affected our lives. But we didn’t believe what ensued. Up to 1939, life went on in the normal routine, but then war broke out, and things changed in a lot of ways, whether you were Jewish or not. In 1940, I was a forced laborer once for three months and once for two. The 1940 work service 14 lasted for three months in Tecso [today Tyachev, Ukraine], in recently re-annexed Subcarpathia 15. Interestingly enough, there were lots of Christians designated politically untrustworthy with us. [Editor’s note: Not only Jews were drafted into forced labor, but also communists, social democrats, or people who were considered politically untrustworthy because of other reasons.] This was in Tecso in the spring, around April, May, then in October and November, I was in County Bekes near the Romanian border, in Okany, for two months, and then I was discharged.

I was at home in 1941 and the ironmonger’s was operating. It also went on later too, it celebrated 75 years of existence in 1943, and my father had a gold-colored emblem made which they stuck on letters and on the corner of invoices. It said, ‘Sandor Gunszt, wholesale. 75 yrs.’ There was a garland around it. Even then it never occurred to us, that it would have to be abandoned.

Then, from the beginning of 1942, I was continually a forced laborer. We had an exceptionally unpleasant company commander but his subordinates behaved more sympathetically towards us. Nobody in the company died, we covered all Transylvania, the Alfold, Transdanubia [eastern Hungary]. When Szalasi 16 came to power on 15th October 1944 17, we were in Baja.

I was in forced labor until 1944 when we were handed over to the Germans at Hegyeshalom [on the current border with Austria], but not as laborers but as deportees. Then we were brought down to Harka with a little trip through Austria and then to Mauthausen 18 where we were for about two weeks. In Harka, we dug tank traps for the Russian tanks. We spent nearly five months there.

On 28th March 1945 they took us from Harka. I was liberated in Gunskirchen [Austria] in May 1945. Then we wound up in Wels [Austria] in a reception camp, and the International Red Cross transmitted the names of who was there on various radio stations. Some people in Szentes heard it on the radio and went to my mother, and out of breath, told her that I was alive. In Wels the news was always going round that now we were going home. There was a gentleman there called Hiller who was agitating for us not to go home, but to Israel [at that time Palestine] or some other western country. I wanted to know what was going on at home, how my mother was, what happened to my father, so I never even gave it a thought. On 1st August we got under Soviet rule instead of American rule because of a territory exchange, and my chance came in the middle of August: I went straight home, a good way on foot. As it turned out, the place where my mother was deported and Harka, where I was, were only about 40 kilometers apart, but we had no idea about each other.

My father was deported shortly after the Germans entered, on 19th March 1944 19. He was the chairman of the Jewish community at that time, and he and other notables were rounded up at the Szentes police station. He managed to submit an appeal against his internment, naturally he thought he was innocent, and he knew that they only rounded him up because it was easy to find him through the Jewish community. Well, you can imagine what happened to that appeal, and the following week they deported him to Auschwitz, to be more precise, he was taken from Szentes first to Pest [Budapest], from there to Sarvar and then to Auschwitz and there he was exterminated. [Editor’s note: Randolph L. Braham mentions Sandor Gunst by name: he says that he was first taken to Topolya, with other prominent members of the Szentes Jewish Community and was deported to Auschwitz among the first. See Randolp L. Braham: A magyar Holocaust, Budapest, Gondolat, e.n. (1988). According to the interview, in the meantime he was also in Budapest and Sarvar.] It is very hard to distinguish what I heard at first. But at the time, I think we didn’t really know about Auschwitz. My father wrote postcards from Pest and Sarvar, which my mother didn’t only keep and take to the ghetto and into deportation, but also managed to keep and bring back home.

There was a ghetto in Szentes and the polemics were flying about where to demarcate it – there wasn’t much time to decide, of course. The Turul Association 20, a right wing student association, got involved. One of its members was the son of one of the Szentes Calvinist pastors, who was a university student, and along with his associates, suggested that the ghetto should be near the railway station, since the English or Americans would probably bomb it, and then at least the Jews would be killed. It was put there, not so close but quite close to the railway station. In Szentes, there must have been 400-500 Jews who were not in forced labor, but the Jews from Szegvar, who were very few, less than 100, were also put in the Szentes ghetto. For sure there were six or eight to a room. Single-story family houses were appropriated from the residents. My mother went there in May 1944. Our forced laborer unit, which had been in various places over the years, was in Szentes when ghettoization took place, indeed the authorities took twenty men from our company to build the fence around the ghetto. I know that the company commander made sure when he picked the twenty, that Szentes men or men from around there should not be involved as they would surely help, or make contact with the Jews there.

I was not able to meet my mother then, who was later taken to Szeged, because the Jewry from the region were rounded up in the ghetto there and were deported from there. And by chance our unit was in Szeged when my mother was put on the train, and by chance, I was working at Rokus station under German military command when my mother was put in the wagon. The two German NCOs in charge were very decent: Corporal Maschke and Lance Corporal Till who were exceptionally nice men, especially Maschke, who was a post office clerk in Germany, he hated the whole war and Hitlerism and because of this was on very good terms with us. When I saw that they were leading Jews off and went closer – we couldn’t go over there – I saw that my mother was in line and was put into the wagon and I told this Maschke that they were taking my mother and asked if I could somehow speak to her. And Maschke went to the constable captain 21, who was directing this whole thing, and spoke to him, asking if my mother was in the wagon and if the door was already closed, then could I go over there, accompanied by a constable, to speak to her for twenty minutes. And so it was. My poor mother wanted to give me something to eat from what she had, yet I could say that compared to her, I was in clover.

They took my mother to Austria, she worked in the Treff Koffer- und Lederwarenfabrik with a bunch of people from Szentes. This factory was in Tribuswinkel [about 20 kilometers south of Vienna, Austria]. I think they divided them up at Strasshof 22 and took them to various factories. [Editor’s note: They deported the Jews from Szeged in three transports, two of these, according to other sources only one, went to Strasshof.] ‘I want 20, 50’ – it was a slave market – and my mother and her friends, in good company, came to this factory where the boss was extraordinarily nice, and treated them well. By the way, all the members of a provincial theater company broken up by the Germans were also taken there to work, they of course were extremely bohemian, those who didn’t bother much with the whole Hitler thing. They had better conditions, of course. They didn’t sleep eight to a bunk, but only two or three to a room, but they did the same work, and got along well with them. The factory was close to the Hungarian border. Then, a few days after 4th April 1945 [the liberation of Hungary from German occupation] it was liberated, and they immediately set off for home in adventurous circumstances. My mother came home on the roof of some truck filled with metal.

After the war

When I got home to Szentes in August 1945, our big shop was completely empty. There were 10-15 sacks on one of the shelves, my mother sat next to the sacks and ‘sold’ them. My mother got empty bags on consignment from some contacts who were Jewish corn traders. And I started as an iron merchant without any capital, which usually doesn’t work. The stock was completely bare and poor, even though I involved two acquaintances of mine from Szeged, and the three of us scraped together enough money, so that it at least looked as if there was some enamel pots in the store. If someone came in for five things, they got one, and who will shop in a place where they can’t get what they want. That terrible inflation lasted until 1st August 1946. Everything which that morning cost, I don’t know, 100 million pengo [old Hungarian currency] was 300 million by the afternoon. So we couldn’t buy more goods with the money that came in – that is to say total bankruptcy. Clerks came over from the town hall, who had bought from my father before, and one threw the pay that he had received at two in the afternoon on the counter for anything that I wanted to give him. I counted the money with great difficulty, and got a pan down for him, and he went away happy. It turned out the next day, when I ordered pans that one couldn’t get one of even half that size for that money. But perhaps more importantly I didn’t like doing it. So at the end of 1947, I gave up the whole thing.

At the end of the war, many people fled. It wasn’t only Jewish apartments left without owners, instead there was the Government Lost Property Commission, which packed its own warehouses with what they could find and had not been stolen by the local inhabitants. So my mother got a mattress and a cupboard from somewhere. When I came home we got another mattress and a table. The five-room apartment was completely empty, totally ransacked.

Our house was our own and when I knew that I was coming to Pest, I wanted to sell it. There were not many idiots who bought houses in 1947, when the winds of nationalization 23 were blowing through the country, yet I found two who divided it up and bought it. Naturally, for a ridiculously low price since I needed the money to get furniture in Pest. After selling the house we moved to Pest. My father had a cousin here, a widow who had a big apartment, which was also empty, so we rented two rooms from her and furnished it with our own furniture. I lived there with my mother until I got married, and my mother stayed on there.

Despite her 61 years, my mother was like a 40-year-old in many ways, she didn’t like being idle. On top of that, my father’s cousin, from whom we rented the two rooms was quite a difficult woman to bear, my mother also wanted to get away from her, so she got a job through an acquaintance as a cashier in a state enterprise called ‘Clothing Store.’ And my mother had very good times there, she worked for at least ten years until she retired. Somewhere there are certificates praising her work, what a good worker she was.

I had a cousin, the daughter of Aunt Mariska, Ella, who was deported from Szabadka in the summer of 1944 – it belonged to Hungary then, and they deported the Jews there. At the station, when they were marched to the boxcars, she saw a small guardhouse by the outer platforms of the station, and in an unguarded moment, she stepped out of the line and went into this house which was empty, and got down. The whole lot went, she stayed down and came out when they had gone. She went to the railway cashier, where they knew her, in fact, she was a well-known journalist there, and she got a ticket on credit for the fast train to Pest. She had no money, but the ticket lady gave her one on credit. She traveled up to Pest with the next fast train – she had acquaintances here in Pest through whom she found a place. Bela Balazs was a close acquaintance of hers, he also helped. She went into hiding with fake papers, and in the end she got through everything. She had an old Christian friend, called Ferenc Kende, who had a book and newspaper distribution office, he also helped her.

My mother – with whom I was living – told Ella in a letter about the difficulties we had in Szentes, and then I got to Pest through Ferenc Kende, who gave me an agency position to distribute various papers in certain places in Budapest and Fejer County, where I had to distribute the children’s magazine Huvelyk Matyi [‘Tom Thumb,’ children’s monthly magazine published from 1947 until 1949], and the official journals of the Material and Price Office. I didn’t get a salary, but worked on commission. I went around the countryside by train, on foot, by cart, it was hard work. I lived from this for months, looking for a way to break free from it as soon as possible.

I managed to when the iron wholesale industry was nationalized. I had an acquaintance, the son of the owner of a Szentes mill owner. He had graduated as an engineer from Brunn University, because he wasn’t accepted in Hungary [at university] because of the numerus clausus at the time. And due to his left wing leanings, when the state takeovers came, he was immediately given a high position, the directorship of VASERT [company selling iron goods], a wholesale metal enterprise. I went to the personnel department of this company and told them that this was my field, I had many years experience, I’d like to work there. I was firmly kicked out. After that, I went to this gentleman who took steps immediately, and I was employed in 1947. As much as I disliked retail, I liked national iron trading. I became a company leader, I had the task of obtaining stock. In the spring of 1948 I got a position as one of the directors of a nationalized iron trade company, until it was merged into the VASERT.

I magyarized my name in 1948. At the time I’d just moved from Szentes to Budapest, and I already had a job at VASERT, and no one understood my name on the telephone. I was thought to be Kuncz, and many similar names, but not a Gunst. That’s when I decided to change it, so that everyone could easily say my name. The rule was to submit three names, which the Interior Ministry could choose from. I only submitted ‘Galla.’ I mused on this one and that one a bit, then decided that the only good name for me was one that was easy to pronounce everywhere. And a clerk called me in to the Interior Ministry and argued that Galla was the name of a place and at the same time it was Slavic. But I said that it had a Hungarian sound even if it was Slavic, and I wanted it. And then he went for it, and accepted it.

In 1952, I ran into the director of the head department of the National Planning Office, which was then being formed, whose wife was from Szentes and whose parents had been friendly with mine. I knew her well too, I was their wedding witness before the war. When we met we told each other what had happened to us. I had already done two years of economics evening school – while I was working – and was in the third year, which also sounded good to him, so at the beginning of 1953 I started working at the head office of investments of the National Planning Office and I worked there for 15 years. I started as a lecturer, and in the end I was an assistant manager, an advisor.

In 1968 I transferred to the Ministry of Heavy Industry, because the head of the department at that time was asked to go to work there, and since he considered me his right hand, his condition was that I also go with him. I did not go further up the ladder – this is probably because I hadn’t been a party member since 1956, and generally, among those qualified, they chose party members as high functionaries. But I didn’t mind, because I didn’t need to do any managerial tasks that would have taken me away from my field. For example, I didn’t have to employ or dismiss people, so I was very happy with this situation. In 1955 I graduated from university and from then on, besides my work, I dealt with education and I had many publications. I worked at the ministry until 1979 and I retired at the age of 62. After this I worked for 16 years as a teacher, an expert. In the meantime I spent two years in Tanzania, from 1971 to 1972. I was posted there for two years in a ministerial type trust which directed industry there, similar to the National Planning Office here. When I went to Tanzania I took my wife and my children along.

When I returned to Szentes in 1945, I had become fairly left-wing given past events, so that I immediately joined the Hungarian Communist Party 24 there in Szentes. I never took part in investigations or anything like that, no kind of bad party work. No one even asked me to or hinted at it. I did my thing to the best of my abilities in iron trading. I was a party member until 1956, when because of my experiences to that point, and because of those I had just undergone, I didn’t join again. I have not been a party member since.

In 1956 25, I did not take part in the revolution, I was ‘standing in line for bread.’ On 24th October, it might have been the 25th, I wanted to go to work but there were no trams, and then the Kossuth Bridge was still open, just south of Parliament, and I lived in Buda [Budapest is bisected by the Danube into Buda and Pest] and we went to work with great difficulty, with gunfire on the side streets, and of course, there was nothing to do as we didn’t know what would happen next. On the morning of the 25th, when there was the shooting on Kossuth Square, the president closed the office’s gates from news of it and from the sound of the shots themselves, so there was no going in or out. I don’t like being shut in, so the first thing I did was when somebody was let in, I hung around by the gate and slipped out. But my real job during these events was to secure food and a normal life for us. Just like in 1945 when I never thought about not going home, in 1956 I didn’t think of defecting. I am from here, I belong here. If I look out of the tram window and spot a certain house, I know I am at the corner of Terez Ringroad. I know the natives’ language, their habits. Here I know how to think and do my thing. That’s how I feel. My father felt he had to be a merchant in Szentes, he didn’t move to Budapest, they deported him – he might have survived in Budapest. He belonged in Szentes as an iron merchant; I belong here, in Pest.

I first got married in 1948. We only had a civil wedding in the II District council offices. My first wife was Eva Erdos. She was four years younger than me, I believe. She was Jewish, born in Veszprem, and had studied hairdressing, but at the time we met, she was working in book distributing at Kossuth Publishers. She had a stand at the party committee office in the IV District, which was still downtown, where Kossuth Publishers, which dealt with political type books, sold books for cash or in installments. And that’s where we met each other. I was renting an apartment, she owned a studio apartment, so I moved in there. My mother stayed where she was. Right up until we moved back together again six years later.

My son G. was born in 1950, and I just started to go to university then. And I struggled a lot with how marriage and a child would work out. It didn’t really, because we divorced in 1953. Eva hasn’t married since. We made an agreement to have the child for three years each. In the first three, when I moved away from Eva and into a rented apartment, I couldn’t have taken him with me, but I counted on things changing. But three years later, it didn’t happen, and I believe G. was six or seven when it finally did. After that he never went back to his mum. From the time I moved, come rain or shine, I went for G. in nursery school twice a week, on Wednesday and Saturday, and studied with him. We always went on vacation together. When he came to stay with me, Eva didn’t meet him twice a week anymore, but they saw each other regularly.

G. was a mediocre student until he was 13 or 14, when he decided to be a hotelier and from then on, he went up, and found his place very well, everywhere. After finishing the eight classes of middle school, he went to the Catering Technical School; that was four years and he graduated from there. Then he spent a year in the Beke Hotel kitchens, where he got a chef’s training, and then he went to the Commerce and Catering Academy, which was for three years. He graduated from that one, and afterwards he did two years of supplemental courses at the Economics University, got his doctoral degree and became an economist. I spent two years in Tanzania and G. was there for more than a year – he was given a sabbatical by the college, and worked there in an English-Tanzanian hotel chain with great results.

G. knew he was Jewish but he wasn’t circumcised. This subject was always, how shall I say, in the air, especially in the first years, when we were not far removed from it – you know, he was born in 1950 and the Holocaust lasted until 1945, but I never thought of, how shall I say, ‘holding a course’ on it. They had Christmas in their childhood. I didn’t go to synagogue, and didn’t live a religious life. Perhaps we spoke of Chanukkah, but no Chanukkah candles were lit at home, that’s for sure. So he didn’t grow up in the religious spirit. But he thinks of himself as Jewish. Perhaps more so than I do. He married a Jewish woman.

In 1956, I met my second wife, Agnes Kovacs, on vacation. The Planning Office had a vacation resort at Revfulop, and her first husband had also worked at the Planning Office. I didn’t really know him as he was in another field. Our wedding was in 1958. My second wife was born in Budapest in 1928, from Jewish parents on both sides, but was not raised Jewish at all. I always got the ones who were not Jewish at all. Thirst for knowledge, reading, respect for writing, love, respect and honor – I feel these are the virtues by which I am Jewish, and not because I read the mah nishtanah or my children do. And usually, I came together with these types too. During the war she went into hiding, her mother hid her in some convent. She didn’t graduate from university, but became a very talented journalist. She worked for various papers and for the press service of the Hungarian Chamber of Commerce, for the press service of Hungaropress. Her English and German were perfect. The Hungarian Chamber of Commerce was an organ of the Foreign Commerce Ministry, and so she was often sent as Hungarian press attaché to the Hungarian section of trade fairs abroad.

My wife thought that Kovacs was too plain a name [Kovacs = Smith], after all, there are a lot of them, so she took the official name of Galla-Kovacs, hyphenated. That’s how it was written in her papers. At the time, I opposed it and said that if we had children it would be a problem, if the mother’s name was Galla-Kovacs and they would be simply Galla. At the time, it wasn’t usual not to have an official father and to call someone after their mother. Because at the time, it was obligatory to give the child the mother’s name, if there was no legal father. That’s exactly what happened. M., who was born in 1959, said his mother was Agnes Kovacs in all the official places, as he didn’t feel it was socially acceptable to be called M. Galla and have a mother who was Agnes Galla-Kovacs, as they would think he had no father.

When I got married again, I got a two-room apartment in Wesselenyi Street from the Planning Office. At the time, offices and big companies had the means and it was customary to award apartments to recognized workers. My younger son was born there. And my mother and I had had enough of her living in a rented apartment, so she moved in with us. So my wife, my mother and my little boy and I lived together until 1962 when, with the help of my mother-in-law, we exchanged the two-bedroom apartment for a three-bedroom one on Damjanich Street, and we lived there until my next divorce.

M., my younger son, always blundered. First he went to the ex-Jewish High School, the Radnoti, from where he was pushed out – because we lived in the VII District and that was the XIV District – he was told that he didn’t belong in that district. If he had been a good student, or had fit in, then he could have stayed. Beneschofszky [Rabbi Imre Beneschofszky, famous rabbi of the Buda Jewish community] had been Agnes’ religious instructor and from that time, they had had superficial, but good relations. When Agnes divorced her first husband, and we married a few years later, we became close to the Beneschofszkys, and spent every seder and every New Year’s Eve [Rosh Hashanah] with them. Through him M. had got into the Jewish High School for a year, from where he was kicked out by the principal, and his homeroom teacher for other reasons – that he should be locked up in a mad house. He was examined, and the doctors said he was a bit strange but didn’t need to be locked up. He became a professional comedian, where he could use these certain ‘strange traits’ of his very well.

I had to divorce again in 1974. My mother died then, too. My third wife was a Christian lady, named T.I., and I wasn’t aware enough to notice that she was an alcoholic. And that’s why that marriage fell apart quickly. It lasted from 1976 until 1979. She was born in 1934. She was a librarian, that was her field, she had a university degree in it. I have no idea, what ever happened to her. I had stayed at the same summer holiday home with Zsuzsi [Zsuzsanna] Acs, my fourth wife, in 1952 – we got to know each other on the way there. Then, in 1981, when the age difference – 18 years – was of less importance we became closer. We married on paper in 1988, but we have been together unofficially since 1982. We are very happy together and have a big family around us. Zsuzsa also has a daughter and two grandchildren. We go to the swimming pool three times a week, and if we can, we travel for winter and summer vacations to spas in Hungary. At home, we read a lot and meet our friends.

I support the formation of Israel, its survival and development with all my heart; I have done so and will continue to do so. I think it’s extraordinarily important from a global viewpoint –  so not just from a global Jewish viewpoint – from a total world view, that it exists and flourishes. And I read and hear everything from this viewpoint. I have had good friends in Israel; their children and grandchildren still live there. A close work service buddy, with whom I went through thick and thin over the years, immigrated to Israel and started a family there, and we were very good friends. We corresponded, they came to Hungary several times and we met them. But I’ve never gone there. They invited us, perhaps others did too, and we could have gone uninvited, but we didn’t. Nowadays we don’t go anywhere, but when we could, we traveled a lot. We were in Transylvania, and visited relations in the ‘Delvidek’ [now North of Serbia, mostly populated by Hungarians.] many times. Then we were in England, Italy, Germany, Czechoslovakia, Austria, France and Spain, all of Europe, in Canada, and in the USA too.

The change in regime 26 didn’t really affect me. I was quite old already at that time, and the way I see things, my lack of religious feeling didn’t change. Naturally, I look at manifestations of anti-Semitism, which lay dormant and has come to the surface since 1989, and tries to take up more and more space, and it affects me, but I am optimistic.

Glossary

1 Neolog Jewry

Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into two (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network. The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions. The third group, the sop-called Status Quo Ante advocated that the Jewish community was maintained the same as before the 1868/69 Congress.

2 Civil school

(Sometimes called middle school) this type of school was created in 1868. Originally it was intended to be a secondary school, but in its finally established form, it did not provide a secondary level education with graduation (maturity examination). Pupils attended it for four years after finishing elementary school. As opposed to classical secondary school, the emphasis in the civil school was on modern and practical subjects (e.g. modern languages, accounting, economics). While the secondary school prepared children to enter university, the civil school provided its graduates with the type of knowledge which helped them find a job in offices, banks, as clerks, accountants, secretaries, or to manage their own business or shop.

3 Female Education (‘Girls Schools’)

The 1868 Law of Public Education established the higher-level elementary schools for girls as the continuation of elementary schools. In meeting social demands, women's colleges were also set up by the state (the first one in Pest in 1875). Teachers' training schools were open to women and in 1895 arts, medicine and pharmacy university faculties were also opened, while the curriculum of girls' secondary education was changed accordingly. In the next century girls' secondary schools were founded and those who finished here could attend a university. Girls finishing other institutions of secondary education had to take a supplementary exam in Latin (occasionally ancient Greek) in order to continue with their studies.

4 Orthodox Communities

The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants' descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the 'eastern' type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. In 1896, there were 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country,. In 1930, the 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities made up 30.4 percent of all Hungarian Jews. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 percent).

5 Weiss, Manfred (1857-1922)

Industrialist, businessman. His grandfather, Baruch Weiss, a pipe-maker, moved to Budapest in the early 19th century. His son, Adolf, was a founding member of the First Steam Mill of Budapest Co. After finishing the Academy of Commerce, Manfred, Adolf’s son, worked in Hamburg. Upon his return home he opened a canning factory with his brother. In 1884 he married, and through his father-in-law he swiftly became the main provisions supplier of the K.u.K. Army. They broadened the scope of manufacture with the production of ammunition and cartridge-cases. Owing to an accident in 1890, the factory had to be moved to Csepel (an island in Budapest). He was the largest purveyor of the K.u.K. Army during WWI and was promoted in title to baron in 1896 for his services rendered.

6 Numerus clausus in Hungary

The general meaning of the term is restriction of admission to secondary school or university for economic and/or political reasons. The Numerus Clausus Act passed in Hungary in 1920 was the first anti-Jewish Law in Europe. It regulated the admission of students to higher educational institutions by stating that aside from the applicants' national loyalty and moral reliability, their origin had to be taken into account as well. The number of students of the various ethnic and national minorities had to correspond to their proportion in the population of Hungary. After the introduction of this act the number of students of Jewish origin at Hungarian universities declined dramatically.

7 Jokai, Mor (1825-1904)

Romantic novelist, playwright and journalist, the founder of the national romantic movement in Hungarian literature. After the defeat of the Hungarian Revolution and War of Independence in 1848, he became a fugitive of the Austrians. He was a very prolific writer, his complete works fill 100 volumes. Among his well-known works are Weekdays (1845), A Hungarian Nabob (1894) and Black Diamonds (1870). His work has been translated into over 25 languages.

8 Transylvania

Geographical and historical region belonging to Hungary until 1918-19, then ceded to Romania. Its area covers 103,000 sq.km between the Carpathian Mountains and the present-day Hungarian and Serbian borders. It became a Roman province in the 2nd century (AD) terminating the Dacian Kingdom. After the Roman withdrawal it was overrun, between the 3rd and 10th centuries, by the Goths, the Huns, the Gepidae, the Avars and the Slavs. Hungarian tribes first entered the region in the 5th century, but they did not fully control it until 1003, when King Stephen I placed it under jurisdiction of the Hungarian Crown. Later, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Germans, called Saxons (then and now), also arrived while Romanians, called Vlachs or Walachians, were there by that time too, although the exact date of their appearance is disputed. As a result of the Turkish conquest, Hungary was divided into 3 sections: West Hungary, under Habsburg rule, central Hungary, under Turkish rule, and semi-independent Transylvania (as a Principality), where Austrian and Turkish influences competed for supremacy for nearly two centuries. With the defeat of the Turkish Transylvania gradually came under Habsburg rule, and due to the Compromise of 1867 it became an integral part of Hungary again. In line with other huge territorial losses fixed in the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Transylvania was formally ceded to Romania by Hungary. For a short period during WWII it was returned to Hungary but was ceded to Romania once again after the war.  Many of the Saxons of Transylvania fled to Germany before the arrival of the Soviet army, and more followed after the fall of the Communist government in 1989. In 1920, the population of Erdély was 5,200,000, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,400,000 Hungarian (26%), 510,000 German and 180,000 Jewish. In 2002, however, the percentage of Hungarians was only 19.6% and the German and Jewish population decreased to several thousand. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

9 Trianon Peace Treaty

Trianon is a palace in Versailles where, as part of the Paris Peace Conference, the peace treaty was signed with Hungary on 4th June 1920. It was the official end of World War I for the countries concerned. The Trianon Peace Treaty validated the annexation of huge parts of pre-war Hungary by the states of Austria (the province of Burgenland) and Romania (Transylvania, and parts of Eastern Hungary). The northern part of pre-war Hungary was attached to the newly created Czechoslovak state (Slovakia and Subcarpathia) while Croatia-Slavonia as well as parts of Southern Hungary (Voivodina, Baranja, Medjumurje and Prekmurje) were to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later Yugoslavia). Hungary lost 67.3% of its pre-war territory, including huge areas populated mostly or mainly by Hungarians, and 58.4% of its population. As a result approximately one third of the Hungarians became an - often oppressed - ethnic minority in some of the predominantly hostile neighboring countries. Trianon became the major point of reference of interwar nationalistic and anti-Semitic Hungarian regimes.

10 Mussolini, Benito (1883-1945)

Italian political and state activist, leader (duce) of the Italian fascist party and of the Italian government from October 1922 until June 1943. After 1943 he was the head of a puppet government in the part of Italy that was occupied by the Germans. He was captured and executed by Italian partisans.

11 Zionism

A movement defending and supporting the idea of a sovereign and independent Jewish state, and the return of the Jewish nation to the home of their ancestors, Eretz Israel - the Israeli homeland. The final impetus towards a modern return to Zion was given by the show trial of Alfred Dreyfuss, who in 1894 was unjustly sentenced for espionage during a wave of anti-Jewish feeling that had gripped France. The events prompted Dr. Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) to draft a plan of political Zionism in the tract 'Der Judenstaat' ('The Jewish State', 1896), which led to the holding of the first Zionist congress in Basel (1897) and the founding of the World Zionist Organization (WZO). The WZO accepted the Zionist emblem and flag (Magen David), hymn (Hatikvah) and an action program.

12 Ludovika Academy

The decision to create the first Hungarian military academy was made by the Diet (national assembly) of 1808, but was actually adopted by the Royal Hungarian Army only in 1872. Those who graduated from the academy were usually enlisted by the Hungarian Army, but volunteers were also accepted by the K.u.K. Army, if they met the service requirements. In 1922 the term time became 4 years, and successful graduates became lieutenants.

13 Anti-Jewish Laws in Hungary

Following similar legislation in Nazi Germany, Hungary enacted three Jewish laws in 1938, 1939 and 1941. The first law restricted the number of Jews in industrial and commercial enterprises, banks and in certain occupations, such as legal, medical and engineering professions, and journalism to 20% of the total number. This law defined Jews on the basis of their religion, so those who converted before the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919, as well as those who fought in World War I, and their widows and orphans were exempted from the law. The second Jewish law introduced further restrictions, limiting the number of Jews in the above fields to 6%, prohibiting the employment of Jews completely in certain professions such as high school and university teaching, civil and municipal services, etc. It also forbade Jews to buy or sell land and so forth. This law already defined Jews on more racial grounds in that it regarded baptized children that had at least one non-converted Jewish parent as Jewish. The third Jewish law prohibited intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews, and defined anyone who had at least one Jewish grandparent as Jewish.

14 Forced Labor in Hungary

Under the 1939 II. Law 230, those deemed unfit for military service were required to complete "public interest work service". After the implementation of the second anti-Jewish Law within the military, the military arranged "special work battalions" for those Jews, who were not called up for armed service. With the entry into northern Transylvania (August 1940), those of Jewish origin who had begun, and were now finishing, their military service were directed to the work battalions. A decree in 1941 unified the arrangement, saying that the Jews were to fulfill military obligations in the support units of the National Guard. In the summer of 1942, thousands of Jews were recruited to labor battalions with the Hungarian troops going to the Soviet front. Some 50,000 in labor battalions went with the Second Hungarian Army to the Eastern Front - of these, only 6-7,000 returned.

15 Hungarian Occupation of Subcarpathia

In the middle of March 1939 the Hungarian Army invaded the territory of Subcarpathia (part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until WWI), inhabited chiefly by Ruthenians and belonging to Czechoslovakia, while the German Army overran Czech and Moravian territories in the West. Czechoslovakia, as such, ceased to exist. A German puppet state was created of the territories not occupied by either German or Hungarian troops, under the name Slovak Republic. The area annexed by Hungary was 12,000 sq.km. 5-10 % of its population of 700,000 was Hungarian.

16 Szalasi, Ferenc (1897-1946)

Ferenc Szalasi was the leader of the Arrow-Cross Party, prime minister. He came from a middle class family, his father was a clerk. He studied at the Becsujhely Military Academy, and in 1915 he became a lieutenant. After WWI he was nominated captain and became  a member of the general staff. In 1930 he became a member of the secret race protecting association called Magyar Elet [Hungarian Life], and in 1935 he established his own association, called Nemzeti Akarat Partja [Party of the National Will]. At the 1936 interim elections his party lost, and the governing party tried to prevent them from gaining more ground. At the 1939 elections Szalasi and his party won 31 electoral mandates. At German pressure Horthy appointed him as prime minister, and shortly after he got hold of the presidential office too. He introduced a total terror with the Arrow-Cross men and continued the eradication of the Jewry, and the hauling of the values of the country to Germany. He was arrested by American troops in Germany, where he had fled from Soviet occupation on 29th March 1945. He was executed as war criminal on 12th March 1946.

17 Horthy declaration

On 15th October 1944, the governor of Hungary, Miklos Horthy, announced on the radio that he would ask for truce with the Allied Powers. The leader of the Arrow Cross party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, which had already invaded Hungary in March 1944, took over power.

18 Mauthausen

Concentration camp located in Upper Austria. Mauthausen was opened in August 1938. The first prisoners to arrive were forced to build the camp and work in the quarry. On 5th May, 1945 American troops arrived and liberated the camp. Altogether, 199,404 prisoners passed through Mauthausen. Approximately 119,000 of them, including 38,120 Jews, were killed or died from the harsh conditions, exhaustion, malnourishment, and overwork. (Source: Rozett R. - Spector S.: Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, Facts on File, G.G. The Jerusalem Publishing House Ltd. 2000, pg. 314 - 315)

19 German Invasion of Hungary [19th March 1944]

Hitler found out about Prime Minister Miklos Kallay's and Governor Miklos Horthy's attempts to make peace with the west, and by the end of 1943 worked out the plans, code-named 'Margarethe I. and II.', for the German invasion of Hungary. In early March 1944, Hitler, fearing a possible Anglo-American occupation of Hungary, gave orders to German forces to march into the country. On 18th March, he met Horthy in Klessheim, Austria and tried to convince him to accept the German steps, and for the signing of a declaration in which the Hungarians would call for the occupation by German troops. Horthy was not willing to do this, but promised he would stay in his position and would name a German puppet government in place of Kallay's. On 19th March, the Germans occupied Hungary without resistance. The ex-ambassador to Berlin, Dome Sztojay, became new prime minister, who - though nominally responsible to Horthy - in fact, reconciled his politics with Edmund Veesenmayer, the newly arrived delegate of the Reich.

20 Turul Comrade Society

The Turul Comrade Society formed in fall of 1919. One of the most popular and most powerful university comrade associations, its members were law, medicine and humanities students. In reprisal for the abolition of the numerus clausus in 1927, which had banned Jews from university studies, they organized beatings of Jews on campuses (then effected the introduction of the ‘numerus nullus’ in 1941).

21 Constable

A member of the Hungarian Royal Constabulary, responsible for keeping order in rural areas, this was a militarily organized national police, subordinated to both, the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of Defense. The body was created in 1881 to replace the previously eliminated county and estate gendarmerie (pandours), with the legal authority to insure the security of cities. Constabularies were deployed at every county seat and mining area. The municipal cities generally had their own law enforcement bodies - the police. The constables had the right to cross into police jurisdiction during the course of special investigations. Preservatory governing structure didn't conform (the outmoded principles working in the strict hierarchy) to the social and economic changes happening in the country. Conflicts with working-class and agrarian movements, and national organizations turned more and more into outright bloody transgressions. Residents only saw the constabulary as an apparatus for consolidation of conservative power. After putting down the Hungarian Soviet Republic, the Christian establishment in the formidable and anti-Semitically biased forces came across a coercive force able to check the growing social movements caused by the unresolved land question. Aside from this, at the time of elections - since villages had public voting - they actively took steps against the opposition candidates and supporters. In 1944, the Constabulary directed the collection of rural Jews into ghettos and their deportation. After the suspension of deportations (June 6, 1944), the Arrow Cross sympathetic interior apparatus Constabulary forces were called to Budapest to attempt a coup. The body was disbanded in 1945, and the new democratic police took over.

22 Strasshof

The Strasshof concentration camp was located near Vienna and its 21,000 prisoners worked in Eastern Austrian industrial and agricultural plants. The prisoners were mainly deported there from the southern part of Hungary and Debrecen, at the end of June 1944. The 15,000 Hungarian Jews (60% of them women) got to the camp based on the agreement between the Budapest Rescue Committee (Budapesti Mentõbizottság) and Eichmann ('human life in exchange for goods'). According to the agreement they 'set the prisoners aside' for prisoner exchange. Eichmann offered the Austrian deportation of 30,000 Hungarian Jews, in exchange he asked for the immediate payment of 5 million Swiss franks. They used the prisoners in Strasshof to relieve the lack of manpower in the surrounding of Vienna. They employed some of them at private companies, in factories, others cleared ruins away, dug trenches, and the women did agricultural work. The Gestapo elected some from among the prisoners, these formed the "Judenpolizei." Their task was to ensure that the deportees would remain in the camp and that they wouldn't make contact with the local inhabitants. Only the workers got medical care, the treatments were carried out by Jewish doctors. The living conditions in the camp were much better than at other forced labor and concentration camps, but during the transportation there many died. About 6,000 remained in the camp until the end of the war, the others were deported to Auschwitz in the fall of 1944 or to Bergen-Belsen in the spring of 1945. Three fourth of them survived the deportation, about 1,000 died of illness. (Christian Gerlach - Götz Aly: Az utolsó fejezet. A magyar zsidok legyilkolasa, Budapest, Noran, 2005; Israel Gutman (szerk.): Encyclopedia of the Holocaust, I-IV, Macmillan, é. n.)

