Travel

Leon Lazarov

Leon Lazarov
Sofia
Bulgaria
Interviewer: Leontina Israel
Date of interview: July 2003

Leon Lazarov is a pensioner. He lives with his wife Stella in a large apartment in the center of Sofia. The walls of their apartment are all covered with family photos in which their children are smiling, as well as with posters for the forthcoming concert of their elder son, an electronic music composer, along with his students from the New Bulgarian University. There are also paintings of one of their grandsons - an artist, whom they are both very proud of. Leon Lazarov's wife is very hospitable and she spread all kinds of delicious sweets on the table in order to make us feel more comfortable during the interview. She takes care of her husband also, as he is partially immobilized. Nevertheless, he has preserved his lively spirit and good sense of humor despite the circumstances. He has a large press clipping on the choirs he has participated in, carefully arranged in a notebook, which is extremely valuable to him. He eagerly follows the inflow of new editions on Jewish history and in Ladino, and regularly buys them. There are several wooden, plastic art works in the living room, as well as a table, wood-carved by Stella Lazarova's father. Leon Lazarov's most vivid memories are connected with his childhood years. His life is connected with music which he considers his true vocation. The Lazarovs have two parrots. Leon gladly spends his time with them, as they make him very happy, and he treats them like his own children. At the time of the interview there was a calm and pleasant atmosphere in the house, complemented by the melodious hourly ringing of the old-time clock on the wall.

My family history
Growing up 
Going to school 
During the War
After the War
Glossary

My family history

I was born on 8th February 1918 in Kjustendil [a town in Western Bulgaria]. It's a beautiful town at the foot of the Rila Mountain where some 15,000 citizens lived at that time. It was like a garden and we all loved it very much. Not only that it was our hometown, but it was one of the most picturesque spots in Bulgaria. I haven't been there for a very long time, but people say that it's still a very pretty place. I remember the period when the fruit-trees would bloom - there were lots of apples in Kjustendil - and the whole town was covered with white blossoms, and we - the children - used to climb Hissarluka [a hill near town] - to gaze at the unspeakably beautiful, colorful spring landscape.

There were some 1,000 Jews in Kjustendil at that time. We didn't live in a separate quarter though, unlike the Sofia Jews, for example, who inhabited Iuchbunar 1. Actually there was something like a Jewish quarter - it was more like a place inhabited principally by Jews. It was called Kainarluk and was close to the marketplace. I guess the reason it was a 'Jewish' place was the fact that most of the Jews, who lived there, were tradesmen. The rest of them spread all over town. Bulgarians and Jews lived very, very harmoniously. People used to be tolerant and well-meaning.

Our kin, the Lazars, as our family was known at that time, is a very old Kjustendil family. We used to live in a house with my paternal grandparents. My paternal grandfather's name was Aron Solomon Lazar, but everybody used to call him Bohor and that's how it remained [in Ivrit: bechor - the eldest, first-born son]. My grandfather was the oldest person in the entire Jewish community in Kjustendil and he was treated with due attention and respect. Many of the Jewish families gathered at our place during the biggest Jewish holidays. Usually some 30 people would gather in the small entrance hall of our house. My maternal grandparents used to join us as well, as they lived in a village, in order to visit the synagogue and spend the holidays with us.

My father's grandfather Solomon, my great-grandfather, lived in Sovoleno near Kjustendil, and he was well-known for having a bakery, in which he roasted blue plums with walnuts. When I was a kid we used to visit him during the season of plums and bake them in the bakery, known as 'Diado Solomonovite' bakeries [The bakeries of grandfather Solomon].

My paternal grandfather Aron Solomon Lazar was born in 1860 in Kjustendil. I don't know if he ever attended school, but he was very talented and was a very respected man. He had a small shop in Kjustendil, in which he used to work with my father and his other son. At home he used to speak with granny and us only in Ladino. He had three brothers - Yosef, Ruben and Yako - but I don't remember anything about them. I don't even recall having met them. I remember one of them coming to visit, but for what reason and from where - I don't know. I was very young at that time.

My paternal grandmother's name was Sara Lazar, nee Mevorah. She was born in Kjustendil, too. I hardly remember her. In my memories I see her with a checkered dress. My maternal grandparent's family was an example of a good family. I think she had an older sister called Lialu. My granny and my mom took care of the house. When I moved to Sofia along with my mother, my father and my brother, my paternal grandparents remained in Kjustendil.

My father Nissim Bohor Lazar was born in June 1888 in Kjustendil. He had two brothers - Mordehai and Efraim - and three sisters - Oro, Sofi and Viza. They were all born in Kjustendil. My father was a very strict and just man. I had respect for him. I remember when I was a child he used to give me two levs in order to buy some sweets. Although, instead of buying sweets I used the money to gamble. There was a special place where one could play roulette, and I usually laid down all the money I had. It was a smallish sum but it often happened that I lost all of it. When my father realized this, he became angry about it and made me promise him that I would never ever gamble again. I did promise him this and so it remained. Even today I wouldn't play cards and I have never regretted that.

Mordehai Bohor Lazar, one of my father's brothers, was born in 1894. He was a doctor. He married a Romanian Jew. During World War I, my uncle went to Vienna in order to study medicine. Later he moved to several other countries so as to finish his studies depending on where it was cheaper for him to do so. I don't know exactly where he met his wife - whether in Romania or at some other place. His wife's name was Bliumeta and we, the kids, used to call her 'Bliumeta-who-knows-100-languages'. She had a gift for learning languages. She learned Ladino in a few months only and she spoke it like a native [Iuchbunar] woman. They didn't have any children. My uncle Mordehai was a very respected doctor. He lived with his wife in Kjustendil. Sometimes they used to travel to Romania to visit her family there. He was a very nice man - he often treated people completely free of charge because he knew how poor they were, yet how much they needed his care.

My father's youngest brother was Efraim Bohor Lazar, with whom my grandpa and my father used to work in the little shop they had in Kjustendil, and later in Sofia. He was born in 1900, his wife's name was Buka. They have a daughter called Selina Alfandari, nee Lazar and a son called Hari Lazar. Like most of the men from our family, Hari is a musician as well. He played the piano. When he grew up, he became a composer and moved to Argentina, as far as I can remember.

My father's eldest sister Oro Bohor Samokovliiska was born in 1885.. Her husband's name was David Samokovliiski. I have four cousins, their children: Buka, Albert, Isak, Josef. I think originally their family name was Cohen, but given the town he used to live in [Samokov], he became Samokovliiski. I remember that on some holidays during a prayer in the synagogue, the chazzan warned the Cohenims and the Levits to stay outside excluding just one person who would be designated to read the prayer. My uncle David usually was the chosen one. There was such a tradition.

My father's second sister Sofi Bohor was born in 1897. Her husband's name is Sabetai and they have two sons: Nissim and Hari, who live in Bulgaria and are doing pretty well.

The youngest sister Viza Bohor was born in 1903. Her husband's name was Rahamim, and their children are Mati and Motzi. At that time women didn't have a job, but took care of the house and the children.

My father's brothers graduated from high school in Kjustendil. His sisters had probably finished junior high school, although none of them worked. We kept close relations with my paternal relatives. We always gathered on holidays; I grew up together with my cousins. None of us was very religious. We observed all the traditions without being fanatic.

I guess my father's childhood wasn't an easy one. He graduated from junior high school and at the age of 13-14 he had to start working. His father, my grandpa Aron, participated in the wars - World War I and the First Balkan War 2 and he was even wounded, so my father had to support the household. As far as I know they observed all the Jewish traditions like we continued to do when my paternal grandparents were old and my father became head of the family.

My mother's kin is also from Kjustendil. Her parents and my maternal grandparents, Chelebon Bohor Sarafski and Amada Sarafska, lived in a village in Kjustendil district called Granitsa. My maternal grandfather was one of the few Jews who worked in agriculture. At that time Jews dealt mainly with trade, by tradition I suppose, and you would rarely come across a farmer of Jewish origin. My grandpa was born in Kjustendil on 29th December 1876. He had one brother - Menahem Bohor Sarafski, who was also born in Kjustendil. I don't know anything else about him, though. There was a place - it might have been inherited - near Granitsa, where he used to visit, wearing his fur cap, his belt, his leggings. There he used to plough, sow and grow fruit-trees. I remember the vacations when my brother and I along with a company of friends went to that village, five to six kilometers away from Kjustendil and we had a wonderful time there. At that time, in the area around Granitsa, there were some vineyards - perhaps they also belonged to my grandfather because they are still known as 'Sarafskite lozia' [the Sarafski vineyards] They were named after my grandfather. I don't know whether they still exist today. Nowadays everything is so rapidly changing, and I haven't been there for a very, very long time, yet I do remember that people used to call the area like that.

My maternal grandmother Amada Sarafska died very early and I have almost no memories of her. I know she was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Sofia, where all of them rest in peace together - my father, my uncle David, and my granny Amada.

My mother's name was Sara Chelebi Lazar, nee Bohor. Everyone used to call her Buka though, in Ivrit - bechurah - 'first-born daughter'. She was born in Kjustendil on 20th December 1894. My mother was an extraordinarily beautiful and patient woman. I still recall, even today, how she examined me on my droshe [bar mitzvah speech]. The speech was written in Ivrit in an elevated style and I couldn't understand a single word of it. It was written by a cousin of my granny. I had to learn it by heart, and that wasn't easy at all. My mother spent hours with me in order to help me, with all the patience only a loving mother can show.

She had two brothers - David Chelebi Bohor, born on 31st December 1905, and Isak Chelebi Bohor, born in 1908. David was a trader and I remember that when he moved to Sofia, he owned a delicatessen store on Targovska Street [Trader's Street], as it was named at the time. His wife's name was Ana. Isak's wife was Estrea. Isak was a trader.

My mother also had two sisters: Sofi Chelebi, born in 1894, and Liza Chelebi, born in 1903. They moved to Israel after the end of the war [WWII].

Growing up

I have no idea how my mother and my father met. They must have been friends; they are from one and the same town, which is not so big, after all. They got married around 1914. Like all Jews at that time, they had a religious marriage. Before my birth they had another child, whose name was Aron. I suppose those were very hard times. My father took part in all the wars: the Balkan War, the Inter-Allied War [see Second Balkan War] 3, and World War I, and my mother was home alone. Their son died only a few months old and it was a great tragedy. Then I was born in 1918, and a few years later, in 1923, my brother Solomon followed.

There was a wonderful synagogue in Kjustendil, one of the oldest in Bulgaria. It was built before the Sofia synagogue [see Great Synagogue] 4 There was a chazzan, who performed all the functions in the synagogue. Later he became chazzan in Plovdiv. We didn't have a rabbi. At that time there was only one rabbi in the country - Daniel Zion 5, who was in Sofia. Sometimes he used to come to Kjustendil and there was always a big celebration on that occasion. Daniel Zion was the person who led the protest manifestation on 24th May 1943 6.

Our chazzan was a very interesting person. He had a grinder's workshop near the synagogue, where he used to work, when he wasn't engaged with the synagogue. He also had two crossed swords hanging on the wall. He had chosen five to six children, including me, who were supposed to accompany him and sing during the services in the synagogue. The other children weren't very serious about this, therefore finally only his son and I remained as singers. Thus I learned all those beautiful songs and I still love listening to them and I still feel inspired by the songs that I, myself, used to sing once. Sometimes the chazzan added the words of one song to the melody of another one, and the result was very interesting. He had a talent for that and people loved him. His son and I were raised with these melodies. For us children, there was a special place in the back of the synagogue and after the Friday prayer we used to go and kiss the hand of the oldest person, and that was usually my grandpa. We had a shochet, who provided kosher meat for us. When he passed away, the chazzan's son became our shochet - he was called a 'religious slaughterer'. I was of the same age and we kept very close relations.