23 Nationalization in Hungary

In the endeavors of transforming the society and economy after 1945, the liquidation of private property and the formation of centralized state property played an important role. The nationalization started with the1945 land reform, which brought about nationalization of forests, model farms, reed works. On 25th May 1946 they legalized the nationalization of mines and other establishments connected with them. At the end of 1946 they nationalized the five biggest industrial works of the country. The next step of the nationalization started in the fall of 1947 in a different political situation. The MKP (Hungarian Socialist Party) became very strong, and gradually it became the only party which made plans and took decisions, excluding the other parties from the process. At the end of 1947 they nationalized the trade of goods belonging to the state monopoly (salt, matches, yeast, tobacco etc). They nationalized factories with more than 100 employees in 1948. They also liquidated companies in foreign ownership in Hungary by show trials. In December 1949 they nationalized by order private companies, which employed 10 or more persons, and shortly after that they made impossible the functioning of workshops with more than 1-3 employees. (Ivan Peto  - Sandor Szakacs: A hazai gazdasag negy evtizedenek tortenete 1945-1985, Budapest, 1985, KJK, pg. 95-104; Tibor Valuch: Magyarorszag tarsadalomtortenete, Budapest, 2001.)

24 KMP (Hungarian communist party - HCP)

A group of Hungarian prisoners of war (Bela Kun, Tibor Szamuely, Ernoe Por and others) formed the Hungarian branch of the Bolshevik Party in Moscow on 4th November 1918, dispatching members to Hungary to recruit new members, propagate the party's ideas and radicalize Karolyi's government. Upon their return to Hungary they soon organized the KMP (lit. Communists' Party of Hungary) which swiftly became the leading political power of the Hungarian Soviet Republic announced in March 1919 that lasted a mere 122 days. Afterwards, the party was reorganized with some of its leaders working in Hungary, and others abroad. The HCP operated underground in the interwar period, and established a socialist workers' party as a legal cover. Some operating in Hungary (Sandor Fuerst, Imre Sallai, Zoltan Schoenherz and Ferenc Rozsa) became victims of the terror practiced by the Hungarian authorities, while others (Bela Kun, Ernoe Por, Jenoe Hamburger and Jozsef Madzsar) were executed during Stalin's purges in the Soviet Union. From the end of 1944 it swiftly became the most influential political organization under various names in Hungary until the political changes in 1989.

25 1956

It designates the Revolution, which started on 23rd October 1956 against Soviet rule and the communists in Hungary. It was started by student and worker demonstrations in Budapest and began with the destruction of Stalin's gigantic statue. Moderate communist leader Imre Nagy was appointed as prime minister and he promised reform and democratization. The Soviet Union withdrew its troops which had been stationed in Hungary since the end of World War II, but they returned after Nagy's declaration that Hungary would pull out of the Warsaw Pact to pursue a policy of neutrality. The Soviet army put an end to the uprising on 4th November, and mass repression and arrests began. About 200,000 Hungarians fled from the country. Nagy and a number of his supporters were executed. Until 1989 and the fall of the communist regime, the Revolution of 1956 was officially considered a counter-revolution.

26 1989 Political changes

A description, rather than name for the surprising events following the summer of 1989, when Hungarian border guards began allowing East German families vacationing in Hungary to cross into Austria, and escape to the West. After the symbolic reburial of Imre Nagy, the Hungarian parliament quietly announced its rejection of communism and transformation to a social democracy. The confused internal struggle among Soviet satellite nations which ensued, eventually led to the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the reorganization of Eastern Europe. The Soviets peacefully withdrew their military in 1990.

Leo Lubich

Leo Lubich
Lvov
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: December 2002

Leo Lubich is an elderly man with bright eyes and a cheerful smile. He met me at the front door of his tidy and cozy apartment in an old building in Lvov. He was wearing a snow-white starched shirt and a bowtie. Lubich lives with his beloved wife Rosa. Lubich was enthusiastic about talking about his life. He mentioned at the beginning, though, that he was 90 years of age and struggles to remember things, and that he might be confused, but that he was eager to share the story of his family with us. He interlaced his story with jokes and, after our conversation, he told me to sit down at the table and he began to show me tricks, all the while closely watching my reaction. I applauded vigorously, laughed, and Leo Lubich was left beaming with joy.

Family Background

Growing Up

Early Adulthood

During the War

​After the War

Glossary

Family Background

My parents – Pinkhus and Malka Lubich – were born in the 1880s in a small town in the Zhytomir region. I don’t remember where they came from. I am over 90 years of age and have forgotten many things. The name of my grandfather on my father’s side was Movshe. As for my grandmother on my father’s side, I don’t know her name. The name of my grandfather on my mother’s side was Leiba Gandlin. When I was born, only grandmother Khava was still alive. My grandmother Khava had no education. She was a housewife and raised children. The way I remember it, she was very old when I was growing up, or else she probably just seemed old to me. I remember her sitting in the yard playing with the children. My grandmother was deeply religious. She was too old to go to synagogue, but she prayed at home every day. She observed all the Jewish traditions and fasted at Yom Kippur. She died during the Civil War 1 around 1918.

Both my father and mother had brothers and sisters. Of all of them, I only knew my father’s brother Boris. Uncle Boris took part in the revolution of 1917 2, the Civil War, and after the war he became an NKVD official 3. From the middle of the 1930s he was Deputy Minister of the NKVD of Udmurt Republic. He lived in the town of Izhevsk in the Urals. His wife Lena was Russian. Of course, Boris didn’t observe any Jewish traditions. Basically, before the Great Patriotic War 4 he stayed out of touch with his Jewish relatives.

My parents grew up in religious families where all the Jewish traditions were observed. I don’t know how they met. My parents got married in 1908. They had a traditional Jewish wedding with a chuppah at the synagogue. After the wedding my parents moved to Kiev.

My father was a tailor apprentice in Kiev and in due time started his own business. My father had a traditional Jewish education. He studied in cheder and after finishing it he began to study a tailor’s profession in his hometown. My mother learned to stuff cigarettes and sold them in bulk. But her main occupation was housekeeping and raising children, of course.

There were four children in the family: my older sister Maria, born in 1910, myself, born in 1912, and our brothers: Jacob, born in 1915, and Aron, born in 1919.

After finishing secondary school Maria worked as a cashier at the cinema theater. Her husband Alexandr Rapoport was a shop superintendent at the shoe factory. Alexandr was a member of the Communist Party. At the beginning of the Great Patriotic War the regional Party committee sent him to the village in the Kiev region where he had grown up. The Party assigned him to become a partisan. His parents and brother Motia stayed in the village during the war. They were shot by fascists and Alexandr perished in his partisan unit. Maria and her son David - along with myself, Jacob, and our parents - spent the war in evacuation in Izhevsk. Maria didn’t remarry. After the war she lived with her son and his family in Kiev. She did not work and took care of her son’s home. She died in Kiev in 1960. David and his family live in Kiev. David worked as a foreman at the plant throughout his whole life. Now he is a pensioner. His sons are engineers, they are married and have children. 

After finishing lower secondary school, Jacob finished a degree at construction college. He went to work as a builder in Belaya Tserkov, a small town 150 km from Kiev where he met a lovely Jewish girl named Polia and married her in the late 1930s. He and his wife visited us in Kiev several times before the war. Polia was a doctor and when the Great Patriotic War began she was recruited to the army. Jacob was not subject to recruitment since he worked at a military construction department. He went to Izhevsk where he was assigned to work on the construction of a new plant with his daughter Nelia, born in the late 1930s. He took his family with him: his parents, Maria and her son, and me. His wife Polia perished at the front. Her parents and all her other relatives were shot in Belaya Tserkov, along with all the other Jews that stayed in town during the war. Jacob didn’t remarry - he raised his daughter by himself. He became a highly skilled construction worker and published several books. He and Nelia live in Kiev. Nelia has no children; she never managed to get her personal life in order. She worked as an accountant in various offices. She only calls me on my birthday.

My younger brother Aron, after finishing lower secondary school, was doing his compulsory service in the army when the Great Patriotic War began. Aron was sent to the frontlines right away. We had no information about him during the war and thought he had perished, but after the war he sent us a note and in 1946 he demobilized and came home. He managed to escape encirclement in Belarus. He joined a partisan group where he fought until his unit reunited with Soviet troops in 1944. Aron continued his service in the Red Army and finished the war in Berlin. Later he was commandant of a German town. Aron got married after he returned to Kiev. He, his wife Riva, and their daughters live in Israel now. They moved in the late 1980s. They call me occasionally, but I don’t remember the name of the town where they live.

Growing Up

I remember our house and our street well. We lived in a five-story apartment house, number 9, Andreevskiy Spusk Street. [Andreevskiy Spusk is a steep hill connecting the historical center of Kiev with Podol. This street is a historic monument that is preserved by the state.] This apartment building is still there. On the top of the hill there is the beautiful turquoise and white St. Andrew’s Church built by the architect Rastrelli. 5 I used to catch a glimpse of the church every time I came out of the building. The street was cobblestone and the sound of horseshoe clattering could be heard well. There were many Jewish families living in our building; the area was mainly inhabited by Jews. I remember the family of the cabinetmaker Presman. He had many children and we played ball with them under a big poplar tree in our yard. There was a signboard which read "Tailor Lubich" hanging on our building. It also said "Entrance from the backyard" in smaller letters. We lived in a big four-room apartment in the basement. The apartment was nicely furnished and there were beautiful velvet curtains on the windows. We had carpets on the floors and nice china. There was electricity in the house, but no gas. There was a big stove used for cooking and heating the apartment. Later we got a kerosene heater and Primus portable stoves. We were a wealthy family, but there were no maids. There was one dark room without windows where we children slept. There was a big dining room, our parents’ bedroom, and another room with big mirrors and a cutting table where my father worked. 

My father had two assistants to put fabrics that my father was cutting together. My father was a highly skilled master artisan: he received orders and cut fabrics. His assistants’ names were Mayorov, a Russian, and Vassilkoskiy, a Jew. I remember them so well since they were Bolsheviks and were involved in spreading revolutionary propaganda. My father sympathized with the revolutionary cause and helped them; I remember him hiding piles of the flyers brought by Mayorov and Vassilkovskiy in the storeroom. My mother wasn’t happy about his getting involved and used to warn him in a whisper that the whole family might suffer or be killed.

I remember the horseshoe clatter and the yelling and singing of the Petliura 6 units that entered the town in 1917. There were other troops in town: the Reds 7 and the Whites 8. The power switched from one side to the other throughout the course of a single day, but I only remember the reckless, drunk Petliura soldiers. A day before the Petliura units came to the city, my father’s employees Mayorov and Vassilkovskiy left town. They dropped by our apartment to say goodbye to my father and to tell us that the Bolsheviks would achieve victory and return. In the morning, the Petliura soldiers spotted the cannon in the square in front of our house and began to fire at our building. All the Jews were hiding in their apartments and nobody dared to go outside. Petliura soldiers found our building's janitor and forced him to show them the apartments occupied by Jews. They forced Jews to come out into the yard and shot them under the poplar tree. Many of my friends, along with the Pressman family and their numerous children, were killed. Our family was lucky; we were wealthy and paid a ransom - the soldiers took our carpets, china, cuts of expensive fabrics and bronze statues, and left us alone. Petliura had his apartment and headquarters on the fifth floor of our house, but I never saw him. On the following day, Petliura’s order came down to take my father upstairs to his apartment. My mother was desperate - she fell on her knees wailing, she thought that Petliura had found out about my father’s Bolshevik friends. She didn’t believe we would see him again, but he returned after some time and told us that Petliura had heard that he was a great tailor and ordered a military jacket from him. When my father complained that Petliura's soldiers had taken away our belongings, he told my father to go to an officer and tell him that Petliura ordered our belongings returned. My mother and father had a discussion and decided to leave it alone. They decided they could forget about all the things they had earned and collected, since they were happy that we were all alive. Fortunately, my father didn’t ask for his property back, for who knows what would have happened if he had. I don’t remember whether my father had enough time to make a jacket for Petliura since the Red units came back soon after. My father’s assistants Mayorov and Vassilkovskiy returned, too. At the end of 1918, Soviet power was established in Kiev. The Civil War was over and NEP began 9.

My father continued to work. Mayorov and Vassilkovskiy didn’t work for him any longer, though they came to see him every now and then. My father had other assistants: a vest-maker and trouser-maker that worked from home. We children used to take fabric cuts to them and pick up the finished clothes. One representative of the district trade union committee came to see my father. They demanded that my father stop exploiting workers, enter into an agreement with them, and pay some membership fees. My father refused and, as a result, his business was boycotted. Workers would stand in the yard and at the front door of our building. They didn’t let my father’s clients in and didn’t let my father go to his assistants. My father signed some papers for the trade union activists and continued to work. His assistants were gone, though. My mother became his assistant. My father had a license and paid taxes. He was not afraid of the auditors that visited him every now and then. They didn’t bother my father because he had an influential clientele; he made clothes for many officials and, I believe, they ordered the auditors to leave my father alone. 

My father continued to do a good job of providing for the family after the revolution of 1917. We didn’t starve in the 1920s, nor in 1932-33 during the periods of famine 10. My father had money and my mother had the jewelry that she used to take to Torgsin 11 and exchange for food whenever we needed it. Torgsin stores were opened in Kiev in the early 1930s.

Our family observed Jewish traditions. We didn’t eat pork and followed kosher rules at home. I can’t remember any details about the Saturday celebrations, but I do remember that my father never worked on Saturdays. My mother lit candles and prayed over them on Friday and we had a festive dinner. The food on Saturday was made a day before and was left in the oven to stay warm. But my parents weren’t truly religious. They never prayed, but my father had a tallit, tefillin, and religious books in Hebrew - there were no other books at home. He had a seat at the synagogue at the bottom of Andreevskiy Spusk. He went there on Saturdays and on holidays with his tallit and tefillin on. The synagogue was not too big, but it was nice inside: it had velvet chairs and a stand for the rabbi.

I remember how our family celebrated Pesach. The apartment was cleaned thoroughly in advance. All the dust and dirt was swept away, the mattresses and carpets were cleaned, and the Pesach china and dishes were washed. My mother took out the special kosher dishes and utensils from an old box in the storeroom. There were silver wine sets and china and crystal dishes. My father brought home matzah from the synagogue. A few days before the holiday, my father took some poultry to the shochet. There was plenty of food made for Pesach: gefilte fish, pancakes, dishes made with matzah, chicken broth, fried chicken, stewed meat, and liver pastes. My father, wearing his tallit and teffilin, conducted the seder while leaning on pillows at the head of the table. One of my brothers – the younger one, Aron - went outside and father would hide a piece of matzah under a pillow. Aron came back and searched for the matzah. When he found it, he asked four traditional questions and our father gave answers. This was an annual ritual that we children enjoyed so very much. I have only dim memories of the other holidays. I only remember that my mother made delicious food and we sat together at the table.

When I turned five or six years old my father invited a Jewish teacher, a melammed, to teach me at home. He was an old Jew who wore a big black hat and payes [sidelocks]. He came from another end of Podol. He liked going by tram and used to take a longer ride and come back on foot. Our neighbors’ boys joined me and it was like a cheder school. We studied Hebrew and read Torah. I studied with him for about half a year. My parents spoke Russian and didn’t think that Yiddish had any future or that we might need it.

At seven years of age I went to the same Russian school where my older sister Maria studied. My father sent me to the nearest school in our neighborhood. In two or three years this school was turned into a Jewish school. I don’t know why it happened, but everything stayed the same anyway. Only the language of teaching changed. In the late 1930s it became Russian. There were Russian, Ukrainian, Polish, and Jewish children in our school. We got along very well and never had any conflicts associated with nationality. We played sports together after school. When we became pioneers we began to attend clubs in the House of Pioneers. I attended a drama club where we studied recitation - we even put on a performance there. There were also sport, dancing, and technical clubs.

My father arranged a bar mitzvah for me in 1925. At this point, the synagogues still functioned and the authorities hadn't yet begun trying to stamp out religion. This struggle began in earnest in the 1930s 12. During my bar mitzvah I had a tallit put on, and tefillin placed on my hand and head, and I was taken to the synagogue. There I met the rabbi and he conducted the ritual. I don’t remember the ritual itself since I saw it as a game, but didn’t dare disobey my father by refusing to take part. The adults explained to me that I had come of age and could now come and pray at the synagogue. In reality, I stopped going to the synagogue since I was more taken by the communist ideology we learned at school and didn’t believe in God. I believed religion to be an ignorant vestige of the past.

Early Adulthood

After finishing lower secondary school I went to work. Besides having to support my parents, I wanted to have my own money to go to the cinema or buy sweets. But the unemployment rate was high at that point and it was hard to get a job. Beyond that, my father was an entrepreneur and it was only the children of workers and peasants that were given priority in terms of employment. I went to the "Assistance" employment agency in Podol. They helped me get a job as a weaver at the weaving mill. After working for two or three years I decided to continue my education. I had an agreement with another weaver that he would work the first shift from 8 am until 3 pm so that I could take the second shift and study at the rabfak 13 on Bolshaya Vassilkovskaya Street. Only the children of workers and peasants had a right to study there, but I had been given the status of worker by that time, having worked at the mill for a few years. I walked to the rabfak school located quite a distance from my home and after school I went to work. I studied well and was elected monitor of the group. I joined the Komsomol 14 and took part in various activities with them. We went to parades on 1 May and on October Revolution Day 15 and joined sports teams. At that time, young people had to accomplish sporting requirements to receive BGTO and GTO badges ["Be ready for labor and defense" and "Ready for labor and defense"]. I met all the requirements and was proud to receive a GTO badge - I wore it on the lapel of my jacket.

In the summer of 1933 I was invited to the military registry office where they notified me that after finishing the rabfak school I was to go serve in the army. At the rabfak school's prom, the rector of the Textile Institute told me, "Lubich, you are a good student and you need to continue your education." He offered to let me enter their Institute and get a release form service in the army. Although I wanted to continue my studies, I was patriotic and believed it would be indecent for a Soviet Komsomol member to avoid serving in the army. But when my parents heard about the doubts I was having, they told me that as the oldest son it was my job to get an education and support my family. So, I decided to go study. By that time I was no longer religious.

I entered the Textile Institute. In 1934 the government of Ukraine moved from Kharkov to Kiev, the capital of Ukraine, and with that a few of the less popular educational institutions (including mine) relocated to Kharkov. I lived in a hostel in Kharkov for a year. I was a good student, but I had some bad influences and started playing cards. We gambled every night and then had to pay back our debts when we lost. I began to work as a janitor and a laborer at the freight railway station. When my parents found out they insisted that I move home. I moved to Kiev after finishing my first year at the Textile Institute in Kharkov. In 1935 I got a transfer to the Faculty of Economics at the Kiev Institute of the Leather and Shoe Industry.

I was a sociable guy, enjoyed jokes and tricks and performed tricks at concerts at the Institute during Soviet holidays. In 1936, during the period of repression, arrests began in the country 16. At first they arrested the Party and state officials, but then common people began to be arrested. There were portraits of Party leaders hanging in the concert hall of our Institute and we often saw some of them disappear. This meant that this person had been arrested. Some of our lecturers and students were arrested. I got very scared. Some time before I had corresponded with an American company that had published a manual for employees in the industry in which I planned to work. I wrote them that I was the owner of a few factories and plants and that I needed their assistance. I eventually received a parcel from the U.S. with the book Assistance for Workers. Every day when I left for the Institute I said a mental goodbye to my family. I was afraid of being arrested for having this relationship with foreigners, but fortunately, I wasn’t.

My father continued to work at home, but, like me, he was afraid of being arrested for owning a private business and for having had employees. The prayer house located nearby was closed. My father went to the only functioning synagogue in Kiev on big holidays. We continued to celebrate Jewish holidays at home, but we did it quietly and without guests.

During the War

Upon graduation from the Institute I worked at the shoe factory in Podol for two years. I later got a job at the military construction department where my brother Jacob worked. He was an economist there. In spring 1941, I met Rosa Finkler - a nice Jewish girl - at the canteen. Rosa was from Odessa. She was two years younger than I. She had graduated from the Odessa Food Industry Institute and often traveled to the grain elevator in Kiev. Rosa was an only child. Her parents lived in Odessa. They were clerks at an agricultural office. They didn’t observe any Jewish traditions. Rosa and I took walks in the parks on the bank of the Dnieper River, went to theaters, the philharmonic, and the circus. I am a cheerful man and an optimist - I always looking at the bright side. Maybe it was this optimism that made the arrival of the war on 22 June 1941 such a complete surprise for me. Jacob and I, as well as all our colleagues, got a release from the army service. Uncle Boris, my father’s brother who lived in Izhevsk, called us in Kiev right after the war began. My mother wrote letters to my uncle before the war and he wrote back, but I had never seen him before. He invited us to come to Izhevsk. But my parents refused to leave Kiev. They remembered World War I and said that Germans were civilized, cultured people and would not do any harm to Jewish people. While they considered the option, I left for Izhevsk by myself. I didn’t even have the opportunity to say goodbye to Rosa.

My trip lasted for almost three weeks. The train was stuffed with people going into evacuation. The train was delayed for long periods at a time, at each stop we would have to let the military trains pass by. There was not enough food, but I took it easy: I was happy to get boiled water or a bowl of soup. The train stopped at the Sarapul town of Udmurtia - 2000 km east of Kiev. We were told to get off the train since it was going to become a military train for frontline use. By that time I had run out of money and had to stay at the railway station, sleeping on my bag at night, for a few days. I called my uncle Boris from a phone at the station. He told me to go to the NKVD manager, his acquaintance Snegiryov, in Sarapul 17. Snegiryov lived in a private house surrounded by a high fence. There was a guard with a dog that let me in when he heard who I was. The manager of the NKVD welcomed me and treated me to a nice hot lunch. When he saw how hungry I was he told me to come to him with any problem - even if I just got very hungry. I asked him whether he could help me get a job. Snegiryov made a phone call and sent me to a plant.

It was a defense plant that had been evacuated from the town of Ramenskoye in the Moscow region. The plant manufactured equipment for planes. I was appointed deputy shop superintendent. I joined the Communist Party at this plant. Anybody could easily join the Party at that time, they submitted an application and received their membership card within a matter of days without any ceremony. I knew that one had to be a member of the Party to make a career. We worked under great pressure. New facilities for the plant were built right over our heads. We received a little bread by way of coupons. Workers’ families were starving. I remember people calling to me when they saw me in the shop, "Lubich, we would rather go to the front. We would rather die than see our children starve to death." What could I do to help them? I was starving too.

There was insufficient power due to the low capacity of the power plant in Sarapul. In December 1941 we received an important task from the government to manufacture blind navigation equipment. Due to a lack of power supply and equipment operation downtime, the plant manufactured 20-30 units instead of 100. A week or two after we began manufacturing these units, Kabanov, the Minister of Aviation, and one of his deputies, Haimovich, a Jewish man, arrived at the plant. At night the Party and logistics management of the plant had a meeting in one of the shops. It was dark in the shop. There was only light over the table where the Presidium was sitting: Kabanov, Haimovich, the director of the plant and the shop superintendents. Kabanov put a gun on the table and said "If you do not manufacture 100 units per day from tomorrow on, I will shoot the director of the plant and his deputy." When I came to work at night I saw all the equipment in operation: at the direction of Kremlin trains, mobile power plants began arriving at night. Workers were given additional food and they stopped thinking about going to the front. The plant began to work at its full capacity. Kabanov left for Moscow, but his deputy Haimovich stayed longer. There was no anti-Semitism and all our efforts were directed at achieving victory over the fascists.

During the spring something happened that made me turn to Snegiryov again. There were militia and military officers patrolling in public areas - like cinema theaters, the market, or parks. They captured young men and took them to the military registry office. There were raids to capture all those that avoided mobilization. I got caught up in one such raid. I explained to the registry office that I was released from service in the army, but they didn’t listen to me until I asked them to call Snegiryov. The officer on duty apologized and let me go after he received direction from Snegiryov. I worked in Sarapul for almost a year.

In August 1941 my parents, sister Maria and her son David, and my brother Jacob and his daughter Nelia went to Izhevsk. I wanted to join them, but the plant management didn’t let me quit. My parents asked for uncle Boris’s involvement and he arranged a transfer for me to a plant in Izhevsk.

In Izhevsk my parents, my sister and brother stayed in a big four-room apartment in the center of the town that uncle Boris arranged for them. He also helped my father get a good job: Director of the Special Military Trade Agency. My father had tailor, shoe, and hosiery shops under his guise. My father got a good salary and received special food packages. As a result, we didn’t starve like many others in evacuation.

At the beginning of 1943 I received a letter from Rosa Finkler. She got uncle Boris’s address from my parents at the beginning of the war. Rosa and her parents were in the town of Kamyshov in the Sverdlovsk region, which was not that far from us – about 900 km from Izhevsk. I took a leave from work to visit Rosa. It was a harsh winter. Rosa met me at the station. We exchanged kisses and went to the town on the sleigh that she had arrived on. I realized then that I loved her more than anybody in the world. I was amazed by how thoughtless it had been to leave home without saying goodbye to Rosa, but there was an easy explanation: I matured throughout the war. I stayed in Kamyshov for a week, met with Rosa’s parents, and proposed to her. My return trip was very hard. There were tons of military trains traveling eastward and it was difficult for civilians to travel. I waited until a conductor turned away and jumped into an overhead compartment. When soldiers entered the railcar, they saw me and began screaming "Spy, spy" and tried to push me out of the railcar. I grabbed the edge of the berth and managed to explain to them that I was no spy, just an engineer coming from a visit with his fiancée. They left me alone and I entertained them with jokes and tricks on the way back. By the time we reached Izhevsk, we had become the best of friends and they were reluctant to part with me. I'd guess that many of them perished during the war. 

Within a month, Rosa and her parents arrived at Izhevsk. We got married at the registration office. Rosa decided to keep her maiden name. She went to work at the plant. Her parents moved in with my parents and we got a room in a private four-room house from the plant: we occupied one room. There was a plot of land near the house, and our landlords allowed us to use a small portion as a kitchen garden. Rosa and I grew vegetables: potatoes, beetroots - they were a great help. 

After the War

I have bright memories of Victory Day on 9 May 1945. We were at the plant. Employees – men and women – exchanged kisses and hugs. Women whose husbands, sons, and brothers had perished at the front were crying. We marched in the town – all of us were overwhelmed with joy. My mother was crying – we still hadn't heard from Aron and she thought he had perished.

In few months, the plant began to prepare for reevacuation. I didn’t want to go back to Kiev since Rosa and I didn’t have a place to live there. We were offered a choice between Riga and Lvov as there were vacant apartments in those towns. These towns joined the USSR in 1939 18 and a part of the Polish population had left the country, unwilling to reside in the USSR. There were also vacant apartments that belonged to Jewish families that had perished during the war.

My parents, Maria, Jacob and their children left for Kiev. Rosa and I went to start a new life in Lvov. We traveled via Moscow in September 1945 after the victory over Japan 19. We went to the Red Square where we mingled with a crowd of happy Moscovites. We saw fireworks. In Lvov we met the director of the machine unit plant, Litinetskiy. We were to work at this plant. We received a room that formerly belonged to a Polish family that had left Poland after the war. There was a Polish tenant in another room. He was also going to leave. We invited Rosa’s parents from Izhevsk and decided to stay. We lived in one room with my in-laws for many years until we got another room after our neighbor tenant died. 

We didn’t have children and that was all right with us. We could enjoy life and went to the theater or restaurant every week.  We spent vacations at the seashore in the Crimea or Caucasus. We had enough money. Rosa worked as laboratory supervisor at the machine unit plant.  I worked at a shoe shop and then got a job at the Progress Company [one of the best shoe factories in the USSR]. I was Human Resources Manager there. I never faced any anti-Semitism, even during those years when it became state policy – in the early 1950s 20. However, there was one incident during this period. One of the stores owned by the Progress Company, "Trud" [Labor], made footwear for work. The insoles were supposed to be made of leather and the sole had to be secured with special fixtures. Since it was hard to get the necessary materials, we obtained permission from management to make insoles from a different  material - leather cloth - and to use wooden pins as fixtures. They made good shoes. But once I was called by an investigation officer that opened a case against me and few other managers. The charges against us were associated with the theft of materials that were in short supply. After our licenses and permits were received by Kiev the case was closed. But I never believed that this annoying incident had anything to do with anti-Semitism since other employees (of different nationalities) were also arrested. This happened in the early 1950s. I remember how Rosa and her parents sobbed. I remember how Stalin died in 1953. Rosa sobbed when she saw the monument to Stalin in the central park. I wasn’t upset since I understood that there would be somebody else to replace him and life would go on.

My brother Aron came to Kiev at the end of 1945. He was encircled in Western Belarus at the beginning of the war. He wandered in the woods for several weeks hiding in a mud hut and eating berries and mushrooms. Once, during a raid, he had to dive into a swamp and breathe through a straw. Fortunately, Aron bumped into a group of partisans and joined their unit. He took part in reconnaissance and combat missions. When Soviet troops liberated Belarus in 1944, Aron joined them and reached Berlin. After the war Aron was over thirty years old. He didn’t go back to school, but got a job at a service agency. He was a watchmaker until he moved to Israel in the mid-1970s. Aron, Riva, and their two daughters live in Israel now. 

My parents lived in their apartment with Maria and her son until they received their own in the 1960s. My father went to the synagogue in Podol after the war. My parents celebrated all the Jewish holidays like they had before the war. They were pensioners and helped Maria with the house. I visited them once in two or three years during my vacation. My father died in the early 1960s and my mother passed away in the 1970s when she was ninety years old. They were both buried in the Jewish section of the town cemetery - there were no Jewish customs followed. 

As for uncle Boris, he lived in Izhevsk until someone who had been arrested during the the earlier period of repression, rehabilitated, and then released in the late 1950s, saw him on the street. This man blamed officials like my uncle for his suffering rather than blaming Stalin and the regime. He went to the town Party Committee and demanded that my uncle Boris be arrested. But the Secretary of the Committee had also been involved in carrying out arrests, and he managed to protect my uncle Boris. Boris and his wife left Udmutria promptly. They resided in the Far East for ten years. They didn’t travel to the European part of the USSR out of fear of arrest. In the middle of the 1960s, my uncle Boris and his wife moved to the town of Volzhskiy on the lower Volga, 1000 km from Moscow, where my uncle died shortly thereafter. His wife stayed there. He didn’t have any children.

I retired in the early 1980s. Rosa and I lived our life with ease and in love and peace. Many of our friends moved to Israel and invited us to join them, but we never even considered the idea. We love our Motherland, the country where we were born and where we lived our best years. We love Ukraine and its people. I have led an active life since I retired. I play sports and was a member of a jogging club for a number of years. Nowadays I write articles and poems that are published in the Jewish press and in the town newspaper of Lvov Vysokiy Zamok (High Castle).

Of course, perestroika had a disastrous impact on pensioners - we were deprived of our savings. We get miserable pensions. But, on the other hand, the arrival of Ukrainian independence in 1991 provided excellent conditions for the development and revival of Jewish life and culture. We often go to the Lvov Drama theater and get free tickets from the Jewish community. We watch performances of Russian and Ukrainian classics. We are active members of the Sholem Aleichem Association 21 where Rosa and I take part in parties and concerts. Rosa recites poems written by popular Soviet poets: Evgeni Evtushenko and others, and I perform tricks. Rosa also invites popular actors and producers to parties. We observe Jewish traditions: we buy matzah at Pesach and fast on Judgment Day. [Editor’s note: this is the word he uses for Yom Kippur.] We try to lead a traditional Jewish life and follow all the rules – everything that we were not allowed to do during the Soviet regime. We are grateful to Hesed, a Jewish charitable organization that provides food and medication to old people. And they also offer support in the form of kindness. That said, I don’t think of myself as an old man – not yet!

Glossary:

1 Civil War

By early 1918, a major civil war had broken out in Russia--only recently named the USSR--which is commonly known as the civil war between the ‘Reds’ and the ‘Whites’. The ‘Reds’ were the Bolshevik controlled Soviets. During this time the Bolsheviks changed their name to the Communist party. The ‘Whites’ were mostly Russian army units from the world war who were led by anti-Bolshevik officers. They were also joined by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. During this civil war, the Bolsheviks signed a separate peace with Germany and finally ended Russia's involvement with the world war. 8 to 13 mln people perished in the war. Up to 2 mln. people moved to other countries. Damage constituted over 50 billion rubles in gold, production rate reduced to 4-20% compared with 1913.

2 In early October 1917, Lenin convinced the Bolshevik Party to form an immediate insurrection against the Provisional Government

The Bolshevik leaders felt it was of the utmost importance to act quickly while they had the momentum to do so. The armed workers known as Red Guards and the other revolutionary groups moved on the night of Nov. 6-7 under the orders of the Soviet's Military Revolutionary Committee. These forces seized post and telegraph offices, electric works, railroad stations, and the state bank. Once the shot rang out from the Battleship Aurora, the thousands of people in the Red Guard stormed the Winter Palace. The Provisional Government had officially fallen to the Bolshevik regime. Once the word came to the rest of the people that the Winter Palace had been taken, people from all over rose and filled it. V. I. Lenin, the leader of the Bolsheviks, announced his attempt to construct the socialist order in Russia. This new government made up of Soviets, and led by the Bolsheviks. By early November, there was little doubt that the proletariats backed the Bolshevik motto: ‘All power to the soviets!’

3  People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934

4 22 June 1941 – memorable day for all Soviet people

It was the first day of the great Patriotic War when the Germans crossed the border of their country bringing the war to its terrain. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The Great Patriotic War, as the Soviet Union and then Russia have called that phase of World War II, thus began inauspiciously for the Soviet Union.

5  Bartolomeo Franchesko (Varfolomei Varfolomeevich) Rastrelli (1700-1771), architect

Count, an Italian by birth. Born in Paris. Son of architect and sculptor Carl-Bartolomeo Rastrelli. Studied under his father. In 1716 came to St. Petersburg with his father, who had concluded an agreement with Emperor Petr I, and assisted him. Beginning in 1722 worked independently as an architect. When Elizabeth ascended the throne in 1741, he became her favorite court architect. He bore the rank of major general, the title of cavalier of the Order of St. Anne, and was an academician of architecture (1770). He had a number of students and followers. When Empress Catherine II ascended the throne in 1762 Bartolomeo Francesco Rastrelli went into temporary retirement, in 1763 he was dismissed completely and left for Switzerland.

6  Petliura, Simon (1879-1926)

Ukrainian politician, member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Working Party, one of the leaders of Centralnaya Rada (Central Council), the national government of Ukraine (1917-1918). Military units under his command killed Jews during the Civil War in Ukraine. In the Soviet-Polish war he was on the side of Poland; in 1920 he emigrated. He was killed in Paris by the Jewish nationalist Schwarzbard in revenge for the pogroms against Jews in Ukraine.

7  The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis

The first units, fighting with a revolutionary fervor, distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23. This day became the "Day of the Soviet Army". On April 22 the Soviet government decreed compulsory military training for workers and peasants who did not employ hired labour. This was the beginning of the Red Army. Its founder was Leon Trotsky, with the title People's Commissar, which he lost in the power struggle against Stalin in 1924.

8  Soon after buying peace with Germany, the Soviet state found itself under attack from other quarters

By the spring of 1918, elements dissatisfied with the radical policies of the communists (as the Bolsheviks started calling themselves) established centers of resistance in southern and Siberian Russia. Beginning in April 1918, anticommunist forces, called the Whites and often led by former officers of the tsarist army, began to clash with the Red Army, which Trotsky, named commissar of war in the Soviet government, organized to defend the new state. A civil war to determine the future of Russia had begun.

9  The so-called New Economic Policy of the Soviet authorities was launched by Lenin in 1921

It meant that private business was allowed on a small scale in order to save the country ruined by the October Revolution and the Civil War. They allowed priority development of private capital and entrepreneurship. The NEP was gradually abandoned in the 1920s with the introduction of the planned economy.

10  In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people

It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms. These shops were created in the 1920s to support commerce with foreigners. One could buy good quality food products and clothing in exchange for gold and antiquities in such shops.

11  The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR

In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

12  Educational institutions for young people without secondary education, specifically established by the Soviet power

13  Communist youth political organization created in 1918

The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

14  October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia

This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as ‘Day of Accord and Reconciliation’ on November 7.

15  Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public ‘show trials’. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

16  People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934

17  In 1940, the Baltic republics (Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania) came under the rule of the neighboring Soviet Union (USSR)

  November 1 1939: The USSR Supreme Soviet passed the law on Western Ukraine's membership in the USSR and inclusion in the Ukrainian SSR.

18  In 1945 the war in Europe was over, but WWII continued

On the Far East Japan was fighting against the countries of anti-fascist coalition and China. Japanese army incurred great losses from the USA and Great Britain in 1943-44. However, Japan was still strong. The USSR declared a war to Japan on 8 August 1945 to put an end to the war. Japan signed the act of capitulation in September 1945.

19  Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’

The campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’, i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. ‘Cosmopolitans’ writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American ‘imperialism’. They were executed secretly in 1952. The antisemitic Doctors’ Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin’s death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’.

20  Sholem Alechem, real name was Shalom Nohumovich Rabinovich (1859-1916)

Jewish writer. He lived in Russia and moved to the US in 1914. He wrote about the life of Jews in Russia in Yiddish, Hebrew and Russian.

Edit Grossmann

Edit Grossmann (nee Grosz)
Dej
Romania
Date of interview: August 2005
Interviewer: Emoke Major

Edit Grossmann lives alone in a two-room block flat in Des, where she welcomes everybody who passes by, because she likes to converse. She’s a friendly, open-hearted woman.

Her skin is tight, which is typical for cheerful people who always smile, but her snow-white hair bears witness to her advanced age, and her swollen wrists indicate that she worked hard during all those 83 years.

She likes to use youngish, merry colors in her clothing.

  • My family background

My grandparents on dad’s side originated from Upper Hungary, from Satoraljaujhely. Their children were born there, but they got to Nagyenyed before World War One already [in around the 1890-1900s]. They didn’t have any relatives in Nagyenyed, only in Satoraljaujhely, the large family basically lived there.

They came to us, to visit us, I remember one called Margit came, she was a very beautiful woman, and other visitors came from the family, while my grandmother was alive.

My grandfather was called Jozsef Grosz, Izrael was his Jewish name, we called him Zajdi [nickname for Zajbl]. [He was born approximately in the 1850s.] All I know is that he worked for a German company, he was walking all over the woods. In those times, if a wood was cut down, it was compulsory to plant a new one.

That was my grandfather’s job, planting woods. And this company also transported tan to Germany. The tan was employed in leather industry, they pulled down the bark of young trees, the tan, they soaked it, and processed the skin using that.

[Editor’s note: Tanners’ bark – the bark of certain tree species used for the tanning of raw skin. (In Hungary primarily the barks of oak trees and spruce were used for tanning, generally the bark of 15-20 years old trees).]

Mammy always used to say that tan was a very good medicine; it is very good against rheumatism.

Once my feet were aching, they got cold, and I immersed them into tan-liqueur. Mammy boiled the tan, the bark of the tree, poured it into the timber tub, since back then we had tubs, not plastic bowls. And she told me to put my feet into it, and mammy kept on adding hot water to it. I kept them there for an hour, I couldn’t stand still, but she wouldn’t let me go.

My grandparents had a small house [in Nagyenyed], they had a cow, and they had gooses. They sold the cow, and they sold the house to buy another one, they placed the money into the bank – I don’t know which bank it was, but it was in Nagyenyed –, and they lost all their money.

This happened by the end of World War Two. Then the blow-up [failure] of banks was at fashion. So they became very poor. They were left without a house, they had no cow anymore, they lived in lodgings after that.

Grandfather Zajdi died in around 1925 of Spanish flu, he was old, some seventy years old. Many people died of this disease during World War One as well, one of my father’s and one of my husband’s siblings died too.

[Editor’s note: Spanish flu – the first large-scale pandemic of the 20th century, the Spanish flu had symptoms similar to the influenza’s; it had 20-21 millions of victims between 1918-1919. For example in Hungary 44 thousand people died of this disease in October 1918.]

I couldn’t tell what my grandmother’s name was. Babi, that’s how we called her, we didn’t know any other name. My grandmother had her hair cut, she didn’t have a wig, she wore only kerchiefs. She always wore a kerchief. She had two kerchiefs on her head.

First she covered her head with a cambric kerchief, she tightened it, tied it behind, then she put on one more kerchief – it was rather grey –, she tightened it in the front, not behind. [Editor’s note: Orthodox married women covered their head with hat or kerchief – or according to a custom spread during the 19th century with a wig (sheitl) – for decency, because the uncovered hair is considered to be a form of nudity. The tradition was that prior to the wedding the bride went to the mikveh, where her hair was cut.

After that nobody could see the hair of a married woman except her husband. In principle blessing should be said or a ceremonial carried out when a married woman is present, whose hair is not covered. Today Orthodox women too cover their head only in the synagogue.]

And she had a big shawl on her shoulders during winter. She wore dark-colored clothes. She wore a skirt, it was pleated a little, and a long-sleeve blouse with a little collar. And she always had an apron on, it was also dark-colored, I don’t know why she always needed that apron.

That’s how religious women were dressed in those times. Not my mother, but Babi yes. And they wore black shoes, mainly laced-up boots. Now, when I remember all this, I always start to think about it, that really, why they always wore these boots.

And grandmother had a short jacket, it was shorter than the skirt, that’s what I remember. When she went to the synagogue, she was dressed up properly, she had nice woolen dresses, which were pleated. I can still picture my grandmother. I resemble her a lot.

But she was so ugly, that I always used to say: ‘I wish I won’t become so ugly!’ I became just like her. I have dental plate, she didn’t. Well, if one doesn’t have a denture, that person is very ugly. She was eating apples, I remember so well, she was scratching it with a knife.

Of course I didn’t like that. She was very-very religious, she taught us a lot too. We weren’t allowed to start breakfast, until we recited the ‘Majdi’ [Modeh ani]. The Modeh ani is the morning prayer: ‘Baruch ata’ [Editor’s note: Barukh atah (Hebrew, meaning ‘Blessed are you’) are the first two words of the starting formula of blessings.

We can’t guess which blessing Edit Grossmann refers to from these two words, because every blessing starts with them.], then ‘Modeh ani’, one has to recite it each morning, one must eat only after that, it is forbidden to eat before.

[Editor’s note: Modey ani, Mojde or majdi (Ashkenazi), meaning ‘I offer thanks before you’: short prayer recited upon waking in the morning: ‘I offer thanks before you, living and eternal King, for You have mercifully restored my soul within me; Your faithfulness is great.’ It is a tradition that the soul temporarily leaves the body of a sleeping person, and it gets into the guarding hands of God, then at awaking it returns. Children are taught this prayer at the age of 3 or 4. ‘Modeh ani’ is an act of thanksgiving for the return of the soul, it doesn’t contain the name of the Eternal, and it doesn’t contain a blessing formula either. The reciting of this prayer is followed by the ritual hand-wash, which cleans the awakened man from the impurity of sleep, after that the blessings containing the name of the Eternal and the general blessing formula can be recited.]

Well, my sister didn’t want to recite it, she said she had already recited it once. My grandmother was a clever woman, because she was reading, she always read the newspapers, she was asking dad to give her the newspapers. Daddy was getting the Hungarian newspaper, I don’t remember which one. And it’s interesting, that she was already eighty-seven years old when she died, and she was still reading, without glasses.

Babi lived with us too when I was ten or twelve years old. But she was causing a lot of trouble, because we weren’t religious enough, and she demanded the religiousness extremely severely. That we should be very religious. For example if we cut the poultry, no matter how we proceeded, it wasn’t the right way.

She found deficiency in everything. Mom didn’t take out this or didn’t take out that properly, and she didn’t salt it this way or that way – she checked everything, she was very-very religious. Because after the shochet cut down the poultry, it had to be torn. And after we tore out the feathers, it had to be burnt.

We brought out paper in the yard – I still remember that I was bringing out the paper –, we lighted it, mammy brought the poultry, and we rotate it. We didn’t put it on fire, just let the flames reach it a little. I can’t recall how we called this [process], though it had a name. But it’s very good, everybody can do it.

I still do so [I hold the poultry above the flames of the gas-stove], it’s very good, the poultry has a different taste. After that we cut it up, and mammy put it into a bucket. And it would be there in the bucket, in water for half-an-hour. Then we took it out from the bucket, and put it on a plate, we had separate dishes for that.

And we had a large basket for salting, we put it on the basket [with the plate], and salt it abundantly. It stayed there for an hour. After that one had to throw water over it three times so that the salt would be rinsed. And then we scalded it, and we had to stir it a lot to take out everything, not to leave a drop of blood or a vein in the poultry.

When grandma left from us, she lived with one of her daughters, Zali in Nagyenyed. Zali was left alone, my grandmother was alone as well, and so they lived together, until grandmother died. Grandmother died at an advanced age, she died when she was eighty-seven.

There were five children in my father’s family, there were two girls and three boys. They were poor as well. All of them lived in Nagyenyed. One of the girls, Zali Grosz was the eldest. Zali had a daughter, but she divorced her husband, and she gave her daughter to a rich family from Kolozsvar, they were called Miligram, and her daughter was deported together with the whole family. Zali too lived in Nagyenyed, she was selling fruits at the market, that’s what she was living of. She died in around 1955.

Gyula Grosz was trading in apple, apricot, fruits. Though his profession was tailoring. He worked with me during the war, I took on orders, and we made trousers together. After his wife died, uncle Gyula left for Israel, because all his children were there. He left some eight years after the war, and lived in Lod.

Uncle Gyula had quite a lot of children: Hajmi (Haim), Erno, Kajmi, Zsenka, Erzsi and Szeren. Hajmi and Erno lived in Lod, their wives both worked at the airport. Kajmi was an upholsterer, he lived in Netanya, he became paralyzed, he died too. Zsenka lived in Nazareth, Erzsi in Netanya. Erzsi is two years younger than me.

Maybe Erzsi is still alive, but I’m not sure, since I lost contact with her. Soon after the war [World War Two] Szeren left for America. She had got married, and the boy’s parents had left for America, and arranged for them too to go there.

Dezso Grosz was unmarried, he lived in Nagyenyed. He worked for a while where grandfather did, he was a woodworker, he was engaged in tan. Then he was trading with all kind of things. [After World War Two] He lived with a Jewish woman called Zseni. Zseni was very ill, she had intense Basedow’s disease [hyperthyroidism], she died in Marosvasarhely, she is buried there as well, I also went to her funeral. Dezso died here, at my place in Des, at the beginning of the 1970s, he had a stroke.

One of my daddy’s siblings, a girl died of Spanish flu. I can’t recall the name of this sister of my father, I didn’t know her, just by hearing; the Spanish flu occurred after 1914, in 1915 or 1916.

But I know that she got married to one called Izrael, and she left behind two very nice daughters, Manci and Iren. Then her husband got married again, and he had three more children. But they were deported, and only one of the girls [from the husband’s second marriage], Sarika came back.

My daddy’s name was Herman, but he was called Helmus, and he was called by his Jewish name too, his Jewish name was Cvi. He was born in Satoraljaujhely in 1890 [but grew up in Nagyenyed]. My father attended the German school in Nagyenyed – there was a German school then –, and he attended the cheder as well.

During the war of 1914 he was a simple soldier [in the KuK army]1, daddy didn’t have any rank. First he did army service under the Hungarians, and just when he was supposed to come home [that is: when he should have demobilized], the war broke out, and he went to Russia, he was captured, and he was in Siberia for another four years.

He was in the upper part, on a peninsula. Daddy told me there had been night most of the time, they had had daylight just for a few hours, it was so up [in the north]. And it was very cold. So he was away for seven years. They had a very hard time in Russia, they didn’t have food, but he always told me that Russians weren’t bad people, they always threw them some food.

He also worked for Russians, and they gave him to eat. He worked on the fields, he worked in many places. But he got ill very soon. There were many diseases in those times, in the war of 1914: typhoid, then there were many louses, up there, on the ‘Kolas’ Peninsula where dad was, they even had scurvy disease.

[Editor’s note: Presumably Edit Grossmann talks about the Kola Peninsula.]

The greatest part of the peninsula’s populated area is north to the Arctic Circle.] Scurvy takes out the teeth, this is because of vitamin deficiency, and there were no fruits, there was no vitamin C. They were eating only one kind of food, who knows, they were given some sort of mush, and they got the scurvy disease.

Dad came home with no teeth, later he had a denture made. All of his upper teeth fell out, he had a maxillary denture. He still had his lower teeth. I was laughing, because we used to go to the banks of the Maros river, and once daddy was laughing or sneezing in the water, and his denture fell into the river.

Our domestic was there too, he was called Majsi, he jumped into the water, and took it out: ‘Here it is, Mr. Grosz!’ He had scurvy, he had typhoid, he had all sorts of diseases. And he never regained entirely his health. He wasn’t a thin man, but he wasn’t healthy.

After he came back from Russia, he got married, it was an arranged marriage. Well, back then one didn’t meet a person like today! Formerly it was recommended, there was a person whose job was this, who was called sadhen [shadkhan]. They had a simple rural marriage in Boldogfalva.

Mammy’s father was called Farkas Klein. Zev was his Jewish name, I think Zev is used for Farkas. He lived in Boldogfalva [19 km to south-west from Dicsoszentmarton. In Romanian: Sintamarie], he had an inn. The inn belonged to a Hungarian nobleman – he was a count or I don’t know what –, and they rented it.

But they led a life of poverty, they were surviving in fact, they had nothing. Mammy was little, she was around eight when her mother died. They had an elder sister, Ida, she was keeping the household, until their father got married again. Mammy was quite grown-up when her father died, and a lot of children were left orphans.

In those times it wasn’t usual to have one or two children, then there were six or seven children in a household. There were large families. Back then people didn’t use contraceptive pills, there wasn’t abortion, and it was even forbidden.

They had babies one after the other, there were six-eight children in a family. He had five children from his first wife, among them my mother.After mammy’s mother died, her father got married [for the second time], and he had more children, but those were all boys.

Mammy’s mother was a wonderful woman, I had a picture of her, and once we put it on the loft with its frame, it had an old-fashioned, oval frame, and somebody took it away. We didn’t have room for all the things when we moved here. Mammy’s parents weren’t alive yet when mammy got married.

Only her stepmother lived, she used to visit us, but she was also very religious. The boys were learning profession in Dicsoszentmarton [in Romanian: Tarnaveni], so the [step] grandmother moved to Dicsoszentmarton as well so that she didn’t live alone.

My mother had four full siblings: one girl and three boys. The eldest among the siblings was aunt Ida. Aunt Ida Klein established a family in Erzsebetvaros, a Saxon city [Editor’s note: in Romanian Dumbraveni, 19 km to the west from Segesvar]. Her husband’s family name was Izsak, but I don’t know his other name.

They were extremely wealthy people, because they were traders in leather, they had a leather store as well, they had a nice house, they were well off. In 1941 aunt Ida, her husband and their three children – Erno, Bela and Magda – were forced to move from Erzsebetvaros to Balazsfalva [Editor’s note: in Romanian: Blaj, 60 km to the north from Nagyszeben], when we were going as well to Gyulafehervar, but later they went back to Erzsebetvaros.

They survived World War Two. Aunt Ida and her husband had one more son, I don’t remember his name, but I know he lived in Marosvasarhely with his wife. His wife died during the war, because she was deported from Marosvasarhely. He did work service, he came home, but he was seriously ill, they took him to Segesvar to operate his lung.

He recovered, and wanted to go to Israel, but he got only to Rome, he died there of pneumonia. Imagine that Erno proposed to me! He’s my cousin, and he wanted so much that I became his wife. I didn’t marry him, I said I wouldn’t marry a close relative. My father didn’t want it, my mother did.

Dad said it wasn’t right, he was a much too close relative. Jewish religion doesn’t object to it, but perhaps it’s not good from the point of view of health. Because I would have been afraid of having a child, it’s not too good with a close relative. A long time ago a Hungarian boy was supposed to marry only a Hungarian girl.

A Jewish boy only a Jewish girl. Maybe that’s not too good either. Maybe the change of blood would do no harm. And one more thing about that family, they had to meet only that family, which belonged to the top society. I wasn’t raised like that, and it made me nervous. Later Erno got married to a girl from Medgyes, and they left for Israel, he had a poultry-farm and a vineyard.

When I was in Israel, I visited him with my sister, he told me: ‘However, I never loved so much anyone like you.’ Bela was a dentist, formerly one didn’t have to be a doctor to work within a mouth, he was a technician, but he prepared dentures, he did everything, he treated teeth – it was him who mistreated me.

Magda was a very beautiful, exquisite woman, a real beauty. She didn’t get married, because she wanted to marry a doctor or a lawyer, she didn’t take for a man anyone else. After the war [World War Two] Magda was helping her brother, and a lamp or something she was working with blew up, and she got burnt completely.

She became ugly, she lost so much weight that she weighted thirty kilos. They had a vaulted door, Saxons have such doors, and they never opened it again, nobody was allowed to enter the house. She lived with her mother and her brothers, but they didn’t let in anybody. It was a great tragedy.

Mammy was there, she visited her, and she said Magda was unrecognizable. Later she was in hospital, an American doctor saw her, and took her to America, put her in a hospital there, and they restored her to a certain extent, they put new skin. Magda stayed in America. But she never got married. She was a fashion designer, and she opened some kind of salon, that’s what I heard. She was in Israel for visiting only once, Erno said she had recovered, but one could not recognize her.

One of the boys from grandfather’s first marriage – I don’t remember what his name was – was director at a Romanian-French bank in Brasso after World War Two. He was a learned man, he left for Israel. He had a daughter, Marta, she got married in Israel. I know nothing more about him, because Erika [the daughter of Edit Grossmann] isn’t in contact with her, the family died out, there isn’t anyone I could ask. And mammy had two more brothers in America, I have no idea what their names were, they left at a young age.

The eldest son from grandfather’s second marriage was called Jeno Klein, he was a fitter master in the nitrogen factory in Dicsoszentmarton. Jeno was a very skilful man, he was well up in everything. When something, no matter what broke down in the factory, a machine or anything else, they gave a phone-call, sent a car, Jeno went there and repaired it. He died some fifteen years ago [in around 1990]. He had two daughters, they are still alive, Marta and Sasi, they are both learned girls. They live in Haifa, and they have very nice families.

Jakab Klein – we called him Jaki – lived in Kolozsvar, he was a mechanic in a factory. Jakab had five children, none of them returned from deportation, and finally this drew Jakab mad. He married a disreputable girl, she was his servant, and she ensnared poor Jakab; this woman had two children as well. Jaki lived in Paris street number 5, it was a nice apartment, that woman still lives there for sure. Jakab died in Kolozsvar on 2nd August 1980.

Geza Klein was a merchant, and Odon Klein was a very good joiner. These two boys spent a lot of time at our house, they even lived with us, [when they were young] they lived in Nagyenyed. After they got married, Geza went back to Dicsoszentmarton, and Odon moved to Kolozsvar. Geza committed suicide.

He had a serious brain-tumor, but he had headache so often that he couldn’t endure it, he took some pill, and the poor man died before World War Two. And Odon was operated, also due to a brain-tumor, and he died after ten days. He had a little daughter, who was deported from Kolozsvar together with her mother.

My mother’s name was Eszter Klein, she was born near Dicsoszentmarton, in Boldogfalva. They have very good grapes in Boldogfalva. She attended the school in Kukullovar [Editor’s note: in Romanian: Cetatea de balta, 3 km to the east from Boldogfalva]. I suppose she finished seven grades, this was the custom back then.

[Editor’s note: Eszter Klein was born in the 1890s. At that time in Hungary one had to finish the public school, which had six-grades.]

She came from a very religious family. When daddy came home from Russia, he married mammy. They moved to Nagyenyed, daddy opened a tailor’s workshop, and so we lived of tailoring. We weren’t wealthy people, we were poor. It’s not a shame. It’s not something to boast of, but one shouldn’t deny it either.

That was it. We didn’t have our own house, we rented an apartment with two rooms and a kitchen in Nagyenyed, in the yard of the bank. Mammy didn’t work, in those times women didn’t really work, but she helped in tailoring. But I say the proper place of a woman is next to her children. Because if not, a stranger is needed, right? Or if not, should the street raise her children?

We were only two children, me and my elder sister. My sister, Miriam Grosz was born in 1920. She attended the same school I did, primary in the Jewish school, then three more grades in the Romanian school. She was a much better student than me, she had brains. After she finished seven grades, she learnt hairdressing and manicure.

[Editor’s note: In Romania the elementary education was regulated by the law on public education of 1925. The law provided for the launching of grades 5-7 besides the existing four grades. Accordingly the elementary education was extended to 7 grades.]

I could arrange hair as well, I also had clients, they came to the workshop late in the evening, and I put up their hair. And we had clients we were going to in the evening, after we finished our work, she at the hairdresser’s salon, and me in the tailor’s workshop.

Oh, this is a tale, today if someone said such stories to somebody, that person would laugh. My sister bought curling-tongs, and we were heating up the iron above the Primus, and we put up the hair. Primus was a kerosene-fueled burner, but not that one used for lighting, but for cooking.

We couldn’t even exist without that Primus, we took it with us to Gyulafehervar as well. In the summer we cooked with the Primus. A tea, all kind of things. That Primus was a very good thing! Kerosene wasn’t a big deal. It had a hole, through which we poured the kerosene into the tank using a funnel, there was a screw, we tightened it. It had a rounded burner above the tank, where the flame would go around. It was red, almost every Primus was red.

  • Growing up

I was born in Nagyenyed, in 1922, Rajzele was my Jewish name. We were a religious, Orthodox [Jewish] family. My mammy was very religious, so was my father. My parents were very kind-hearted people, very straight, very honest, and that’s what they taught us as well.

There wasn’t such thing that honesty could be lacking. Dad always used to say that one had only one thing in life, their honesty. They brought us up to what Jewry meant, to marry no one else but a Jew. According to the old Jewish religion [that is to Orthodoxy], if a child married a non-Jewish, he or she died for the family, they wouldn’t talk to him or her.

And they performed the funeral as if they buried that person. For us the funeral is not like in Christian religion, where they prepare a festive dinner and I don’t know what. In our tradition they come home from the cemetery, and sit shiva for one week. And if someone gets married to a Christian, they sit shiva for one hour.

Today this doesn’t exist anymore. Today they don’t observe anything. Back then it was a serious matter. This was nonsense as well. These were the ancient dogmas, they were struggling to maintain the Jewry, when it went through so many things, this was the only possibility to preserve the Jewish people, the Jewish race, not to get in a mixed marriage.

Mom was very religious, extremely kosher, she was terribly kosher. Because back then everybody was kosher, to be honest. There weren’t Jewish families who didn’t keep a kosher household. First a family from Nagyenyed brought us the milk, I don’t remember their name. But mammy got angry with the family from Nagyenyed, because she noticed that they put meat in the milk-can.

And so mom said: ‘I’m sorry, I have told you that the milk is milk, the meat is meat. We don’t eat milk with meat.’ After that I was going for milk with my cousin, Erzsi [Grosz]. We had a pail made of tin, we went for milk with that. We carried the pail, a towel and a can with us. We even brought the water from home, we dragged the water in the can – not in the pail, but in the can we brought the milk in –, so that they washed the udder of the cow with that water.

What if there isn’t any well or I don’t know what. They milked the milk in the pail, after that we poured it into the can, that’s how we brought the milk. But we went to the village with Erzsi, I must have been ten or twelve years old, we were laughing so much, we had fun all the way, at least we didn’t have to do anything at home during that time.

We walked three kilometers to the village, I don’t know anymore which village it was, but we crossed the Maros river by the raft. Each day, for eight days. Then they [the villagers] brought us [the milk].

We observed every holiday, we didn’t skip any. On Friday evening two challos have to be put on the table, and covered with a cloth for challah. And the woman comes, she lights the candles. [Editor’s note: Sabbath begins with the lighting of candles on Friday evening; the candles have to be lit half-an-hour before sunset.]

My mother lit three candles. When men come out from the synagogue, they sit down to take dinner, and the father, the husband cuts the challah – they break it instead of cutting it.

[Editor’s note: The first sumptuous Sabbath meal begins after the ritual hand-wash, which is preceded by the Kiddush with the blessing recited over the two breads (challos) put on the table: the head of the family takes off the cloth, puts his hands over the breads, marks the challah which is closer to him with a knife, and says the blessing starting with ‘ha‑motzi lehem min ha‑aretz’ (‘who brings forth bread from the earth’). Then he proceeds to cut the bread at the marked point, dips it into the salt, eats from it, and gives to those sitting at the table.] And they recite a ‘brucha’ [berakhah], a blessing over the bread, they thank God for giving them bread.

Pesach was terrible! Pesach was very-very hard in those times, it meant a great circus. Everything had to be taken out from the house, the house had to be whitewashed, the pockets of clothes had to be turned out, everything had to be cleaned, absolutely everything.

When all the cleaning was done, mom gathered all the chametz – which wasn’t a Pesach food – and sold it. Not for money, this was just a symbol, she gave it as a gift for somebody in the neighborhood. Everything [chametz] left at home had to be given.

We had pasta, if some food was left, cakes, I don’t know what, we gave it. And we gave the house a good seep again, and so the chametz went out, there was no chametz left. What we swept and what we didn’t give away – pieces of bread, papers [which might have touched bread] –, we had to burn it.

We brought it out in the yard, and lit it, burnt it. The day before the last day we didn’t take lunch inside the house, because it was cleaned up, and we weren’t supposed to bring in something. We ate out, in the summer kitchen, no matter if it was cold or hot, there was a stove, and we made fire, we took lunch and dinner in the summer kitchen.

In our house there was a tub for water on a kitchen stool. We replaced each year the water tub, because in the meantime it got damaged. It couldn’t be scoured out, and we bought each year new tubs for cabbage, for water. But at Pesach we brought down from the loft the Pesach dishes, and the Pesach pail was put in the place of the water tub.

We had separate Pesach dishes, a separate pail, separate basket, separate everything, not the same we were using the whole year, God forbid! The Pesach pail was put on the same kitchen stool, but first we put hay on the stool, then plywood or a plank, then hay again, and we put the pail on it. God forbid so that it didn’t touch anything, which wasn’t kosher enough. Because maybe somebody used that plywood, and something touched it, bread or I don’t know what. One had to work so much!

They dug a large pit in the back of the garden – I don’t know why it had to be in the back of the garden –, they put there all the [everyday] dishes; those which were lacking from the Pesach dishes, mortars and things like that had to be koshered to make it usable at Pesach.

First we put soil on the dishes, then we carried out very hot stones – we always had to help –, we threw them there [in the pit]. The stones were left in the stove [in fire] until they got hot, when we took them out, they were burning, they were still red.

We had a pail, we brought them back with that, and we put in the stones [on the dishes covered with soil]. The pail full with water was already there (the Pesach pail was down already), we poured it above it, then covered it with soil – may it rest in peace.

And we left it there. It had to stay there like this for about ten days before Pesach, then we took out the dishes, but we had to scald them so many times, and there was such a great circus… And we always had to kosher the oven, the stove before Pesach. We cooked the food in advance, because we had to eat cold dishes from then on, we couldn’t cook or heat with that oven anymore.

Two days before Pesach we put on the plate of the oven, on the iron a lot of sandy pebbles. We lit the fire, and we took out some coal and placed on it [on the pebbles]. And the fire was burning, and the pebbles were getting hot. And we kept on putting coal, I don’t know how many times we did so, until the oven burnt out.

We were feeding the fire all day. It got cold during the night, in the morning mammy took it [the coaly, sandy pebbles from the oven’s plate] in a pail, threw it, and cleaned the oven. We washed it, treated it with iron-dust. I also did this a few times here, in Des, but then I stopped.

At Christmas we did the last cramming, we cut down the goose, and prepared the kosher fat for Pesach. Because there wasn’t any kosher oil –we didn’t use oil anyway –, and we needed a lot of fat for Pesach. We brought everything used at Pesach from a Jewish store: Pesach wine, Pesach salt, everything was for Pesach.

We bought from there even the pepper. Because it was kosher, they took care that bread didn’t touch it. At Pesach we ate matzah, and we cooked according to the standard Jewish cuisine. We cooked meat-soup, and we put in the meat-soup kneydl, dumplings made of matzah meal, it is prepared with eggs, like the semolina dumplings, but instead of semolina we used matzah meal, and we put some pepper in.

Then we boiled it in the soup, slowly, it was boiling slowly, and it got swollen up. It’s so tasty, it’s very tasty. The roast is exclusively of poultry, we cut goose, we cut duck. For the meat we prepared farfel from matzah [meal], then we had ‘hremzli’ [latkes].

If you don’t know how to prepare it, I will teach you how to make latkes. Now, first you boil two or three potatoes. When it goes completely cold – if it isn’t cooled down, it will stick to the grater – you grate it. You boil it today, and you prepare it tomorrow let’s say.

You put the grated potatoes in a dish, you add three eggs to two potatoes if the potatoes are bigger, or two eggs – well, it depends how it sticks together, it has to be like the ground meat in the meatball –, you put pepper and salt by all means, and you mix it well.

You pour oil [in a frying-pan put on fire], you take some from this mass with a spoon, and put it in the hot oil. But first you dip the spoon in the hot oil, because this way the mass will come off the spoon easily. And it will swell up, it’s such a good meal, and you have a dinner. It is very good with spinach for example.

At Seder we ate it after the meat. A long time ago we cooked borsht soup as well for Pesach, but we didn’t eat it at Seder night. The borsht is very good for the lungs and for everything: the beet-root is soured, strained, and when it is boiling, you pour in many eggs, beat up eggs. It needs a little sugar, pepper, and we put cold potato slices into the hot soup [when serving it].

It is also a good meal. We sour the beet-root. It is a separate circus, the bottle must be very kosher. We had a jar for kosher beet-root. We had to keep water in it for I don’t know how many weeks, and we had to change it I don’t know how many times. But the water had to be boiled first in a kosher pot, then poured in. Can you image that?

We always prepared a cake as well. We didn’t have cake for the first [Seder] night, just for the second night and day. [Editor’s note: Seder night is the first night – in the Jewish Diaspora the first two nights – of Pesach.

The calendar days were calculated according to the appearance of the new moon. When the delegates of the beth din (the rabbinical court) of Jerusalem didn’t get in time to Jews living in Diaspora to let them know when the new moon would appear, it became a custom to celebrate during two days instead of one the holiday specified in the Torah. (Only Yom Kippur remained a one-day holiday due to the fast.)]

And at Pesach we cooked the cake of matzah meal. I still have matzah meal. In those times we didn’t have cookies for Pesach, today they prepare all kind of cookies for Pesach in Israel. Today people are modern; they make very soft flour of matzah meal, and cookies of matzah meal. They even have cream cakes.

We prepared cakes with nuts, mom always baked cake with nut, and a cream in it with coconut butter, it’s like margarine, but it’s made of coconut. Coconut butter. I never ate coconut butter since I left home. We always had coconut butter at home, mom always baked with that, I tell you why. Because we didn’t have margarine back then, and the coconut butter wasn’t milky, it didn’t contain meat either, but one could have eaten it after the meat and after milky dishes as well.

Formerly Seder night wasn’t the same as today, in the [ritual] canteen or at the synagogue. At that time everybody celebrated it at home. My grandmother always came to us for Pesach. And dad always invited a soldier from the synagogue to take dinner, because soldiers were permitted to go out.

He was sorry for them, because he was a soldier for such a long time, so he always invited a soldier. That’s what I remember from my childhood. And a bocher was with us at Seder night – we called him little bocher, because there were big bochers as well.

The bocher was something natural, he was familiar with us, he came as if he went home. That’s a student, bocher means student. There were many Jewish children from Maramarossziget, who attended the cheder in Nagyenyed. The parents were so poor, that they separated from them, they sent them to learn.

There was a room in the cheder where they lived, and families were appointed for them, where they were given meals. Once they ate here, then they ate there, they were given lunch – what people had, a soup, noodles, beans, pancakes –, they were given dinner, and they were given packages for breakfast too, bread with plum jam or something.

That’s why a bocher used to say he was eating only beans, because on Monday he went to a family, well the bocher is coming, so they cooked beans. On Tuesday he went somewhere else, and he was given beans again. On Saturday he went to a family, and he ate there cholent.

People gave him a pair of shoes sometimes, or clothes. There was almost always a bocher at us, he ate at us once in a week, and he always came on Sabbath. No matter how poor we were, we cooked so that bocher too would eat.

In our family at Seder night the table was laid properly, we put small plates for everybody, there were put the charoset and the matzah. Only the person who was leading the prayer [Editor’s note: That is the person who led the Seder night ritual] had a plate with potato, radish, and with parsley as well – because it’s a symbol of spring, and in fact Pesach is the celebration of spring as well –, and we put there a fried neck or something.

At Seder night dad put on a white robe [kittel] and cap, and read what one had to read at Pesach, the Haggadah in Hebrew, and he explained us everything, that why we were eating the radish… Because a child, the eldest child

[Editor’s note: Usually not the eldest, but the youngest child has to ask the four questions, or if there is a boy in the family, then he has to.] has to recite the ‘Manistanu’ [Mah Nishtanah]: 'Ma nistanu halajla hoaze…’ [Mah nishtanah hallayla hazze…], that why that night was not like the others, this night is different, and he asks why we are eating matzah, and why we are drinking wine. In our family the little bocher said the Mah Nishtanah.

The beginning of the ceremony was that they gave us matzah, they gave us potato, everything that had to be given, and we said a broche [blessing] over everything. We recited a broche over the matzah: ‘Majci ani lehunekum melahajrum, anser gil macesz’.

[Editor’s note: Presumably Edit Grossmann refers to the ha-motzi blessing, which is a generic blessing over the bread or grain products used in a meal, and also recited over the matzah.] We didn’t say ‘hurec’, because hurec is for bread, we said: matzah, we recited the blessing over the matzah instead of bread. First we ate the potatoes.

Boiled potatoes, it was cut, we dipped it in salty water, because it meant that they [Jews] crossed the salty sea. [Editor’s note: Others think that the salty water refers to the tears shed in captivity.] Then we had ‘hrajszesz’ [charoset]. Charoset means the result of the harvest: apple and nut and wine, we made a mixture of these. Charoset is very tasty, I like it a lot.

Then we had radish, and we drank wine, they poured a glass of wine for everybody. And praying, praying, and we were already so hungry that our eyes were popping out. And so we ate meat-soup, we had a roast with farfel, and after the meat we ate latkes. On the first night we didn’t eat cake, just on the second night. And we were praying during the meal too.

[It was also during the meal that] Dad recited a prayer, and poured a glass of wine for [Elijah] the Prophet – we called him: the angel. And dad said to one of the children: ‘Go and open the door!’ We opened the door... we were standing. And I was convinced that the angel came in.

One enters into the spirit of religion so intensely that we opened the door, and mammy said: ‘Can you see then that the wine stirred?’ ‘It stirred indeed, the angel came in.’ Like Christians in front of the Christmas tree, they also imagine that the angel is coming, isn’t it? [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann associates the angel with Elijah the Prophet.]

The matzah stolen of course, we were children. They hid the afikoman by the end of the ceremony already, and we tried to take it out. There were two pillows [put on daddy’s chair], he was sitting on them, [it was hid] between the pillows, and dad arranged it so that one of us could draw it out.

[Editor’s note: According to the Haggadah at Seder night one should lean on one side, and eat leaning the food put on the table. The Haggadah contains directions concerning this in the part beginning with ‘Mah nishtanah’.

The fourth question of Mah Nishtanah is: ‘Why is it that on all other nights we sit straight or leaning, but on this night we are all seated leaning?’ The origin of the custom of leaning is that according to the Roman tradition free citizens with full rights ate leaning on pillows. Jews gained their freedom at Pesach, when they were set free from the rule of the Egyptian Pharaoh.

Leaning on pillows represents the status of freedom. The participants have to lean on the same side, but according to other customs they lean on both sides; however there are no halakhic arguments for this.] It was always my sister who succeeded to do it, ’cause I was so clumsy.

However one of us stole it, then we got something, sweets, after Pesach mom bought us sweets. They were selling candies at Pesach too, Pesach candies, but it was very expensive, we didn’t eat. We stole the afikoman only the first night; there wasn’t any on the second night. And we put aside that matzah, there was a piece of matzah in the bedroom, on the top of the wardrobe. Nowadays they distribute the afikoman, but formerly we put it away. I don’t know why.

The Seder night lasted until eleven o’clock. We had dinner, then there were songs [psalms]. Children came from the neighborhood, and they were singing. And we were eating matzah, charoset, latkes. Mom prepared so much that everybody who came could eat.

Pesach was over, then Shavuot came. It was a simple holiday, it was only a two-days holiday. We had dinner, lunch, people went to the synagogue, Shavuot was a nice holiday. We got new clothes, a summer dress and sandals. It had to last.

At Sukkot we set up a booth, covered it with reed, and we put apples, nuts in golden paper, silver paper, and hung it up. We had dinner in the booth, and had lunch in the booth for eight days. We didn’t go [in the booth] for breakfast, because it was cold, we drank that cup of milk or coffee [in the kitchen].

At Chanukkah we only lit candles, we didn’t organize sumptuous dinners, no. Now they offer cookies in the synagogue, I don’t know what, back then we didn’t have this custom. But we lit candles every evening. And at Chanukkah we played the dreidel game.

The dreidel is so interesting. It was carved out by hand from wood, mainly bochers did it. It had four sides, and all kind of Jewish letters were written on them, alef, bet, gimel... [Editor’s note: The letters shin, hei, gimel and nun are written on the four sides of the dreidel], it had one leg, I think, or two legs, it had to be twisted, and it depended who got which letter.

I don’t remember which the winning number [letter] was, which one was good for winning. [Editor’s note: This game was played in many places; the meaning of the letters written on the sides of the spinning top was: put, take, nothing, all.