My family wasn't very religious, yet we observed the traditions - everything was done the way it had to be done! We kept kosher very strictly. My mother and my granny used to cook very deliciously! They prepared all kinds of Jewish delights - pastels and so on. They also cooked zelnik. I don't know how they made them - with spinach, cabbage, onion, or whatever, but they were really tasty. We used to go to the synagogue on holidays because I used to sing in the choir and I had to be present there in order to perform my duties. We didn't observe Sabbath, because Saturday was a market day in Kjustendil and we had to work in the shop we owned. We couldn't afford losing our clients exactly on this day, because the clients on Saturday were the greatest in number and the most regular ones. We simply had no choice. My father, my grandpa and my uncle took turns working on Sabbath, so that there could always be one of them present in the synagogue.

We celebrated Pesach at home. Lots of guests used to come, as my grandfather was the oldest among the Jews. They all came and brought everything they had prepared for the holiday, and that is how the table was always covered with various dishes. We gathered around 30 people in a small room in our house. When I grew up, I went to Kjustendil to see my father's house and I was honestly surprised how we managed to gather so many people in such a small room! I don't remember us feeling uncomfortable or anything like that. These are some of my best memories. My grandfather used to read the Haggadah, and all the boys, as it had to be, wore kippot. In the evening we were sent to gather some grass, which we brought to our grandpa and he covered our heads with it, in order for us to grow like it. That was a beautiful tradition!

Rosh Hashanah is in fall and we used to gather when the weather was nice. Moreover, at that time of the year there was always something to harvest in the yard. Especially for this holiday my mother used to prepare a sweet meat 'Cieti Cielos' - in Ladino 'Seven Heavens' - and all the children dreamt of it impatiently. We were spoiled by having any kind of sweets prepared at home, yet, that one was the most special ones. I don't know how they made it, but it was absolutely delicious.

Purim was one of the most joyful holidays for us children. We disguised ourselves and went about the houses of our friends and relatives. We carried small pouches and everyone used to drop small coins in them. We spent our money on sweets. The idea was that no one was supposed to recognize us under the masks but, of course, everybody did. Then we ate mavlach - a special cake typical for this holiday.

Las Frutas [Fruitas] 7, the holiday of fruits, was also a wonderful one. We went from one house to another, like at Purim, but this time with larger bags, in which people used to put fruits, not money. People dropped whatever fruit they had in their gardens - some would drop walnuts, others would drop a pear, an apple, a plum, even hazelnuts were already ripe. In our yard especially there was a large variety: peaches, apricots, etc.. There was always something to pick.

During the Bulgarian holidays there was something very interesting happening indeed. We were on very friendly terms with our Bulgarian neighbors, lived in togetherness and complete harmony. At Easter, for example, as it usually coincides with Pesach, our neighbors used to give us painted eggs and Easter cake, and in exchange we gave them our Jewish brown eggs for Pesach and burmoelos 8. We exchanged them right through the fence. In my childhood years and even later, I never experienced any kind of anti-Semitism. Often, as we grew older, my friends from Kjustendil, who weren't only Jewish, but Bulgarian also, and I used to go on short excursions to the mountains. I had never gone to the sea though, not until the time I came to live in Sofia and became a student. Until then we had only heard of places like Varna and Bourgas [Bulgarian port cities on the Black Sea].

My grandpa, my father and his younger brother Efraim had a small shop in Kjustendil. It was a little place, perhaps only ten square meters, but we sold everything there. It was a grocer's. We sold salt, pepper, rice, etc., and in the remaining part of the narrow space we sold clothes. There were for example 'shamii' - kerchiefs that the villagers used to cover their heads with, while working on the field. In summer those kerchiefs were white and in winter black. Red belts that men used to wear around their waist at that time and dress materials for women were also sold. My father, my grandpa and my uncle provided the shop very regularly with all the necessary stuff in order to keep their clients. It was a universal shop so to speak - from a grocer's to a textile shop.

In Kjustendil the market day was Saturday. And you could always tell when it was market day! Villagers came to the town to sell their products - liubenitsi [water melon], cabbage, eggs, cucumbers, etc. When they managed to collect a little money, they came to our shop to buy some necessities - salt, rice, clothes and sweets for their wives and children. Everyone knew my grandpa - not only in Kjustendil, but in the whole region. The Bulgarians used to call him Bore. I guess, it sounded more familiar to them in this way, as it resembles the name Boris, which is popular in Bulgaria. Not only clients used to come to our shop but also people who just wanted to chat with my grandpa. Everything was sold per kilo, and the textiles - per meter. It was a great pleasure for me when my grandpa allowed me to measure the salt on the scales. There were three or four employees there and practically this little shop fed several families. Things changed in 1929 when the big crisis of the 1930s 9 began. A lot of traders went bankrupt then. People were very honest at that time and I remember cases when traders who weren't able to pay their debts committed suicide. It is really amazing how worthy and upright people were then! And it wasn't an isolated case. Those years were quite hard for us also - after World War I some of the Bulgarian territories [Bosilegrad] became Serbian [see Bulgaria in World War I] 10, and Kjustendil practically lost its most regular clients. Then my grandpa and my father realized that the shop wouldn't work any longer and were forced by the circumstances to move to Sofia along with their families.

Our house in Kjustendil was at a very picturesque place - right at the foot of Hisarluka hill. It was a very quiet and calm place. The house wasn't a large one. All of us lived together in it - aunts, uncles, granny and grandpa. There was a ground floor, something like a basement, where there were two big rooms adapted for living, inhabited by part of the family. The more representative part of the house was the top floor because it was more comfortable for living and better arranged. We never envied each other. Whatever was bought for the house was common. There was also a room especially made for gathering during the holidays. We also had a small yard where we grew cucumbers, tomatoes, spinach and peppers. There was always something to pick from there. We also had a large wild plum tree, another plum tree and a cherry one. All of us took care of the garden, but mostly my mother and granny. There was a lot of work to do - to sow and harvest the crops. In the neighboring yard, where a Bulgarian family used to live, there were apricots, and we had a peach tree. When the peaches ripened we often exchanged fruit. We gave them peaches and plums and they gave us apricots and whatever they had in their yard in return. We lived in togetherness. There was no envy, no hatred among us. We lived in peace and understanding.

My mother and my granny mostly took care of the house, yet when there was some harder work to do, we usually hired a maid-servant. We had several ones. But I remember only two of them - Liuba and Fida. They were Bulgarians, who came from the village. They became a part of the family. I remember that long after they had stopped working for us and already had their own families, upon every visit to Kjustendil on a Saturday market day, they came to see us. They practically grew up with us, they learned to read and count. There were lots of illiterate people in the villages at that time. In those times it was natural to have a maid-servant at home. They started working at the age of 15 or 16. I even recall that Trapezitsa Square in Sofia was something like a maid-servants' market. Everybody could go there and choose one, take her home, see what kind of a person she was, how she worked and in case they mutually disliked each other, make another choice. We paid her some 200 levs monthly and gave her a 'saya' [woman's dress, folk costume]. Our maid-servants even learned Ladino as we spoke mostly Ladino at home.

I remember that at first, when I was a little boy, we used to get water from a fountain in our neighborhood, as we still didn't have running water, but very soon after that our town was supplied with a water-main and drainage.

I grew up with my brother Solomon playing many games with him. I remember many hours spent with the children from the neighborhood. In winter we usually went sledding from Hisarluka hill nearby Kjustendil. In summer we burnished the sledges with glass-paper so that they would slide better in winter and waited impatiently for winter to come. The sleds were large and heavy and in order to reach the hill's peak, from where we used to coast down, we had to push them all the way up. And that was all for the sake of those five minutes of pleasure while coasting down. Yes, we were restless. When we were down, at the foot of the hill, we went straight up again pushing the sleds, and that were five to six kilometers, to the top! When we were little kids, not all of us had sleds, so the older children let us coast down next to them. Later each one of us had his own sled. Yet, one had a choice - if you didn't want to push your sled to the top, you could stay at the foot of the hill and play.

There was a tradition in Kjustendil whenever such winter toboggan-slides were organized [for children and adults], at the foot of the hill a small orchestra was performing. So you either push the sled, or you play at the bottom. I often chose the latter and played the violin. Usually it was so cold, that I had a special task - every half an hour or whenever it became too freezing for us, I gathered five to six musicians and I brought them home to warm up for a couple of minutes, and then we continued playing. In another half an hour, I took another group home, and so it went during the whole day. The orchestra comprised around 30 people, 15 to 16-year-old students mostly. We played jolly melodies that people could cheer up with - polkas, marches. I beat the drum. It was nice!

They used to call our neighborhood 'the musical neighborhood', as all of us happened to be 'musical people' there. I played the violin and was the oldest among the cousins. They learned playing the violin along with me, and some even became pianists. Two boys used to live opposite us - one of them was a contrabass player and the other one was a cellist. In the house next to them there was a violinist and a flutist and another contrabass player. There were many people interested in music in our provincial town at that time. We played in an orchestra in school. There was a small room in Kjustendil we used to rehearse in. The violinists played their own instruments while the wind instruments were state ones. Sometimes we gave concerts on the main square in Kjustendil. I was surrounded by music in my childhood and that fact determined my whole professional and personal life to a great extent.

Going to school

In Kjustendil there was a Jewish elementary school, in which I studied till the 4th grade. The school was very good. When we finished the 4th grade, we already knew several languages. We studied Ivrit very intensively. All of us spoke Ladino at home and sometimes we used to speak it at school as well. And we also studied Bulgarian. So, upon finishing the 4th grade, we already spoke three languages. They were most concerned with our Ivrit. In fact we were obliged to speak mostly in Ivrit. Unfortunately now I have almost completely forgotten it. Not only did our teachers observe us when we spoke in Ivrit, but we got used to examining each other as well. Sometimes the fact that we spoke so many languages resulted in funny sentences. I remember that one winter, when we had climbed Hisarluka to coast down with our sleds, one of the boys addressed the other one, whose sled wasn't moving smoothly, telling him, 'Yojko, Yojko, ba sheina [yesh klinetz].' It was very funny as my friend actually wanted to say that a nail was lodged in Yojko's sled, but the words came to him in different languages: 'sheina' [sled] and 'klinetz' [nail] in Bulgarian, yesh - [there is] in Ivrit. Of course, we all knew what he wanted to say. Sentences like that were quite a common practice for us.

I loved going to school. I knew that going to school was useful for me - I could learn something. Our head teacher was called Kiurkchiev. We deeply respected him, moreover he was a very authoritative man. In our second grade he retired. We didn't have any idea what this would mean for us and we cared a lot about him. The only thing that we realized was that he wouldn't be our teacher anymore. Another teacher, who became the chief one, replaced him - Yosif Yakov. Naturally, later we loved him, too. We had another teacher in Ivrit. I didn't have any favorite subjects, because I loved them all. I remember that we carried our textbooks in special bags made out of metal, similar to suitcases. They were very practical because our notebooks got neither creased nor wet.

We had very intensive music lessons. Later, when I started junior high school, which was no longer a Jewish school, I continued to indulge in music. My voice teacher in junior high school was Bliznakov. Once he told my parents that we were going out in order to choose a violin for me. It was then when I bought my first violin from Kjustendil. And I still have it. I have played it everywhere, all over the place - such as at weddings. As early as my childhood I dreamt of having a violin and that was always my first wish for a present. When a relative of mine was about to travel to another city or went on holidays, I usually asked him to get me one. Once my Romanian aunt Bliumeta did bring me a violin, but I couldn't play at that time and I lost it somewhere.

At that time every high school had its symphony orchestra and a brass band. There was a three-year course at junior high school aimed at preparing us for the high school orchestra. I passed the course in one year instead of three, and the teacher, who didn't know what to do with me, sent me to the high school orchestra teacher with the request that he enroll me there. And so it happened that I started playing both in the symphony orchestra and the brass band of the older students. I remember that in order to play there you had to wear long trousers, and I had only short ones at that time. It would have been a great shame to go on stage with the others from the orchestra in short trousers! And so proper long trousers were sewn for me!

Once on a holiday, it was probably 24th May 11, the orchestra was supposed to play, but the drummer didn't turn up. We used to call him Chushkata - the pepper. The head of the orchestra became panic-stricken. I was sent to his mother to look for him, yet the night before he had drunk too much and wasn't even able to crawl out of bed let alone beat the drums. I don't know how I learned to play the drums, but suddenly I decided that I would replace him. I took the drum from his mother and when the head of the orchestra saw me, he was about to faint. He was so certain that I couldn't beat the drum, yet in the end he was wrong. And that's how I became the orchestra's drummer. Once they gave me the kettle-drum score, but I hadn't seen such an instrument before. The first time I saw kettle-drums was at high school in Sofia, where I later went to study.

There were several Jewish 'chitalishtes' 12 in Bulgaria, but the oldest one was in Kjustendil. Its name was 'Dobro Budeshte' [Good Future]. There was one in Dupnitsa also. It was called 'Suglasie' [Agreement]. Ours was set up in 1906 and was housed in an annex especially built for the Jewish school at which I studied. [Actually the community center in Dupnitsa was called 'Consciousness' and it was set up in 1902, which means that it's older than the one in Kjustendil, which was set up in 1906. It existed until 1941.] There was a library in that community center. Its main activity was to organize celebrations of different Jewish holidays. For example, a Purim night was organized. On that occasion several children from the Jewish school were invited to sing. I took part in these choirs also. I still recall the songs. We sang traditional melodies only, but religious fanaticism wasn't present. We also had a costume ball for Purim. We used to prepare the masks a whole month before the event and everyone did his best.

When my father realized that the business with the shop in Kjustendil wouldn't last, he moved to Sofia. First he had a timber-yard on Alexander Stamboliiski Street [which was then called Klementina Street] and Paisii Street in Iuchbunar. He dealt with timber. Soon after he moved to Sofia he brought the rest of us there as well. My granny and grandpa stayed in Kjustendil.

I remember that the store had a large yard in which a mulberry tree used to grow, and my brother and I would climb it all day long to pick mulberries. My father quickly gave up that timber-yard; perhaps it wasn't profitable enough, I don't know. Then he opened a textile factory, which was on Vazrazhdane Square, at the crossing of Nishka Street [now Naicho Tsanov Blvd.] and Antim I Street [outer streets of Iuchbunar]. It was quite a presentable workshop, in which some 40 to 50 people were employed. Thus the factory provided for many families - Bulgarian and Jewish, with whom we still keep in touch, even now.

The company was called 'Bratia Nissim & Efraim Lazarovi' [Nissim & Efraim Lazarov Bros.] because my father worked with my uncle again, his younger brother. It was a well-organized workshop. There were sewing machines and looms, and we made an annex there also, designed for needlework. And so, we had a workshop for the textile production then - a dressmaking and tailor shop, and later we opened a shop on Pirotska Street . Thus we 'went full circle'. We did pretty well. We had a good reputation. People were constantly applying to work for us. Our production was well accepted and had good reports in the marketplace. A lot of people wanted us to expand the business, but we knew what the market demands were and we concluded that no more trade expansion would be necessary. Until recently the building that housed the workshop was still in its place, but finally it was demolished. Actually after 9th September 1944 13 it was nationalized. Initially my father had taken the house so that the family could settle there, but when it was turned into a workshop, we had to leave it. Then my father bought this house where we still live. [a large apartment in an apartment building in the center of Sofia].

I had to enroll in high school in Sofia. We still lived in that house, which later became a workshop, and the closest school for me was ??? boy's high school, but as my friends were in I boy's high school, I enrolled there. My closest friend since earliest childhood was Haim Oliver 14. Haim was exactly one month older than me. We used to play together as kids in Kjustendil. Later he also moved to Sofia and we were together again. Unfortunately he has already passed away but I still keep in touch with his sister and his wife. Another high school friend of mine was Jacque Baruh, who later became a doctor.

The interesting thing was that we were three people with one and the same name in our class: Leon Lazarov. The first one was me - Leon Nissimov Lazarov; the other two had absolutely identical names: Leon Bohorov Lazarov. When the teachers examined us, they always addressed us with family names. And so, when they said 'Lazarov', the three of us stood up. When the teacher added 'Bohorov' I sat down, but the other two were still standing. We usually roared with laughter and always played that trick when a new teacher came, who still didn't know us. It was such a mess! Finally they became Leon Bohorov Lazarov I and Leon Bohorov Lazarov II - with numbers, like the patriarchs.

Our teachers were very good and just people. They always encouraged us to participate in the class work. I don't remember cases of punishment. They got us to study by way of their personal example. I used to spend my spare time playing. You have to put in a lot of effort if you really want to be a good musician, a lot of hard work and perseverance. I always sat in the first row, as I couldn't see well. Sometimes professional practice exams were held in our class, and the examiners used to sit next to me. Once they examined a student for a German teaching degree and while he was talking, the examining professor, sitting next to me, leaned over and asked me how, in my opinion, was the student's presentation so far. I said, 'Excellent!'. And I was so proud that I could give my 'competent' opinion on that matter. I rested during my holidays, of course. I used to go to Kjustendil, which was a spa and had a lot of visitors during summer. I also spent my holidays in Vladaya and Gorna Banya resorts near Sofia.

Life was so nice in Sofia then. The population was only about 250 to 300,000 people. I remember that there was a synagogue close to our place - not the main one but a smaller one, which now no longer exists. [This synagogue was destroyed during WWII and never restored again. Currently there are other buildings in its place.] I had a friend called Fabricant. Once, during Yom Kippur he went to the little synagogue. He used to keep taanit [means fast in Ivrit] very strictly, and as he had been staying in the synagogue all day long, some friends and I went to pick him up from there, in order to cheer him up. He came with us and we walked along the street. When we passed by the fire station, cold water was pouring down from fountains and hoses and Fabri was so thirsty that he ran there, completely forgetting that he had to restrict himself on that day. After slaking his thirst, he suddenly realized what he had done and I remember he started crying like a little child and blaming it on us for having cheated him. We did want to have fun with our friend, yet we didn't expect him to respond like that. We told him that he could now already start eating which made him even angrier. He was mad at us for quite a long time after that.

After I finished high school in 1936, I became a university student. About four years later I graduated from university. At first I worked as an accountant in my father's textile factory, while still a student. That was the time when the war started and Jews were expelled from all universities in 1940 [see Law for the Protection of the Nation] 15. I even wanted to study abroad but the war ruined my plans. Meanwhile I was taking lessons with Prof. Torcharov in preparation for the entrance examination for the Royal Military Orchestra, but it was again the war which ruined my attempts to apply there. At that time Sasha Popov conducted the orchestra.

Right then Mario Brontsa, the Jewish Symphony Orchestra's conductor, was looking for musicians. He hired practically every Jew who was able to play any kind of instrument. He had worked with great musicians - the distinguished violinist Leon Surujon [well-known Bulgarian violinist and pedagogue], Miki Baruh, Fidel Baruh. Most of them had other professions and music was only a hobby for them. Albert Baruh had studied dentistry in Leipzig. He was from Kjustendil, a neighbor of mine. I started working with the Symphony Orchestra in 1939. This orchestra was a real phenomenon. We daringly formed it right before the persecution of Jews had begun.

In 1936 I started working as an assistant conductor of the Jewish People's Choir 16 at the Jewish People's community center 17. At that time the choir was conducted by Israel Aladjem [a musical pedagogue and a conductor of the Military Orchestra]. It was an exceptional choir! We performed songs in four languages that had nothing to do with each other - in Ladino, Bulgarian, Ivrit and Yiddish. We had one beautiful song in Ladino - 'Alta, alta es la luna', and another one in Yiddish - 'Yojke, Yojke, put the nag to'. The choir consisted of 80 people and our repertoire was some 6,000 songs. We also sang a Jewish traditional folk song, which is called 'The Town is Burning'. It tells the story of the anti-Jewish pogroms in Russia. We sang Bulgarian traditional folk songs as well. There was another Jewish choir, conducted by Menahem Bensusan. The high point of it was on the 12th of March 1939 when it gave a remarkable concert in the 'Bulgaria' hall [the largest concert hall at the time in Bulgaria] - the 'Saul' oratorio by Handel. The concert was broadcast live on radio Sofia. The event was darkened by an attempt of the anti-Jewish organization of the Ratniks 18, who started throwing tomatoes and eggs at people upon their coming out of the concert hall. I was in the audience and we managed to leave the hall through the back entrance, however this incident was extremely ugly and it indicated the beginning of the persecution against us. It was the first 'signal lamp'. This was one of the last performances of the Jewish choir. After that incident, Menahem Bensusan left for the USA.

Israel Aladjem enlisted me as his assistant to the choir at the Jewish People's community center, which after 9th September 1944 merged with the Jewish Choral Society. The two choirs - The Jewish Choral Society and The Jewish People's Choir at the Jewish People's community center, where I was assistant conductor - formed one choir under the conductorship of Israel Aladjem. Besides being his assistant conductor, I also helped him with the violin lessons he used to give. He was repeatedly mobilized when the war started, even though he was a Jew. Then I taught his 15 students. Thus I received very good practice as a pedagogue. Moreover, when he was absent I was in charge of the choir. I worked in that choir till the end of its existence, around 1960. We had a great jubilee concert at that time on the occasion of its 50th anniversary. It had a very rich program and received good press reviews. I still have some of the articles.

During the War

At the beginning of the war when the laws against us started coming into force, but still before being sent to forced labor camps 19, in order to keep the Jewish spirit high, we set up several musical bands and went about playing at different places. Jews couldn't attend concerts, as they had a curfew. I remember that some of the concerts at 'Bulgaria' hall were given at daytime, and it was clear that people were doing it for Jews. The hall was full of Jews at such concerts. We also gave special performances, organized by Jewish musicians, at which information was exchanged concerning the current war situation and how far the Germans had advanced. The ones who managed to escape from the camp, which happened quite often, listened to radio programs and kept us informed. I used to play the violin in this orchestra, and I remember that Mati Pinkas [a famous opera singer in those years] used to sing there, too. This all lasted until Jews were interned from Sofia, which was a great tragedy indeed!

First I was sent to forced labor camps in 1940. I spent four years of my life there in hard living conditions. Initially I was sent to Tserovo, a village in the district of Sofia. There I spent six months and I remember that it was extremely difficult for us. I remember that we were given uniforms and also that we set up an improvised band with the workers. In Tserovo camp the attitude towards us was very humane. In order to set up the orchestra, we received permission from major Rogozarov, who was a battalion commander. The members of the orchestra were relieved of obligations and therefore, when we decided to form a choir, over 100 volunteers applied. Some of them couldn't sing at all. I chose 20 people from all the candidates. Among the participants in this band there were prominent musicians, who had leading positions in the Musical Theater and in famous orchestras before the war started. Yet, after the promulgation of the anti-Jewish laws, they were fired everywhere and after 1940 sent to different forced labor camps all over Bulgaria. That was my destiny, too.

Bitush Davidov, for example, was together with me in Tserovo. He used to be a soloist of the Musical Theater and he became our soloist, too. Anyone who had ever touched any kind of musical instrument and was eager to play was welcome in our band. I made the arrangements and edited the notes according to everyone's musical skills. We used to rehearse in the school gym in Tserovo. The violinists played their own instruments, while the wind instruments were owned by the state. We used to play on every occasion or even without a special reason in front of an audience. I remember one case - we played on the occasion of a soldier's oath when being sworn in to the Tserovo unit. We, the Jews, naturally weren't sworn in. Only Bulgarian soldiers in regular army service had an oath-taking ceremony. I was authorized by major Rogozarov to form a choir of 100 people and sound the retreat with a brass band, as it had to be done properly and solemnly. Besides the Jewish choir I auditioned the choir of the Bulgarian companies, and thus we formed a mixed choir. I was very worried as all of them were amateurs and could make a mistake any minute. Bitush Davidov accompanied us on the piano and I was the conductor. And so, two Jews were in charge of a whole choir and a brass band consisting of Bulgarians during the war. The ceremony was held in Svoge [a town in Western Bulgaria]. Finally we were rewarded with ten days off.