At the beginning of the game everybody was given the same amount of matchstick, maize grain etc., everybody proceeded at his turn according to on which side the spinning top fell. That child won, who at the end gathered all the matchsticks, maize grains etc.]

Purim was wonderful. Before that we were cracking nuts for a week, then baking started. Mammy baked three or four cakes. Cake with nuts, she prepared yellow cake by all means – that is normal sponge-cake, it’s just high –, she baked a cream-cake and a cake with honey.

We put some nuts in the cake with honey, I couldn’t prepare it anymore, it is also very good. And she prepared kindli, that’s the most important. The kindli is a cookie of definitely Jewish origin, an ancient Jewish cookie. The dough had to be rolled out, the dough needs some wine, a little honey, some fat, and it has to be rolled out to make it very thin.

One has to put a lot of nuts on it, a lot. The nut is ground, but not with the meat grinder, but with another, so that it becomes massy, fatty. Well, if not, then they press it with the rolling-pin, after they grind it. It has to be heavy. And it requires a lot of raisin, spices and honey and granulated sugar. A lot. And it has to be squirted with honey.

Well, and they roll it on, it’s like the beigli, and they smear it with honey. We made five or six sheets, mammy baked the kindli in two turns with the baking tin. It is a very hard cookie. We strictly had this for Purim, and there was one more, I don’t know yet how that was called, it also has a Jewish name, and it also consists of sheets, like the cream cake, and it also needs nut.

[Editor’s note: This must be the flodni or fluden, which is made of the same sort of dough like the kindli, but they put a filling of nuts, poppy-seed, apples and plum jam between the layers. In Hungary it was a specific Purim cake.] And we made macaroons [Hungarian honey cake], a lot of macaroons, and we baked ‘humentas’ [hamantaschen] as well – well everybody baked it according to her own recipe.

[Editor’s note: The hamantasch is a baked cookie made of leavened dough; they cut it in a square form, then turn it up and fill it with plum jam or sugared poppy-seeds.]

Mom was baking for four days. A large table was full with cookies. And we brought each other cookies. We put on a bigger plate yellow cake, because it looked very nice, we put kindli and everything. We brought it to the neighbors, to this and that, and ‘sleche munes’ [slachmonesz or mishloach manot, sending of portions], that’s how we called it, some sort of gift exchange.

In the evening men went to the synagogue, read the story of Esther, because Purim is the story of Esther. When they came home, we had a great dinner: stuffed turkey neck, or if we didn’t have turkey, then stuffed duck neck, roast, stuffed cabbage [Editor’s note: Of course the stuffing wasn’t made of pork, but of beef.] and cookies.

And we had a big challah. Not sweet, it was like bread, but it was breaded. At Purim they made rounded breads too, and put poppy-seeds on the top. These former holidays were really beautiful holidays. And children dressed up [in masquerades], and they went to people to give them money, gelt.

They came and sing, we had prepared one lei, two lei. Mom didn’t let us go out. We went to my cousin [to Gyula Grosz’s family], she let us go there, but nowhere else. We didn’t even dress up.

There was an ordinary shochet in Nagyenyed, and there was a slaughterhouse. There was a mikveh, we went there to bath, in those times there wasn’t bathroom at home, we went to bath in the mikveh. Otherwise we bathed at home in the washbasin. We had a big-big basin, a big pail, that was the fashion then.

We warmed up the water in the wash-pot, we poured it in the basin, and we set in it. In the mikveh the water had to be running water, not standing water or water from the tap. It came from the river, there was a boiler where they heated it, and brought that [through a conduit] into the mikveh.

There was a woman called Mrs. Kiss, she was selling the tickets, we paid to her for the mikveh, and she surely cleaned up, and there was a mechanic who handled the boiler. There wasn’t a separate mikveh for men, they just went there at a different time, and in the meantime the water was let out, they poured fresh water, the mechanic was changing the water.

There were about three bathtubs – I don’t remember anymore whether these were ordinary bathtubs or wooden tubs, but I think they were wooden tubs –, but mom didn’t like tubs, she rather took us down to the mikveh, we took a bath there, we washed ourselves with soap.

Then they let out the water, because they changed the water continuously. It wasn’t too large, but its diameter was more than two meters, there was room for the three of us, me, mom and my sister. It was rounded, we went down some stone stairs, and it had an iron edge we gripped.

The water came up to the waist or chest. But it was such a great event for me, I was so happy when we were going to the mikveh. It was such a great splash, I liked it so much! We lived in poverty; I didn’t know then what a bathroom was. Women had to go once in a month, after the menses, because a woman can sleep with a man provided that she passed through the mikveh.

But mom was going, they were frequenting the mikveh very regularly in those times, it was something normal. And when mammy was going, she took me and my sister too. I was the happiest. Married women had to undergo a certain ritual, they had to do this in the mikveh, and religious men too.

Religious men, who were engaged only in religion, went to the mikveh every morning, and they had to immerse three times. The rabbi too, before praying, he enters the mikveh three times. Before getting married, a girl has to go to the mikveh, otherwise they won’t issue the marriage certificate, and one can’t get married without that.

At the time [before my wedding] I strictly had to go to the mikveh too, though we already had an apartment with bathroom. [Editor’s note: Of course the essence of going to the mikveh is not the hygienic, but the ritual cleanness. The hygienic washing has to precede the ritual purification, but the former can’t substitute the latter. The ritual cleanliness can be obtained only where ‘natural’ waters meet.]

I went there, I set in the mikveh, I washed, I didn’t immerse, but when I came out, there was a woman, who had to comb me – I brought a comb –, she poured some water above my head, and she said something [a prayer].

Then I was in the mikveh here, in Des, because the husband of a girlfriend – she was called Fani Izsak – was the mechanic there, and she kept on inviting me: ‘Come, let’s go to the mikveh a little, you don’t have to pay anything.’ So we went there with the children.

Here in Des there was a large mikveh, there was a separate one for men, and one for women. Where the community’s office is, the mikveh was there [opposite to the synagogue]. Where they are selling bread today, that was the mikveh. But it was very nice, the cabins were made of timber, there were separate bathtubs [in each cabin], and there was a bench, a coat-rack, one could hang on their clothes, and the hot water was flowing, and one could take a good bath.

It was called the Jewish bath, Christians attended it too, everybody who didn’t have a bathroom bathed there. That was the bath. So that’s how it was back then. And it was very cheap. It was a smart thing, the mikveh, because people didn’t have the possibility to bath, and it maintained washing.

It is also a hygienic religious commandment. Because in fact the entire Jewish religion is based on hygiene. Alike kashrut is also a good thing. Later, when Jews left [emigrated from Des], the mikveh was closed. Approximately between 1960 and 1970 most of the Jews left 2.

So they closed it, because it had no reason to maintain it. But these smarty pants [the community leaders] sold it, they shouldn’t have sold the Jewish bath. The community sold everything; it doesn’t have any possessions yet, only the synagogue, the office and that yard, the rest is not ours anymore. Though it was such a large property…

I attended the Jewish school for four years, we had an ordinary Jewish [primary] school at the time, then I attended the Romanian school for three more years, but I learnt in Romanian [from beginning to end]. [Editor’s note: Starting from 1921 the Romanian educational laws prescribed that the teaching language of Israelite schools was Hebrew or Romanian.]

We had a Jewish school of four grades in the yard of the synagogue. We had a Romanian teacher – he wasn’t Jewish –, Crisan, he was teaching all the grades, four grades were together, boys, girls together. Sometimes we went to school in the morning, sometimes in the afternoon, it depended on what the teacher said. We didn’t learn much, if I think it over.

There was a very wealthy girl, she was a very good student. I don’t know if it was so because she was rich, or she was rich because they had brains. Perhaps she had her own teacher. She knew everything, absolutely everything.

We were learning limping, we didn’t learn too much. We had geography, we had history, mathematics, grammar. And nothing else. We didn’t have ‘limba romana’ [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann says ‘limba romana’, meaning ‘Romanian language’, but she means literature.], only ‘gramatica’ [grammar]. But we learnt poems, they were in the book, we learnt poems, they still come to my mind often.

I attended the Jewish cheder as well from the age of seven. I forgot everything. I could read [Hebrew] well, and now I can’t. First a bocher was coming to our house. Well, he came to us regularly, dad was paying him. In those days there were a lot of poor Jews, and the bochers were given meals.

One came to us every Wednesday, he took lunch at our house, and mom gave him something for dinner and breakfast. They were teaching Hebrew alphabet and reading, nothing else. Then we were going to the cheder, to the ‘malamed’ [melamed]. That’s how they called the teacher, melamed, that was the Jewish teacher.

He was a nice old fellow, we went there separately, girls and boys. But he didn’t bother too much with girls, he taught girls only reading, they said ‘ivre’ [Ivrit]. We went to the cheder mainly during vacations, we went there three times in a week, but we were paying, the melamed had to be paid. We were sitting there and spending time, we set there the whole morning.

The melamed was speaking Yiddish, Hungarian, Romanian, but when he was sending us out, he said: ‘Gaje rajn!’, ‘Go out!’. Or ‘Gaje hajm!’, ‘Go home!’ During school year, when we left school, we had to go to the cheder a little, for about half-an-hour, to recite, to read a part from the book, to learn the letters.

The cheder was installed in the entrance hall of the synagogue, there were long tables and benches. Here in Des there was a separate cheder, a big cheder, not like in Nagyenyed.

I learnt tailoring, because daddy was a tailor too. We had a workshop, and dad said: ‘Why should you go somewhere else to learn, you will work here and you’ll get to know.’ And indeed, I learnt well tailoring. It’s not an easy craft, back then we worked with so heavy irons, an iron weighted ten kilos, it was made of pure cast-iron. That iron was very interesting.

We had an iron stove, we filled it with coal, and when the coal caught fire, we put in two or three irons. We had a long iron holder, we used that to take out the hot irons, we put on some four handles, and we scraped them off on the floor to make it clean. And we ironed with that.

Well, now I can feel my hands. And I worked there day and night. We had a workshop in Nagyenyed. And we earned our living quite well, so we didn’t make a fortune, but we made our living of that workshop. We had apprentices, we had work. [It was the apprentice’s task] to sweep out the workshop, to clean the machine, to bring coal, to take out the garbage, to bring home the clothes. And to learn the trade.

We always had two or three apprentices. They were Hungarian and Romanian boys: Gyuri, Dezso, Peter – the latter was Romanian, Petru, he was from Mokania. [Editor’s note: ‘Mokan’ – this word was used also for a mountain shepherd or for a Romanian from Transylvania.] Tailoring is very hard, I was the only girl apprentice.

We had a big Singer sewing machine in the workshop, and we had one more machine, but it wasn’t so good. And there were two tables for ironing, but they were so big, that one could open them, and the apprentice was sleeping there. It was like a big-big case. It still must be in Nagyenyed, I left it there. I slept in that table too for a long time.

Oh, one could sleep so well in that table! A straw mattress was put in it. When Russians came [during World War Two], I slept there. But I was sleeping there other times too, only in winter, because we didn’t have enough wood, and we heated only one room, my parents were sleeping in the two beds, and I was sleeping in the workshop, in that table. Because the workshop had to be heated anyway, we were working there.

I had suitors, but not so many, I didn’t have time for that. Formerly the custom was that they took us home, and we invited them in, they came in, they stayed until eight or nine in the evening, they knew they had to go home at that time. We didn’t have coffee, we offered them pastry and tea.

The Jewish young people of Nagyenyed too organized tea-parties. It was very nice, we danced a little with a phonograph, we danced tango. I was member to the Trumpledor [also called Betar] 3, this was a rightist Zionist organization. We came together, we learnt Hebrew songs, dances.

There was an esplanade too, but it wasn’t like in Maramarossziget. People used to say that the Jewish esplanade was in Maramarossziget. On Saturdays only Jews were promenading, there were so many Jews in Maramarossziget. But not in our town, we all were promenading.

But you shouldn’t think the promenade lasted for long! I was walking only on Sundays, because I was working. But on Sundays I went to walk as well. We started to promenade at five in the after-noon, on the main square, from one corner to the other, then we crossed to that side where the EMKE café was, and we went round like this.

This was the esplanade. Everybody dressed up nicely, we looked very nice. The fashion was very nice back then, we wore suits and coats fitted to the waist, I had such a coat too, it was black-grey, its pockets stuck out and it had a little black fur collar. It looked nice.

There were very beautiful Jewish girls in Nagyenyed, especially nice ones, but there was a Hungarian girl, Ildiko Ungvari, she was so beautiful that everybody stopped and looked at her. I can still picture her. She was rich too, and she was elegant. She was so beautiful! I don’t know what became of her. And rich and poor people didn’t walk separately. Everybody was promenading, there was no exception, with their suitor or friends.

I was promenading with a Hungarian boy a lot of time, with Gyula Kiraly, he was my suitor for a while. He visited us as well, we had a very good relationship with his entire family too, with his parents as well. Then, when the handing over occurred [the Second Vienna Dictate] 4, he came over here, in Hungary [Northern Transylvania], I think he went to Zilah.

He escaped, to be more precisely. He was even imprisoned, but he escaped again, he succeeded in it, and passed over. There he met a girl from Marosujvar [in Romanian: Ocna Mures], she also passed over, and he got married. However the family wouldn’t have agreed by any means that I married him. Such thing didn’t exist.

There weren’t mixed marriages at all in those days. A Jewish girl didn’t marry a Christian. Her husband could have been old, or like this or that, but the man must have been Jewish. After the war this changed, it occurred that Jewish boys married Christian girls.

  • During the war

Before the war started, and before they took us to Gyulafehervar, we had a proper little workshop in Nagyenyed. There was a hotel and a restaurant next to our workshop, and in 1940, when the Germans came in, they were lodged there. And there was a German soldier among them, who was a tailor – Oh, may God preserve him in good health, if he still is alive.

He was from Hamburg. He was such a good boy! He was very handsome, a nice, tall, brown man. He used to come to our workshop to work. Dad spoke German well. We didn’t trumpet abroad that we were Jews, but he must have known it. I think he might have known we were Jews, because the shochet used to come to our workshop, and the shochet wore a caftan, he had payes too.

He could see this. But he never spoke ill. He was such an honest German, a tailor. I could understand quite well what the German was saying. He didn’t really like the army, as far as I noticed, he felt very good when he came to our workshop, he felt at ease. He was happy there. He was in the workshop in the morning already.

At noon he left to take lunch, then he brought in something to repair or I don’t know what, he finished that, but when he had nothing to do, he asked dad work, and he helped us in tailoring. He ironed the clothes. He was ironing the whole day. He was a very-very upright person. We were very attached to him.

He was at us for about four weeks, he came in daily. And he brought fat in a pot for the apprentices in the workshop, they were very lucky, they ate bread with fat all the time. He brought some sugar, he brought buttons, he brought what he could.

But he brought us boots, a pair of boots, a sole, I don’t know what else, and we had to give, to surrender these as Jews to the Romanian state, boots, sole, I don’t know what, and the German brought us all these. And at night, when dad was going home, he always put something under dad’s arm-hole.

We helped him too: we bought him what he needed, he prepared the package he was sending to his wife at us. Dad bought in his place – he didn’t want to –, as if dad needed it, two fox collars, and we [girls] bought him three pairs of silk stockings to his wife, and I don’t know what else.

And we prepared the package in the workshop, in the evening, and we post it under dad’s name. I suppose he wasn’t allowed [to send packages], because he asked dad to send it. That boy was a good person, a real human. I always remember him, that there were honest Germans too, one couldn’t lump together everybody. German, that doesn’t mean that each of them is anti-Semite, and they all want to kill the Jew.

We were very sorry when he left. When he left, we got scared. One day some five officers entered. Dad said softly: ‘Now they are going to take us away, it’s all over.’ He tells me: ‘Edit, you should go out.’ I didn’t go out.

One of the German officers says to me [looking at me]: ‘Dein Tochter?’ Is this your daughter? Dad says, yes. He replies: ‘You have a nice daughter.’ I was sixteen or seventeen years old [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann was born in 1922], of course a girl is lovely at the age of seventeen. 

‘What will happen now?’ – dad whispered to the boys. Only I and dad were Jews. The others [the apprentices] were Christians, Hungarians, Romanians. Gyula, one of the aids says: ‘Don’t worry, Mister Grosz, it will turn out all right.’

The German officer takes out a notebook, and asks dad: ‘How much do I pay? I want to pay you for the Schneider, the tailor was here and occupied your workshop.’ Dad says: ‘I don’t need any money.’ The German officer says: ‘This can’t be, I must write here that I paid you.’

And he gave some money for the rent, for the Schneider took up a part of the workshop, and worked for the army. Well, and he paid us. When he left, we thought we would collapse of fear. Because dad was so scared, he was deadly pale

We were afraid, of course we were, because we already knew [what was going on]. For example once a big German company [of officers] came in our workshop, I don’t what they needed, one wanted his coat to be ironed, the other wanted a button sewed on, and the name-board was put out, [with the name] Grosz, they thought we were Germans.

And one of them said that he had come from Warsaw, and there, in Warsaw Jews were so dirty, and they were in ghettos, and he showed hundreds of pictures to dad. Of course dad was afraid, because he said: ‘God forbid the same happening to us.’

We were afraid, and many offences were committed. In Nagyenyed too there were legionaries 5, they had dark-green shirts and black trousers. They had a headquarters – they called it ‘szediu’ [‘sediu’ – headquarters in Romanian] –, and they were going on the streets singing each day, they were marching, singing these Romanian songs.

What was it… ‘nici o palma [de pamant] romaneasca nu se da inapoi...’ [‘we won’t give back not even a patch of Romanian land’], they were singing such songs. They didn’t hurt us, we even had legionary client. We had a small axe, since we had wood-fired heating then, poor dad always put the axe to the entrance, he said: ‘If somebody wants to come in, I will hit him with the axe.’

Mammy always used to tell me: ‘Edit, put aside the axe so that your father doesn’t notice.’ I say: ‘I won’t. Leave it there! If somebody comes in, let him slap that person.’ Yet nobody ever entered our house. But for example they took the rabbi into the forest, and beat him awfully.

Though he was a very poor, honest man. It was winter, it was snow, and a Romanian man came to collect wood, saw him lying in the snow, put him on the cart, and brought him home. He knew him. There were very rich Jews as well in Nagyenyed, not everybody was poor.

There was Berkovits, then Benyovits, they were merchants, and they had vineyards, they had woods, they were wealthy. The legionaries pushed in the behind of Benyovits an inflator, and they pumped him up with that, so he died soon after. And they beat Berkovits so hard that he died too.

They beat my uncle, Gyula Grosz too, because he talked very much, he upbraided the legionaries, he was arguing with them, and they took him away, and beat him hollow with a nightstick. In Balazsfalva people, Jews were thrown out the windows. There some Orthodox priests were big legionaries. There was a huge legionary nest in Balazsfalva. In Nagyenyed too.

And so help me God I’m telling the truth, the sons of honest people became legionaries. With who we were in good terms, there weren’t any problems before the war. There was no such thing that you are Jewish, and you are Hungarian. Particularly in Nagyenyed, Hungarians had such a good relationship with Romanians, with Jews, as if they were brothers.

There wasn’t anything ever, we were on good terms. And this war came, this Hitler story, and drew the whole world crazy. And the dogma of a person like Hitler comes, and fills people with evil. He built it in their heads indeed. Because there were such people really, one couldn’t even believe that they could hate Jews.

Previously we were great friends, and one day anti-Semitism comes. And we had to go through this. There was a very honest Romanian family in Nagyenyed, I don’t remember their name. All the boys became legionaries. But everybody was so astonished that why they became legionaries, they had frequented Jewish societies, they had courted Jewish girls before. Nobody would have thought that they would become legionaries.

In those times [when Northern-Transylvania got under the rule of Hungary] 4 there was a mass migration. The Romanians came here from Kolozsvar, from the occupied territories [Editor’s note: to Romania; the Second Vienna Dictate didn’t refer to Nagyenyed situated in South-Transylvania], and Hungarians went from here to Hungary [Northern-Transylvania] 6.

The great legionaries derived from Romanians, the arrow-cross men from Hungarians. The youth inhaled this hate emanated by Hitler, it is an extremely week organ, not everybody can resist the evil. And so many became legionaries, and so many became arrow-cross men in Hungary.

One day they took daddy – I was eighteen years old – to Fehervolgy [Editor’s note: in Romanian Albac, 105 km to the west from Torda] to cut trees, he was there for eight months. So it was me who worked in the workshop, I was struggling to support the family, to pay the taxes etc. So I had my own big problems, big difficulties, and I worked a lot.

Then daddy came home, he came home ill, they let him go home [because he fell sick]. He came home in 1941, just one week before the Russian-German war started [Editor’s note: on 22nd June 1941 Germany attacked the Soviet Union].

Then they moved us to Gyulafehervar [29 km far from Nagyenyed]. First people from Marosujvar [the Jewish families living in Marosujvar] arrived in Nagyenyed, they arrived on a Monday, and they stayed for one week in Nagyenyed. When in 1941 the Jews from Marosujvar came to Nagyenyed, it was so interesting, that a widow came to us as well with her three daughters, I don’t know what their name was, I didn’t know them before.

They arrived on a Thursday, they installed themselves in our house on a Friday, and this Hersi Jakabovits came to visit them. He saw my sister, and fell in love with her at once. And in 1943 the wedding took place.

Then in June 1941 we all had to go from Nagyenyed to Gyulafehervar, people from Marosujvar, from Tovis and Nagyenyed too at a quick pace 7. We went there freely [unescorted], but we had to leave the town in two days. The Militia-man came to each Jewish house, and told that starting from this and this time we would be forbidden to be in the town, and we had to go to Gyulafehervar.

It was a difficult situation, it was just me who didn’t take it to heart, because I was young, I couldn’t comprehend [what was going on]. The elderly people lived it through differently, but the young… we’ll manage it somehow. We hired a cart, and we left by a horsed carriage.

We brought with us a bed, the eiderdown, the pillows, the blankets, the carpets, what went into the carriage, not so many things. We went together with my grandmother, Babi and with Zali, we hired one carriage for us, and one for them. But we didn’t stay together in Gyulafehervar, because we didn’t find accommodation.

They [grandmother and Zali] lived on a loft. But I went ahead with my sister, we found a car. There was a cheder in the yard of the Jewish school in Gyulafehervar, and we were sleeping there, the entire family for one week. But it’s interesting that the German soldiers were there too, in the same yard, they had their lodgings there.

In Gyulafehervar there was a large Jewish school, and a part of it was reserved, the German soldiers were lodged there. Mammy was very much afraid: ‘Don’t go out! You mustn’t go out!’ But we went out, we came back, they didn’t say a word. They didn’t speak to us at all.

They didn’t do any harm ever. Germans didn’t do anything wrong to Jews in Romania. Whoever says Germans behaved badly with Jews in Romania, that person is lying. Once a German was running after me, I was returning from the workshop late, and he was taken with me. I ran down straightly to the cave, and I locked the door. I got so scared of him.

In Gyulafehervar there wasn’t any ghetto, we lived in the town, but we weren’t allowed to leave Gyulafehervar. Everybody got installed where they could, at Jewish families, not at Christians. But finding a place was very difficult; there weren’t as many accommodation possibilities as many Jews arrived.

We weren’t lucky, and we got only a bathroom, we put in the bed, mom and dad slept in the bed, we, me and my sister on the floor. But we were sleeping so badly, then winter came, and it was very bad, we didn’t have any heating. And later we rented from somebody a little room-and-kitchen with great difficulty.

Dad was sewing for somebody, and he had some sort of hall, and we made there a very small room and one more room for kitchen, and we moved there. My sister worked too, she was doing manicure, and I was working throughout, so we supported our parents.

At the beginning I went here and there to work, where I found work. There wasn’t any tailor’s workshop, it was summer, it wasn’t season, but I worked at a Swabian, he was called Rehan, he was a very upright person, he had a tailor’s workshop.

It was forbidden to go out in the street after eight in the evening, and people could go to the market in the morning only after ten. It was forbidden to go out until ten in the morning and after eight in the evening. In Gyulafehervar the mayor was very decent, if he saw somebody, he didn’t care.

And there was a shop, which gave bread to the Jewry, he [the mayor] told [the baker] to give Jews meal and bread. There wasn’t enough bread during the war, people suffered the most from the lack of bread. There wasn’t sugar at all. I worked at Rehan, his workshop was in a Catholic school. And once a Catholic bishop came in.

In Gyulafehervar Catholics behaved very nicely with Jews. They were so straight, that in summer they gave the catholic school to the Jewry, they could sleep there, and there was a place where they could cook, with the Primus of course. And the bishop came in, and said to Rehan, to my master: ‘Who’s this little girl?’ I was young. ‘A little Jewish girl – he says – from Nagyenyed, and she’s working at my place, she learnt tailoring, but she’s good.

She can make trousers, she can make everything.’ Some nuns were escorting the bishop, he made a sign to one of the nuns, and she brought me a little pot with sugar. I went home, where we stayed, I was running: ‘Mom, look what I got!’ We didn’t have any sugar, one couldn’t even see sugar! There was a candy store, well sometimes we entered the store, but sugar at home…

Mom says: ‘Edit, did you kiss the bishop’s hand?’ I said no. ‘You should have kissed it – she told me –, that’s the custom.’ [Editor’s note: At that time Aron Marton was the Catholic bishop in Gyulafehervar.] I didn’t know this. So we had something to put next to the tea in the morning. We drank tea without sugar before.

Mammy procured sugar-beet, she boiled it, and we put that. Can you see now what war is like? But we strictly observed religion. There was a shochet, everything. In Gyulafehervar they made a kosher hash-house, one could go there with the bowl, they gave noodles with cabbage, bean-soup. But dad didn’t let mom go. He said, we won’t get there, to go with the bowl or pot, like a beggar. As far as we can buy and make for ourselves, he said, we have to support ourselves.

In Gyulafehervar we had to wear yellow stars 8. I didn’t make one as I should have to [in a star’s shape]. Some did, some just stuck on a yellow rag or ribbon. When we came back to Nagyenyed, we kept on putting it on, we didn’t take it down from every coat, sometimes we put it on, sometimes we didn’t.

We came home in Nagyenyed on 7th or 17th January 1942. I came ahead with my uncle [Gyula Grosz] to find an apartment. My uncle found a small room for my grandmother somewhere very far and a small room for himself. First they lived together, then he moved alone.

I quarreled, I fought so much [with the owners], until I got back [also for a rent] a room where we lived, in the yard of the bank. Because in fact we left there all our things: there was the bedroom, there were two armchairs, there was a kitchen cupboard, a whatnot, where the dishes for milk and for meat had stood separately. We didn’t find anything there when we came back.

In Nagyenyed it was very difficult to buy bread. They gave ten decagrams to a Jew. But there was a man called Onak, well he gave some bread sometimes in secret. He bribed the policeman – as there was always a policeman –, he gave him to drink, because he had a bodega too, and he gave bread to Jews.

He was very-very nice. But in Nagyenyed either we couldn’t go out after seven or eight. We did, but stealthily. I always worked in the workshop until twelve in the evening, and I went home. Poor mammy, she always hid [somewhere in the house]. And the headquarters of the legionaries was right in the yard of the workshop where I worked. And I was such a brave girl, I wasn’t afraid, somehow I just couldn’t believe there was so much evil in people, I couldn’t imagine this.

Then the legionaries were down on their luck. They were in danger yet, they wanted to take over the power in Romania, but then they were caught and put in prison. The legionaries sat in prison until the end of the war.

[Editor’s note: The Iron Guard was the para-military terror organization of the legionaries. The Iron Guard was an extreme-rightist political organization between 1930 and 1941, which propagated nationalist, mystical and anti-Semite ideas; many acts of terror and political murders were due to it, respectively many anti-Semite actions.

Though it was banned several times during the 1930s, in 1940 it participated at the forming of the government, since Ion Antonescu, assigned by the king as Prime Minister with full powers formed the government with the Iron Guard.

However the two periods – the one determined by the Iron Guard and the Antonescu-regime – overlapped only between 1940 and 1941, since Antonescu dissolved definitively the party following the unsuccessful attempted coup organized by the Iron Guard in 1941.

The Antonescu-regime lasted until August 1944, when Romania changed sides. The notorious anti-Jewish pogroms and deportations, still handled as taboos by the Romanian historiography, are linked to this period, to the name of Antonescu.]

And the communists too [were in prison]. There is a huge prison in Nagyenyed, a lot of legionaries were there, and they were beaten so hard, that they were shouting so loud, the whole town could hear their howling. And after this, when the war was over, the communists put the rich in prison, they were beaten too. Well... that’s how it always goes. First the legionaries and the communists got beaten, then communists were beating capitalists.

In 1943 my sister got married – since she got married during the war, dad was very annoyed with her. There were a lot of quarrels, dad didn’t quite support her getting married, he said that during war one shouldn’t get married. Mom said: ‘Let it be, if she wants to, let her get married.’ It was a love match.

The husband of my sister was from Marosujvar [Editor’s note: Marosujvar, in Romanian Ocna Mures lays 24 km far from Torda to the south]. His parents had a bakery in Marosujvar – those days it was called Uioara –, they baked challah on Fridays – on Friday we, Jews bake the braided bread for Sabbath, we call it ‘kajlics’ [Editor’s note: the local name for challah].

They baked cakes, if there was an anniversary, but they baked cakes in such huge baking dishes, I have never seen so big cakes, made of some thirty eggs. They were very skilful people. And in Marosujvar Jews were very religious. For example when my sister’s wedding was, her father-in-law came to us.

We had to pour water over his hands before he entered the house. And the cup’s enamel was damaged a little. He didn’t want to use that cup. Where could we find another cup, which is suitable for fast, of course? For Jewry there are: for milk, for meat and for fast.

We call those for fast pareve. Which one goes into the water, that’s for fast. That had to be extremely suitable for fast. Finally mom sent me on the loft to bring down from the Pesach dishes I don’t know which cup, because it was new. For example fruits aren’t milky, and aren’t meaty either.

But according to the Jewish religion potatoes can be boiled neither in the milky bowl, nor in the fatty dish, it requires a bowl for fast, if they want to eat of it. Eggs are a different story. One can not know whether it’s milky, meaty, or needs pots for fast.

[Editor’s note: The rabbinic tradition considers it to be pareve. Pareve foods are: fish, eggs and vegetables. These can be consumed together with meat and also with milky dishes, with the exception of fish, because eating fish with meat is considered to be unhealthy.]

We had a crock bowl – we called it the bowl for eggs –, and we boiled eggs with that. But once we broke the egg, it could have been used in any kind of dish, for meat, for milk, for everything. But the egg-shell must have not been put in [only in the pot for eggs]. These are ancient things, very-very ancient things.

At the wedding the bride was in a separate house, in her mother’s house. In another house – Jews always preferred to live close to each other – there was the groom, and they prayed there. After that the father-in-law came, the family brought out the veiled bride in the yard, there they delivered her to the groom, then they went to the chupa.

The chupa was set up strictly in the yard. Today the chupa too is inside, in the house, in the restaurant, where they celebrate the wedding, but formerly it was different.

[Editor’s note: In ultra-Orthodox, Ashkenazi communities the chupa is set up in the open air, because the stars are the symbols of fertility. Many Orthodox Jews objected to setting up the chupa inside the synagogue, because they considered it to be the imitation of weddings kept in churches.]

It was nice. The rabbi from Marosujvar conducted the service. The groom’s family was so religious, that the rabbi from Nagyenyed wasn’t competent enough for them, and they brought the rabbi from Marosujvar. And when the ceremony was over, the groom broke the glass: he threw it down and trampled on it, they said ‘Mazel tov’, and there were about three Gypsies, they begun to play.

And we had dinner, and that was it. At that time they ate golden soup [meat-soup], that’s how they called it, it was very fatty, today it’s good for cholesterol. Usually people danced at weddings, on Jewish music, Hungarian music, it depended what kind of music one had on their wedding.

We didn’t dance at all at my sister’s wedding, there was no dancing. It was impossible to dance, war was going on. Usually Jews from Marosujvar didn’t dance, because they were very religious, they didn’t dance anything else but those ancient Jewish dances, with handkerchief.

[Editor’s note: In traditional Orthodox communities a wedding represented a rare occasion when one was allowed to dance. Of course women and men danced separately. They also had the custom of dancing with the bride, but the tradition prohibited that a man and a woman touched each other directly while dancing, thus the dancers were holding the two points of a handkerchief while dancing.]

I wasn’t there, but I saw it once, I was at a wedding, and I saw this. Hasidim do dance, but they mustn’t dance with girls. They are holding the handkerchief, they dance like that. But here in Nagyenyed it was not a custom, Nagyenyed wasn’t a much too religious town, like Des for example, or like Marosujvar.

In Nagyenyed we danced like others, a tango, because tango was fashionable then, they invited a Gypsy band, the bride or the groom hired them. But it was nice. These were old things, but nice things. Formerly it was nice, but it makes me laugh what it is today.

My sister’s family lived in Marosujvar, they had their own apartment. My sister observed religion rigorously [after she got married], and she had a nice marriage. But her husband wasn’t at home, because he was doing work service in Kolozsbozs [Editor’s note: in Romanian Boju, 18 km to south-east from Kolozsvar]. Kolozsbozs belonged to Romania, the border was across Kolozsbozs, they were working there, they were building a tunnel for the railways.

At that time one couldn’t travel, in Romania they didn’t let Jews get up the train, the bus 7. We had an acquaintance, a Hungarian woman, she could travel, and she brought the packages for the Jews – there were boys from Nagyenyed too, who worked there –, we paid her travel costs, we gave her something, and she traveled there.

We prepared packages every week, and sent them. As much as we could. That’s how we sent daddy too the packages, while he had to work, we always sent him too some scones, this or that, what one could give them.

In 1943 daddy was taken to Szaszsebes, he had to go to the army as a tailor for more than one year. He took the [sewing] machine with him to Szaszsebes, and I had to borrow a machine so that I could work at home. In those days I was even called in to the army in Nagyenyed, I worked there too.

I had a great luck. A tailor from Tovis accepted to make the clothing of all the railway employees. It meant a lot of work. He knew I could make trousers very well, and he gave me the orders for trousers for the stationmasters and for the traffic manager. I worked in our workshop, and I went to the army as well.

My uncle and a girl worked in my workshop too. I came home at noon, I typed what I needed, and they worked further, they ironed, they drew out the trousers, we made very nice trousers.

It meant a struggle, because I had to go to the caserne at seven in the morning, I came home at noon, I took lunch, I typed a little, and back to the caserne until seven or eight in the evening, it depended when the master would let me go. But many tailors were gathered there in that caserne in Nagyenyed, tailors from the entire country.

We didn’t know anyhting in Romania about the deportation [in Hungary]. All we knew was that Jews were gathered in ghettos, in the brick factory in Kolozsvar. We knew that. But dad wouldn’t believe it. Because dad, since he was a soldier in the Hungarian army [in the time of the Monarchy], and he was from Hungary, he didn’t believe that such thing could happen.

He said this was impossible, Hungarian Jews always supported Hungary, they were like Hungarians. Dad didn’t believe it. That’s how he was. Very slowly, when they [the deported] came [after World War Two] and told us. Well they came to Nagyenyed too, they came to visit families, and they told how it had been, and what had happened, so we found out everything.

Dad says, so is it true that there were concentration camps, there were gas-chambers? That the Germans? Dad spoke German, in fact they spoke German in the Austro-Hungarian army 1, when daddy was a soldier. ‘Herr Offizer’ – that’s how he called the officers. And he got into a German hospital [during World War One], there he learnt German perfectly, and a German doctor saved his life.

In 1944 first the Hungarians came in to Marosludas, Marosujvar. And the entire family came to us from Marosujvar to Nagyenyed. The father-in-law, the mother-in-law of my sister, their daughter, Magda (the sister-in-law of my sister) came. And my sister and my brother-in-law came – he had returned from Kolozsbozs –, and they already had their son, Efraim. Frai, that’s how we called him.

Frai was little, three months old. And well, they were terribly religious people, we couldn’t receive them no matter how. They arrived on a Friday, we hardly had time to cook for Sabbath, because on Sabbath we don’t cook.

But thanks’ God, they didn’t come in to Nagyenyed, the Hungarian army got at a distance of six kilometers from Nagyenyed, because very soon after that the Russian came in, and repelled the Hungarian troops.

But life was very hard those days. The Hungarians were sweeping out Nagyenyed, they dropped bombs on it. Just a few, but they did. There was an aircraft, all the time wooooo… We all hid. We were in the cave, but I didn’t want to go down the cave, I didn’t like it. I, dad and my brother-in-law fled. People said Jewish men should leave, flee, because they would get killed.

And who knows what they would do to girls. My sister couldn’t come, because she had a little baby. And mammy was in poor health, they stayed there in Nagyenyed, in the cave. It was so stupid! It would have been them to get killed first.

My brother-in-law left with another company. I left just with daddy. I didn’t take any package with me, just a sandwich. I was so lucky, there was an officers’ car on the road, I went there, and I said [asked] if they didn’t pick me up until Tovis.