During the second year they sent me to the village of Trunska Klisoura [near the Serb border]. We had to walk all the way until we reached the village - about a hundred kilometers. We didn't wear uniforms there. We wore whatever we could find, and in addition we had to wear a yellow piece of cloth on our arms as a distinctive mark. The third year we were somewhere near the town of Krichim - in the village of Vetren. This isn't far from Pazardjik. We were a student's group and I got acquainted with a lot of people there. I was together with Adolf Fabricant, a good friend of mine, Rafael Arie, the famous singer, who later sang in Italy. There was an old man there, who used to be our superintendent while we were working. He wasn't an evil person, he only kept telling us, 'Work, work, work...', and I remember that Rafael Arie, while resting on his spade, used to tell him, 'Mr. Lieutenant, the time will come when you will be the one to pay money for listening to me!' And so it happened. Later Rafael became one of the most famous opera singers in Bulgaria. I remember that no matter where we were, we always succeeded in finding ways to keep ourselves well informed about the front line situation.

I had another interesting experience in the camp. While we were working close to the railway line, a train passed by and I saw someone waving his cloth cap and shouting, 'Lazarov, Lazarov!' The train quickly went past before I was able to spot the guy who was shouting at me. Later the others told me that it was my uncle David, the younger brother of my mother, who was traveling to a labor camp in Haskovo [a city in Southern Bulgaria]. He knew that I was working in that region, and when he saw the Jewish laborers, he started shouting and waving his cap, hoping that I'd be able to see him. Just for a greeting! This was so touching!

In the fourth year we were somewhere in Kjustendil district. Upon our arrival there we had no idea where exactly we were located. Nobody told us. The day we arrived at our new destination some villagers passed by and we asked them where we were. They told us that we were close to Bozhitsa. This is a village near Kjustendil, in which my uncle was a civilian doctor. I asked the people whether they knew him and it turned out that they knew him very well because he treated the whole village. Although it seemed to me quite impossible that they would tell him that I was close to the village, I still asked them to inform him and to my greatest surprise, already on the next day my uncle came to see me along with the village teacher. It was a very exciting meeting.

My brother was also in the forced labor camps. He missed the first year as he was still a student, but as soon as he turned 18, they also took him away. First he was sent somewhere in the Aegean region; they separated us. Not until I was sent to Lovetch [a town in north eastern Bulgaria] in 1944, my brother joined me in the camp. That was already at the end of the war and we somehow anticipated that soon it will be over and we will be free at last. Therefore I decided to escape from the camp in Lovetch. I asked my brother whether he would come with me, but he refused and I left all by myself. My brother came after ten days, as all Jews were liberated.

The first evening I remained in Pleven [a town in Central Bulgaria]. It wasn't safe at all. I traveled with some old documents attesting that I was ill. I stayed at the house of relatives. They sheltered me and only they know for the sake of what! They must have been very worried, I assume. In the morning I caught another train and with several changes from one train to another I reached Kjustendil. As early as 8th September speeches were given on the square, semi-illegally, of course, on behalf of the Communist Party, the Agrarian Union [see Bulgarian Agrarian National Union] 20. Kimon Georgiev 21 gave a speech also appealing to the establishment of the people's power. Then we realized that it would be much easier to breathe.

During the war my family was interned from Sofia [see Interment of Jews in Bulgaria] 22. Every family got instructions with the internment destination. Ours was Kjustendil. We had seven to eight days left to prepare the luggage and say good-bye to our relatives. My father refused to leave and he was punished by being sent with my mother and my brother to Lom [an important Danubian port town]. That was a very bad thing because according to rumors if they sent you to Lom, the next destination would be nothing but the death camps. I managed somehow to arrange our internment to Kjustendil, where we had relatives at least. I found a connection with the secretary of delegates of the Committee of the Jewish Affairs - her name was Liliana Popova or Vassileva. I still don't know how they let us go to Kjustendil. I was sent to a forced labor camp and my family was interned after that. My brother was sent later as he had to finish school first. I remember the nightmare in my home then - the ground floor was already crowded with other families, interned there and we remained squeezed on the first floor. We were some 14-15 people - the whole family boxed up into two rooms. During the war the number of Jews in Kjustendil climbed to 4,000 from 1,000 because of all the people interned from Sofia.

At the time of the anti-Jewish laws my name was changed twice. From Leon Nissim Lazarov I became Yeuda Nissim Bohor. The suffix 'ov' in our names wasn't allowed as it was considered too 'Bulgarian', and our names had to sound in a different way. I don't know how they fabricated that name, but during the regular roll-call in the camps I often didn't respond to my new name, because I couldn't get used to it at all. Four years you had to wander from one camp to another, not being certain whether you'll be able to survive until tomorrow! And live for the day! My true name was Lazar. Actually that was my name until I enrolled in junior high school, where they registered me as 'Nissimov Lazarov', I don't know why. But that's how it remained. Now in all documents I'm registered with that name.

Right after 9th September I was asked by the partisans, who wanted to sing guerrilla songs, to set up a choir in Kjustendil made up of the partisans who were already coming down from the mountains. I was a UYW 23 member since 1938. I began working with that choir, yet I did want to return to Sofia as soon as possible. In about two weeks I managed to get away and leave Kjustendil.

Meanwhile I met my future wife, Stella Beny. She is from Sofia and she graduated from high school in 1943. She was born on 18th October 1924. Her family was interned to Kjustendil, though she remained in Sofia to finish her studies. Then she received a letter from her father in which he warned her that there would be new deportations and she should join them in Kjustendil. I have seen this letter. It was all smeared with tears. Obviously her father had cried while writing it. Thus she came to Kjustendil and we got acquainted. When we came back to Sofia, we continued seeing each other. I remember how once my friend [Haim Oliver] arranged a meeting for us. He was a librarian at the Jewish People's community center and had invited both of us, as though accidentally. With Stella we gradually became close friends and on 29th December 1946 we got married. We had a civil marriage at the District Council on Dondukov Street, and everybody was freezing cold. Everything was so destitute, as after the war there was nothing but poverty.

Nissim Beny, Stella's father, was one of the oldest wood-carvers in Bulgaria. He graduated and was the first alumnus from the High School for Applied Arts. He did some of the wood-carvings in 'Alexander Nevski' Cathedral [the largest Eastern Orthodox Cathedral in Bulgaria]. Stella and I have kept a wood-cut table and some other carvings as well - 'The Rebec- Player' and a couple of others, too. I remember him constantly cutting with the burin. He had a small shop on Solunska Street [a trading street in the center of Sofia]. He loved his work very much. Stella has a brother, Albert Beny, born in 1922. He was a distinguished public worker. He was younger than me, but unfortunately he passed away in Israel, where he had moved to. I don't remember the year. Their father also died in Israel. Stella also has a sister, Greta Beny, born in 1932. Currently she lives in Israel with her family.

Upon my return from Kjustendil, after 9th September 1944, I met my friend Haim Oliver. He had returned from Haskovo [a town in the Eastern Rhodope Mountain], where he was interned. He became a partisan there. We went to a place where lots of people, lots of intellectuals, had gathered, willing to revive the culture of the country. I had heard on the radio that something was happening on Slavianska Street and we immediately left for there. The house was a rich one, but the owners had run away and abandoned it. There were many people there, who later became distinguished public and cultural figures - Angel Vagenshtain 24, Donka Chakova, Sima Ivanova, Nikola Krastev [intellectuals and cultural figures at that time]. They were both Jews and Bulgarians. We set up the Front Theater there in 1944 and we went about the frontline giving performances.

We had four troupes - three of them were staying near the frontline and one was performing in the rear. We had special uniforms. Many great actors began their career in that theater. This Front Theater had a little improvised choir, conducted by me, which used to sing before every performance. I remember our soaking wet shoes, usually the best ones we could find, yet we were very enthusiastically accepted everywhere. We used to sing before the local organizations of the Fatherland Front 25, and the local Communist Party organizations in the countryside. When the war ended we were in a process of demobilization and this lasted for about a year - until 1945. At that time Mario Menashe Brontsa invited me to the Jewish Symphony Orchestra, which was re-instituted after the war. I had a military rank at that time, therefore I couldn't afford spending much time on rehearsals, though I took part in a few concerts. I was always recognized by my military uniform, which I used to wear in the Front Theater, while everyone else wore suits.

After the War

After the war we lived in the apartment I still live in now, but with the difference that at that time we were obliged to have lodgers. Until then Sofia had about 250-300,000 citizens, but in the post-war times the population had suddenly increased to more than a million and people had nowhere to live. There was a constant flow of students here, and they still continued visiting us later on. There was a guy called Milcho Dekanarov. He was a choir singer in the choir conducted by me, and later came to live with us. There were others also: Avram Natan, Mois Natan and more. After 9th September 1994 a law was passed according to which each person was allowed to live in a space of several square meters only. Therefore the larger apartments had to accept lodgers. They were chosen arbitrarily by the municipality and sometimes three families lived in one apartment. The lodgers were usually very poor or from the countryside, and they paid a symbolic rent to the owners. It was rather inconvenient, bearing in mind that all the families used common bathrooms. The apartments weren't accommodated specially to such purposes, and the co-existence sometimes lasted for years, until the lodgers could buy their own flat or find a separate lodging.

After the end of the war my brother also came to Sofia. He graduated in Chemistry [from Sofia University], he has a son called Anri, born in 1954. His family maintains the Jewish traditions although his wife is non-Jewish. Her family name is Abazova.

I have a degree in economics. I couldn't finish my studies before the war because all Jews were expelled from university. I had also enrolled in the Faculty of Law, but I couldn't graduate from any of them. After the war was over, Jews were allowed to continue with their education. First I enrolled in the Institute of Economics, where they signed and sealed my student's card, they certified that I had taken all the exams and they recognized my academic degree. Then I changed to the Faculty of Law, where to my surprise, they also recognized my four years of studying, although I hadn't passed any exams. Obviously after the war everything was quite messed up. And so, I have two specialties. I had to take some equalizing exams for the second one, but because of the choirs I was involved in, I didn't have enough time to cope with that.

Since 1945 I have also been a conductor of the 'Liliana Dimitrova' amateur choir. Upon the end of the war, many amateur choirs were created, some of them at the chitalishte. It was a choir consisting of very experienced and talented singers. We did a very precise selection in order to make it a really representative choir. We traveled around Bulgaria with it. I had two or three assistants to replace me whenever I was absent. In 1947 the choir participated in the World Festival in Prague. After a careful selection we included another ten people from different choirs all over Bulgaria along with ours, which had 60-70 members. The first prize wasn't awarded but the second one was awarded to us. This was a great recognition and honor for us! It stimulated the careers of many of the choir singers. The composer Jules Levi made his name in that choir [a conductor, talented composer, author of symphonic, chamber and choral music; among his most popular works are the symphony 'A Matter of Life and Death', the ballet 'A Fair in Sofia' and the opera fairy-tale 'Tsar Kilimar'].

Upon my return from Prague, I had to face the tragic news about the death of my father, who had passed away while I was abroad. When I was leaving for Prague, I was aware of his illness though I never expected that the worst could happen. He had a sick heart and suffered from myocarditis. My mother waited for me at the station with the bad news. He was young, he was only 59 years old. And he didn't live to see any of his grandchildren. I remember how strong he was! He carried, by himself, sacks weighing some 100 kilograms to the shop. I wasn't present at his funeral as I was on my way to Bulgaria. He was buried in accordance with the Jewish tradition in the Jewish cemetery in Sofia. When I saw him last, he was waving at me from the window, wishing me a nice trip to Prague. And that's how he lives on in my memories - waving goodbye from the window. After his death I wasn't in a mood to do anything new and thus I continued my activities with the 'Liliana Dimitrova' choir. My mother stayed with me. At home all of us had great respect for her. She took care of the household.

Meanwhile I was also conducting the choir at the Planning Committee [committee for the approval of the economic plan for the country's development].

At the end of the war plenty of choirs were formed, yet still there was no class for conductors at the conservatory. Therefore I and the composer Georgi Dimitrov [a popular Bulgarian composer] initiated a course for choir conductors. The most prominent Bulgarian conductors became lecturers there: Philip Koutev, Svetoslav Obretenov, Kroum Boyadjiev. Choirs are named after those people today. We ourselves had the drive to know more. And in this way we had the chance to study together with our students and learn more.

In 1945 I started working at the State Planning Committee. I worked as an economist. I dealt with the textile industry, I did organizational work, I went about various enterprises. It was at the corner of Dondukov Street and Serdika Street. Then I was sent to Prague to the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance [CMEA], where I worked as an expert. Those were wonderful years - the ones that I spent in Prague [1965-1969]. I learned the Czech language and I had the chance to get acquainted with the rich culture of the people. The building I used to work in was a former palace with a magnificent garden. There was a hall where symphonic music was performed. Whenever I wanted to indulge in music, I could go downstairs and listen to it. The members of the orchestra got used to me. We were people of eight nations there: a Hungarian, a Polish, a German, etc. My work had nothing to do with my musical interests, but I didn't miss music because I took my violin there and played it whenever I could.

In 1948 my elder son Simo was born, and in 1953 the younger one, Emil. When I was sent to Prague from the State Planning Committee, my whole family joined me in the Czech Republic [Czechoslovakia at that time] and that fact had a good influence on both of my sons. They had the opportunity to get in touch with the Czech culture, which was a valuable experience for them. There wasn't a single concert or theater performance unseen. Simo graduated from high school there, and Emil from junior high school. Emil founded a family there. His wife is Czech.

In 1969 I came back from the Czech Republic and began to work in the Ministry of Light Industry as a chancellor to the minister at the time, Dora Belcheva. It was a good job - responsible, yet pleasant, and without fixed working hours. We had to work till late in the evening and I didn't have spare time for anything else, therefore when I was offered to resume work in the Planning Committee in 1976, I had no doubts whatsoever. I worked there until my retirement in 1978.

Stella and I tried to raise our children in the spirit of the Jewish traditions. My sons didn't have a bar mitzvah. We didn't celebrate Sabbath, but we always mentioned the high holidays - we observed the traditions, connected with them, we did taanit. They not only consider themselves Jews but they stand up for that. My elder son Simo left for Israel with his family a couple of years ago. He has a son Valentin and a daughter Emilia. She is married to a Bulgarian Jew. His name is Ricky and I already have a great-grandson. They live in Tel Aviv. Valentin graduated in musical pedagogy in Bulgaria and is currently working in that field. Emilia is an economist, but she has a different job in Israel.

My son Simo graduated from the Technical University in Sofia, but he has always been strongly attracted to music. Now, along with his students from the New Bulgarian University, he is dealing with electronic music and sometimes gives concerts in Sofia and in Israel. He has several albums out already. He is a lecturer in computer music compositions.

My younger son Emil lives in the Czech Republic and has a private company. He has a degree in automatization of production, as far as I can remember, but his career is completely different now. He has two sons, Victor and Martin. Victor has already got a master's degree and is currently studying in his second specialty. The topic of his research paper was the saving of Bulgarian Jews during World War II. He defended it at the Faculty of Humanitarian Sciences of Karlovy University [in Prague], which is the oldest one in Central Europe. Martin is an artist; he graduated in conservation and restoration [of art works, this is a specialty in the Art Academy] in Prague. He loves his work very much and is very talented. All of them have played various instruments; Music taught them discipline. They often call and visit us as soon as they are able to come. My wife Stella and I constantly talk about the professional achievements of our children and grandchildren, and we are very proud of them.

I used to keep relations with the Jewish community in Bulgaria, but I'm quite disconnected now, as I don't leave my home. Stella goes to different meetings sometimes, but I already don't remember when I last visited the place. I regularly buy and read recently published books in Ladino or some connected with the Jewish community and its history. We celebrate the Jewish holidays in the proper way. We try to follow the traditions. It's so nice when the whole family gets together. This year my grandson Valentin married a Bulgarian Jew in the Sofia synagogue. The ceremony was wonderful. All Jewish wedding traditions were kept. It was a nice and joyful marriage, at which more than 400 people - Jews and Bulgarians - were present.

I have been to Israel once. I think it was in 1999. I liked it very much there. It was much calmer than now. Stella and I visited our son Simo. We saw Tel Aviv and Jerusalem. A cousin of ours took us to Haifa. I have never wanted to live in Israel. I have always had a good job here, in Bulgaria, and the idea of leaving it never occurred to me. I was never in need of finding a job. It always happened that as soon as I left a work place, another one was offered to me. I was lucky, I guess. I think that my children would have never been able to obtain the culture that they had the chance to 'absorb' in Bulgaria and in the Czech Republic, if they had lived in Israel.

I have never felt anti-Semitism: neither among my friends, nor at my work place. I have always worked at prestigious institutions.

Glossary:

1 Iuchbunar

The poorest residential district in Sofia; the word is of Turkish origin and means 'the three wells'.

2 First Balkan War (1912-1913)

Started by an alliance made up of Bulgaria, Greece, Serbia, and Montenegro against the Ottoman Empire. It was a response to the Turkish nationalistic policy maintained by the Young Turks in Istanbul. The Balkan League aimed at the liberation of the rest of the Balkans still under Ottoman rule. In October, 1912 the allies declared war on the Ottoman Empire and were soon successful: the Ottomans retreated to defend Istanbul and Albania, Epirus, Macedonia and Thrace fell into the hands of the allies. The war ended on the 30th May 1913 with the Treaty of London, which gave most of European Turkey to the allies and also created the Albanian state.

3 Second Balkan War (1913)

The victorious countries of the First Balkan War (Bulgaria, Greece and Serbia) were unable to settle their territorial claims over the newly acquired Macedonia by peaceful means. Serbia and Greece formed an alliance against Bulgaria and the war began on 29th June 1913 with a Bulgarian attack on Serbian and Greek troops in Macedonia. Bulgaria's northern neighbor, Romania, also joined the allies and Bulgaria was defeated. The Treaty of Bucharest was signed on 10th August 1913. As a result, most of Macedonia was divided up between Greece and Serbia, leaving only a small part to Bulgaria (Pirin Macedonia). Romania also acquired the previously Bulgarian region of southern Dobrudzha.

4 Great Synagogue

Located in the center of Sofia, it is the third largest synagogue in Europe after the ones in Budapest and Amsterdam; it can house more than 1,300 people. It was designed by Austrian architect Grunander in the Moor style. It was opened on 9th September 1909 in the presence of King Ferdinand and Queen Eleonora.

5 Daniel Zion

Rabbi in the Sofia synagogue and President of the Israeli Spiritual Council, participant in procession on 24th May 1943.

6 24th May 1943

Protest by a group of members of parliament led by the deputy chairman of the National Assembly, Dimitar Peshev, as well as a large section of Bulgarian society. They protested against the deportation of the Jews, which culminated in a great demonstration on 24th May 1943. Thousands of people led by members of parliament, the Eastern Orthodox Church and political parties stood up against the deportation of Bulgarian Jews. Although there was no official law preventing deportation, Bulgarian Jews were saved, unlike those from Bulgarian occupied Aegean Thrace and Macedonia.

7 Fruitas

The popular name of the Tu bi-Shevat festival among the Bulgarian Jews

8 Burmoelos (or burmolikos, burlikus)

A sweetmeat made from matzah, typical for Pesach. First, the matzah is put into water, then squashed and mixed with eggs. Balls are made from the mixture, they are fried and the result is something like donuts.

9 Crises of the 1930s

The world economic crisis that began in 1929 devastated the Bulgarian economy. The social tensions of the 1920s were exacerbated when 200,000 workers lost their jobs, prices fell by 50 percent, dozens of companies went bankrupt, and per capita income among peasants dropped by 50 percent between 1929 and 1933.

10 Bulgaria in World War I

Bulgaria entered the war in October 1915 on the side of the Central Powers. Its main aim was the revision of the Treaty of Bucharest: the acquisition of Macedonia. Bulgaria quickly overran most of Serbian Macedonia as well as parts of Serbia; in 1916 with German backing it entered Greece (Western Thrace and the hinterlands of Salonika). After Romania surrendered to the Central Powers Bulgaria also recovered Southern Dobrudzha, which had been lost to Romania after the First Balkan War. The Bulgarian advance to Greece was halted after British, French and Serbian troops landed in Salonika, while in the north Romania joined the Allies in 1916. Conditions at the front deteriorated rapidly and political support for the war eroded. The agrarians and socialist workers intensified their antiwar campaigns, and soldier committees were formed in the army. A battle at Dobro Pole brought total retreat, and in ten days the Allies entered Bulgaria. On 29th September 1918 Bulgaria signed an armistice and withdrew from the war. The Treaty of Neuilly (November 1919) imposed by the Allies on Bulgaria, deprived the country of its World War I gains as well as its outlet to the Aegean Sea (Eastern Thrace).

11 24th May

The day of Slavic script and culture, a national holiday on which Bulgarian culture and writing is celebrated, paying special tribute to Cyril and Methodius, the creators of the first Slavic alphabet, the forerunner of the Cyrillic script.

12 Chitalishte

literally 'a place to read'; a community and an institution for public enlightenment carrying a supply of books, holding discussions and lectures, performances etc. The first such organizations were set up during the period of the Bulgarian National Revival [18th-19th centuries] and were gradually transformed into cultural centers in Bulgaria. Unlike in the 1930s, when the chitalishte network could maintain its activities for the most part through its own income, today, as during the communist regime, they are mainly supported by the state. There are over 3,000 chitalishtes in Bulgaria today, although they have become less popular.

13 9th September 1944

The day of the communist takeover in Bulgaria. In September 1944 the Soviet Union unexpectedly declared war on Bulgaria. On 9th September 1944 the Fatherland Front, a broad left-wing coalition, deposed the government. Although the communists were in the minority in the Fatherland Front, they were the driving force in forming the coalition, and their position was strengthened by the presence of the Red Army in Bulgaria.

14 Haim David Oliver (1918-1986)

writer and screenwriter. He graduated from the French College in Sofia in 1936, studied International Affairs at the Higher Institute of Economy in Vienna as well as composition, singing and piano in Vienna (1936-1938). He graduated from the School of Journalism in Sofia (1959).

15 Law for the Protection of the Nation

A comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation in Bulgaria was introduced after the outbreak of World War II. The 'Law for the Protection of the Nation' was officially promulgated in January 1941. According to this law, Jews did not have the right to own shops and factories. Jews had to wear the distinctive yellow star; Jewish houses had to display a special sign identifying it as being Jewish; Jews were dismissed from all posts in schools and universities. The internment of Jews in certain designated towns was legalized and all Jews were expelled from Sofia in 1943. Jews were only allowed to go out into the streets for one or two hours a day. They were prohibited from using the main streets, from entering certain business establishments, and from attending places of entertainment. Their radios, automobiles, bicycles and other valuables were confiscated. From 1941 on Jewish males were sent to forced labor battalions and ordered to do extremely hard work in mountains, forests and road construction. In the Bulgarian-occupied Yugoslav (Macedonia) and Greek (Aegean Thrace) territories the Bulgarian army and administration introduced extreme measures. The Jews from these areas were deported to concentration camps, while the plans for the deportation of Jews from Bulgaria proper were halted by a protest movement launched by the vice-chairman of the Bulgarian Parliament.