A Romanian officer was sitting in the back, but he must have been a high-rank officer, he told me to get up. But they didn’t speak to me at all. I saw there were a lot of machine-guns in the car. He asked me where I wanted to go, was it Nagyszeben.

I say no, drop me in front of the cinema in Tovis [Tovis is 12 km far to the south from Nagyszeben]. We had agreed with daddy that I would wait for him there. But I was laughing, since the road was full with my friends, and I was sitting in the car. Back then we didn’t sit in cars too often.

It was very hot, when I arrived in Tovis, there was a streamlet, I went down there, and I washed myself in the streamlet. Then I walked to the cinema, the clique from Nagyenyed, my friends were there. Poor dad, he came on foot to Tovis. I didn’t want to go further.

I suggested daddy to stay in Tovis, not to go further, if Hungarians came closer, we would also go towards Nagyszeben, to Gyulafehervar. But I said let’s not go further yet, we will have to come back somehow, we have nothing to come back with, so we have to walk a lot. We arrived in Tovis at ten in the morning, and Russians arrived in the after-noon. We went back home to Nagyenyed. On foot.

  • After the war

After the war ended, my sister’s family lived in Marosujvar for a while. I was visiting my sister in Marosujvar, the [Jewish] youth gathered, and we wanted to dance a little, but not a modern dance, but a Zionist dance, like today’s ‘sarba’, the hora.

The rabbi didn’t permit it, he came and made such a big scene... He said: ‘A boy must not dance with a girl, it’s forbidden.’ And he sent us away. The next day my brother-in-law comes and says: ‘Picture that, the rabbi left. The rabbi fled. He left.’ ‘Well – I say – truly he was playing the great religious man, he didn’t let us dance, and now he went abroad.’ He was the first Jew from Marosujvar who left after the war.

Later my sister’s family moved to Nagyenyed, because the sister [Magda] and the mother of my brother-in-law left for Israel. They lived in Nagyenyed until dad died [in 1964], when they all left [my sister, her husband and their two sons] for Israel, in Jaffa, they took mammy too.

Before they left, he [my brother-in-law] was a leather trader, but he kept the accounts for the shop where he worked, and he became an accountant in Israel.

My sister’s husband was a very religious man, and he also knew all about it. And he started to teach my sister too [religion, Hebrew] at home, mainly before they left for Israel, and my sister was well up in it. Then she learnt Ivrit in Israel. But her husband died early of a cardiac infarct.

And she was left alone, with her sons, they got married, they are comfortable off. She has two sons, one of them is Efraim, the other is Smulik. Miriam died exactly two years ago [in July 2003], it is Yahrtzeit.

Daddy was always ill after he came back from Russia. Then he got cancer, he had liver cancer, prostate cancer, vesicle cancer. He had sixteen big stones in his vesicle. But it’s a very serious illness. Before he died, he had been very ill for a long tome, three or four years long. He was up, and he was working, but he also laid ill a lot. He kept on sewing in bed too, he finished his work.

I also went to Nagyenyed to help him. He wouldn’t rest until he finished his work he had. Mom gave him the iron, we put there the ironing-board, that’s how. He had such a strength, and he didn’t even weight thirty kilos when he died, I couldn’t have imagined that a man could grow down so much. He was getting morphine for two or three months.

When he died, he lost all his blood. At every injection his blood flew out. The entire bed was bloody. That little blood he had went out of him. It was Friday, I went to ask for a morphine prescription, I took out the morphine, a full box – I left it to a doctor in Nagyenyed, to the doctor who gave it to me, I didn’t dare to take it home with me.

I went home, and I gave him meat-soup. But I had cooked it on Thursday, the shochet had been there, I had bought a small coq, he had cut it down, and I had cooked it. He ate three spoons of it, and then he said: ‘Fertig!’, ‘Enough’. I say: ‘Dad, was it good?’ ‘My little daughter – he always used to call me like this –, it was good.’ He died in that very moment. He died in 1964.

Mammy died one year after, she left for Israel with my sister, and she died in Jaffa, they buried her there. Mammy had a serious arteriosclerosis, and she had problems with her heart too. It seems that arteriosclerosis is an inherited trouble. I have it too, it’s serious, I’m forgetting, I don’t know what to do about it.

Mine too was an arranged marriage. My husband was married before the war, but one and a half year passed, and his wife didn’t return. He had a friend, who was a very good acquaintance to us, he was a very good friend to our family, and he told him: ‘Annus didn’t come back, I should get married. Isn’t there a girl in Nagyenyed, do you know anybody?’ ‘Oh there is, of course there is.’

‘What kind of girl is she?’ He says: ‘She comes from a religious family.’ ‘And is she working?’ ‘Of course, he says, tailoring – my husband was a tailor too –, she learnt the trade at her father’s. And she works for everybody in the town. She’s a skilful girl, clean, industrious; come and see.’ So he came to Nagyenyed, that’s how I met him. That’s how things were among Jews.

Today it’s ridiculous. My husband came, I can still picture him… At that time there were more young people in Nagyenyed, and I went to the social club, we were preparing a performance, a ball, a gathering. And mammy came and said: ‘Edit, come home, somebody came, a visitor.’ ‘Who? – I said – I won’t go.’

She says: ‘You must come; what should I tell him, that you don’t want to come, what would that look like?’ This happened in May 1946, and we got married in autumn. Daddy liked him a lot. Daddy said: ‘Edit, you shouldn’t marry no matter whom.

You should marry a man who is clever, who is a good expert, has a good profession, has a workshop, is proficient in tailoring; look how wonderful his suit is, he’s a great expert, he says, you should marry this man, there is no reason to be choosy.’ My husband was quite well of already at that time, well, I thought, dad was right indeed.

We organized the wedding in Nagyenyed, it was a usual wedding, with rabbi, with chupa, my husband broke the glass, they said: ‘Mazel tov’. I had a wedding dress, a white one, with a veil, my sister brought it in Marosujvar from a relative who was already married, and it suited me perfectly.

We didn’t take any photos, it wasn’t fashionable then. We organized something [a wedding], but the situation was very difficult at that time, one couldn’t buy anything after the war. But we had cabbage, we had meat-soup. We didn’t have cookies, because there wasn’t any sugar.

We made snow croissants, it didn’t need sugar. And there were a lot of grapes, because we had a Hungarian neighbor called Csaszar – we were on very good terms with that Csaszar family –, and he brought a huge wastebasket full of grapes – oh, but it was very good –, and he brought some delicious wine. That was all.

My husband was Fulop Grossmann, Srage was his Jewish name, we called him Feri. He was born near Nagyvarad, in Josasel [Editor’s note: in Hungarian Krajnikfalva, today in Romanian Josani, 73 km to south-east from Nagyvarad] in June 1910, but his family moved to Des, they lived here, his father was a merchant.

Formerly women had many children, and died at a young age. The wife of my husband’s father, of Abraham Grossmann died too. Then my husband’s father married again, all his children left from home, he was alone, and he married a girl from Ludas, who came from a very rich family.

[Editor’s note: presumably the village is called Kisludas, in Romanian Gusu, which is in the surroundings.] And he wasn’t young, he was fifty-seven or fifty-eight years old, when he got married for the second time, and he was sixty years old when my husband was born, I didn’t believe it when he told me.

My husband’s mother was Sarolta Fischer – she was forty-six years old when my husband was born –, she died of pneumonia in 1937, on the 26th of the month of Elul [Editor’s note: the 26th of the month of Elul 5697 fell on 2nd September 1937]. His father was old when he died, he died in 1933, in the month of Cheshvan, on 1st October.

There were many siblings though, there were some five girls and four boys. The former Jewish families were like this. There were such large families. Because a wife died, he married another wife, they had children too. There was Vilma, Jeno, Veronka, Hersi, Heinrich, Blima, Berta and my husband. Only her elder sister, Frida was his full sister.

The husband of Vilma Grossmann was Mihaly Katz, he had a wholesale store here, in Des. Heinrich [Vilma’s brother] lived in their house, they were very rich. They had a huge storied house, which became ours after the war, my husband inherited it. Veronka didn’t live here [in Des], she lived in another city, and Blima too, I don’t know precisely.

Jeno Grossmann (we called him Mano) lived in Kolozsvar, but he also lived in Torda for a while. Mano was very religious, he had a daughter and a son. He had very gifted children.

His son, Laszlo Grossmann is a surgeon in Sweden. His daughter, Lili Grossmann was a prompter at the Hungarian theater, but she could play the piano, and she gave lessons in canticle [canticle: liturgical music] to the actresses.

She got married to a Romanian, then they divorced, but they have a son called Suciu who is attached to the Jewish religion, as far as I can see, because I always meet him in Kolozsvar at Seder. [Editor’s note: The Jewish community of Kolozsvar organizes each Pesach a common Seder night for the community members in the ritual canteen.] He speaks both Hungarian and Romanian.

He had an elder brother in Torda, Herman (Hersi) Grossmann. Hersi was quite an old man. I met him in Kolozsvar, at the wedding of Jeno’s daughter. I told him ‘kezit csokolom’ [formal greeting addressed to elder people meaning hello], back then the custom was that an elder person, even if it was a man, has to be said ‘kezeit csokolom’. He told me: ‘You’re my sister-in-law, don’t tell me kezeit csokolom.’ I was so ashamed of myself.

Heinrich Grossmann died during World War One. He came home from the frontline, they let him go home, because he felt bad, and he died of Spanish flu within one week. He was a very handsome man, they called him Buba, because he was so nice like a little ‘buba’ [in fact ‘baba’, meaning doll].

He wasn’t married, well, he was very young, but according to his rank he was a second lieutenant. He’s buried here, in the cemetery of Des, his gravestone is there for ninety years, but it looks as if they put it there now, it looks so nice.

Frida’s family had a beautiful house – we never got back that either –, they lived here in Des. I think her husband, Eugen Baruch was a hackney-driver, he had horses, he transported furniture. Frida was deported with three little children, none of them came back. How could she have come back with three children?

People like them, just as they got down the train, they were all sent to gas-chambers. She had three sweet little children. And why they had to be killed, what did those three children do wrong, who did they harm? And mothers were killed together with their children.

After the war, her husband, when he came home from work service, left for Germany to look for his family, for his children and wife, and got crazy. People from Des met him on the main road in Germany, he was asking everybody: ‘Did you see Bajlika, Lajbika?’ [These were the children.] He died there on the road.

The first wife of my husband was a girl from Des, her name was Annus Mandel [she was born in 1920], she was a religious girl. She worked in a printing house. She didn’t have any children. She was pregnant, but she didn’t keep the baby, she had an abortion, well life was very hard at that time here, in Hungary [in Northern-Transylvania after 1940] and everywhere else, in whole Europe.

Her husband was taken to work service, and soon after she had an abortion. Annus was deported, she was together with her sister, Sasika in Auschwitz, but they were so unfortunate, in the last few months before liberation all the women were gathered from the concentration camp, some two thousands were left, and were taken to Riga.

There they were all put on a ship, and sank with that ship. Annus and her sister both died there. Annus was young, her sister was even younger, I think she had just finished high school. She [the first wife] had one more sister, Margit Fisch, she came home [from deportation], but died shortly of cardiac infarction. And a boy came home too, he died as well. None of them is alive. They were five, and not one lives. Within three years all of them passed away. They all died.

In fact at the time of deportations my husband wasn’t in Des, he was doing work service, only his wife and his family was in Bungur. Bungur is a forest near Des, the ghetto was there. After the war many dead were dig out, who had died in that ghetto, so they buried [the bodies] in the Jewish cemetery.

There is a place in Des, in the Jewish cemetery, where a stone is placed, they wrote on it the names of those they dig out. To be honest I never went to Bungur. We never went there, never in our life.

My husband told me that when he had been in Budapest for work service, people had been stopped on the street, and if they had been Jews, they had been taken to the banks of the Danube 9 and shot in the head. He jumped in a barrel, that’s how he escaped. But in that very moment he said to himself, if he ever had a son, he would never let them circumcise him.

After the war my husband inherited the house of his brother-in-law, of Mihaly Katz. We lived there, we had a tailor’s workshop too, a very elegant one, and we had a little textile warehouse. My husband was one of the best tailors in Des, and even so we were left with nothing. The communist regime came, we had to close the workshop, and they made my husband deputy mayor, in 1949, but only for a few months.

He was a very honest man, he didn’t come home, he was at the town hall day and night. And he was the first they kicked out. They said he was Zionist, they expelled him from the party too 10. He was member to the labor Zionist organization, the Hashomer Hatzair 11.

There were several Zionist organizations, right-wing, left-wing, this was a left-wing Zionist organization, a workers’ organization. But it [his membership] didn’t last too long, the whole story lasted a few months, in 1946 or 1947. Then [after nationalization] 12 he restarted his profession, we kept on working as tailors in the cooperative.

When the cooperative was established, everybody had to close their workshop. We had two sewing machines, we handed in one of them. We had to do so, well, that’s how they could establish the cooperative. Everybody brought what they had, they brought machines, tables, chairs, all the junks, they brought there everything. First it had a different name, at the beginning it was the craftsmen’s cooperative, then it became the Cascom [Social Insurance and Pension Institute for Craftsmen's Cooperative].

I didn’t enroll the party. I wasn’t either for, either against communism. I was satisfied with the system, which allowed my children to learn, I didn’t have to pay for it, they both had a scholarship. We were badly off, I didn’t work, my daughter was ill, so I didn’t work. We were struggling.

We didn’t have anything then either. But I wasn’t against it, only if they gave us to eat. Why didn’t Ceausescu 13 give us to eat? Who would have been angry of Ceausescu if people had something to put on the table, a woman had something to cook? You had to queue up at three at dawn to buy some milk.

This was revolting in communism. Otherwise we weren’t against it. I never went to shout, when we had to go out from the cooperative [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann refers to the workers’ marches organized during communism], I hid and came home to work, I had a household, right?

However, if Ceausescu gave people to eat, nothing would have happened against him. After all, let an entire nation starve… Well of course, those who were closer to the meatball didn’t starve. And those who were sellers. But anyone else was staying half-a-day with their child in the arm to get half kilogram of sugar, and finally they went home with nothing.

One had to queue up for bread, at three in the night the light was turned up everywhere, we had to get up to go down and put in the queue our milk-bottle. Well, such nonsense.

In 1949 they demolished our house, it was the first house in Des they demolished. We were that lucky. They demolished the whole pile, opposite to the cinema there were only Jewish houses, they demolished them all. They built a huge hotel there, and the complex [commercial center], the shops.

We got an apartment from the state, but it was given back to a Romanian priest, who inherited it. Then we rented from a Jew – from Berkovits –, but he behaved very rudely with me, the children weren’t allowed to go out – they were very small at that time –, he didn’t let me hang out the clothes, nothing.

Later we changed apartments, but the person who lived where we moved asked for a key money. [Editor’s note: The key money is the amount given to the previous renter for passing over the rental right to the apartment.] I wanted to leave our former apartment as soon as possible, so I gave a key money, a very nice dining-room furniture with grandfather-clock and an old, beautiful, ground mirror and five hundred lei, it was a lot of money.

I made stupid things. But we lived in that flat for forty-five years, even more. In the meantime my husband died [in 1994], and the owner came and put me out. The owner [claimed back the flat, and] won the case, and six years before they gave him back the house. And so we bought this house [a flat in fact] in autumn 1999, from our own resources, the children gave me money, my daughter and my son. I live here for seven years, I shall move only under the ground from here.

My daughter, Erika Grossmann was born here, in Des on 10th March 1951. Erika’s Jewish name is Cserna after my husband’s mother. She was two and a half years old, when she was given an injection infected with tuberculosis, and she fell ill. She was very ill, her feet were swollen, they get swollen even today.

Erika attended the high school of arts in Kolozsvar, she had the first place at the exam. The school was in the Budai Nagy Antil street. She finished it, then she entered the university, she studied fine arts there, in Kolozsvar. She learnt many things, not just drawing.

She was writing poems, when she was in school she even participated at the Goga competition in Csucsa [Ciucea], where she was given the second prize. [Editor’s note: The Romanian poet Octavian Goga lived in Csucsa, his house functions today as a Goga memorial house.]

There wasn’t a first prize, and she won the second prize. She wrote many poems, and she sent them to newspapers, to the Albatros, she sent her poems to many places, and she was given a lot of money [for publication].

In fact I say mixed marriages aren’t good. First my daughter got married to a man from Bessarabia, in fact to a boy with Russian origins, he was a kerosene engineer [he worked in oil exploitation]. His name is Gigel Cernev.

My daughter was a drawing teacher, she got to Moinesti, she was placed there, they met there. Well I got to know how bad a mixed marriage was. When he visited us and asked for my daughter’s hand, I said: ‘No! You can shoot me in the head if you want to, but I won’t let my daughter marry you. She is unhealthy, not a rich girl, your family is rich, it won’t be a good match for you.

She has a Jewish suitor, she should marry that one.’ And my daughter went back to Moinesti, well she was employed, and she kept the wedding one week after, without me. He was a good boy, he wasn’t a bad boy, and it was a good family. He was the only child, and his parents were well off, his father was a physician, and his mother finished a university too.

They didn’t want to stay in Moinesti, and my son-in-law got a job in Campina as an oil exploitation engineer, and Erika was employed in Ploiesti as a teacher. But somebody badmouthed my son-in-law – because that person needed that job – saying that his wife wanted to leave for Israel.

Though Erika didn’t want to. So they kicked him out from that employment in Campina. And so they decided to leave for Israel indeed. Erika graduated in Kolozsvar, and in those days she had spent much time with the chief rabbi, Rosen 14, with the choir. And she spoke with Rosen, she related him what the situation was. He answered that they should go to Bucharest, and it would be arranged there. Indeed, she got her passport in a very short time.

She left for Israel with her husband in 1975 or in 1976, but he didn’t like Israel, and he left for Australia. Erika said she wouldn’t go until they had an apartment, she wouldn’t like to drift. It was enough in Israel, she didn’t have an apartment for two years.

I went to Israel – this must have been at the end of the 1970s – so that my daughter wouldn’t be alone, and I told Erika: ‘Listen Erika, in my opinion you shouldn’t follow him. You have an employment here. You have an apartment with three rooms. You are settled. Why should you go out into world?

You’re not healthy, don’t go anywhere dear, stay here.’ She answered: ‘I don’t even think of going. What is in Australia that one can’t find in Israel?’ And my daughter sued for the divorce, and divorced him.

But I thought she wouldn’t want to divorce him. It’s true that I told her: ‘But you mustn’t listen to me, you ought to do what your heart tells you to do, and you ought to listen to your thoughts, because you have your own view of life, everything.

As you think.’ ‘No, mammy – she says –, if he didn’t want children by now. In turn this was my dream, that’s why I got married, to have a child. I could have found a man anyway. He wanted to leave all the time, now that we are settled, we have an apartment, we have everything, is it now he feels the urge to go? And he had a job. If he left, let him go, I won’t follow him.’

Then she met her present husband, this was a simple Jewish boy, he was born there in Israel, and it came out a very good marriage. Her husband is called Shoval Moni. In fact Shoval – that’s what Erika told me – means Simon. I can’t talk to him at all. Because he speaks Hebrew and English only.

When my son-in-law comes here, he eats nothing in my house. He has some kosher canned food, but he has a week stomach, he eats boiled meat. But he’s very kosher, very religious. He has five siblings, Erika is on good terms with all of them. He’s a nice tall man, thanks God they are fine.

They lived in Ktarsa [Kefar Sava?], my daughter had two schools there, she was teaching in a very religious school, and she had a part-time job in a less religious school too. She was very contented. She is a drawing teacher, she also paints, and she teaches children at home.

Recently they bought a house in Ghinot Shomron, because apartments were cheaper there, and my daughter wanted a house with garden by all means. Her husband works at the Schwartzkopff, he takes in the goods, and passes them on, he works on the computer.

They have a daughter, Saphir, she’s fourteen and a half years old [she was born in 1991]. She’s tall, she’s a very beautiful girl. And she’s a very good student. She also writes poems, she published poems two times in newspapers. Erika was teaching her, she’s still teaching her drawing. She wants to become a designer for telephones, things like that.

My son is Silviu Grossmann, but everybody calls him Avi, this is the short for Abraham. He was born in 1953, I gave him the Jewish name – Abraham – after my husband’s father. Both Avi and Erika were very good students. Learning wasn’t a problem for them, it just went into their heads, they resembled my husband what concerns brains.

My son wanted to study medicine, and he was preparing for that. But if I cut down a hen, he became unwell when he saw blood. He couldn’t bear looking at it. He liked chicken so much, he was playing with them, I had to cook chicken in secret, so that he didn’t see it. He said: ‘Do you want me to eat the chicken leg?’ If it was chicken leg, I cut it into pieces, I told him it was ham.

That’s how he ate it. I could see he was a very sensitive child. A sensitive child is not cut out to be a physician. Later he realized this himself, he said: ‘Medicine is not suitable for me. I feel much too sorry for everybody.’ So he finished the university in Temesvar, he finished mechanical engineering.

After the university they placed him to Nagybanya, but there was a local girl who was pregnant, her husband was in Nagybanya too, she submitted an application, and they gave that job to her. And Avi got to Szatmarnemeti, and got married to a Romanian woman. I never told him not to marry her, if he wanted to, why should he reproach me something later?

He met his wife in Szatmarnemeti, her name is Florica Milea. She was a divorced woman, she had a four years old daughter, Juliana, who is a dentist now in Nagyvarad. My son got a job in the Unio factory, I think this factory manufactures cranes for ships, for mines.

He started from the bottom, first he was a master, he was at the production section for a long time, then in 1990 he was appointed sales manager, and now director general. They wanted to appoint him on this position five years ago, but he didn’t want to accept it.

Now they said if he didn’t want to accept it, he should look for another job. He had no way out, he accepted. It’s really serious, he’s in the factory day and night. Florica is an engineer as well, she works at the Mondiala, the clothes factory, but she’s a production manager, she has a good job, she’s a very bright woman. She speaks Hungarian very well, and she speaks German very well. And she often goes to Germany, because the factory where she works belongs to a German.

They have one child, a girl, she was born in 1987. My son’s daughter, Iris is baptized. She was in a bad health as a child, she didn’t eat meat, and the colleagues of my daughter-in-law said that this was because she wasn’t baptized. And so they baptized her in the Greek Catholic church, she was ten years old.

But they didn’t tell me anything, they asked me afterwards if I was upset. I said I had no say in this matter. But the girl doesn’t observe religion. But she won’t eat any meat. When she was little, she swallowed it since they stuff it into her, but when she started to speak, she didn’t eat it anymore: ‘Nu trebe carne’ [Romanian, meaning: ‘I don’t want meat.’]

She doesn’t put it in her mouth at all. They cut a pork, they can have no matter what at home, ham, Vienna-sausage, she doesn’t want to taste it. But now she doesn’t even want to sit at the table when the others are eating meat. She eats fried potatoes with cheese, pancakes, corn, leavened cakes, things like that, but she won’t eat no matter which cake either. Iris doesn’t speak Hungarian well. They speak only Romanian at home. And Iris speaks English well.

My grandchildren call me Babi as well. My grandchild from Israel is religious, but my grandchild from Szatmarnemeti was born in a mixed marriage, she doesn’t know anything about Jewry. However, she too calls me Babi. I was wrong, I should have intervened a little more, but I thought I wouldn’t say my word, they might have not liked it.

I don’t have any relatives in America. I had, but they all died. Well, maybe I do have, how should I know? I had a cousin [Szeren Grosz, the daughter of Gyula Grosz], she left, and I don’t know what became of her. My husband had relatives in America, I even got a good package from one of his relatives during communism, they sent us clothes and two kilos of coffee, it was something great.

I don’t know if they are alive or not. My husband corresponded with everybody, but he died, and I don’t continue corresponding, I’m old. Now we are talking on the phone. I keep up the contact only with Erika, nobody else. Now there are these mobile phones, who would have thought of this, that something like this would exist, when we didn’t have phone-sets.

Today I pick up the phone, and I make a phone call to Israel. One couldn’t do this during communism. We kept up the contact through letters, and my daughter sent me packages from Israel. But they searched through all of them, some packages didn’t even arrived, or they said it was wrapped up badly or I don’t know what.

I was in Israel three times, approximately in the 1970s. Two times at my sister and once at Erika. First I stayed for three months, then two times for two months. I liked it [Israel] a lot. A lot. Israel is extremely small, but it’s amazing what this little country can produce! One can not even imagine where all those fruits and everything grow.

I wouldn’t believe when I saw where they are growing grapes. It’s all stone, and grape! They hollow out the stone with an excavator, put in a stock, a little soil, and they put back the stone. It keeps it, so when that intense heat comes, the stone wouldn’t let through the heat, and it fills with water.

And they have so much grape, you can’t even image, and among stones! And all those marvelous flowers! They always said, back in time, that I would give you a land flowing with honey and everything. Israel is just like that. You can find there everything that exists, and what there isn’t, they import. Shortly Israelis have a life of ease.

Food is cheap, and they eat well. There is as much food as one wants to have. I went there for the first time when we couldn’t buy coffee, couldn’t buy pepper or anything at home. And imagine that, I brought coffee or pepper. When they arrested Nicu Ceasusescu [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann refers to the dictator’s son, respectively to the Romanian revolution broke out in December 1989.] 13 15, they showed that his cupboard was full with instant cafe in 5 decagram packing. I thought now this is something.

In Israel you could sweep the streets with it, they have so much. In every Arabian shop. And here they show on TV that Nicu Ceausescu was full with coffee, they’re all nuts, I said. Why didn’t they import coffee and things like that? It was something very stupid. In Israel a coffee or sugar didn’t mean a problem.

I’m convincing my sister: ‘Hey, they have so much sugar in the shop, buy a few kilos of sugar.’ She says: ‘Edit, please go and do the shopping’, and she wrote down what she needed. I buy three kilos of sugar and bring it home.

My sister: ‘Why did you buy three kilos of sugar?’ ‘You just should put it aside, maybe there won’t be any.’ My sister was laughing so much. There was as much food as you can imagine. So much bread, so much challah, everything, the breads were heaped up in the stores.

[In Israel] You can find a lot of grapes, melons, honeydew melons, water melons, red melons [in this time of the year], and it’s cheap. I ate so delicious honeydew melons, in winter! The grape is also very tasty, it has no seeds. Then the orange is very good, those big oranges and the grapefruit and the avocado, and there are hundred kinds of fruits. But listen to what I’m telling you.

Apples are not as good as in our country. Tomatoes aren’t good. When Erika comes home, she can’t have enough. Dairy products aren’t as good as here. Meat, frozen-chicken is like here. I don’t like this kind of chicken, the Brazilian chicken, I can’t stand it, I’m so disgusted by it as if my soul would like to leave me.

And it’s all plastic however. The chicken breed at home is different, and the egg is different. However, nothing is good anymore, because they put artificial fertilizer in the soil, the food isn’t as it used to be. They say in vain that the biological product is like this or that, there is no such thing anymore.

There are many loafers, there are many thieves, there are many workers, there are all sorts [of people in Israel]. It’s a country where the good and the bad from many countries got in. The scum got in too. I don’t know what the situation is nowadays, but back then there were many morphine and hashish dependants.

The houses look very nice, and every apartment is extremely clean, they have a mania for cleanness. But the streets are full with all kind of waste. Children eat chocolate, they throw down the paper.

When I was there, my relatives came to pick me up, and I visited different families each week, I was in Nazareth, I was in Jerusalem, I was in Haifa several times, I was in Lod – the airport is there – for one week. Erika keeps the contact with everybody. Today it’s over, I got old, I’m out of form. I can’t get on a train, aircraft, somebody has to push me.

We are Orthodox even today. My [daughter’s] family in Israel still observes religion rigorously. My sister observed it too, well they were exaggeratedly religious. Me as well, I observed kashrut after I got married. And I often think back, perhaps it was a better feeling. Somehow we knew that Friday evening, that Sabbath, it was something, it meant something.

Today there is nothing. After the children were born, I kept a kosher household for some ten years more. And I had the poultry cut at the shochet, until we had a shochet, I always had them cut there. Then the shochet died, and it was over.

After that I sent to Kolozsvar to have them cut there, approximately until 1970. I never cut poultry at home until then, because I didn’t like it, I had a dread of it. But I kept a proper kosher household, I had separate dishes for milk and for meat, even though my husband started to have different principles.

My husband knew many things on Jewry. He could do ‘lajnolas’ [K'riat HaTorah, reading the Torah] as well. It is a very hard prayer, just a few know it Romania, he knew it. My husband had as much knowledge as a rabbi. He knew everything about the Torah, everything. He came from a very religious family, his father was one of the most religious men in Des.

His father didn’t come to this synagogue, they had a separate synagogue, a Hasid one. My husband could read from the age of four. He was four years old, and his father took him out from the bed to learn, to read. My husband wasn’t Hasid, but he had a great knowledge, since he was a very intelligent man, he could comprehend everything very easily. He attended only the cheder, but he learnt individually.

He knew as much as a yeshiva student. Everybody was wondering how he knew so much on Jewry. He was always learning. He knew everything. But these communist ideas came after the war, so he switched [took on from the communist ideas], he didn’t observe it [religion] anymore. But he regretted it deeply when he got old. It hurt him a lot that he became estranged.

He felt very much annoyed for having left religion. He had his prayer book in his hands the whole after-noon, each day. He realized finally that he belonged to Jewry. Especially when blows hit us, when Erika fell ill, he [my husband] fell ill as well, and it was then that he realized that one shouldn’t abandon the Jewish religion, and one shouldn’t become estranged from Jewry.

He kept on saying that: ‘I quitted religion, and blows came. We abandoned the religion, maybe that’s why blows are hitting us.’ I always said that one shouldn’t abandon their faith. Can it be a good or a bad religion, but we were born in it, we have to carry it on.

[In his declining years] He was the soul of the synagogue. He was proficient, he could read everything from the Torah, he knew the explanation for everything, the reason for everything. It was always him who read out from the Torah, who prayed. When he got old, he was always reading and learning at home as well.

He had large books; I brought a lot of these to the synagogue, so that if I die, they won’t get lost. But I still have a few I don’t want to squander. My husband was a very clever man. You have to give it to him.

He had a wonderful handwriting, he could bind books marvelously, everything he put his hands on was done, he was so good with his hands. I had a shabby prayer book, he bound it so skillfully. He rebound many of our books, and he rebound the books in the synagogue as well at his old age.

When my husband died, I set shiva, as I did, but not quite as I should have set. Because sitting shiva requires that you have a relative so that you can sit shiva. One has to sit shiva for one week or eight days, and [during this time] somebody has to come to cook, to look after the house.

That’s the custom. People come and pray at you, in your house, it’s about sitting shiva. But since I had no one [relative] left... There wasn’t anybody who could have recited a prayer at the funeral, nobody said anything. My son recited the Kaddish, we looked for it in the book, and he recited it. That was all.

According to our traditions the dead can be washed, dressed up and put in the box only one hour before they bury him. I wash the dead. It was hard at the beginning, but later I realized that according to our religion it’s a great mitzvah, a good deed to wash a dead person.

After I retired, I washed and dressed up everybody who died in Des. And I didn’t detest it. I combed their hair, I washed their face and feet with a rag, and dressed them up – we sewed their clothes, if there wasn’t any. I have my clothing here, everything: I have prepared a white linen shirt, a white blouse, a white apron, a pair of white socks, a handkerchief and a shawl.

I have a very nice shawl, I got it from the wife of a rabbi in Israel, and I put it there. So my clothing is prepared. My husband sewed it, he sewed his clothing too. I said: ‘Please do it, ‘cause I won’t sew my own death-clothe.’ Men have underpants – I have underpants too, because I don’t have stocking, it’s hard to put on, we decided to make underpants.

Up men have a tzitzit, they put on a blouse, a shirt, and then they put on that long robe – it has a name, I just can’t recall it [kittel] –, they also pray in that, it’s all white, and my husband’s had laces, then the tales comes. And they have a cap, not a kippah, but a white cap. They put a large sheet in the chest, and they wind it around the dead.

They bury the dead in a big wooden chest, which has no nails, no screws, they just fit in the lid. Not like Christians, who hammer in nails. What’s the reason for hammering that nail? It’s so painful, I can’t listen to it, when they are driving in the nails.

Today I don’t keep the kashrut anymore, because I don’t have the means for it. Today one can not find kosher meat in Des. But the procedure, that the meat had to be soaked out and salted, koshered, well it’s something very good, because it eliminates the blood. And we have a law in our Jewish religion, which says that we shouldn’t eat blood.

I also salt the meat when I buy some. Sometimes I prepare fish in aspic even today, I like it a lot. It’s made with vegetables, it’s very good. It’s made of fish heads, and it needs an entire fish too. They collect heads for me, put them aside in the freezer.

My daughter-in-law’s daughter, Juliana puts aside fish heads for me, she sends them to me, and I prepare it. We take out the bitterness from the head [the so-called pearl button or bitter bone], which is at its ears, but the head must be put in unbroken, because that’s what it grants the jelly-like substance.

First I boil the vegetables a little, when it’s half-boiled, I put in the two or three pieces of fish and two or three heads. It needs a little sugar too, our cuisine, the Jewish cuisine uses sugar – we put even in the green beans soup, we put a little sugar in everything.

And at a very gentle oven it becomes gelatinous, we filter it, and decorate with vegetables. It’s very-very good. At Jewish weddings they always had fish in aspic. Everybody had a portion of fish in a small bowl, glass plate. This was the Jewish starter. They ate fish in aspic on Friday evening and on Sabbath at noon.

On Friday evening I light the three candles: I light one for my parents, I light one for the family, for my sister, for my uncle, and I light one for my own family. I still observe Pesach. I don’t have Pesach dishes, I tell you honestly, I simply sterilize the dishes. I have a large keeler, I put in the dishes, I sterilize them all, I cook with those dishes. But observing means only that I buy poultry. Somebody cuts it for me, I soak it out, salt it, so I observe it to some extent.

Nowadays I go to Kolozsvar on holidays. When they take me there. The Bilbaum boy [member of the Jewish community of Des] takes me, so when he does, I go. We used to observe Pesach here in Des, while my husband was alive, and recited the Seder [conducted the Seder night ritual].

After my husband died [in 1994], we kept on observing, but nobody recited the Seder [there wasn’t anybody to conduct the ritual]. We just ate the egg, drank some wine, and we concluded that it made no sense like that. There is no Jewry in Des.

It died out. There were very religious people in Des, they recited the prayers very well. They died, they died out. This generation has no other destiny than extinction. They are all old. Recently Mrs. Bilbaum died. It’s only me and Ella Motlai who are left among women. And there is one more Jewish woman, whose father and mother were Jews, but her parents didn’t observe anything, so she doesn’t know anything on Jewry, she doesn’t observe anything.

So it’s only me and Ella, who know something on Jewry. If we take men, there’s Hirsch – his wife, Livia works at the Jewish community, she’s Romanian –, he’s well up in it, he comes from a religious family, and Farkas [Editor’s note: Jozsef Farkas, Centropa interviewed him as well], he also comes from a religious family. The two of them know what Jewry consists of, what a Jewish household is. But neither Farkas, nor Hirsch have Jewish wives, so there is nothing Jewish in their homes. It’s the woman who maintains Jewry at home.

Today [after 1989] 15 my life is much easier, you don’t have such difficulties that for example you go out and you can’t buy bread, can’t buy this or that. Well, to be honest I don’t have any problems, I have oil, I have sugar, I have everything at home. It’s just the medical care, which is really bad, very-very bad.

But an old person can’t comprehend the change, the youth experiences it differently, and elderly people in a different way. Old people have a completely different life than young people. It would be great to be young now. Nowadays it’s much better for the young than it used to be. A lot of things have changed, a lot, and young people have great advantages.

The former Securitate-men 16 all became very rich people by now. Honestly! So many lousy tricks were going on in the co-operative! We gave in the sewing machines, everything, and they didn’t give us one lei. They liquidated the entire co-operative, and a group of loafers pocketed that huge amount of money, since the co-operative had many possessions.

The co-operative was so rich that one can’t even image it. The Cascom had its own holiday villas in each health-resort. Then the Persian carpet factories, the furniture factories all belonged to the Cascom. And I ask you where all that fortune is, who took hold of it, where it is lost?

I’ve heard recently that somebody was going to take over the Cascom, he would work it over, and they would give us something. Ah, forget it! A colleague told me the other day that I should go to the co-operative, because they would give forty-nine thousand lei for the retired co-operative members. Well, I went there, and the clerk says that only those are given who retired after 1991. I said well then, hang it all!

If my husband were alive, we would be fine. He had a very good pension, he had fifty years [worked]. And I didn’t choose his pension, I chose mine, and it’s very low. [Editor’s note: Edit Grossmann doesn’t get any money after her husband.] Everybody tells me: ‘You see, that’s what you worked for.’