16 Jewish People's Choir

It was formed in 1909, initially as a synagogue choir. Later it also performed classical pieces and Bulgarian folk songs. In 1938 Menahem Bensusan became its conductor and for a while he made it one of the most celebrated symphonic orchestras in Bulgaria. It resumed activity in 1944 after the abolishment of anti-Jewish policies in Bulgaria and again gained considerable success in the forthcoming years. The choir officially ceased to exist in 1963.

17 Jewish People's Community Center

It was set up in Sofia in 1936. Besides the Jewish People's Choir it was home to several amateur musical bands.

18 Ratniks

The Ratniks, like the Branniks, were also members of a nationalist organization. They advocated a return to national values. The word 'rat' comes from the Old Bulgarian root meaning 'battle', i.e. 'Ratniks' ­ fighters, soldiers.

19 Forced labor camps in Bulgaria

Established under the Council of Ministers' Act in 1941. All Jewish men between the ages of 18-50, eligible for military service, were called up. In these labor groups Jewish men were forced to work 7-8 months a year on different road constructions under very hard living and working conditions.

20 Bulgarian Agrarian National Union

It was founded in 1899 as a professional organization and became a peasants' party by 1901. Its popularity increased after World War I. Alexander Stamboliiski, its leader, has been celebrated as a reformer with broad views introducing extensive land reforms. As prime minister of Bulgaria, Stamboliiski was overthrown by a military coup d'etat in 1934. The party was banned from 1934 until 1944. After 1945 it was a political ally of the Bulgarian Communist Party in the framework of the Fatherland Front.

21 Georgiev, Kimon (1882 -1969)

Prime Minister of the first Fatherland Front government after 9th September 1944, lasting until November 1946.

22 Internment of Jews in Bulgaria

Although Jews living in Bulgaria where not deported to concentration camps abroad or to death camps, many were interned to different locations within Bulgaria. In accordance with the Law for the Protection of the Nation, the comprehensive anti-Jewish legislation initiated after the outbreak of WWII, males were sent to forced labor battalions in different locations of the country, and had to engage in hard work. There were plans to deport Bulgarian Jews to Nazi Death Camps, but these plans were not realized. Preparations had been made at certain points along the Danube, such as at Somovit and Lom. In fact, in 1943 the port at Lom was used to deport Jews from Aegean Thrace and from Macedonia, but in the end, the Jews from Bulgaria proper were spared.

23 UYW

The Union of Young Workers (also called Revolutionary Youth Union). A communist youth organization, which was legally established in 1928 as a sub-organization of the Bulgarian Communist Youth Union (BCYU). After the coup d'etat in 1934, when parties in Bulgaria were banned, it went underground and became the strongest wing of the BCYU. Some 70% of the partisans in Bulgaria were members of it. In 1947 it was renamed Dimitrov's Communist Youth Union, after Georgi Dimitrov, the leader of the Bulgarian Communist Party at the time.

24 Vagenshtain, Angel (1922)

A classic of Bulgarian cinema. He graduated in cinema dramaturgy from the Russian State Institute of Cinematography (VGIK) in Moscow. Author of some 50 scripts for feature, documentary and animation films, as well as of novels published in Bulgaria, France, Germany, Russia, and the USA. Since 1950 he has worked in Bulgarian and East German cinematography. His 1959 film 'Stars', dedicated to the fate of Jews in WWII, and directed by Konrad Wolf, won the Special Prize of the jury at the 59th Cannes International Film Festival. Among Vagenshtain's most famous films as a scriptwriter are: 'Amendment to the Law for the Defense of the Nation', 'Goya', 'Stars In Her Hair, Tears In Her Eyes', 'Boris I', etc.

25 Fatherland Front

A broad left wing umbrella organization, created in 1942, with the purpose to lead the Communist Party to power.

Viera Šlesingerová

Viera Šlesingerová

Praha
Česká republika
Rozhovor pořídila: Pavla Neuner
Období vzniku rozhovoru: leden 2004

PLEASE NOTE - this is only the transcript of the interview, the final edited version will be uploaded later

Kazeta č.2, strana A

P: Kdy jste se narodila? A kde na Slovensku?

VŠ: 5.9.1924 v Košicích.

P: A žila jste v Košicích a pak v Praze rovnou?

VŠ: Ne, v Košicích jsem se narodila, protože můj tatínek byl „státní“ inženýr, byl přednostou berní správy a ti se věčně překládali, aby si neudělali přátele, takže já vám to všechno vyjmenuju. Košice, dneska je to Martin, to Svätý tam určitě není, možná že je to Turčianský, kdysi to byl Turčianský Martin. Trnava, to jsou dvě, který si vůbec nepamatuju, Bratislava, tu už si pamatuju, Žilina, tam se mi to moc líbilo, Prešov, až v devětatřicátým „jsme se přistěhovali“. Tady už jsme byli celou dobu.

P: Jaké máte vzdělání?

VŠ: Já mám Filozofickou fakultu tady v Praze.

P: Co jste dělala za obor?

VŠ: Angličtinu, češtinu.

P: Jaký jste měla zaměstnání, vaše nejdůležitější zaměstnání.

VŠ: Já jsem celou dobu byla učitelka, profesorka. Nejdřív jsem se dostala, to se dělala tehdy ta reforma, rušila se gymnázia, takže jsem byla na devítiletce, pak po mnoha letech jsem se vyšplhala, takže jsem byla... to je jedno, učitelka profesorka.

P: To jste učila angličtinu?

VŠ: Na tý základní jsem učila všehno. A později jsem se dostala na „gympl“, potom jsem byla na průmyslovce taky, tak angličtinu a češtinu. Tam jsem učila všechno, to byla hrůza. Nejhorší bylo, když oni mi ze začátku nějak cpali všechno, já jsem totiž nastupovala v Kostelci nad Labem a pak, když jsem se vdala a čekala jsem děcko, to jsem tam jezdila denně autobusem, tak jsem zažádala do Prahy. Tam se na mě podívali na národním výboru a řekli mi - no soudružko, kdybyste měla matematiku, hned, ale na tuhle aprobaci ne. Jedině na „Národní“. Já jsem řekla - třeba na mateřskou, já nemůžu denně cestovat. Takže jsem došla na Národní, z tý jsem se pak dostala na vyšší devítiletku a pak jsem se dostala do Prahy. No musela jsem do Prahy, jsem tady „měla děti. Sem jsem se vdala.

P: Jak moc pobožní byli vaši doma? V jak moc velký pobožnosti jste vyrůstala, pakliže nějaká byla?

VŠ: Maminka byla pobožná, každej pátek jsme zapalovali svíčky.

P: A měli jste doma košer kuchyni?

VŠ: Košer kuchyni jsme nedrželi a chodili jsme na velký svátky do synagogy, jinak si nevzpomínám.

P: A postili jste se na Jom Kipur třeba?

VŠ: Postili jsme se na Jom Kipur a na pesach jsem vždycky jela s maminkou do Košic k dědečkovi a babičce. Ale to je asi tak všechno. Jom Kipur první byla hrůza, protože to prý tady vůbec neznali, když jsem o tom vykládala. Tam se v předvečer Jom Kipur člověk musel modlit, já jsem chodila do židovský obecný školy, pokud jsem byla v Žilině. A to se prostě člověk modlil a takhle držel kohouta za nohy a ten samozřejmě.. prostě byla to jako taková oběť.

P: A co s tím kohoutem dělali?

VŠ: Ten se potom zařízl. Tedy maminka ho držela, mně stačilo, že jsem musela hebrejsky se modlit, já jsem to moc neuměla a ještě k tomu ten kohout do toho. Prý se tomu říká, někdo mi to řekl, protože tady to většinou lidi neznají, tehdy to bylo ze Slovenska, prý se tomu říká „kepura“.

P: To je hebrejsky nebo jidiš?

VŠ: Nevím. Předpokládám, že to bude jidiš.

P: A to prostě takhle ometal ten kohout okolo hlavy a pak se zabil?

VŠ: Asi ano, co potom s tím kohoutem.

P: Neklofnul vás?

VŠ: Neklofnul. Já jsem taky u toho hrozně vyváděla, je to moje hrozná vzpomínka, protože to byla hrozná věc pro mě. A postili jsme se, na pesach jsem jezdila k dědečkovi a babičce, u nich bylo košer, vlastně.. až řeknu historii manželství tatínka... Tatínek potom nějak dostal nějakej ledvinovej záchvat, když se oženil, a ten doktor říkal, že jestli maminka nechce ho zabít, tak žádný košer. Tak to byl důvod.. je zajímavý, i ti moji pobožní, tedy dědeček a babička, tohle akceptovali. Já si myslím, že tatínek byl velice rád. Ale u dědečka a babičky se drželo košer. Teď si marně vzpomínám, jak to bylo u tety, ke který jsem jezdila, u tý tety „Boži“. Tam taky ten její muž byl z velice pobožný rodiny, ale já mám dojem, že nedrželi košer, já si nevzpomínám.

P: Maminka byla Slovenka tedy, mluvilo se u vás doma slovensky?

VŠ: U nás se mluvilo doma česky, protože tatínek byl Čech. Ale maminka samozřejmě, když přišly ty sestry na návštěvu, tak ony mluvily mezi sebou maďarsky, čemuž můj tatínek absolutně nerozuměl.

P: A ona tedy byla Maďarka nebo Slovenka?

VŠ: Maminka byla maďarská Židovka.

P: A vy umíte něco maďarsky?

VŠ: Já umím maďarsky, můj tatínek ne, protože já jsem byla zvědavá. Protože když si ty moje tety vyprávěly maďarsky, tak já jsem to nevydržela. Já si pamatuju, že jsem si to třeba... vzala jsem tužku a třeba jsem takhle stála u okna, hůlkovým písmem jsem si to ještě nějak psala, takhle jsem to odposlouchala, já jsem se nikdy neučila. Tak gramatiku neumím.

P: Takže vy mluvíte maďarsky, anglicky, německy taky? A ještě něčím jiným?

VŠ: Německy taky. A ještě polsky.

P: Vy jste měla sourozence?

VŠ: Ne.

P: Teď se vás zeptám na manžela. To byl teda pan Šlesinger, a prvním jménem?

VŠ: Jaroslav.

P: A kdy se narodil? A žil v Praze.

VŠ: 28.2.1903 v Chocni, on taky žil na Slovensku. On byl taky na... napíšu to.

P: A nebyl Žid.

VŠ: Nebyl Žid. Byl Žid honoris causa.

P: Co to znamená?

VŠ: Jak se dává titul honoris causa, těm váženým osobám, tak já jsem to říkala takhle, protože on byl vyloženej filosemita. Opravdu jeden z mála, snad dva lidi, který jsem potkala a kde můžu říct, že v nich nebyl žádnej antisemitismus, a to byl můj muž a ještě jeden můj přítel.

P: A nepřemýšleli jste o tom, že by třeba konvertoval?

VŠ: Ne.

P: A on byl teda Čech rozenej, maminka jeho byla Češka? Česky mluvila?

VŠ: Ano. To byla česká rodina.

P: A jaký měl vzdělání?

VŠ: Inženýr byl, vysokoškolský technický.

P: A zaměstnání nějaký, takový to hlavní?

VŠ: On pracoval taky na berní správě, státní úředník napište.

P: On už zemřel. Můžu se zeptat, kdy?

VŠ: 1981. V Praze.

P: Měl nějaký sourozence?

VŠ: Měl sestru Marii, ta zemřela koncem 40. nebo začátkem 50. let.

P: Ale přežila válku?

VŠ: No, ona nebyla nikde, nebyla Židovka. A bratra, ten taky už zemřel, ten zemřel pozdějc, myslím, že v 70. letech. „nerozumím - něco české“.

P: A máte dceru, předpokládám. A jak se jmenuje?

VŠ: Dceru a syna. Syn se jmenuje Jan a dcera Helena. On ten můj Honza vstoupil do židovský obce. On není Žid a Helena taky, ale přece je tam její muž.

P: Vychovávala jste, nemyslím ani tak k pobožnosti, ale...

VŠ: Že jsem Židovka, to věděli vždycky.

P: A cítili se oni tak být? Vychovávala jste je tak, že i oni jsou Židi?

VŠ: Oni vědí, že jsou částečně Židi, to ano. Jednak Honza vstoupil do obce, tenkrát mu Alena Jelínková říkala - prosím tě, vždyť ten antisemitismus tady vzrůstá. Právě proto „trvá“. Ale „netuší nic“. A dcera... oni to všechno prožívají, čtou o tom koncentráku a věděli to, protože já jsem si celou dobu, i tedy za toho komunismu, já jsem si s tou tetou v Izraeli dopisovala. A ona tady jednou byla taky. Takže to věděli všichni.

P: Může se zeptat, kdy se narodili?

VŠ: Honza se narodil 1951 a Helena 1952 (nebo 1959, nerozumím přesně). Žijí v Praze.

P: Vystudovali vysokou školu?

VŠ: Honza ne a Helena vysokou ekonomickou.

P: Takže Honza má střední vzdělání. A co dělají za práci?

VŠ: Honza má střední vzdělání. Helena pracuje v advokátní kanceláři jako ekonomka a Honza pracuje v bance u počítače, on tam dělá nějakýho programátora.

P: A kolik máte vnoučat?

VŠ: Mám dvě vnoučata, od Heleny. Honza je ženatý, ale děti nemají. A Helena má dceru a syna. Zuzanu jsem vzala jednou do Izraele.

P: Zuzana je vnučka? Kolik jí je? A jak se jí tam líbilo?

VŠ: Ano. Zuzaně je 23. Líbilo, „nerozumím“.

P: A taky se cítí židovsky?

VŠ: Já nevím. Vím, že jsem ji brala na ty.. byly jsme spolu na Schindlerově seznamu a celkem.. protože ona hodně čte, takže dost přečetla z mý knihovny a tam je hodně těch knížek. Jinak byla letos na vánoce v Indii.

P: Teď se dostáváme k vašemu tatínkovi. Jak se jmenoval? Kdy a kde se narodil?

VŠ: Otto Pollak. Narodil se 14.9.1884 v Klatovech.

P: A žil teda potom na tom Slovensku s vámi všude.

VŠ: Ano.

P: A on zemřel v koncentračním táboře nebo před válkou ještě?

VŠ: Ne, tatínek zemřel v Lodži, tatínek spáchal sebevraždu v Lodži, bylo to 11.8.1944.

P: Jaké měl vzdělání?

VŠ: Byl právník. Nedělal advokáta, on byl na tý berní správě jako právník.

P: Takže vlastně jako státní úředník?

VŠ: Ano. On byl JUDr.

P: A jak moc byl pobožnej?

VŠ: Tatínek nebyl pobožnej. Jak říkám, dodržovalo se to, že o velkých svátcích chodil... já si pamatuju taky jako dítě, že když byl v „tý balanktóře“, tak to bylo považováno za čest, ale...

P: On sám nějak vnitřně pobožnej nebyl.

VŠ: On sám vnitřně, myslím, že „nebyl“ pobožnej. Ono se o tom nikdy nemluvilo. A ty věci že se nedržely u nás.

P: Nějaký.. kippu nenosil, nějaký viditelný znamení, zvláštní oblečení, to ne.

VŠ: Ne.

P: A jeho rodiče byli Češi? Rodnej jazyk pro něj byla čeština?

VŠ: Ano.

P: Já jsem viděla fotku, kde byl v armádě. A to se nechal naverbovat nebo musel narukovat?

VŠ: Za první světové. Musel narukovat do rakouské armády, nebyl legionář, mělo to nějakej zvláštní název, něco jako potom vstoupili do těch.. jak se jmenovaly ty oddíly, když „nezabíjet“...myslím to bylo jako domobrana nebo něco.. v Itálii. To nebyli legionáři, protože to bylo už ke konci války. Ale tohle, myslím, bude ještě z tý doby, kdy byl v tý armádě Rakousko-Uherský.  Já tady mám nějaký fotky, co tatínek dělal, jsem to dostala, to bude určitě on. To je v tý rakouský armádě.

P: Tam byla celou tu válku? On byl od začátku války, celou první světovou válku byl...

VŠ: Víte, jak to je? To se člověk na to ani nějak nevyptával, odkdy tam byl, nevím, zkusíme to nějak vydedukovat. Když byl narozen 1884.

P: To mu bylo 16, to byl dost starej, aby tam byl od začátku války.

VŠ: Já si myslím, že asi jo. Čili on vlastně byl po studiích, zřejmě.

P: A nemluvil o tom, neříkal nějaký - když jsme byli v armádě a tak.

VŠ: Moc ne. Vím, že... měl nějakou fotku, jak byl na koních, a já jsem říkala - je, tys jezdil. No to prý bylo to nejhorší ze všeho.

P: A on měl nějakou funkci? Důstojnickou nebo.. nevíte?

VŠ: Nevím. Asi měl, určitě měl něco, protože měl pucfleka.

P: Co to je?

VŠ: Nevíte ze Švejka, co je pucflek? To byl takový sluha, to byl tedy voják, který byl pucflek. Takže to musel, jako vysokoškolák, určitě. Musel mít nějakou funkci, vysokou určitě ne, ale nějakou zřejmě... nějaká šarže.

P: Měl sourozence, táta?

VŠ: Tatínek měl tři sourozence, myslím čtyři, ale ten jeden zemřel ještě jako děcko. Měl jednu sestru, teta Hermína, pak to byl strejda Pavel a strejda Jaroslav.

P: A ti všichni měli tak rodiny?

VŠ: Ne, ten Jaroslav se neoženil, ten byl nějak zraněn v první světový válce a dostával taky nějaký.. byl invalidní a neoženil se.

P: A tihle jeho sourozenci s rodinami přežili válku?

VŠ: Ten strejda Pavel ne, ti zahynuli celá rodina. Zřejmě v Osvětimi, já myslím, že „museli do jednoho“ z těch rodinných táborů, jak jsem na to koukala, přitom na tom úmrtí je ve stejný den, ne ve stejný den, ale ve stejný rok. A teta Hermína, ta si vzala Nežida, Řezníček se jmenoval, byl profesorem na gymnáziu. Měla dva syny, ona už nežije, z těch synů ještě žije jeden, oni utekli potom.. za války, nejdřív někde byli, jako pracovali, a pak dostali... oni nepracovali společně, oni byli, myslím, dva roky od sebe. A ten Mirek potom dostal nějaký avízo a utek přes hranice, dostal se do Švýcarska, tam ho nejdřív zavřeli, ale měl dost velkou kliku, že ho nevydali zpátky. A pak se dostal do Anglie, nějak k letectvu, ale nikdy ani nevzlétl, jenom nějaký ten výcvik prodělal. A ten žije „v Bolívii“ ještě dneska. Tedy v tom 1948 zase oba odešli s ruksakem přes kopečky a ten strejda byl velkým filatelistou, takže měl dost známých, takže jeli do Belgie k nějakýmu jeho příteli a podali si žádost na všechny možný vyslanectví a první jim odpověděla Bolívie, takže tam je. Já si pamatuju, že strejda byl klasickej filolog, latina, řečtina, znal fůru jazyků, oni to dělali tak, že o dovolený jeli vždycky do nějaký země, každej „z nich“ jel jinam a takhle se kluci naučili. A španělsky se naučili prej na lodi, jak jeli do tý Bolívie. Ale italsky uměli, německy, francouzsky.

P: A ten, jak byl svobodnej, ten to taky přežil?

VŠ: Ten nepřežil. Ten žil „nerozumím“ a nepřežil.

P: Teď dědeček, to znamená otec vašeho otce. Dědeček z tátovy strany. Věděla byste, kdy se narodil?

VŠ: Ignác Pollak. Ne, já myslím.. dědeček zemřel, než jsem se narodila, já jsem se narodila ve čtyřiadvacátým roce a bylo mu přes 70. Ale kdy, to nevím. Ale možná, že bych to tady někde mohla najít. Ale jeho žena byla Julie, rozená „Steinerová“. Babička. A ta zemřela mladá, tatínkovi mohlo být.. já nevím, kolem 16, 18 let. Jako mladá.

P: Kdy se narodila, to byste věděla?

VŠ: To bych taky se musela podívat.

P: A kde? Odkud pocházela?

VŠ: Já nevím, jestli Klatovy nebo tam nějaká vesnice nedaleko Klatov.

P: A ten děda?

VŠ: To je totéž. Ale já tam mám nějaký.. protože ozval se mi někdo z Ameriky, kdo pátrá po svých „rodičích“ a tam to je, tam bych to snad našla.

P: A babička s dědečkem žili kde?

VŠ: V Klatovech.

P: Děda měl nějaký vzdělání? Nevíte.

VŠ: Já jsem ho nikdy už nepoznala. On měl velkoobchod uhlím a lihovinami v Klatovech.

P: A byl úspěšnej?

VŠ: Snad jo. Měl tam dům, v tom domě to bylo, a byl velkej Čech, velkej českej vlastenec. Byl jedním z prvních, kteří..

P: Měl rád Masaryka?

VŠ: ...když „vstoupil“ do Sokola, měl.. to už nevím.. to se bralo v té době jako samozřejmý. Byl velkej Čech a vlastenec. Potom, až budu vyprávět, jak se naši brali, tam to zopakuju.

P: Jak moc byl pobožnej?

VŠ:  Já myslím tak asi zběžně pobožnej.

P: Takovej ten tradiční českej Žid?

VŠ: Ano.

P: A byl z český rodiny on sám, z česky mluvící?

VŠ: To já nevím. Mluvil česky. To taky když moje maminka přijela do těch Klatov, když se naši vzali a vystoupila z vlaku a začala mluvit, protože tatínek neuměl maďarsky, maminka neuměla česky, tak museli mluvit německy, tak jí řekl - Helenko, buď budeš mluvit česky, nebo mlč. Tak to jsou důkazy toho, že říkám pravdu, to se u nás tradovalo.

P: Byl děda v nějaký armádě? To asi nevíte.

VŠ: Nevím.

P: A měl sourozence on sám?

VŠ: Určitě měl, protože přece ta, jak jsem říkala ta Máňa že je... určitě měl sestru a myslím, že měl i bratra, ale to nevím.

P: Tak, ještě ta babička.

VŠ: O tý vůbec nic nevím. Protože ona byl už dlouho mrtvá, takže o ní nic nevím. Vím jenom, že nějaká ta... tam byl nějaký sňatek mezi bratrancem a sestřenicí. A teď si marně vzpomínám, kdo.

P: Tak teď se dostáváme na maminku. Maminka se jmenovala teda...

VŠ: „Paszternáková“ Helena.

P: Kdy a kde se narodila?

VŠ: Narodila se 21.8.1896, Buzita, to je nějaká malá obec u Košic. To jsem zjistila, až když jsem si po válce žádala o její rodný list.

P: Žila s vámi tam, kde vy jste mi říkala, o tom Slovensku, jak jste se stěhovali. A zemřela taky v koncentráku?

VŠ: Ano, v Osvětimi.

P: Měla nějaký vzdělání?

VŠ: Já mám dojem, že měla nějaký obchodní... nějaký takový středoškolský vzdělání.

P: A co dělala, byla žena v  domácnosti nebo dělala nějakou...

VŠ: Byla žena v domácnosti.

P: Jak byla pobožná, jste říkala, že byla. A ona pocházela tedy, její mateřština byla maďarština?
Měla sourozence?

VŠ: Devět. To bývalo, tehdy.

P: Ale aspoň bylo doma veselo.