But I had only twenty years [officially registered as working years], because unfortunately my daughter was very ill, I always had many problems, and I didn’t go to work. The community helps me sometimes, and my son and my daughter helps me a little, that’s what I live of.

  • Glossary

1 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army: The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system. Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

2 Mass emigration from Romania after World War Two: After World War Two the number of Jewish people emigrating from Romania to Israel was much higher than in earlier periods.

This was urged not only by the establishment in 1948 of Israel, and thus by the embodiment of an own state, but also by the general disillusionment caused by the attitude of the receiving country and nation during World War Two. Between 1919 and 1948 a number of 41,000 Jews from Romania left for Israel, while between May 1948 (the establishment of Israel) and 1995 this number increased to 272,300.

The emigration flow was significantly influenced after 1948 by the current attitude of the communist regime towards the aliyah issue, and by its diplomatic relations with Israel.

The main emigration flows were between 1948-1951 (116,500 persons), 1958-1966 (106,200 persons) and 1969-1974 (17,800 persons).

3 Betar in Romania: Berith Trumpeldor, short: Betar. Organization close to the Revisionist Zionist movement led by Zeev Jabotinsky.

In Romania it started to be organized from 1927. Several hundreds of its members were trained in agriculture and industry in different settlements all over the country, preparing people for emigration.

In Transylvania the Betar’s activity started to intensify from 1929, in 1930 it counted more than twenty local groups.

4 Second Vienna Dictate: The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless. In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties.

The verdict was pronounced on 30th August 1940 in Vienna: Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants. This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary.

Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5th September. The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

5 Legionary Movement (also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael): Movement founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs.

The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders.

The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

6 Jews in North and South Transylvania: According to the Second Vienna Dictate N Transylvania was given to Hungary while S Transylvania remained Romanian territory. Not only the Hungarians, but a majority of the Jewish population there was pleased by this decision, though they knew of anti-Jewish legislation in Hungary.

Approx. 165,000 Jews lived in N Transylvania, of whom an estimated 130,000 became victims of the Holocaust. The Jewish population of S Transylvania was 30-35,000.

As to the anti-Jewish measures, the situation was the same including the preparations for the deportations. On March 12, 1943, however, the Romanian government informed the German Embassy in Bucharest in a memorandum about “the only solution to the Romanian Jewish problem is considered to be emigration and not deportation.”

7 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania: The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime.

According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery.

More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’.

Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc.

Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

8 Yellow star in Romania: On 8th July 1941, Hitler decided that all Jews from the age of 6 from the Eastern territories had to wear the Star of David, made of yellow cloth and sewed onto the left side of their clothes.

The Romanian Ministry of Internal Affairs introduced this ‘law’ on 10th September 1941.

Strangely enough, Marshal Antonescu made a decision on that very day ordering Jews not to wear the yellow star. Because of these contradicting orders, this ‘law’ was only implemented in a few counties in Bukovina and Bessarabia, and Jews there were forced to wear the yellow star.

9 Banks of the Danube: In the winter of 1944/45, after the Arrow-Cross, the Hungarian fascists, took over the power, Arrow-Cross commandos went round the protected houses of the Ujlipotvaros, a bourgeois part of Budapest, and took the Jews to the Danube and shot them into the river.

10 Purges of the Romanian Communist Party: The building-up of the communist system in Romania involved rivalry between different groups, respectively the “showdown” with each other. Two main trends took shape within the Romanian Communist Party, which seized the power over the country, and the main struggles for power took place along these lines.

One of the trends (the so-called Muscovite faction) consisted of those party members, who left for the Soviet Union between the two World Wars, then returned to Romania after World War Two (Anna Pauker, Laszlo Luka). The so-called local faction consisted of those who stayed in the country.

In 1948 Gheorghiu-Dej, the leader of the RCP, making use of the anti-Semitism spread out from the Soviet Union, started to purge his political adversaries, first of all the Muscovites.

His first victim was Lucretiu Patrascanu, the charges brought against him being nationalism and rightist deviation; he was executed in 1954. Patrascanu was followed by Laszlo Luka (he was sentenced to life imprisonment), then Anna Pauker was expelled from the Party. The purge of the Party aimed at not only the highest leadership, but it covered the circle of simple members as well.

11 Hashomer Hatzair: Left-wing Zionist youth organization, started up in Poland in 1912, and managed to gather supporters from all over Europe. Their goal was to educate the youth in the Zionist mentality and to prepare them to emigrate to Palestine. To achieve this goal they paid special attention to the so-called shomer-movement (boy scout education) and supported the re-stratification of the Jewish society.

They operated several agricultural and industrial training grounds (the so-called chalutz grounds) to train those who wanted to emigrate. In Transylvania the first Hashomer Hatzair groups had been established in the 1920s. During World War Two, members of the Hashomer Hatzair were leading active resistance against German forces, in ghettoes and concentration camps.

12 Nationalization in Romania: The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

13 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989): Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries. The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police.

The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable. In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

14 Rosen, Moses (1912-1994): Chief Rabbi of Romania and president of the Association of Jewish Religious Communities during communism. A controversial figure of the postwar Romanian Jewish public life. On the one hand he was criticized because of his connections with several leaders of the Romanian communist regime, on the other hand even his critics recognized his great efforts in the interest of Romanian Jews.

He was elected chief rabbi of Romania in 1948 and fulfilled this function till his death in 1994. During this period he organized the religious and cultural education of Jewish youth and facilitated the emigration to Israel by using his influence. His efforts made possible the launch of the only Romanian Jewish newspaper, Revista Cultului Mozaic (Realitatea Evreiască after 1995) in 1956.

As the leader of Romanian Israelites he was a permanent member of the Romanian Parliament from 1957-1989. He was member of the Executive Board of the Jewish World Congress. His works on Judaist issues were published in Romanian, Hebrew and English.

15 Romanian Revolution of 1989: In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife.

A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

16 Securitate (in Romanian: DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului): General Board of the People’s Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to ‘defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies’.

Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

Gyorgyike Hasko

Gyorgyike Hasko

Budapest

Hungary

Interviewer: Judit Rez

Date of interview: February-April 2005

Gyorgyike Hasko lives in Budapest. She has retired but she still works for the Jewish community. She speaks about her children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren with love and there are pictures of them everywhere in the room.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

My family background

I am Gyorgyike Hasko. I was born in Budapest on the 9th February 1932. When I was born I already had a brother, but my father had expected to have a second son. So, he said that the child would be called Gyuri regardless of the gender. At that time the name Gyorgyi was still a rarity, and the registrar asked my father what kind of name Gyorgyi was. Perhaps it was Gyorgyike! That’s why I became Gyorgyike. 

My father was born in Bekes in 1890. He died on the 23rd September 1979, four days after his 89th birthday. My father was a wonderful man. He spoke German and French and was a member of the generation that came of age at the beginning of the 20th century: incredibly erudite people, who spoke many languages and had had a lot of life experiences, and who also excelled in their chosen profession. 

My father was a chemical engineer. He graduated from the Polytechnic University in 1912 and took part in the 1919 revolution. [see Hungarian Soviet Republic]1 He was Gyula Hevesi’s class-fellow, who later immigrated to the Soviet Union. [Editor’s note: Gyula Hevesi (1890–1970) – chemical engineer, academician, he was the vice president of the Hungarian Scientific Academy from 1960 until 1967. During the Hungarian Soviet Republic he was the commissar of social production, he emigrated from the White Terror.] My father also had to leave when the White Terror started. He started to work as a young engineer at the Flora Soap Factory, which was owned by a branch of the Manfred Weiss family. [Editor’s note: The Flora First Hungarian Composite Candle and Soap Co. was founded in 1896] They also had a factory in Nagyvarad [today Oradea, Romania] or Kolozsvar [today Cluj-Napoca, Romania], and my father first emigrated there. He got to Germany from there as a refugee. In Germany, he studied the analysis of precious metals and became a lapidarist. He wasn’t a soldier during World War I, only a reservist, because the Flora Soap Factory was a defense plant.

He returned from emigration in 1923, but he was excluded from the Chamber of Engineers, and he couldn’t work as an engineer. Then, his brother-in-law, who was a goldsmith, employed him. There was a small room in his workshop, and my father started chemical laboratory there, and started to work for the goldsmiths. In the meantime, he took the goldsmith master exam. The goldsmiths break the goods if the amalgam they choose to use is not the right mixture. For example, if they make a bracelet or a ring, they can only get a hallmark in it if the amalgam is exactly right. My father analyzed these amalgams. There were three or four individual engineers in Budapest who specialized in different aspects of this particular branch of goldsmith work. So if someone wanted a precious metal analysis done by someone who dealt with mineral oil, he sent him to my father, or if someone came to my father and asked for another kind of expertise, my father sent him to the one who dealt with that. People said that his brother-in-law was a lazy man, and so my father ran the workshop. Many excellent goldsmiths grew up under his hand that looked him up and respected him all his life!

My paternal grandmother was a very strict tiny little lady. Her father was a corn merchant in Bratislava [today Slovakia]. She didn’t speak Hungarian well. They weren’t religious, at least my grandmother wasn’t. She wore a Gretchen haircut, she braided her hair and rolled up the braid on the top of her head, and she wore long black dresses with small pattern. She was 82 or 83 years old when in 1942, right at the beginning of the war, she fell ill of pneumonia, and as lucky as she was, it killed her. She didn’t have to live through what came afterwards.

My grandmother had two brothers. They lived in Vienna [today Austria] and dealt with coins and antiquities. They lost everything, Needless to say, after the Anschluss 2. One of the uncles married a Swiss woman, who took him to Switzerland. He survived the war, but in poverty. He sometimes came home before the war, and I remember that he brought chocolate and oranges from Vienna, and bananas too. I was small at that time. We last heard news from him in the 1950s, he wanted to move back home, but he didn’t live to see that. He must have been older than 80 at that time, but he still wrote a Hungarian letter with flawless spelling, though he had never lived in Hungary, he wrote a letter to my parents with beautiful italics. He died sometime around 1959 in Switzerland. The other brother died at a death camp. 

My grandfather lived in Bekes, he was a stock wholesaler, a butcher. At that time they drove the herd to Vienna [today Austria] or Bratislava [today Slovakia], and sold their goods there. Perhaps this is how he met my grandmother. My father wasn’t at school yet when they moved to Pest, and they had a butcher’s shop where my grandmother sat all day long. I didn’t know my grandfather. He died in 1927; my father nursed him for a year before that. As my father told me he was a very nice, Bohemian man.

My father had a sister, Margit, who was two years older. My grandfather didn’t let her study, but they married her off to a jeweler, a goldsmith master, whose workshop was in Marocco Court. That house isn’t there any longer. [Editor’s note: The Marocco Court with two courtyards was the second largest apartment house of Pest: its rooms and first floor shops were small, most of the apartments didn’t have any modern conveniences.] This uncle was a ring maker I think, because the goldsmiths divided up the job among each other: not all of them made necklaces, not all of them made caskets, etc. He was a ring maker and worked with a few apprentices. I liked to go there very much as a child, because in the first room, there were about three to four rooms in this workshop, there was a long counter, and behind the counter there was a drawer system, a big cupboard, and in all of the drawers there was a different kind of stone. These weren’t precious stones, but semi-precious stones, and one could play with them. Aunt Margit had a son who disappeared in the Don bend during the war.

My father traveled to Abbazia [today, Opatija, Croatia] by train in the early spring of 1928. Abbazia was the resort of the Hungarian middle-class of that time, and among other things it was famous because they were known for performing operations on deviated nasal septums. My father had that problem so he went there to take care of it. In the meantime, my maternal grandfather decided to take my mother, who was 22 years old, to Abbazi. She met my father on the train, and in May they already got married. My mother told me that my father looked like a university student even though he was already 38 years old.

My mother was born in 1906 in Miskolc. She completed four classes of middle school. After that she studied all kinds of things, as permitted by her father. She learned French and German; she learned to make hats, to sew, to sing, to play the piano and to dance; she used to go to balls, just like any decent middle-class girl, and when she was a teenager, she ran the administration of my grandfather’s workshop. My mother died at the age of 82 in May 1988.

My maternal grandfather was a coppersmith. He was born in Satoraljaujhely in 1879. He, as my mother told me, got a slap in the face from his father or mother at the age of fourteen, which he considered unfair, and because of this he left home. He worked all over Europe as a coppersmith, he traveled near and far, he was a wanderer. And though he was a coppersmith originally, he later became the first plumber handicraftsman in Miskolc. He plumbed the Miskolctapolca bathing establishment, he had the water laid on and installed heating in the surrounding castles. It is also relevant to mention in this story that there was economic depression several times. My grandparents lived in their own house one time, and there was a time when they didn’t have anything, because they had lost everything. My grandfather was a very cultured man; they were social democrats. [see MSZDP (Hungarian Social Democrat Party)]3 My grandmother told me, that in 1917, when there was the revolution they demonstrated in Miskolc and sang the International. [Editor’s note: The march of the international labor movement]. He died at the age of 54 in 1933.

My grandfather must have had a big family, but I don’t know how many siblings he had, because at the time of the big economic depression [see 1929 World Financial Crisis]4 in the 1930s, his relatives from Satoraljaujhely immigrated to America. First a boy emigrated, then he helped the other siblings and the parents emigrate, too.

My maternal grandmother was born in Sajoszentpeter sometime around 1884. He was only a little bit older than my father. My grandmother had several siblings. Their father was an innkeeper in Sajoszentpeter. My mother told me that her grandmother was a tiny little woman, but every day at dawn, by the time the inn opened, she had kneaded and baked fresh bread to serve to the guests. She worked very hard.

I don’t know where my grandmother and grandfather met, just that they got married and in 1906 my mother was born. But they had a baby boy, too, before, who bled to death when he was circumcised. My mother’s younger brother was born in 1908. He died in Buchenwald [today Germany]. Her other brother was seven years younger than my mother. Her older brother, when grandfather died in 1933, adopted my grandfather’s trade. To avoid competing with each other, my other uncle moved to Nyiregyhaza with his wife and became a handicraftsman there. Their child was ten months old when the Germans deported them to Auschwitz [today Poland] and burned them. My uncle had been a forced laborer for a long time then, and a prisoner of war. He had been at a prisoner of war camp, had petechial typhus and other diseases, and came home from the Russian captivity in 1947. He remarried and had three children, but after this he lived in Budapest until his death.

My grandmother always lived in Miskolc, and my older uncle, too. He only moved when he got married. But when he divorced he came back to my grandmother’s. I spent the summer at my grandmother’s in Miskolc many times. While my brother and I were very small, kindergartners, my mother took us to Grandma’s and we took many trips to the Bukk Mountains. At that time it took seven hours to get to Miskolc by passenger train. My parents would put me on the train at the Keleti [Railway Station] because the ticket was expensive. Transportation was expensive in general, so we traveled to many places on foot. A child had to know how to walk at that time. But, anyways, the train was seven hours long. My uncle came to pick me up. I remember him. This was during the war. There wasn’t rubber/elastic for panties anymore, but the panties had to be tied with shoe laces, or the shoes didn’t have leather sole anymore, but we had sandals with wooden soles and canvas uppers, I remember that I got them from my uncle. He took me everywhere; he was very nice to me.

My grandmother lived in a single story, three-bedroom-apartment. There was another apartment, too, in the house with an inner courtyard. Perhaps Grandma’s children supported her, as she was a housewife for her entire life. I don’t know if she was religious or not, but she managed a kosher household. I remember when my uncle mixed up the knife for the meat and for the milk, my grandmother stuck it in the ground to make it kosher again – and she used to go to the mikveh [ritual bath], too. I went to the shochet [kosher butcher] with her, too. He would cut the chicken; there was a round stone in a dark room, and the chicken hung on a hanger so that it would bleed out –as far as I remember, at least. And my grandmother bargained at the market place. We used to go shopping to the Buza Square market, and as a child from Pest I was ashamed, because the countrywoman sold the corn for four or ten fillers and my grandmother still bargained. I was very embarrassed.

Growing up

My parents got married in 1928 in Miskolc, in the courtyard, under a chupah, despite the fact that my paternal grandfather couldn’t give a big dowry. Because at that time, if someone married an officer, or an engineer, or a doctor, it was told how much the dowry should be. So that a doctor, for example, could open a doctor’s office. So the girl had to bring nice big money into the marriage. My grandfather couldn’t afford this, but my father was a gentleman, and anyway, he didn’t care. My mother brought bedroom furniture, which consisted of two beds, a wardrobe with hangers and one with shelves and two nightstands, and perhaps the kitchen furniture, too, and the dishes and bedding, which she had sewed and embroidered, there was a monogram on everything at that time. And these were all taken to Pest, because my mother got married in Pest, where my father lived with my paternal grandmother in a three-bedroom apartment with all of the modern conveniences.

My brother was born in 1929, and three years later I was born. We lived on Kertesz Street 39. I don’t know when my parents moved there, they didn’t tell me. Anyhow, when I was born, they already lived on Kertesz Street in a middle class apartment, where there was a maid, too, of course. It was as absolutely normal thing for a middle class family to have a maid. These were girls from the country, they lived in a maid’s room, they had a night out once a week, then they went to the funfair, and in the meantime they learned to cook, to clean the house. As a young woman I also had a maid for a long time.

We lived on Kertesz Street until I was three years old, but I don’t remember anything. We lived together with my grandmother, and my mother made two wonderful Gobelin tapestries during her two pregnancies. One of them, which was on the dining table later, is still used by my daughter. The other one was a wonderful piano cover, and my mother gave that to one of our good friends when she didn’t have a piano anymore. She could sew very well. My mother knew everything, she even sewed everything for my daughter and my son, coat, fur coat, everything. Mom was unbelievably creative. She learned to sing, to play the piano—she was a real enlightened young woman. But my paternal grandmother was a very strange creature and gave my mom a dog’s life. My father got married so late because his mother didn’t let him.

Both my brother and I were born at the Siesta, which is now the Oncological Institute. The Siesta was a private sanatorium, and since my father got married quite late, and my mother was much younger, my father thought that we had to be born at the best place, and this was that place. My mom was in a separate room there and very comfortable. I know that when my mother was pregnant with my brother, my father took her there two or three times because they always thought that she was going to go into labor. For me, she had already had the experience and knew when she was actually going into labor. She went in in the morning, and in an hour or an hour and I half I was born. At that time they made one stay at the hospital for eight days because they taught her how to nurse, and she rested a little bit.

None of them went to nursery school; it wasn’t common at that time. I saw a day nursery somewhere on Izabella Street. The sister of one of our maids was a nurse there, and somehow we visited this nurse. All I remember is that I was a little girl and that the babies were in a room full of steam, among very bad circumstances. We can’t even imagine such bad circumstances today.

In 1935 my father bought laboratory equipment and we moved to Paulay Street 12, but Grandma didn’t come with us there. I lived there until the house was knocked down. Our apartment was a four-bedroom-apartment with a hall; it must have been about 160-170 square meters. There was a big room in it with a loggia and the big room, which they called the elegant room. The instruments and the chemical balances, which were delicate and couldn’t be in acid steam, sat on a long marble table because that didn’t wobble. There was also my father’s desk, a big reference library, his instruments in a cabinet, but the piano, a table with armchairs and chairs were also there, so it was a very big room. We used the hall as a dining room. We held the Seder was there, as well as every other holiday. Two small hallways opened from there, the bathroom, the toilet and the pantry opened from one of them, the kitchen and the maid’s room from the other one, and in the front there was the children's room and the bedroom. The children’s room was beautiful: up on the wall, where usually there are stripes, many dancing girls and boys in national costumes were painted in a wide stripe all around the room. I didn’t know how it got there, my mother told me later that her uncle, the poor thing who was also killed, was an artist, but he made a living as a painter and painted these kinds of figures on the walls of many castles in the environs of Miskolc, so the uncle must have been a known artist. When my mother repainted the children’s room, she always left this pattern around the wall. The outermost room was the chemical laboratory and my parents worked there. And there was a big pantry, where there was a tier stand for my mom’s jams and another shelf for my father’s stuff. In the children’s room and in the big room there was a tile stove, wood stove, in the laboratory and in the bedroom there wasn’t any heating.

We were raised in a Neolog, and not expressly religious family. We always had a Christmas tree with candles; it once lit on fire. There was a big scandal: my father threw a carpet or something else on it I think. I don’t remember whether we exchanged gifts, perhaps we gave some, since our maids were always Christian girls.

On Friday evenings Mom lit candles. We celebrated Chanukkah, which is also a very nice holiday, and we sang „Maoz tzur” and such songs. Purim is also very nice. We also observed Pesach. We observed it strictly, properly, as it is prescribed. My father made beautiful Seder nights! When we celebrated the holiday together, the first night was at our place, the second night at my father’s sister. The table was set beautifully, and there were matzah balls and the Seder plate. My brother read from the Hagadah, they lit candles, Dad put on his hat, and the children also got a sip of wine.

Several Jewish families lived in the house, all of which were religious to a different extent. But everyone observed Yom Kippur. In my opinion, there wasn’t anybody who could live without traditions and not fast on Yom Kippur and go to synagogue. I remember that we were very proud when they allowed us to fast for half a day, because it wasn’t obligatory for children. And when we were older and fasted a whole day, that was a big thing! There was a family in the house who put up a Sukkah on Sukkot in the end of the outside corridor, they decorated it and we sang Hebrew songs. I remember that we played with the spinning top, too, I don’t know on which holiday [Editor’s note: at Chanukkah], but I remember that we played for peanuts.

My father had very many books at home, and he told us a story every evening. I don’t know where he knew the stories from, but I know that I always asked for  ‘The gray horse’. Daddy adored us, I was his lovey-dovey and Georgina. But my brother and I still call each other by nicknames: my brother is Pacsi, and I am Prucsi. We obviously got these names when we were little, and it is strange at this age, but we still use them.

We had a maid on Paulay [Street], too, with whom my mother went to the Hold Street market hall once a week. Sometimes I went along, too. Mom put on a hat, a pair of gloves. She didn’t just go out on the street, a woman couldn’t smoke and eat on the street, and nobody ate on the street as now. They did the shopping, carried the food home, and the maid cooked; my mother taught her to cook. And Mom baked bread every week. There was leaven put away, and there was rye flour and wheat flour in the pantry, and she kneaded a long and a round loaf of bread every week. She always put potatoes in it, too, it was very good bread, we ate it all week long. On the corner of Kaldy Street and Kiraly Street there was the baker, Kohn, they took it there to have it baked, and they took the cholent there, too. My mother made it the traditional way, but nobody could make it as delicious as her mother. If Mom ate cholent at my grandmother’s she couldn’t eat for a week. And she told me that my father didn’t know any other food but potatoes and beef. And my mother had a modern kitchen, so she made all kinds of vegetable dishes anyways, and miraculously, my father got used to them.

They preserved a lot of tomatoes and jams. They made everything themselves. Mom bought 100 kilograms of tomatoes and they cooked them in big pots, it sputtered, it burned their hand by the time they got done. Mom bought a goose every week, collected the fat in big cans, they cooked with goose-grease. The goose liver was a luxury, but there were cracklings, bread and dripping, bread and butter and bread and jam. At that time it was a miracle to be able to buy a roll! On Erzsebet Square they sold cocoa and milk in two-decilitre bottles, it had a paper top, they punched it and one could drink it with a straw; to get that with a croissant was a miracle! We took the snack to school in a snack bag: it was either bread and butter, or bread and drippings, or bread and jam. I don’t remember pork or sausage. There wasn’t any lard at all, that’s why mom collected the goose fat. And after the war if there wasn’t fat, they cooked with oil.

The washwoman came once a month I think. She went up to the laundry, where there was a cauldron, a wash basin, soap and scrubbing brush, and she could rinse the clothing in big bowls. Next to the washroom there was a room for ironing, and the attic was divided up among the apartments, just like the cellar was for the fire wood. She could lay out the clothes there. This division of the attic ended when the bombings and air raids came, and we couldn’t lay out the clothes there anymore since there couldn’t be anything flammable in the attics. Otherwise there was an drying rack in the kitchen or in the bathroom, I don’t remember exactly. And when in a couple days the clothes dried, the washwoman came and ironed them. They put a blanket on the kitchen table. In the beginning, she ironed with a charcoal-iron. Later, she ironed with a gas iron.  The distributor could be taken off the gas, and the iron could be put in its place; its end was open, and the gas heated it through. There were two irons, and they used them alternately. They first sprinkled water on the clothes, as it should be done, and they ironed the bigger pieces. In our bathroom the bathtub stood on posts and there was a gas boiler that was the property of the Gas Company. There was gas both in the bathroom and the kitchen.

We had a sewing machine. The seamstress came once or twice a year and she sewed everything up—housedresses, aprons and sheets. At that time sheets were still sewed at home. And they didn’t throw anything away, but they sewed up what was torn or had a hole. They fixed the worn neck-band so that they cut off a piece from the bottom of the shirt in the back, they sewed the new neck-band out of that, and they replaced the cut piece with another piece of material. The washwoman and the seamstress always ate at the family where they worked. The tinker also showed up once or twice a year, with a big wooden box on his back. He was a Slovak and he wandered, went about the country. He shouted into the courtyard: ‘here is the tinker’, and he mended the pans and pots right away. Sometimes beggars and street performers also came into town; at those times the women wrapped the coins in newspaper and threw them down from the outside balcony. I remember that my parents bought melons so that the melon vendor stood in front of the house with a flat wagon drawn by horses, and people could buy from him there. And the Paulay Street was called ‘leather’ street, because it was full with tanneries, all the tan-yards had a spot there.

My mother had a friend from her maidenhood, a man from Miskolc, who was an excellent dressmaker, and he had a big apartment with a salon on Deak Ferenc Street. He was a very expensive dressmaker, but he sewed for my mother at a discount price because it was an old friendship. I was there with my mother when I was a little girl. I enjoyed it very much, because he had an escritoire, in which there were some pillars if one opened it, and that intrigued me. There weren’t dolls in it, I imagined them there, and that absorbed me until my mom’s dress fitting was finished.

My mom used to go a hairdresser’s, Bandel, which was at the beginning of Andrassy Avenue. This was a hairdressing salon and there was a dryer and curler. My mother had an updo for a while, not a bun, but her hair was simply put up and there were some curls on the top; she was stylish, of course. She had a ticket for combing, she went to Bandel every morning and they combed her, and when mom took me along they cut my hair, too. I had short hair and there was a ribbon in it. This Bandel opened the shop after the war, too. I remember it was spring, nice weather, and I went there to have my hair washed, and I sat on the sidewalk, they put a chair in front of the shop, and my hair dried there, because there wasn’t gas or electricity yet. Next to the hairdresser’s there was Malvin Gelb’s flower shop. Malvin Gelb ordered exotic flowers, too, and she got poisoned from one of the flowers and she died. 

My mother also used to go to balls. There were many goldsmiths and they had a serious social life, and there was a goblet ball every year. The goldsmiths’ club and a big ballroom were in the big corner house across from the Dohany Street synagogue. They held the goblet dinner there every year. In fact, the first ball of my life was a goblet ball right after the war. I don’t know who sewed my dress, perhaps my mother did, it was a checked gored skirt, with checked waistcoat, and with a short sleeved red silk blouse. I remember that it had heavy glass buttons. That kind could be found. But my mom had beautiful evening dresses, and my father had a tuxedo. And when they got dressed for an occasion like this, we children liked it very much, because the tuxedo shirt is firm in the front, we called it ‘drumbelly’, and my father wore a cat-tie [bow-tie] with it. My parents had a busy social life, as my father had many friends.

I don’t remember whether they used to go to the theatre or not, but it’s probable that they did. In the meantime my father experimented with oil-nut and castor-oil in the laboratory. He worked for the goldsmiths, but his original profession was working with vegetable fats and oils, and he kept doing research in that field. He designed oil-presses. I remember that he designed one in Beregszasz [today Ukraine], too. At one of his experiments he got poisoned, and since there wasn’t a good medicine for that at that time, he became deaf. So he lost music, but my mother used to go to concerts at the Vigado. And when they didn’t allow the Jewish artists to work, the OMIKE, the National Hungarian Jewish Cultural Association, was founded. The theatre was in the Goldmark Room, these were sceneryless performances, like a concert, and we went to these, we had a subscription. My mom took us regularly, that’s how I saw Fidelio [Beethoven], or heard it, to be more exact, so that’s how my mother got us used to classical music.

Besides that we went to hike to the Buda Mountains, to Pilis or to Borzsony every Sunday. We didn’t care if it rained or if it was windy, we went to hike in boots and warm stockings. We went with the family, and we went in groups, too. At that time there was an active tourist life, the goldsmiths also had a sports club, and we went every Sunday, 50-60 of us, or even more. I think everyone was Jewish, and I’m sure there were others, too. I don’t know, but there were many of us. There were many children, too, and we got along vert well. The restaurant in Budakeszi, where we ate bean soup or stock many times, and which was called Mocsnek at that time, I don’t know what it is called today, still exists. There were hostels, the Kevelynyereg hostel, for example, which I liked very much, unfortunately that doesn’t exist anymore. The hostels were made by tourists carrying the bricks up with their own hands and building them. The administrator of the Nagykevely lived there, so when Northern Hungary [First Vienna Dictate]5 was reannexed, my mom went with that group, the administrator was the guide, and they toured the part of the Carpathian Mountains, which is Subcarpathia now. It is difficult to imagine that generation, the many things they had the time for and the many things they did. My father used to go to hike in the Tatras, he also skied, and he taught us to ski when we were still very young. We skated and skied. There was a rink at Sziget Street, where there was a tennis court in the summer, and in the winter we skated there.

My parents didn’t used to go abroad before World War II, only my father went to Vienna [today Austria] every now and then, if he needed some pot or chemicals for the laboratory.

We, the children, used to go on holiday in the summer. Dad didn’t, because he worked, and my mother worked, too, because when Dad equipped the lab, he taught my mother and she worked with the chemical balance. But, when we were young, Mom took us to my grandmother’s in Miskolc. She didn’t take us to the Balaton. We weren't allowed to go there because she said it was the hotbed of polio. I learned to swim at the bath of the Electric Works in Miskolc. My brother also learned to swim in Miskolc, but he learned on Varoshaz Square in a swimming bath. He learned to swim so that there was a pole, there was a rope on it, and on the rope there was a strap, they put the child in it and shouted at him to swim. I didn’t learn this way because I learned somewhat later and in a somewhat more modern time. They taught us so that the coach threw a lot of teaspoons into the water, and we had to get them out. That way, he made us get used to swimming with open eyes, and then somehow we learned to swim. Later we went swimming many times. One time, I think when I was eight years old, when the Tungsram swimming-pool was brand new, I got terrible sunstroke there. I had a fever and they even had to take me to the hospital.

When we were older we spent the summer in Romhany. Our maid was from Romhany, and my mother sent us there with her. Her father didn’t live, but her mother did, and they had a house on the main street of Romhany. It was a farmhouse with big trashing-floor and stacks. They were farmers; she had several siblings, so it was a nice big family. We didn’t go barefoot, our sole didn’t endure it, but we wore sandals, though everyone else in the village went barefoot, except when they went to church on Sundays. But after a while we could also go barefoot on the stubble. It was strictly forbidden to play in the stacks, because it was dangerous, but we still ran up and down between the stacks. Our maid wore many skirts, everyone in the village wore skirts, they had a very nice national dress. On Sundays the girls, who had braids with a long ribbon at the end, walked along the street arm-in-arm, singing, and the boys walked behind them in boots and black trousers. When my mother was also there she wore national costume from there, and we did, too. I had a national costume Romhany, I also had an aigrette, and when I was a little girl at the end of the school year, on the 15th March we wore national costumes. We spent three or four summers in Romhany, but then the maid got married and we didn’t go anymore. The maids always got married after working for us.

On the 20th August my parents took my brother and I home so that we would get accustomed to town life again and forget that rural accent, because we did learn this and that, what wasn’t appropriate. So we got to Zugliget, to my father’s sister and grandmother for two weeks. We didn’t like this grandmother of ours, this tiny little hideous woman, and we didn’t like being there at all, but we had to stay there, we had no choice. When we got used to the town again, we went to school.

This villa was owned by my father’s sister and her husband. It had a beautiful, neat garden. All along the path there were beautiful roses. There were a lot of fruit trees in the garden, and my aunt, who was a very good housewife, preserved the compote by adding sugar, putting it in closed jars, and leaving it in the kitchen, so that it would get sun.Nothing she made ever went bad.

When we were older we spent a couple summers with my mother in Nagymaros, because Dad sent Mom on vacation from the lab, and we rented a room there. My mom cooked there, and we hiked in Borzsony and Pilis, we always went on trips with my mom, sometimes there was even a guest child with us. We used to go to the Danube, to the beach, and sometimes my father came there for the weekend. Later I spent the summer at my grandmother’s in Miskolc, but my brother didn’t come anymore, because he was a big boy already, and he went to Fodor. Fodor had a sports school on the Svab Hills, where the boys also lived in and fenced there, and did all kinds of sports you can imagine. And my brother often spent the summer there, until he became a member of the Vorosmarty Scout Troop, which took up all his free time. 

My brother and I completed the four classes of elementary school on Szent Istvan Square. I hated the teacher very much, she even beat us. She got angry with one of the girls, and she hit her so hard that her nose started bleeding. We also went to Jewish religion classes, everyone had religion class. After elementary school both of us went to high school. My brother went to Kolcsei High School, which was a boys’ high school, girls couldn’t go there. They made a Jewish class of 30-40 people, and there was a separate Christian class.

When I started high school, I could only enroll in the Jewish high school on Abonyi Street. But there was so many of us there that the Jewish community rented a space fora private girls' school from a woman called Piroska Lazar. There was a corner house on the corner of Szemelynok Street. Now there is a park in front of it. At that time, it was closed off space. In the summer we could play tennis there, and in the winter we could skate. This Piroska Lazar rented I don’t know how many apartments on the first floor and she also lived there. I don’t know how old she might have been. I was once in her apartment. She had cats and all kinds of soft furniture. I went to that school for two years. There were quite sad schoolrooms, as far as I remember. The floor was gray, I think, because these were separate rooms each with a separate entrance, and they made a gym out of one of these rooms. But we had teachers like Rozsa Peter, who had been a university professor, but she couldn’t teach because she was Jewish, and Klara Feuer, who taught geography, so there were quite excellent teachers there. [Editor’s note: Klara Fejer (Feuer) (19111958): teacher, historian. She did valuable work as a textbook writer]

At that time uniforms had to be worn strictly at every school. Every school had its own uniform, and we couldn’t go in normal clothes. We got a beating even already in the first grade, at the age of eleven, if we didn’t have a uniform. It was a navy blue pleated skirt, there were buttons on the blouse, and the skirt had to be buttoned as well. Tights didn’t exist at that time, and when the weather was nice we wore knee socks, and when it wasn’t, we wore ribbed stockings, with garter, we had to clip them on. We hated it so much! And if we wore holes in them at the knee, they darned them. We wore high shoes, and our hairdo couldn’t be whatever we wanted either; it had to be either pigtails or normal short hair. At elementary school there wasn’t a uniform yet, but we had to wear an apron. We had luster aprons, usually navy blue, and they were decorated with red and white dots. It was pull-on, and tie-belt in the back. It was obligatory even in high school.

For the boys it was obligatory to wear a cap, otherwise they wore knee-breeches in the winter and shorts in the summer. We had a navy blue barrette, and there was a shield shaped badge on it, on white base ILG, Israelite Girl’s High School, I don’t remember exactly, but the letters were navy blue perhaps. We had a light striped blouse, with navy blue cuffs and collar, and it was specified what kind of white cordon had to be on it. Every school had a different cordon, and every girls’ school had different cuffs and collar.

We went to the synagogue every Saturday morning. We went to the big synagogue on Dohany Street. [see Dohany Street synagogue]6. We also used to go there during elementary school. The high school boys went to the Rumbach. [Editor’s note: The Rumbach Street synagogue was midway between the strict Orthodoxy and the Neolog conception.]. We had a young rabbi, I don’t know his real name, we only called him Lobele. He married one of the girls who graduated at that time, which intrigued us, as little girls, very much. He taught Ivrit [modern Hebrew]. We also knew biblical Hebrew, so we could translate the prayers.

At home we had separate German classe. First our teacher was a tante [German for aunt], then a fräulein [German for young woman]. The tante wasn’t very young anymore and she didn’t speak Hungarian. She was at our place every day and spoke German with us. I was still a kindergartner, and I learned German before I could read. She brought story books with illustrations, she pointed at the illustrations, and that’s how I learned the words. And when the tante left a girl came, I don’t remember her name anymore, only that we called her fräulein, ‘Frajli’. She was a young Austrian woman, she was at our place for one or two years, and like every child, we were quite cheeky with her, because we answered her in Hungarian. She didn’t speak any Hungarian either, but we still learned German well. My mother didn’t play the piano often at home anymore, but they wanted us to learn to play the piano. Needless to say, we didn’t practice as we should have. But as the situation turned for the worse, all the normal things slowly ceased. The excursions, too. In the beginning we still went to the Buda mountains, but there were Arrow-Cross men 7 there, too, and then we didn’t dare to go there anymore.

During the war

When they first bombed Budapest [The bombing of Budapest]8, they wanted to bomb the Nyugati [Railway station], but the first bomb fell on one of the houses on Podmaniczky Street, Lajos Zilahy's villa on the Rozsadomb. This was a big sensation at that time, so all the people from Budapest went up to see what the bombed Zilahy villa looked like. My parent’s bedroom was right next to the children’s room. That night I woke up because of the noises and went over to tell them that there were bombings. My parents told me to go back to bed because they weren’t bombing. But they did. That was the first, and after that we had to go to the cellar more and more often, and I was very frightened.

When they started bombing Budapest regularly my parents sent me to my father’s sister to Zugliget for a while because I was very frightened. I was there for one or two weeks. But there was a large car garage in the area and they wanted to bomb that, too, so then it was just the same, so they brought me home.

The high school's air-raid shelter wasn’t big enough for all the children, so those who lived nearby ran home. They always alerted us ahead of time. When they announced it in the radio ‘Achtung, Achtung, Lichtspiele, Krokodil gross’, it meant that there was going to be an air-raid alarm. [Editor’s note: The ‘Lichtspiele’, ‘Krokodil gross’ etc. were the codes of the German aerial defense. Only the initiate army knew what these words meant. The alarm applied to the army and military planes, but they didn’t announce air raid alarm. They announced understandingly what applied to the population.] There were several kinds of sirens. When they signaled that there was going to be an air-raid alarm, it had a screaming sound, and when they called the air-raid alarm off it was a more calm blast. Regardless of this the caretakers had a piece of rail hung up in the courtyard, and they beat this so that the inhabitants of the house would hear that there was an air-raid alarm, and then they had to go down into the cellar. Because I didn’t live there, they had to provide me some kind of an air-raid shelter nearby. 

On Hollan Street 3, where we later lived in a yellow star house, a good friend of my father’s had an underground home on the street side. They lived on the 5th floor, he was also a chemist and one time, he was fumigating his apartment of bedbugs. At that time, the apartments in Budapest were full with bedbugs, which were impossible to get rid of. People had their apartment fumigated every year, but there still were bedbugs. Fumigating meant that they had to leave the apartment, which was hermetically closed, they let cyanogen into it, they aired it after 24 or 48 hours, and then they could clean and go back into the apartment. Even so, my mother worked very hard to get rid of the bedbugs: she took all the beds in pieces with the maid every week, because these old beds were dismountable. She sprinkled them with kerosene, cleaned all the gaps with a piece of wire, took off all the pictures, so it was a terrible work, and the bedbugs were still there. They couldn’t get rid of them until the end of the war. That underground dwelling on Hollan Street was the workshop and storage of my father’s friend, and during air-raid alarm I had to run over there from school. It wasn’t very far, but I can’t even tell you how frightened I was!  

I didn’t even go for two full years to that school, because in the second year, on the 19th March, the Germans marched in. [see German invasion of Hungary [19th March 1944]]9. We were at school on Sunday morning -- we went in two shifts, because there wasn’t enough room for all of us at the same time: one week we went in the morning, and the other week in the afternoon. On Friday afternoon we couldn’t go to school because the Sabbath started, so we made it up on Sunday morning. I was on duty in the class that week. The children left the room during the recess, I opened the window overlooking the Danube.  I looked out, and I don’t know how I knew, but I knew that the Germans were marching in and I knew that I had to hate them. I was watching how the Germans marched on the lower embankment, and I knew definitively that there was trouble.

The news that the Germans came in started to spread among the teachers in seconds, and they quickly sent us home. When they marched in, a serious army made its entry into the city, scouting airplanes flew up in the air in order to frighten or to protect the army. They were black as far as I remember. They flew close to the ground. It was so horrible that by the time I got home I was shaking! All along the Basilica to the Paulay Ede Street on foot, I can’t even describe that fear! My father was deaf, he sat at his desk, and the phone was next to him, but he didn’t hear the doorbell. I went home and stood at the entrance in the outside corridor, these airplanes above me, and I rang in vain. It is relevant to mention in this story that that morning  my mother, the maid, and my brother got on a train and went to Kiskunfelegyhaza to take things to the relatives - to save I don’t know what kind of things from the bombing.

They left from the Keleti [Railway Station], as far as I remember, and they came back on the same day by train, but the identity checks had already started, they started collecting people. But somehow they got away somehow and made it home. But during the day they weren’t at home. I went down to the first floor where a family from Transylvania lived. At that time it was customary that a widow rented a big house and made a living by renting the rooms. I went there in despair and they called my father on the phone, because he could hear the phone. That’s how he let me in. 

I told Dad that the Germans had marched in. Then he called one of his friends and he also told my father that they had really marched in. Then we worried until the evening, until my mother, brother and the maid came home. Then the events happened as quickly as lightning: they disconnected the phones in the Jewish apartments, we had to surrender our radios, and before long we had to go to a yellow star house. Paulay 12 didn’t become a yellow star house, so we had to move. They quickly issued the second grade report card at school, because this was an incomplete year, and there was no school afterwards. I remember that when it really started to be an awful world, my father took his gun, he had a gun as it turned out, and some communist books, he packed them in a small package, and we went and threw it in the Danube at the Chain Bridge.

We lived in a yellow star house at my father’s friend on Hollan Street 3 in a room on the 5th floor. Another couple also lived there in the bedroom, who had been assigned there just like us. Besides having to wear a yellow star, we could also only go out on the streets at certain times. [Editor’s note: from the end of June 1944 it was allowed to leave these houses only between determined hours]. Nobody could work so everyone lived off his provisions. And we, the children, played with the other children in the house. Since we couldn’t go on the street we always played indoors. And once they take my parents from there. The Gestapo took them sometime in August. I was going upstairs, and two men, in hat and raincoat, as they show it in the movies, were taking my parents out. I tried to stop them. The two men didn’t hurt me, they just swept me away. And then, as it is in the movies, they took my parents up to the Majestic.

The Majestic and the Mirable are still there on Svab-hegy, after the Szechenyi-hegy stop to the left. These were two condominiums, and under them there was a big valley. There were two houses next to each other, this was their name, and they were condominiums, with their own flatlets, where settled men occasionally went up. One of our acquaintances owned a flatlet there. The Germans drove everyone away and occupied the house. One of our acquaintances, a lawyer, also owned a flatlet there. Well, the Gestapo occupied it and drove the habitants away. They took prisoners there. They collected them, put them in empty rooms, and interrogated them. I think the women were in one house, and in the other one the men, as my parents told me. My brother, who is three years older than me, was a skinny child at that time. One couldn’t tell that he was fifteen, and he went up there. I don’t know what he packed up and took to my parents, since they hadn’t taken anything with them. Since that was a hill, one could enter these houses on a small concrete bridge, and he went up there, and I don’t know what he did, but he managed to see them. Because he left me at home, saying that he wouldn’t take me along, because I was only twelve years old.

My parents were there for a while, and then they phoned us that they were at the Pauler Street police station for a night because they were going to be transferred to an internment camp, which was where the Rabbinical Seminary is now. [Editor’s note: The German army took several members of the Jewish social and financial elite from Pest to the prison in the building of the Rabbinical Seminary, from where they were taken to the Kistarcsa internment camp after 1-2 months.][see Kistarcsa internment camp]10. Some policeman phoned us or sent us word, I don’t remember. Then we packed some things my parents had asked for in a fiber trunk. We stayed at those friends, but they didn’t really care for us. But we weren’t so helpless, lost children, because we were very athletic, and we weren’t the kind who couldn’t do anything on their own -- especially my brother wasn’t.

At that time half of the Marguerite Bridge still existed, or the entire bridge, I don’t remember, but we somehow went over to Buda. [Editor’s note: The undermined Marguerite Bridge exploded on the 4th November 1944 because of an accident.] There were still open platforms on the streetcar, and as the streetcar turned at the Deli [Railway Station], our trunk fell off the streetcar. We were very upset, but someone picked it up and brought it back to us. We went to the police station. It had quite a desolate courtyard, and my parents were allowed to come out to the courtyard, we gave them the trunk, and then the next day they were taken to the Rock Szilard, to the present Rabbinical Seminary.

They were there for a couple days, I don’t know for how long, but it wasn’t a long time. I think their imprisonment was over within a month, and they were going to be taken to Kistarcsa where they would have been put on trains. But before they were transported Wallenberg turned up, and gave all of them -- all the prisoners, I don’t know how many of them were there, but quite a lot, as I saw it -- a Swedish Schutzpass [protection]. And my parents came home one day.

Why did the Gestapo take my parents? My parents hid part of their valuables in the villa of one of my father’s friends, an architect. This villa was located on Svab hegy, which was an Arrow Cross neighborhood. When they were bombing Budapest, an American pilot jumped out of his crashing plane and got stuck on a tree in the villa's garden. When the inhabitants of the neighborhood wanted to harm this pilot, the architect's wife stood up for him. As a result, their house was searched and my parents’ valuables were found. The architect’s wife got frightened and she told them that she had hidden my father’s laboratory appliances and my mother’s jewelry. That’s why the Gestapo took them. The American pilot survived and the architect’s wife was decorated after the war.

My parents came home with the Swedish Schutzpass, and from somewhere they got hold of a Swiss Schutzpass, too. The Swiss one was was fake, of course, and then a short time passed until the proclamation in October. [see Horthy’s proclamation]11 At the news of the proclamation there was enormous happiness, we took off the yellow stars from the coats and threw them down from upstairs.Bbut in the afternoon we could already see --  from the 5th floor of Hollan Street 3 we could see the Szent Istvan Boulevard very well, the long lines of people being driven by Arrow Cross men. And the Arrow Cross men came to the house, too, and they took all the men and women to the race track [see Tattersal]12, where there was some kind of a concentration place. They took my parents and my brother, too, and other teenage boys from the house, but they believed that my brother wasn’t fourteen yet, because he was a skinny child, so he came home. At the same time there was a very cute boy in the house, who was one year younger than my brother -- or maybe he was just fourteen, I don’t remember -- but he was a well-grown, muscular kid, and they didn’t believe that he was fourteen, so neither him nor his mother came home. But my brother came home, and so I wasn’t alone. Perhaps I wouldn’t have survivied if he hadn’t come home.

Then they deported my parents, the women and men separately from the Tattersal. My father told me, and my mother did too, that they put some blanket on the ground, and everyone had to put there his watch, ring, necklace or anything he had. The Arrow Cross men took everything from them. Arrow Cross men guarded them, as far as I remember. I don’t know where they took my mother, perhaps to Szentendre island, where they made them dig roadblocks, so if the Russians came they wouldn’t be able to go through. My father dug in Pocsmegyer. Needless to say, they were wearing their own clothes, and I don’t know what they ate, or what they were given to eat. 

My brother and I stayed at Hollan Street 3. One day the Arrow Cross men came again, and they made the children and the old people line up under the gate. It might have been November or December, I don’t know, but we were wearing winter coats. We were lining up there when my father arrived. Because they accepted one of his Schutzpasses 13 and let him come home. Otherwise he was too old to be a normal soldier, that why he wasn’t a forced laborer either. [see Forced labor]14. Then he looked that they were taking us and he couldn’t do anything. They took the little children, too, and as far as I know they took them somewhere on Kossuth Lajos Square, then all of them died of hunger. [Editor’s note: According to Laszlo Karsai this is probably not true, because several reminiscences testify that during liquidations, Arrow Cross men let the women with babies and small children leave the Obuda brick factory, and even the death marches.] They took a little child from the house, too, that’s how I know. And they took us to one of the brick factories in Obuda, somewhere on Becsi Avenue. The rain came pouring down, there was a lot of mud, and they drove us up to one of the Hoffman annular kilns, where they burn the bricks. We spent the night up there. They let us down to the courtyard once or twice, we could relieve ourselves on the ground. We were there for two days. They didn’t give us any food -- nothing at all. 

There were many of us there, I don’t know how many, old people and children. My brother and I sat on the ground. I have to add that because we were tourists and scouts we had our scout outfit in our backpacks, and we wore hiking boots and winter coats. Children wore Bocskai coats at that time -- we wore that, the yellow star, and a cap. [Editor’s note: Textile coat with black frogging, fashionable in the 1930s, which was mostly characteristic of the Hungarian middle class, and it signified the success of the Jewish assimilation.] The cap was warm because it covered the ears. I had just baked a bread before they took us. My maternal grandmother had taught me how to knead with leaven when I spent the summer at her place in Miskloc. It was quite doughy, but it was still bread. We took this with us and my brother and I calculated for how many days would that be enough, so we ate very little of that so that it would last longer.

On the second or the third day they took us to the brick factory across the street, at the Becsi Avenue, where there was a big courtyard and where people stood in long queues for hours. One couldn’t fall out of line. We just kept standing, and in the evening they forced us into the brick factory. We were lucky, because we got into a burning room, and it never got so cool so that it would be cold there. In the morning they took us out again in the courtyard. The weather was very nice that day, and we just stood there in a long line, three or four in a row, in compact rows, round and round, and needless to say, it was forbidden to lose one's spot. It was morning already when my brother noticed that a group of the elderly and of children were gathering at the gate. He told me that we should go to that gate. I told him that he was stupid, that they would shoot us if we fell out of line. But he said that he was still going to go there. He did, in fact, leave the line, and I followed him like a dog. A police officer stopped him and asked where he was going. He said that he was going where the elderly and the children were. And he just waved his hand, and he didn’t even care about me, because I was a little girl, and I also went there with my brother. We kept standing there. There were 100 of us at the most. They then left a policeman in charge of the group the group and this policeman escorted us. But we didn’t know in which direction he was going to go, outward on Becsi Avenue or towards the city. And to our surprise, we set off towards the city.

I have just heard it after so many years, that this rescue was organized by the police superintendent of the 8th district. I didn’t even know that it wasn’t an accident. A policeman took us to Pest across Margit Bridge, and he told us to tell him where to escort us. At the beginning of Pozsonyi Avenue, at the bridge head, an Arrow Cross kid in a cloak and with a machine-gun stopped us and started to get annoyed. He was annoyed because there was an Arrow Cross house on Szent Istvan Boulevard and they tormented and killed many people there. But this policeman told him to go to hell, because he had to escort this company and he should leave him alone. He let us go, and the policeman started to see us home. And there were fewer and fewer of us as people went into the houses.

We arrived at Hollan Street 3 and we went up to the 5th floor. My father was just boiling potatoes. He was very happy to see us, needless to say, and we each got a plateful of potatoes. It was dry, and we got such cramps from it, because we hadn’t eaten for practically three days- that I will never forget! We had such terrible cramps because of that little potato.

My mother had not come home when the Arrow Cross man appeared and told us that the house was going to be a Swiss protected house, and those who didn’t have a Swiss Schutzpass had to leave. My father showed them our Swiss Schutzpass, but they said that it was fake and tore it. I have to add that when my father had seen the Arrow Cross take us a couple of days earlier, he had hurried off to the Swedish embassy, or wherever they issued the Swedish Schutzpasses, so that there would be a Schutzpass on our name, too, not only theirs.

But then we had to leave. We stood there with my brother on Katona Jozsef Street in front of some shop window blinds which were down. We had packs and there was a duvet or a comforter in them, and waited for my father to come and tell us where to go. It was quite unpleasant to stand there. Then he came for us and we went to Katona Jozsef Street 10/a, which became a Swedish protected house. We got a bedroom on the 4th floor, in the apartment of a lawyer. People lived in the other rooms. In this house there were beautiful luxurious apartments, real middle-class apartments, and this apartment was also very nice. The kitchen door and the outdoor balcony overlooked the Vig Theater, and their big dining room and the living rooms partly overlooked Katona Jozsef Street. The lawyer and his family were on telakh. They were hiding with fake papers and we never met them. Their personal belongings were jammed into the dining room. And to our luck, the pantry was full with jam, with orange jam for example, because they were wealthy people. It was also a novelty for me that one could go into the bedroom through the bathroom, too, and the entrance of the bathroom wasn’t divided with a curtain, but with a sliding door.

The daughter of a goldsmith lived on the ground floor in a flatlet, her husband was a forced laborer, and she also remained there with her ten-month-old daughter. One could enter that apartment from the courtyard, which was like a garden, the window overlooked the courtyard. If there was an air-raid alarm, we didn’t go to the cellar, because that was packed, but to this apartment. The house had a balcony on the top. We knew the family that lived there and us children played there. 

During that time there it was Christmas. My father had a very decent customer, who lived in the house where the baker Glasner lived, at the corner of Hollan Street and Szent Istvan Boulevard. Glasner baked throughout, during the assault, too. It was a big deal because there wasn’t any food! My father’s customer was so nice that he followed our status, and at Christmas he showed up with cocoa and a milk loaf. I can’t tell what that meant at that time!

We had been there for quite a while, when one day my mother turned up. They were being driven outwards on Becsi Avenue. My mother was a very cool, athletic woman. She was 38 years old, and as they drove them outwards [see Death marches to Hegyeshalom]15, mom wanted to flee already at Almasfuzito. She exchanged her boots for a pair of high heel shoes, or I don’t know what, and she wanted to run away, but she was caught. They didn’t shoot her, because they usually shot those who fell out of line or couldn’t walk, but they drove her back, and she walked for another couple kilometers. They arrived at a watchman’s house. Unfortunately I don’t know the name of the woman, so I can’t recommend her to Yad Vashem [to be named a Righteous Among the Nations]. I think she was called Mariska. She was a young woman, her husband was a railwayman, and she saw when my mom and two others fell out of line. And this Mariska hid them from sight as quick as lightning. She took them down to a cellar. Her husband didn’t even know that she was hiding three people. When her husband went to work she brought them food and I don’t know what else. They were there for two or three weeks, I don’t know for how long, when Mariska collected some clothes and papers from her relatives in the surrounding Swabian villages. And Mariska stopped a German truck, and my mother and the other two came home to Pest on the back of that truck. They didn’t get caught. They arrived to Pest, my mother went to Hollan Street. She was told we weren't there, and that were on  where she was told Katona Jozsef Street. Mom came there, and I never saw my father cry before or after that, but he cried when mom turned up. I must add, that this Mariska used to come to our place to Pest for years, and my mom gave her everything she could. They were simple, honest people. I only know about them that they lived in a watchman’s house at [Almas] Fuzito. I don’t know anything else.

From then on it was the four of us. And we were in the Swedish protected house. Well, Wallenberg was a great organizer. He brought food in our house, food! I saw frozen food for the first time in my life; we didn’t even know until then that frozen food existed. Frozen peas: that was a wonder, peas in the winter, that’s why I remember. And the pantry was full with jam. There was no sugar, so we could use that instead of sugar. In the meantime the weather turned so cold that there was an ice plug in the toilet, since there wasn’t any heating. And on the 24th the assault started, they blockaded Budapest. They didn’t shoot the international ghetto, they didn’t bomb it. If it was hit , it wasn’t on purpose, and during the night there was an announcement with a loud speaker in Hungarian from the Russian troops. [Editor’s note: The protected houses into which they moved the Jews who had Schutzpasses issued at the embassies of the neutral countries were in the international ghetto. They officially allowed about 15000 Jews to move to protected houses, but in reality several 10000 people lived in this ghetto, many of them with fake safe-conducts.] We could hear it clearly in the airshaft, people stood there and listened where the Russians were. We slept on a double bed in the bedroom. There was a wall behind us, and one day all the plastering fell on the bed because of a shot. But we we weren’t in it because it was during the day. But my parents got frightened and we moved to the first floor. At that time everyone lived in cellars, but we went to the apartment of one of our acquaintances. Our window, overlooked the courtyard. But, it was stuffed with mattresses, because there was a mandatory blackout. There was also no heating and the windows had broken. I don’t know how we got light, with candles or lanterns, but I learned at that time that if wax fell on something it could be removed with hot iron and blotter.

Wallenberg and his group also had us vaccinated. There was a doctor in the house, too, a young man. We got a vaccine in the breastbone against typhus and I don’t know what disease, which we could have got because of the starvation and dirt.

The Germans had an arsenal in the cellar of a house somewhere around Szemere Street, and that exploded one night. There was a tremendous detonation. The mattresses fell out of the window, the coats from the hall flew into the room, then out in the courtyard, and it seemed as if a big flame had hit our building. Everyone jumped up. There was another big explosion when the Vig Theater was hit. When this happened I was just upstairs in the kitchen, which overlooked the theatre, and I only remember that my hair stood on its end and I ran into the hall because of the blast.

Then there was no gas, no electricity. My mother put two bricks on the stove, and I don’t remember what she burned so that she could cook a soup or something. Sometime in the middle of January the Soviet troops liberated the international ghetto. I have just read that there was a Swedish [protected] house, from where they took the people to the banks of the Danube. At that time, I thought that all the Swedish houses survivied. We knew that there was a Swiss house [Editor’s note: The activity of the Swiss diplomats to save Jews was organized around the embassy. The Swiss consul in Budapest was Carl Lutz in 1944-1945. The Schutzbrief, the safe conduct for the Jewish refugees from Budapest was his idea. He saved 10000 Jewish children, whom they sent to Palestine, with these safe-conducts. He issued more than 50000 safe-conducts without a permission. Besides this he played a role in establishing the 76 so called protected houses in Budapest. Jewish refugee agencies estimate the number of Jews saved by him at 50000. Consul Lutz’s temporary agent in Budapest, dr. Peter Zurcher prevented the SS from exterminating the 70000 inhabitants of the ghetto before the Soviet occupation.], and Spanish house from where they took the people to the banks of the Danube and shot them into the Danube, but they didn’t take us. [Editor’s note: Angel Sans Briz, who was a Spanish ambassador in Budapest in 1944 issued 500-700 safe-conducts and approved the establishing of several dozens of Spanish houses in Budapest. By the end of the war more than 3000 Jews escaped with the papers of the Spanish embassy.] We escaped. We were liberated.

One day a Russian soldier brought a beautiful, young, injured horse into the courtyard. He gave it to us and shot it. My father, who didn’t know how to do it, but whose father was a butcher, and another man, who was really a butcher, butchered the horse, so everyone got some meat this way. Nobody had eaten horse until then, needless to say, we didn’t even know what it was like. My mom cooked some soup out of it, I remember that the meat tasted sweetish. Things like this saved us.

After the war

On the 18th January [Editor’s note: Pest was liberated on that day.] my father borrowed a four-wheel handbarrow from somewhere, we put our stuff on it and went to Hollan Street 3 to get our things from there. By that time many things had disappeared from the apartment. We pulled the barrow home on Bajcsy-Zsilinszky Avenue and went home. I was very cold on the way. I had a pair of Halina boots, that’s a feltlike, grey thick material, it was fashionable at that time. They are warm boots in principle, but my heels froze and they only healed years later. It was a very cold winter, Budapest got by without any epidemics.

When we went back to Paulay Ede Street we put the Swedish flag first on the entrance door! In the blocked part of our apartment a family from Turkeve lived. They were hiding from the Russians. They could enter the apartment from the kitchen side, through the outside balcony. One of the window glasses was still there in our apartment because my father had taken off one of the casements everywhere when we ran away from the bombings, and he put those back, so we had one window. Since he also had experience in design, he had a big wide tracing-paper, and he replaced the other window glass with that, and that was our window for quite a long while. It was frosty in the apartment and the bedroom could not be heated. The bedroom wasn’t big. My parents had never heated it, because they said that heat wasn’t needed for sleeping. In the evening we got dressed, we put on all the clothes we had, they boiled some water in the kitchen, and they put warm water in glasses to our feet, and everything you can imagine, comforters, and all our clothes were put on, so that we wouldn’t shiver.

The lab part of the apartment could be used immediately because my father’s laboratory assistant had a registered company. Its name was written on the door, that's what they had agreed with my father. And quite a lot of things had been piled up in the salon from the other parts of the apartment. We went in and just looked at what had happened there, because everything was broken. We looked up and there was a hole in the ceiling. A bomb had fallen into the room, but it didn’t explode, only the steel shell had fallen apart, and the entire apartment was full with some very fine, powder-like brown and gray dust. My father had a huge drawing-board, he went up the third floor and he covered the hole. And the caretaker and someone else took the bomb in the courtyard, and put some kind of sign on it that it was dangerous, and the bomb-disposal squad took it after a while. But my smart brother found the igniter and was about to take it apart, but they took it from him and the danger was over. My mother still found some of this powder-like dust in the apartment years later when she cleaned. 

We had lost a lot of weight and we were in a very bad shape. We were skin and bones. And we didn’t have anything. These people from Turkeve had some food, and they gave us some. If my brother and I managed to sneak in to their pantry, we stole honey from their can and we licked the wooden spoon, which was in the dish with the honey. Otherwise there was an Aryan’s spouse in the house, and they had wheat in a sack. And we had hand-mill in the lab, and my father milled and he got wheat. Then a couple men went to the mill on Soroksar Avenue with the handbarrow. The bombs had also been hit by proof shots and bombs, some of them burned with big flames --  we had seen it in the summer. There was a lot of burnt wheat in one of the grain elevators. They brought home I don’t know how many sacks of this wheat, and the entire family hand-sorted it. My father milled what wasn’t burned. There was a tap in our courtyard, and fortunately there was water in it. The entire neighborhood used to go there because there was no water in the houses and apartments in the neighborhood. Mom mixed the water and the wheat, put it on the cooktop, and some kind of food came out of it. And one day my mother and I went to Zuglo on foot, hoping that we would find something at the Bulgarian gardens [Editor’s note: The Bulgarian truck farmers occupied a significant position in vegetable growing all across Europe]. We wandered a big piece of muddy land, but we didn’t find any beets. Then Dad collected all the watches the family had, I don’t know how many of them, but I know that he took mine, too. I don’t know where he took them, but he got lard and flour from the Russians in exchange for them, it was the ‘davaj csaszi’ period. [Editor’s note: ‘Davaj csaszi’ –‘ give me your watch’. The Soviet soldiers who arrived to Budapest took everyone’s watch they could, and they usually put all the watches they collected on their arm. Many eye-witnesses related that the soldiers’ arms were covered with watches] We starved. We were so skinny that my father went up to my mother one day, breathed on her and asked if his breath was already sour.

Budapest starved, literally. These were very difficult times. I remember that one of my brother’s friends --  he was a developed, manly boy, he lived with his mother, I don’t know where his father was, first got the “Ukrainian” – the “Ukrainian” was a diarrheic disease and very many died of it. Then he fell ill with typhus, I think, and then I never saw him anymore, my brother told me that he had died. We couldn’t help him, we couldn’t feed him.

Once my mother and I were walking on Hollo Street, where there was a public bath. We were just walking back to Paulay Street, when my mother told me ‘Don’t look there!’ She always covered my face when she didn’t want me to see something. But it was too late. The gate of this bath on Hollo Street was open, it had a big courtyard, and that was full with bodies. I didn’t see it for a long time, because my mother pulled me away from there, but I saw it. At that time People’s Courts judged, and they sentenced two cruel officers to death, and they executed the sentence on the Oktogon [square in the center of Budapest], and that was the only case like that, they hanged them on lamp post and they just hung there. We were walking on the Oktogon, and my mother told me not to look there, but by the time she said it I had already seen them hanging there. It wasn’t possible not to see them. Or when we were pulling the barrow home with our goods, as we were walking on the street, the Bajcsy [Zsilinszky Street] was full with the remainder of horse carcasses, because people had already cut off them everything that was edible.

Then these people from Turkeve went home one day, and the world slowly came back to normal. Zoltan Vas was appointed the head of Budapest. He was responsible for putting things in order. They started bringing food from somewher, and life became better. The entire boulevard was a stock-market or a bazaar, I don’t remember what we called it. They put a small table out there, and one sold boot sole, the other one table cloth and cornflour pudding, so people tried to sell everything. And the black market started very soon, too. People went to the country for food, they exchanged all their valuables with the peasants. Because despite being robbed, they still had food. There were trains already, and very many people traveled. When there wasn’t enough room in the trains, people traveled even on top of the trains. They went to the country, they took their coat and everything that was movable, and exchanged it for food, because the farmers in the country didn’t have clothing, everything was a treasure there. I think the streetcar no. 6 set off on the 1st May and there was a procession that day. The bleacher was in the middle of Hosok Square and as far as I remember they took all the children to the zoo and we got pilaf there for free. That was a very big deal! There were all kinds of decorations at the procession. One thing I remember is that the bakers brought a big croissant. There was a big procession already at that time, and every year from then on.

When there was electricity again the goldsmiths started to work. The smeltery on Hollo Street, where the amalgam for the goldsmiths was made, didn’t work yet. So then Dad made a furnace in the bathroom, or he got hold of it, in which he could melt the gold in bigger skillets, and he started to alloy. At that time people shopped with raw gold because there was inflation. Money wasn’t worth anything, it lost value every day, and people only exchanged enough to buy their train ticket, because the money was worth even less the next day. The goldsmiths brought the raw gold, Dad melted it, alloyed it, and checked how many carats it was. Then as my brother and I were older we could help more and more in the lab. I was still a little girl when I started working regularly. 

Then, when Gyula Hevesi came home from the Soviet Union, he employed Dad at the Patent Office in 1948, and dad got away from the penalty that he couldn’t be an employee as the member of the Chamber of Engineers. In 1949 he gave the entire lab to the state. They took it and in exchange they gave him enough money so that the partition of the apartment didn’t cost us. Because we didn’t need such a big apartment. We still had 110 square meters. 

My brother and I went to school. My brother went back to the Kolcsey and he graduated high school there in 1947. Piroska Lazar’s school didn’t exist anymore, and one of the high schools from Buda moved to Veres Palne Street, where there was also a school. My parents enrolled me there at first, but then the Maria Terezia Girls’ High School was opened on Andrassy Avenue, and my mom transferred me there, because that was much closer. From March 1945 there was a three-month school year, because when the Germans marched in that year counted as an incomplete school year, and during this three-month school year I already went to school on Andrassy Avenue. We were in a classroom on the 2nd floor, which overlooked Andrassy Street 60. We had a little blond Hungarian teacher, she was quite a rightist. During one recess we were watching as Szalasi was taken to that building, this woman saw us and made a big scandal because we were watching. Maria Krudy taught history, she was one of Gyula Krudy’s daughters. She was a very elegant, thin woman. She apparently used to be a ballerina when she was younger. She was a very cultured woman, and I liked history very much at that time. There was no heating in the class room, of course, we sat in our winter coats. One day I started scratching. It turned out that I had lice and I was very embarrassed. But it turned out that the entire class had lice. My mother bought something at the pharmacy and slowly I got better.

I failed Latin class. Latin and German were obligatory at high school. There was German for the girls from the 1st grade, and Latin from the 3rd, for the boys there was Latin from the 1st grade, German from the 3rd, and from the 5th grade they started another language. My brother hated Latin, and he explained it to me so many times that I didn’t learn even a word and I failed. So I spent all the summer learning Latin. I went up to Bela Kiraly Avenue to a kind of colony of artists, and a young woman gave me Latin lessons. She taught me Latin so well, that I went to high school for two years after that, but I lived off what I had learned from her. And I took the make-up exam smoothly, so I didn’t have to repeat the year.

Religion class was obligatory at school, and everyone went to the religion class of her denomination. There were mostly Catholics in a class, and when they had religion class the Calvinists, the Lutherans and we sat in the benches in the back. We couldn’t loaf around, but we had to busy ourselves and keep quiet. I remember that the Catholics always went to church on Ash Wednesday, and when they came back there was a little ash on their forehead.

At that time they called the Bat Mitzvah for Jewish girls a Confirmation. Ours was so that on the first floor of the Dohany Street synagogue there were a lot of girls of my age, we had our Bat Mitzvah together, and the synagogue was decorated. For this festive occasion I got a golden bracelet from my father. My brother naturally had a Bar Mitzvah during the war, also at the Dohany Street synagogue.

I became a scout after the war. I was thirteen years old already, my brother had started scouting at the age of ten already. Most of the children started even earlier, because there were ‘cubs’ from the 1st grade of elementary school. [Editor’s note: The scouts between 8-12 years old were called cubs.] We went on a trip every week, we tested different skills - making fire, pitching, and other things, and when we took the test we got different badges on our shirt. I was a leader for a long time, too. Discipline was important in the scouting movement and scout life was a very good thing. Our troop was a Jewish troop, called ‘Vorosmarty 311.' It was a member of the Scouting Association. I was a scout until the movement ended, until the winter of 1948.

Later I was a member of the Student Association. The laborers had their own association, the university students did, too, and also every group had its association, and later these joined together in the DISZ, which later became KISZ [Editor’s note: DISZ (Association of Working Youth) (1950-1957 was a massive youth organization modeled after the Soviet Komsomol. Members were recruited from among college and university students primarily, and young factory workers secondly. In October 1956 DISZ disintegrated after students of various universities announced their secession one after the other. KISZ (Communist Youth League) (1957-1989) was a youth organization created by the Hungarian Communist Party in place of the DISZ. It aimed to represent the whole country's youth, sought to politically educate young people and supervise political as well as some social activities for them. Membership was common, if rather pro forma, among university students (96 %) but lower among young people already working (31 %). In 1989 the organization's national congress changed the name to Democratic Youth Federation and declared it a voluntary league of independent youth organizations that would not accept direction from any single party.] I was already a high school student, I was an elder girl, when there was a torchlight procession on the 7th November or 15th March, and we went to demonstrate, but first there was a practice march. We marched in close formation, and absolutely orderly. We also had a uniform at the Student Association. I still took part on the 1st May processions and other processions when I already worked. In all my life. These were very nice. My little son, was raised in Vienna [today Austria], and there was a muster parade when he was at home, he was very happy that I took him to the muster parade.

I went to the Maria Terezia Girls’ High School until the 5th grade, I completed the 5th grade there, but I didn’t want to graduate at a high school. I applied to a commercial school and to the chemistry technical school. 500 of us applied to the technical school, they enrolled 90, and 29 of us graduated in 1951. But it wasn’t easy to find a job at that time either. At that time they still directed us, they knew it from somewhere that this and this company needed such and such a worker, and they directed us. They filled out our service certificate at school, and they wrote in mine Plastic Industry Research Institute. I went there, and they asked me why I went. I told them that that’s what they wrote in my service certificate. They said ‘no, thanks’. Then my father, who was known in the trade, talked with someone at the Ministry of Heavy Industry, where the chemical industry belonged, and that’s how I got to the Conserve, Meat, Refrigerating Industry Research Institute after graduation as a young technician, to the experimental station.

In the meantime I got married in July. I met my husband in the scout troop. I wasn’t sixteen yet, and he was nineteen. We got married in July 1951. The wedding was in the 6th district town hall. My mother got hold of two kinds of material from somewhere, one was pink with white squares or something like that in it, the other one was navy blue with some floral pattern. There was an excellent seamstress in the house, and elderly woman, who worked very slowly but beautifully, and she sewed both dresses, and I got married in the pink one. I didn’t have white sandals so we went to Csepel, because the Weiss Manfred [Editor’s note: At that time it was called Rakosi Matyas Works after the first secretary of the party.] was there, the working class was there, and because of this they stocked the shops there better, and there I could buy a pair of white sandals. After all, it was summer and hot and I couldn’t go barefoot to the wedding. 

We didn’t want to get married at a  synagogue because we weren’t religious. When I went to the technical school religion class was still compulsory, but there wasn’t a regular religion class. Instead, we went to liturgy class [Editor’s note: Religious education at schools became optional from 1949. In 1950 80% of the high school children attended religion classes at school, in 1955 only 40%, and in 1960 25%.]. On the corner of Andrassy Avenue and Sziv or Rozsa Street there was a famous cafe. Writers used to go there, but at that time it was already empty and we had to go there. We didn’t pray, but we sang, we knew a lot of joyous Hebrew songs. I liked to sing very much. In the next years religion class wasn’t obligatory anymore, and then the entire class ended religion classes for good, and after that we had nothing to do with religion. After the war most of the Jews joined the communist party. We did, too. My father was a communist originally, my mother was a social democrat, because her father was also a social democrat. We knew the International already in our childhood, even though it was forbidden. So my mother was specifically a leftist, and my father was a 1919 communist, that’s why he had had to emigrate at the time. I was a member of the communist party already at the age of sixteen. I am not ashamed of it. My husband was also a communist.

My husband’s parents lived in Hajdunanas, and my mother-in-law had a fiance before World War I who didn’t return. She kept waiting for him, years went by, and then her sister brought her to Pest during the ball season, sometime when she was in her twenties. She met a man at a ball and married him. My husband’s father was a strange man. He had been everything in his life, from unterman to rich jewelry merchant, and when he got married he was already around forty. They lived on Dohany Street, and my mother-in-law told me, that when they spent the first New Years’ Eve together and they took inventory, they decided for him to sell jewelry out of a suitcase. He didn't have a shop but he was always at the New York Cafe. He had so much jewelry; that kind of wealth is hard to imagine. But then he gambled everyhting away because later my husband's family had nothing. 

My mother-in-law told me that her husband was a handsome man. They used to say things like this at that time. But he didn’t care for his wife, and when she found that out, the father of my mother-in-law still lived in Hajdunanas and he said that he would take back his daughter. And they divorced. At that time it went like this. It was possible in 1932. And her father gave allowance for my mother-in-law so that she would get by. My mother-in-law never worked. She could bake very good pie and cook stuffed cabbage, but she never had a job. Her father died in two or three years, and then she and her child were left without anything.  They wanted to marry her off so that her life would be taken care of. She met a widower through a match-maker, who was raising a thirteen-year-old girl alone, and he married my mother-in-law. They lived on Terez Boulevard, but the new husband didn’t want the new child, who went to all kinds of different schools from then on, to a college in Esztergom for example. He also went to a German imperial school for a while, then he got to some kind of a children’s home, then he graduated the four classes of middle school on Kertesz Street. During the occupation he was in hiding with fake papers. 

At the end of 1944 my future husband became a Red Cross courier. There was a military hospital in the cellar of a porcelain and crystal store in Pest, where they attended to the injured, and the doctor’s family lived somewhere on the Gellert Hill in Buda. In January 1945 the doctor sent him to his wife on Berc Street with some package. He went across Erzsebet Bridge hand over hand, because it was guarded, but on the way back the Russians already bombed the side of Gellert Hill. He was coming down the Gellert Hill with two boys, on the footpath, but they were very frightened, and before they got to Hegyalja Street, a mine exploded next to them. One of the boys died, the other one lost one of his limbs, and he also got injured. He went unconscious. When the gun-fire calmed down the people hiding in the caves one the side of the mountain, came out, found him, put him on a stretcher, and took him to the cellar of Gellert Hotel, where there was a military hospital. They operated on him. There weren’t narcotics at that time. And when the Russians got there all of the patients became prisoners of war.

After a while, the Russians put them in cars and took them somewhere. He didn’t know where, but they didn’t speak Hungarian as he heard the voices from the outside. And then he got back to Debrecen. The government had been formed in Debrecen, it organized a temporary army, and they drafted him. But since he was still bandaged, he got a leave-pass, with which he came home to Pest, and he never went back. When I met him in the Csikovaralja scout camp in 1945 he still had to get his hand rebandaged regularly. 

We started to date in the fall of 1947 and that’s how I got married. We partitioned off a one-bedroom apartment on Liszt Ferenc Square. It cost 15000 forint, my parents gave 5000 out of that I think, and my father-in-law lent us 10000. My husband was a trainee, and first he became a radio repairman. Somewhere on the Blaha [Blaha Lujza Square], there was a self-employed man, he was liberated there after the war. And in 1940 he got to the party center, he was the sound man when there were different events. They nationalized a villa on Szabo Jozsef Street at that time, among others, and its owner had a radio service-station. The owner lived in the villa, there were buildings in the back, too, there must have been his workshops. This was the predecessor of the Gelka. [Editor’s note: Servicing network, which repaired electric household appliances and electroacoustic appliances.] My husband became very soon the foreman of the sound department. They did the sound at the muster parades, the 1st May events, and other similar events. In the meantime, already during our marriage, he graduated high school and the Polytechnic University. He became a weak current electrical engineer. Then they transferred him to the ministry, to the inspectorial authority, and he was a head of department there. It was in the building on Moszkva Square, that big post office.

I worked on Herman Otto Street for five years, our children were born at that time, a son in 1953, and a daughter in 1955. At that time, maternity leave was only three months. I wanted to quit but I didn't. In August 1956 I got to Kobanya, to the Ceramics Fire Resisting Material Factory, the quality control laboratory. This was on Sibrik Miklos Avenue, where there is a big housing establishment now. At that time that part was still full with mine lakes, there were several brick factories in the neighborhood. Opposite the factory there was a huge empty ground, and when I went to work on the Sibrik [Miklos Avenue], I went at 7 o’clock, I always looked at the sunrise. It was beautiful.

My mother took care of our children because I worked. Sometimes she came over in the morning and waited until one of us got home, or the children were at her place, and I went there and went home from there, but it wasn’t good either way. Because either her or my household was neglected. At that time we didn’t live on Liszt Ferenc Square anymore, because that was a very tiny apartment, but we managed to exchange it for a two-bedroom apartment with modern conveniences on Kertesz Street. Looking at it now, it was quite a badly equipped apartment, we struggled a lot, because we heated with coal, and there was a stove in the bathroom too, we had to heat there, too. First we washed in a tub, we scrubbed the diapers, then we cooked them and of course ironed them. I got my first washing machine when my daughter was born.

But by the time my daughter was born, my son fell ill with polio. His left leg was paralyzed.  This was in September 1954; I was pregnant with my daughter then. Well, my husband was beside himself: we had a healthy child, he wanted him to be healed. He went everywhere, he tried everywhere so that they would help the child. At that time many children fell ill. There were some who got a job in China, because there were methods to cure the sick children. It’s difficult to imagine how many things parents tried! My son got into the Movemenet Therapy Institute on Villanyi Avenue. There was a doctor there, a black spinster, she was a very coarse, cruel woman, and in that institute there was such order, that visiting was only allowed once a month, and they yelled at us then, too. My husband and I went in through the fence and we sneaked there and peeked in through the window to see the child. It was in the evening. And the miserable didn’t lay in beds, but the something they were on was made of wood. We couldn’t visit him, we couldn’t call on the phone, and there was no result. Then after a while my mother had enough of it. My husband told her that we wouldn’t take him home until he was healed, but my mom said that we were indeed going to take him home for the holidays. This was the Christmas of 1954. My mother talked with the doctor and we took the child home.

Later my mom took my son to Frankel Leo Street several times a week for after-care gymnastics. After the war, after dad handed down the lab in 1949, my mom got a job as an administrator. She didn’t work for long, because there was a big lay-off in 1954, and they dismissed my mother, saying that she didn’t need it as much as my father was in a leadership position at the Patent Office at that time. And after my son became sick she never tried to get a job again. She helped me and cared for the child. She learned how to do gymnastics with him, and the child got a walker, with which he could walk, but his leg that didn’t develop properly became thinner and thinner. We left no stone unturned in order to do something, and that’s how my husband and I ended up in Vienna.

They recommended us a miracle doctor in Vienna. They said that he does wonders with these sick children, so my husband decided to apply for a passport. This was before October 1956, my daughter was small, a baby, and I couldn’t have gone. Only he could go, and he applied for a passport in order to go to this doctor. There was a Hungarian-Austrian soccer game on the 19th or 20th October 1956, and I special train went from Budapest to Vienna for this event. My husband worked at the Post Office Department at that time, and they got tickets to this game, too. They knew it there that he wanted to go to the doctor, so he also got a ticket. At that time it functioned so that if one needed a fridge for example, and the company where he worked got three fridge tickets, they raffled them or just gave them away. Or the company got a couple tickets for a big wardrobe, then they gave them to someone and that person got the wardrobe. My husband went to Vienna, he sold his ticket there immediately, because he was never interested in soccer, and somehow he found that doctor. But it turned out that he was a charlatan.  But my husband met some Hungarian people who lived there, and I don’t know what happened there until this day. They were there for a night, I think it was the weekend and he arrived at night. But as if not he would have come back! I have never seen such a thing, and I don’t understand it even after so many years.

He brought some plastic watches stuffed into his underwear. The plastic watch is a transparent watch, it was a big thing at that time, it functioned with batteries and it was worth about 300-500 forint. And he also brought windbreakers and things like that. And he knew what was going to happen. He knew it, they already knew it in Vienna, but here none of us knew. And on the 23rd October it came about. [see 1956] 16

They shot and robbed everything. They robbed everything - it’s not true that they didn’t rob. There was a man who could hardly walk because he had put so many coats on, I watched him from the window. But it is also true that a truck stopped at the corner with dead geese and they gave them away. But it wasn’t as people now tell all kinds of things. There were decent, nice, good-intentioned people, and there was a lot of riff-raff. A boy with a civic guard armband came up to visit us, he had a gun, and asked us how we were doing, because he was my husband’s colleague, but he wasn’t a counter-revolutionist at all. But this didn’t affect me, it didn’t affect anyone in my family. What does a survivor and her husband do? The first thing was that we checked how much food we had at home, and for how many days that was enough. When there was a lot of shooting, we moved the two children to the cellar to sleep there, and we pulled our bed out in the hall, because that’s safer, and we slept there, not in the room.

My husband had a tape recorder at home from his workplace, it was as big as a suitcase. We had a radio, and Orion, I think, it was a radio with a tuning eye, which picked up a lot of waves. We could hear the taxis on the radio, and if the machines of war transmitted on a band, we could hear that, too. My husband recorded the more interesting things on a tape, and he still has them. One time, when my husband wiggled the tuner we heard, a military plane was flying above Budapest, that the pilot, the voice of a young man, screamed: ‘Oh my God, what do I see?’ And he said in despair that they were throwing living people out of the window on Koztarsasag Square. Simply they threw them in the street. But they also murdered the regular soldiers on duty. [Editor’s note: The attack against the Koztarsasag Square hall of the Hungarian Democrat Party on the 30th October 1956 is still one of the most controversial and partly unveiled events of the 1956 revolution. The revolters supposed that the building was the anti revolutionary center of the broken up AVH and the party apparatus. One of their groups tried to deliver the rebels caught by the AVH, and they opened fire at them from the building, when the rebels started to assault the building. Nobody controlled the assault, the insurgent groups fought with the AVH men and the armed party functionaries in a spontaneous way. They occupied the building and the raging multitude lynched many defenders. (Gosztonyi Peter: A Koztarsasag teri ostrom és a kazamatak mitosza. „Budapesti Negyed”, 1994. 5. sz.; Ripp Zoltán: 1956. Forradalom és szabadsagharc Magyarorszagon. Budapest, 2002; Horvath Miklos: 1956 hadikronikaja, Budapest, 2003).]

My parents got hold of a loaf of bread, I don’t know from where, but and they came and brought it over. We fed the children, we were in the hall, the kitchen overlooked the courtyard, we heated it as much as we could. Combat cars patrolled the main roads, and if we went out we waited until the combat car left, and quickly crossed the street on the Korut. One time we really wanted to get some fresh air with the children. We had a motorcycle with a sidecar, and we went until the corner of Kertesz and Dohany Street, but there was a barricade there, so we came back. My husband went once to see what was going on on Ulloi Avenue, and he came back saying that Ulloi Avenue was in ruins, and the human remains were treaded in as the caterpillars went by. There was a combat car on the corner of Kertesz Street, it was there for quite a while. But there was one on the corner  of the Korut and Jozsef Street, too, and when we already went to work, when life started again, but there were no streetcars or buses yet, a truck stood on the corner of the Korut and Jozsef Street, next to the gun-barrel of the combat car, we climbed on its plateau, and that’s how they took us to work.

Then sometime in the middle of February my husband got his passport. It threw him into a frenzy and he immediately ran to the Austrian embassy to get a visa. They didn’t want to believe him that he had a legal passport. Then he just became obsessed. He wanted to go, he wanted to go at once. He got the visa, he bought the train ticket, and on his 28th birthday on the 20th February he left with a train from the Keleti [ Railway Station] at 10 in the evening. He left with the child. And I remained here. We saw him off, my father and my mother were also there, and my father said that we would never see this boy again. My father was already an old man at that time, he had seen much, and I just looked at him that how my father could say such a thing.  

It was November when my husband confessed that he lost his passport in Vienna immediately. He didn’t write me, but my parents. I corresponded with him throughout, but I didn’t know this. He wrote my parents in November to tell me somehow that he wasn’t going to return. I asked him to come home. He said that I would land him in prison, I told him that he would go to the prison for three months, then we would be together for ever! I would bring him bean soup, so he could come home with the child safely. Later he confessed me that the entire story shocked him, but he didn’t come home.

I remained there in the apartment on Kertesz Street with my daughter, who was two years old, and whom my parents took to their place immediately. At that time I always slept at my mother’s. But we were afraid, that someone would what to move into the apartment, because there were two rooms, and because of this in the summer of 1958 I exchanged my apartment with one above my mother’s on the 3rd floor. [Editor’s note: In 1957 it was disposed by order that every family with two members or every single person was entitled to one room. Those who had a bigger apartment, the housing authority could allocate part of that to a joint tenant.]

In the meantime the head of the laboratory at my workplace, a married man, noticed after a while that I was sad and wanted to pick me up. I went up to the personnel manager and quit my job. The personnel manager was nice, she said she wouldn’t let me go until I brought her a letter from my next work place – at that time such things were still important, so that one was in continuous employment. I brought him the letter, and so I got to the Metallurgical Research Institute in 1958, which belonged to a big trust with many factories. I got a job at the chemistry department as a technician, a compound analyst, and basically I spent there my entire life. 

In 1960 I had about enough of it and I officially divorced my husband. I thought that life was ahead of me, and while I was married there was nothing to be said. The norms were different at that time, because nobody cares about anything today, about papers or anything, but at that time it didn’t go like this. I started divorce proceedings, my father had a second cousin, a lawyer, and he handled it.

Of course there were men in my surroundings who were divorced, so they were independent, but somehow I always opened up to someone quite easily, and perhaps the fact that I was Jewish scared them off, though it wasn’t a topic, but probably they knew it. On the other hand I loved my ex-husband so much, that I might have talked of him too much. They didn’t feel that I was free. Not on paper, but it my soul. So I remained alone.

I next saw my son in 1964, after seven years, when the sister of my mother-in-law noticed that my son was depressed, and he charged my husband to send my son home because he needed his mother. When the child arrived he didn’t recognize me!  And my daughter was jealous. With the help of one of my friends I got a one week voucher to a summer resort of the factory at the Balaton, and I took the children there to get them used to each other by force. And I did it. I don’t know how it could happen, because my son wasn’t among Hungarians in Vienna, and he got there at the age of four, but after seven years he spoke fluent Hungarian. Then my father taught him very much, and in the end my son also became a cultured person. Because my father was a wonderful person, and he taught my son.

We went on holiday with vouchers as long as it was possible. We got vouchers at my workplace, and we went to Sopron, to the Balaton, to Matrahaza, Matrafured, and Galyateto. Usually I went alone, and my daughter regularly went with my parents. My father had a PhD – he was pensioned off at the age of 77, he was entitled to the summer resort of the academy, they always took my daughter along, and sometimes I also went with them. My mother liked Abbazia [at that time called Opatija already, Yugoslavia] very much, there was a Yugoslavian-Hungarian fraternity on Bajza Street after the war, from where they organized trips, and she did go once again from there.

My daughter went in Dunabogdany, too, once or twice a year. She told me when she was already an adult that she hated it so much, but I didn’t know that at that time. And when she was about eight or nine years old, from then on we spent the holiday on a holiday resort in Tata. My son also came with us there every summer. My old scout friends and I joined together and we took our children down there for the summer. That holiday resort still exists. Apparently it became very cultured. At that time it was a meant for camping, very romantic, and had many lakes, but you couldn't swim in all of them. We moved down there, there were very simple wood-houses there, with some flickering light and a bunk-bed. We rented one of there, pitched tents around it and we were down there. There was a buffet inside, where we could eat, so we didn’t cook. When we weren’t on holiday, we went on trips at the weekends and during vacations, too. We took the children to the Bukk, to Borzsony, Pilis, Vertes, and everywhere.

I went abroad many times, with trade union holiday vouchers, too, and with 70 dollars too. I went on a trip with IBUSZ [Hungarian socialist travel agency] in the GDR, several times in Austria, in German- speaking Switzerland, in Prague [today Czech Republic], in Krakow [today Poland]. I was in France, in the Federal Republic of Germany, in Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, Poland. When the Soviet Union and the trade unions voucher trips still existed I went across the Ural Mountain in Asia, in Leningrad [today St. Petersburg, Russia], several times in Moscow [today Russia], in Kiev [today Ukraine], in Minsk [today Belarus], Tallin [today Estonia], with different organizations. These weren’t expensive trips, because I couldn’t have afforded anything expensive, but they were good trips.

Since my father was deaf, he couldn’t go to the theatre, because he didn’t hear it. But my mother loved classical music and theatre, and in those years when I couldn’t take my daughter because she was small, my mother and I had a subscription. For long years. I had opera subscription, concert subscription and theatre subscription, I went out three or four times a week in an evening dress. I had very nice evening dresses. Dinner gowns, full evening dresses, all kinds. And like a normal young woman, I had spike-heeled shoes, black, drab, brown, all kinds, and purses to go with them, bijou, jewelry, normal jewelry. I went out a lot. Richter was perhaps for the first time in Hungary when he had a solo concert at the Academy of Music, and somehow it happened that I was there, and I knew it at once that I was hearing an unparalleled musician. [Editor‘s note: Szvjatoszlav Richter (1915—1997): Russian pianist]

Besides work I always did social work, too. At that time it was natural, for me at least. I was in charge of holidays in the co-operative committee at the Metallurgical Research Institute. There were co-operative vouchers and company vouchers, and I was responsible for them, I was the organizer. But at that time it wasn’t so that one left the institute with a leaving pass and ran his errands. One couldn’t just leave. I thought about it 6 times whether to ask for a pass or not, because that wasn’t usual. I did this social work for years, but I always discussed what I wanted with the headquarters on the phone. I've never been to their headquarters in person. 

Then at the beginning of the 1970 the council of the 6th district came to my workplace. I don’t know what happened exactly, but they nominated me as a councilor of the 6th district council. They elected me, and my area was the Kiraly Street, Anker Alley, Kaldy Gyula Street, two big blocks belonged to me inclusive the Bajcsy [Zsilinszky Street]. And through this work I got the free time I needed. For example if there was a council once a month, I could leave from work that day. We had a councilor card, but we didn’t get any allotment. We got only one thing, a yearly pass, but we didn’t get any money, any salary. That was really social work. I cared for the people in my district, with their daily problems, I took part in the work of the council, and there were also commissions that I worked for. 

I did this until 1976, when they merged the Metallurgical Research Institute with the Aluminum Industry Designing Company. This way there were 1200 workers, and that called for an independent party secretary. The bosses recommended me - behind my back, of course. They convoked a meeting of members, and they elected me. I became a member of the co-operative of the chemical industry. At that time my income was quite small, and when they had to transfer me, our manager quickly gave me a raise, so that he wouldn’t have to be embarassed. But they had no idea about how it was going to be, how I was going to take it. They told me that the designers would never accept me. But they accepted me indeed! My scouting past, and my intellectual background helped. I think I accomplished a very successful nine years because they elected me without the slightest hesitation the second time, too,.

I became a member of the trust committee, I was in the presidency next to the director, the party secretary, the trade union confidential secretary and the secretary of the Association of Communist Youth. So that was an advantaged situation. A huge change! You can imagine: a everyday woman from the lab just starts to go to the office of the director. I knew all the managers, all the party secretaries, all the trade union confidential secretaries. I got among very decent people, countryman, and people from Pest. And there was a lot to of besides the labor organization work, they also stressed the task of the co-operative to help the production. There was a meeting in the director’s office every week, and we got the material. At first I didn’t understand much from the economic part, but representation and holding a meeting never caused me any problems. I surprised my entourage very much with this, because I’m sure that they didn’t suppose that I could stand in front of the 1200 employees of the institute and tell them what I wanted or what I had to say.

Then the world opened up to me. They took the trade union confidential secretaries and the co-operative secretaries on some kind of a trip, usually to one of the partner companies, with which we were in contact abroad, once a year. Either because we worked for them, or because the company was in a similar trade, and they took us to its summer resort. The trust had a bus, and our institute did, too, and there was a driver. We built a factory in Yugoslavia, and we went there by bus, and our trust was in connection with several big trusts in the GDR, too. I got to all kinds of places, and even though I went on my own, too, it was much different to be a member of a delegation than just a tourist. And it turned out on these trips that I spoke German. Even though there was always an interpreter with us, it happened that half of the company went  somewhere else, and after a while I regularly interpreted.

Besides this there were trust committee meetings. So not always the people from the country came to Pest, but the companies in the country received us. So I got to many corners of the country. We had bauxite mines, and we held miner’s days. The four of us went to with the director by a Mercedes to Tapolca, where there was a big mining company. The director general and my director had a Mercedes for a while at that time, but one day they were told that they couldn’t have a Mercedes, a Lada 1500, nobody was going to have any better cars that that, so they had to hand down the Mercedes, but not the driver. They made a beautiful community center out of the synagogue, there was a speech there and the miners were decorated. After that there was a big reception either in one of the restaurants, or at the community center.

In the meantime the organized exchange holidays became of bigger and bigger proportions. The Germans loved to come to the Balaton. The trust had a luxury summer resort in [Balaton]Almadi, on the beach, it was a very nice resort. Our own workers designed it, they dug it and built it as social work, and the after the change of regime they made a hotel out of it, we can’t even go there. We sold the off-peak period to the Germans, and we went to their place during peak season. There were such organized exchange holidays with the Czechs, too, in the Tatra, but we had the most connection with the GDR. First I went as a group leader with different groups, or I received groups, but then I took groups on my own. If the group was too large, an interpreter also came with us. We organized trips to the GDR, to Czechoslovakia [today Czech Republic], Bulgaria, Yugoslavia, so one could get to many places. It was an eventful life.

At this time I was already a grandmother, and I took my grandchildren, too, to [Balaton] Almadi. It happened that my son-in-law, my daughter and their children or my son, my daughter-in-law and their two sons were with me. I got a SZOT room there, where I could take the entire family. The resort had big sailboats, power-boats, and the children went to help on the boat, and the Germans loved to sail, I don’t know how many times a day the sailboat floated off. I took my grandchildren, one at a time, to the GDR, too. So they also saw many things and were at many places.

Then I retired. I told my friends in the co-operative ‘listen up, I could stay, but back off, if I don’t leave on my own at the age of 55, I don’t want anyone to tell me that I am taking advantage of my situation.’ At that time there was big lay-off, out number and the number of our depots had also dropped off, and from the fall of 1986 I only worked six hours a day. Because as school started I waited for my grandchildren to come home from school with lunch every day. So they didn’t loaf around, they didn’t go to the day-care center. I officially retired in February 1987, but I worked there as an organizer secretary for years, even after the change of regime for a while.

So my life was very busy. I helped my daughter’s family while the children were small, I took them to and from the kindergarten, I took care of them if they were sick, and in the meantime I used to go to Vienna to help my son’s family, too. I took lunch to my mother every day out of what I cooked, I lived on the 3rd floor and she lived on the 1st, I put it in the fridge and prepared his medication dose every day. My mother was in a very bad shape at that time, the poor thing, there were a lot of problems with her. Then we had to take her to the hospital, where she was very agile, active, she didn’t have any physical complaints in fact, she helped the patients who couldn’t get up, but not even two weeks passed when she once got sick, and she never came back again, she died in 1988.

When there was the change of regime, they told us that they were going to occupy the hall we had to leave, and they assigned us other places. They transferred the designers/architect. Then they broke up the trust and then they privatized it. Those who were there, the directors, first engineers all tried to keep the factory, and if they couldn’t do better, they got private property. The co-operative committee existed for a little while, we had a lot of pensioners and I arranged their things while I could, while they let me. Sometime in the mid-1990s my job discontinued completely, and limited companies and I don’t know what became out of the remains of the institute.

I had a dear colleague at my workplace, who now in the head of the tax department at the Jewish community, all the tax collectors of the Jewish communities in the country belong to her, and all the data of the tax-payers of the Hungarian Jewry come to her. We were on holiday in Sopron several times. She always asked me to go to work at the Jewish community. But I didn’t want any kinds of obligations. There was my youngest grandchild who was small and could be sick any time. Then, this was about three years ago, she told me that they were looking for a Jewish community tax collector in three districts. I told her that I had never done such a  thing in my life, but I would give it a try. This was sometime in February, and from the 1st March I started working in the 8th district, the Nagyfuvaros Street district. I have been doing it ever since, and I can say that they receive me with love everywhere.

My family is now so busy that, even though we speak on the phone, days, and sometimes even weeks go by without me seeing them. As a matter of fact I am also a lonely woman. So it feels good to work. I am in touch with very attractive, cultured people, with whom we have almost the same views, without having known each other from earlier times. And this is very satisfying. They also lovingly accept me at the Jewish community. I am among nice people there, too. Well, does one need more in life? Doesn’t. All one really needs is health.

Glossary

1 Hungarian Soviet Republic

The Hungarian Soviet Republic was the political regime in Hungary from 21st March 1919 until the beginning of August of the same year. It was also the second Soviet government in history, the first one being the one in Russia in 1917. The communist government nationalized industrial and commercial enterprises, and socialized housing, transport, banking, medicine, cultural institutions, and large landholdings. In an effort to secure its rule the government used arbitrary violence. Almost 600 executions were ordered by revolutionary tribunals and the government also resorted to violence to expropriate grain from peasants. Only the Red Guard, commonly referred to as "Lenin-boys," was organized to support the power by means of terror. The Republic eliminated old institutions and the administration, but due to the lack of resources the new structure prevailed only on paper. Mounting external pressure, along with growing discontent and resistance of the people, resulted in a loss of communist power. Budapest was occupied by the Romanian army on 6th August, putting an end to the Hungarian Soviet Republic.

2 Anschluss

The annexation of Austria to Germany. The 1919 peace treaty of St. Germain prohibited the Anschluss, to prevent a resurgence of a strong Germany. On March 12,1938 Hitler occupied Austria, and with popular approval, annexed it as the province of Ostmark. In April 1945 Austria regained independence, which was legalized in the Austrian State Treaty in 1955.

3 MSZDP (Hungarian Social Democrat Party)

Established in 1890, it fought for general and secret suffrage and for the rights of the working class, as a non-parliamentary party during the dualistic era. In October 1918 it took part in the bourgeois-democratic revolution and the cabinets that followed. In March 1919 the unified MSZDP and HCP proclaimed the Hungarian Soviet Republic. After its failure, the party was reorganized. Its leaders entered into bargain with PM Bethlen in 1921, according to which the free operation of the party and that of the trade unions was assured, while the MNDSZ renounced the organization of state employees, railway and agricultural workers, political strikes and republican propaganda, among others. In the elections of 1922, the MSZDP became the second largest party of the opposition in Parliament, but later lost much of its support as a consequence of the welfare institutions initiated by the Hungarian governments in the 1930s. After the German occupation of Hungary the party was banned and its leaders arrested, forcing the party into illegitimacy. In the postwar elections it gathered the 2nd most votes. As member of the Left Bloc created by the communists it took part in dissolving the Smallholders' Party. At the same time the HCP tried to absorb the MSZDP as directed from Moscow, not without success: in 1948 the name of the two united party's became the Hungarian Workers' Party (MDP). After the instatement of a single-party dictatorship, social democrat leaders were removed. Under the leadership of Anna Kethly the party was renewed in 1956 and participated in the cabinet of Imre Nagy.

4 1929 World Financial Crisis

At the end of October 1929, there were worrying signs on the New York Stock Exchange in the securities market. On the 24th of October ('Black Thursday'), people began selling off stocks in a panic from the price drops of the previous days - the number of shares usually sold in a half year exchanged hands in one hour. The banks could not supply the amount of liquid assets required, so people didn't receive money from their sales. Five days later, on 'Black Tuesday', 16.4 million shares were put up for sale, prices dropped steeply, and the hoarded properties suddenly became worthless. The collapse of the Stock Exchange was followed by economic crisis. Banks called in their outstanding loans, causing immediate closings of factories and businesses, leading to higher unemployment, and a decline in the standard of living. By January of 1930, the American money market got back on it's feet, but during this year newer bank crises unfolded: in one month, 325 banks went under. Toward the end of 1930, the crisis spread to Europe: in May of 1931, the Viennese Creditanstalt collapsed (and with it's recall of outstanding loans, took Austrian heavy industry with it). In July, a bank crisis erupted in Germany, by September in England, as well. In Germany, in 1931, more than 19,000 firms closed down. Though in France the banking system withstood the confusion, industrial production and volume of exports tapered off seriously. The agricultural countries of Central Europe were primarily shaken up by the decrease of export revenues, which was followed by a serious agricultural crisis. Romanian export revenues dropped by 73 percent, Poland's by 56 percent. In 1933 in Hungary, debts in the agricultural sphere reached 2.2 billion Pengoes. Compared to the industrial production of 1929, it fell 76 percent in 1932 and 88 percent in 1933. Agricultural unemployment levels, already causing serious concerns, swelled immensely to levels, estimated at the time to be in the hundreds of thousands. In industry the scale of unemployment was 30 percent (about 250,000 people).

5 First Vienna Dictate

First Vienna Dictate: On 2nd November 1938 a German-Italian international committee in Vienna obliged Czechoslovakia to surrender much of the southern Slovakian territories that were inhabited mainly by Hungarians. The cities of Kassa (Kosice), Komarom (Komarno), Ersekujvar (Nove Zamky), Ungvar (Uzhorod) and Munkacs (Mukacevo), all in all 11.927 km2 of land, and a population of 1.6 million people became part of Hungary. According to the Hungarian census in 1941 84% of the people in the annexed lands were Hungarian-speaking.

6 Dohany Street Synagogue

Europe's largest and still functioning synagogue is a characteristic example of the Hungarian capital's Romantic style architecture and was always considered the main temple of Hungarian Jewry. The Jewish Community of Pest acquired the site in 1841 and the synagogue was built between 1854 and 1859, designed by Ludwig Foerster (who also designed the synagogue of Tempelgasse in Vienna, Austria). Using the biblical description of the Temple of Solomon as a model, he developed his peculiar orientalistic style while using the most modern contemporary techniques. The Hall of Heroes with the monument to Hungarian Jewish martyrs, set up in 1991, and the Jewish Heroes' Mausoleum built in 1929-1931 are next to the main building while the Jewish Museum is in an adjacent building.

7 Arrow Cross men

Extreme right-wing Hungarian group organized according to the Nazi model. Their symbol became a "Hungarianized" swastika (Teutonic cross), the Arrow Cross. With strong political rivalry between extreme right-wing groups in Hungary, they did not constitute a uniform organization. From the beginning of the 1930s the trend lead by Ferenc Szalasi rose above the others and formed the Party of the Nation's Will in 1935. Two years later Szalasi was arrested and Kalman Hubay took over the lead. In 1938 he established an organization permitted by the government under the name of Hungarian National-Socialist Party - Hungarist Movement, which later became an important, if not determinative, power in the Hungarian political arena.

8 The bombing of Budapest

The first bomb attack during World War II hit Budapest on the 4th-5th, then on the 9th-10th, of September 1942. The bombing was carried out by the Soviet long-range bombers that were launched from outside of Moscow. 

The first bomb attack against Budapest was planned for the 2nd February 1944, but they postponed it because of bad weather, and so it only took place on the 3rd April. 450 bombers and 157 scouting airplanes of the American air-force, which took off in South-Italy attacked the Ferencvaros railway station and the airplane factory. Besides the bombings of the Americans during the day, the English air-arm carried out night attacks. On the 13th April 535 American planes attacked Budapest again, their target was the airplane factory and the airport.

From the end of August the Soviet and Romanian air force also bombed Hungary, they carried out intensive attacks against the railway stations and railway bridges in Budapest between the 1st and 21st September. The aim of the synchronized allied action was to bomb Hungary out of the war. After this only the Red Army bombed Budapest.

After the first attack on the 3rd April 1944 they ordered the evacuation of the endangered. There is no exact data available, but they estimate the number of those who left Budapest and its environs to 2-3000.

The bomb attacks aimed at the annihilation of the war infrastructure (airports, railroads, oil refineries), but besides this many civilians fell victims. Budapest was attacked 34 times, and the number of victims is about 3000. The defense against bomb attacks consisted of aerial defense  and civil defense.

9 German Invasion of Hungary [19th March 1944]

Hungary was occupied by the German forces on this day. Nazi Germany decided to take this step because it considered the reluctance of the Hungarian government to carry out the 'final solution of the Jewish question' and deport the Jewish population of Hungary to concentration camps as evidence of Hungary's determination to join forces with the Western Allies. By the time of the German occupation, close to 63,000 Jews (8 percent of the Jewish population) had already fallen victim to the persecution. On the German side, special responsibility for Jewish affairs was assigned to Edmund Veesenmayer, the newly appointed minister and Reich plenipotentiary, and to Otto Winkelmann, higher SS and police leader and Himmler's representative in Hungary.

10 Kistarcsa Internment Camp

This internment camp served as the place of imprisonment for those held for political reasons before the German occupation. After the occupation of Hungary by the German army on March 19th 1944, 1500-2000 Jews were transported here. Most of these Jews were then deported to Auschwitz.

11 Horthy’s proclamation

Hungary was occupied by the German forces on this day. Nazi Germany decided to take this step because it considered the reluctance of the Hungarian government to carry out the 'final solution of the Jewish question' and deport the Jewish population of Hungary to concentration camps as evidence of Hungary's determination to join forces with the Western Allies. By the time of the German occupation, close to 63,000 Jews (8 percent of the Jewish population) had already fallen victim to the persecution. On the German side, special responsibility for Jewish affairs was assigned to Edmund Veesenmayer, the newly appointed minister and Reich plenipotentiary, and to Otto Winkelmann, higher SS and police leader and Himmler's representative in Hungary.

12 Tattersal (Horse racetrack on Kerepesi Street)

After the arrow-cross takeover in October 1944, a systematic campaign against Jews began. Arrow-cross men and policemen together intruded into yellow-star houses and announced that men between the age of 16 and 60 were to leave within an hour. Later Jews selected by arrow-cross men and policemen were taken to the Tattersal or KISOK sports ground. Criteria and age limits specified by the authorities were often neglected and documents of exemption destroyed. The thousands of men who had been gathered were organized into labor companies and directed to dig trenches and to work on fortifications. Many died of starvation or exhaustion, as well as from torture by arrow-cross men, on the way to work.

13 Schutzpass (free-pass)

Document emitted by the diplomatic missions of neutral countries, which guaranteed its owner the protection of the given country. Theoretically this document exempted the Jews from several duties such as wearing the yellow star. Most of the free-passes were emitted by the Swiss and Swedish Consulates in Budapest. The Swiss consul Karl Lutz asked for 7,000 emigration permits in April 1944. The emission of the Swedish Schutzpass for Hungarian Jews started with Raoul Wallenberg's assignment as consul in Hungary. Free-passes used to be emitted also by Spain, Portugal and the Vatican. Although the number of free-passes was maximized to 15,600 in fall 1944, the real number of free-passes in circulation was much higher: 40-70,000 emitted by Switzerland, 7-10,000 by Sweden, 3,000 by Spain, not to mention the fake ones. Beginning in mid-November 1944 and citing as a reason the high number and the falsification of passes, Arrow Cross groups started to also carry off those people who had a pass. During raids of Jewish houses, Arrow Cross groups shot all the tenants into the Danube.

14 Forced labor

Under the 1939 II. Law 230, those deemed unfit for military service were required to complete "public interest work service". After the implementation of the second anti-Jewish Law within the military, the military arranged "special work battalions" for those Jews, who were not called up for armed service. With the entry into northern Transylvania (August 1940), those of Jewish origin who had begun, and were now finishing, their military service were directed to the work battalions. A decree in 1941 unified the arrangement, saying that the Jews were to fulfill military obligations in the support units of the National Guard. In the summer of 1942, thousands of Jews were recruited to labor battalions with the Hungarian troops going to the Soviet front. Some 50,000 in labor battalions went with the Second Hungarian Army to the Eastern Front - of these, only 6-7,000 returned.

15 Death marches to Hegyeshalom

After 15th October 1944 the German occupation of Hungary and the arrow-cross takeover, even Jewish women were ordered to work in fortifications around Budapest. In the beginning of November the Soviet troops initiated another offensive against the capital. In the changed situation the deportation plans 'had to be sped up' and many transports were directed on foot toward Hegyeshalom at the Austrian border. These marches were terribly cruel and resulted in an unprecedented high death rate. Until the Soviet occupation of Budapest (January 18, 1945), about 98,000 of the capital's Jews lost their lives in further marches and in train transports, as well as at the hands of arrow-cross extermination squads, from starvation and disease, and suicide. Some of the victims were simply shot and thrown into the Danube.

16 1956

Refers to the Revolution, which started on 23rd October 1956 against Soviet rule and the communists in Hungary. It was started by student and worker demonstrations in Budapest and began with the destruction of Stalin's gigantic statue. Moderate communist leader Imre Nagy was appointed as prime minister and he promised reform and democratization. The Soviet Union withdrew its troops which had been stationed in Hungary since the end of World War II, but they returned after Nagy's declaration that Hungary would pull out of the Warsaw Pact to pursue a policy of neutrality. The Soviet army put an end to the uprising on 4th November, and mass repression and arrests began. About 200,000 Hungarians fled from the country. Nagy and a number of his supporters were executed. Until 1989 and the fall of the communist regime, the Revolution of 1956 was officially considered a counter-revolution.

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