VŠ: No veselo bylo, jsem vyslechla mnoho historek.

P: A řeknete mi něco o těch sourozencích, co si pamatujete?

VŠ: Já vám je vyjmenuju. Nejstarší byl Izidor. Ten odešel ještě před první světovou válkou do Ameriky a zemřel tam nějak koncem tý války, tuším, že tam zemřel. Nevím, kdy se narodil. Od tý tety Böži vím, ale jinak ne. Takže Izidor, pak byla „Szereny“, to jsou ty maďarský jména, já bych si to musela překládat a hledat ten překlad k tomu. Káman, Irma, „Szereny“, Ica, takhle se jí říkalo. Helena, Pišta, to byl kluk. Pišta, já mám nějakej slovensko maďarskej slovník, Pišta, Mancy, ta byla nejmladší. Böži byla mladší než maminka. Pišta je myslím Ištván a Ištván je Štěpán, musela bych si je přeložit.

P: Necháme to tak, jak si je pamatujete, jak jste jim říkala. A teď vaše babička z matčiný strany, ta se jmenovala jak?

VŠ: Berta rozená Schönová.

P: Kdy a kde se narodila byste věděla? A byla Češka?

VŠ: Ne. Ne, byla taky maďarská Židovka.

P: A žila kde? A myslíte, že se tam i narodila, nebo že se narodila někde v Maďarsku, nevíte?

VŠ: V Košicích. (druhá otázka bez odpovědi)

P: A zemřela před válkou nebo...

VŠ: Zemřela před válkou, oni zemřeli oba ve stejným roce, je to asi rok 1936, i s dědou. Asi tři měsíce po babičce zemřel děda.

P: Měla babička nějaký vzdělání? Nevíte. A byla ženou v domácnosti, předpokládám. Byli aspoň trochu zámožný, že měla nějaký pomocnice?

VŠ: Služebnou.

P: Ona byla pobožná hodně? Víc než máma.

VŠ: No samozřejmě, nosila „paruku“.

P: A to máma nenosila?

VŠ: Ne. U nich se vařilo košer samozřejmě. To je tak všechno.

P: A mluvila teda maďarštinou, to byla její rodná řeč.

VŠ: Pravděpodobně mluvili taky jidiš, to je možná.

P: A dědeček z máminy strany se jmenoval? Kde se narodil nevíte.

VŠ: Bernát Paszternák

P: Měl nějaký vzdělání?

VŠ: Měl zřejmě nějaký náboženský spíš. Jaký, to nevím, on dělal „šámese“, myslím. Oni byli hodně pobožní.

P: „Šámese“ dělal v těch Košicích?

VŠ: Ano. A co dělal jinak, to nevím.

P: A oni byli nemocní takhle před tou válkou?

VŠ: Babička zemřela na rakovinu a dědeček na... ale oni už nebyli na „nerozumím“.. dědeček měl mozkovou mrtvici a pak tam dostal, myslím, že to byl potom srdeční „záchvat“.

P: A pamatujete si na ně?

VŠ: Je si pamatuju, velmi dobře. Zvlášť na dědečka, toho jsem měla moc ráda, on byl takovej, jak ho vidíte tady na tý fotce, takovej vysokej, měl ty bílý fousy a vlasy a já jsem mu vždycky říkala, tenkrát jsem „mluvila“ maďarsky samozřejmě - „“aransöke nerozumím“, „aran“ je zlatý a „söke“ je plavý, tak zlatoplavý dědečku. Já jsem ho měla moc ráda. Já jsem tam takovej trochu exot. Protože z ne pobožný, ne maďarský rodiny, mluvila jsem česky, „s rodiči jsem teda mluvila“, já si dodnes pamatuju, když jsem tam říkala o pesachu „mámispomi“, což jsem teda musela, protože jsem byla nejmladší tam, a překládala, jak se to vždycky překládá a říká hebrejsky, já jsem to překládala do slovenštiny. Ti se mohli pak utlouct smíchy. Jim to připadalo tak jaksi nepochopitelný, že by se tohle mohlo taky do slovenštiny přeložit. A pamatuju si, že říkali, když dědeček měl ten záchvat, ten mozkový „snad“, no nevím, byl v nemocnici, buďto byl už ten ke konci, ale myslím, že to bylo „předtím“. Tak prostě tam vykřikoval, jak „horky přijedeme k Blaníkom“. Nebo - přijel. Takže zase nacionalista maďarskej. Oni byli hodně na Slovensku, ti Židi většinou byli Maďaři. Zvlášť to východní Slovensko, Židi z východního Slovenska.

P: Přemýšlel o tom, že by se přestěhovali?

VŠ: Tehdy? Oni už nebyli mladí. Nevím o tom, určitě ne, za mých dob už určitě ne. Neslyšela jsem o tom nikdy- Tak toho jsem měla moc ráda.

P: A tu babičku?

VŠ: Babička byla taková.. moje maminka vždycky říkala, že ta byla tak strašně hodná, že když už s nimi nebylo k vydržení a uhodila je, tak potřebovala na to dvě ruce. Protože neuměla pořádně.. ale babička byla taková... s babičkou já jsem tolik nekomunikovala. Ale s dědečkem ano a.. asi jako malý dítě se vždycky předvádí, tak jsem „dělala moc tam takovýhle věci“. A pak jsem řekla dědečkovi, aby to udělal taky, to si taky dneska pamatuju. A taky si pamatuju, jak na „pu rin“ jsme tam jednou byli taky a.. tedy byl tam ten domek, byl ten „nerozumím - všechny ty“, všechno to, co tam má být, „estrógen, nulach? no estrogen asi ne, ale já to tak rozumím“ a já nevím, co všechno, a já jsem tam... když je člověk jako děcko strašně pyšný na to, že umí pískat. A já jsem si tam začala pohvizdovat a můj dědeček se hrozně rozzlobil a řekl, že - tady v tomto domě se nesmí pískat, to je prostě hrozný. Dodnes si to pamatuju. Byl moc hodnej. Tedy jinak říkali, že jako otec byl přísnej, ale pro mě jako pro děvče byl strašně hodnej a hezkej člověk.

P: Jak se s babičkou poznali, to víte?

VŠ: „Nevím“. Myslím, že měli v tom taky určitou toleranci, protože oni věděli, že naši nejsou, že se u nás nevaří kosher. A když k nám přijeli na návštěvu do Žiliny, tak já si pamatuju, jednak že samozřejmě moji rodiče jim přenechali ložnici a že oni u nás jedli, ačkoli věděli, že tam nejsou kosher naši. Takže tu určitou toleranci měli. Což já taky oceňuju dneska zpětně.

P: A jak se seznámili vaši rodiče?

VŠ: Moji rodiče se seznámili v Košicích, já nevím jak. Maminka měla „nerozumím“, maminka byla moc hezká. Na fotkách nikdy ne, ale jinak byla opravdu moc hezká, moc milá a tak. A měla velkou lásku, „Majne Arpád“, to jméno znám, já jsem se s ním setkala. Byl z židovský rodiny, bohatý snad, já nevím, možná nebyl tak bohatý, ale prostě oni se moc milovali a rodiče jeho tomu nepřáli, že maminka byla chudá. Tak musel slíbit, jak se to dělávalo, na smrtelný posteli tatínkovi, že si ji nevezme. Čili se rozešli a já někdy si myslím, že to byl tak trošičku.. protože tam je byl velikej rozdíl věkovej taky i prostě ten background taky docela jinej. Ale tatínek byl zřejmě zamilovanej, musel být moc zamilovanej, protože dědeček taky se.. klatovskej dědeček, se taky stavěl proti tomu. Takže když se měli vzít, tak on napsal dědečkovi dopis, dědečkovi už tehdy bylo hodně, protože mu muselo být přes 80, když zemřel. Takže on už necestoval, tak tatínek napsal dědečkovi o svých úmyslech, že tedy s maminkou se chce vzít a poslal k tomu taky fotku. A dostal zpáteční odpověď, já vím z tý odpovědi jenom tohle - že jednak.. nejenom, že je Maďarka, ale je z tak pobožné rodiny a je tak ošklivá, že jestli si ji vezme, že ho vydědí. Proto říkám, že ta láska musela být veliká. A tatínka potom, nebo maminku, nevím, koho to napadlo, aby ještě ona napsala dopis dědečkovi.

kazeta 2, str. A

VŠ: Takže na to přišla pak odpověď, že posílá toho bratra na svatbu, toho tatínkova bratra, že on nemůže přijet. A všechno bylo v pořádku a pak byla hned pozvána do Klatov a o tom jsem už říkala, jak moc „měla“ mluvit.

P: A tam jenom přijeli na návštěvu?

VŠ: Ano. Já jsem taky byla v Klatovech, to už dědeček nežil, já už jsem dědečka nepoznala.

P: A maminčini rodiče tatínka brali?

VŠ: Ano, tatínek byl.. ještě větší exot než já. Brali ho, jistě, ale byly tam i určitý rozdíly.

P: Vy jste říkala, že jste se s tím Arpádem setkala?

VŠ: S tím Arpádem jsem se setkala, jednou, to jsme nějak byli v Mariánských Lázních, a on tam byl taky. Nevím, jestli už byl s tou svou ženou nebo ne. A moje maminka vždycky říkala, že moc byl nešťastnej, protože oni neměli děti. Takže když viděl mě, tak nějak si představoval, že mohl mít dceru a tak. Maminka vždycky říkala, že nejhezčí.. ona ho moc milovala, že nejhezčí na tom vztahu bylo to, že to nikdy „neskončí“. Když na to kouká zpětně. A je zajímavý, že si to jméno pamatuju. V životě jednou jsem ho potkala, ale maminka o něm mluvila.

P: Takže nevíte, kde se rodiče potkali.

VŠ: Museli se v Košicích potkat, ale kdy a jak, to nevím.

P: A svatbu měli, předpokládám, židovskou.

VŠ: Měli židovskou svatbu, někde mám svatební fotografie.

P: A ten dědeček s babičkou, jak umřeli před válkou, ti měli židovskej pohřeb taky?

VŠ: Samozřejmě. To se drželo. A klatovský dědeček je pochovaný taky na židovským hřbitově. To vždycky jsem říkala, že to byl první český náhrobní kámen s českým nápisem v Klatovech.

P: To byl ten vlastenec, že. A co tam měl napsaný?

VŠ: Ne, normální, to, co tam bývá německy a hebrejsky, bylo česky.

P: A jestli si to dobře pamatuju, tenhle děda měl ten velkoobchod s tím uhlím a lihovinami a bydleli  v Klatovech v nějakým domě?

VŠ: To byl jejich dům, on potom měl hospodyni nějakou, to vím. A když umřel, ten dům podědil ten syn Pavel, ten nejmladší syn. To je taky historka, můj dědeček měl smůlu na svoje děti, tatínek si vzal teda tu maďarskou chudou Židovku, teta si vzala křesťana a Pavel si vzal Betynku, o níž teda kolovalo, že ta rodina je taková.. že jsou to strašný skrblíci, zkrátka děda nechtěl, aby si ji vzal.

P: A ta byla Židovka?

VŠ: Židovka, Betynka „Vajzlová“. Takže nechtěl dát povolení k tomu sňatku, ale samozřejmě když umřel, tak první bylo.. proto taky víc dědil, než ti všichni ostatní, tak samozřejmě, „že si vzal tu Betynku“.

P: Vy jste tedy žili s rodiči v Košicích?

VŠ: Já si Košice z té doby vůbec nepamatuju, to jsem musela být ještě miminko nebo velice malý dítě. A taky v tom Martině jsem musela být moc malá. Já jsem do školy začla chodit v Bratislavě. Z Trnavy si pamatuju, vlastně.. já nevím, jestli si to pamatuju, u těch dětí člověk nikdy neví. Já jsem taková skeptická, že nevím, jestli si to opravdu pamatuju, anebo jestli se o tom mluvilo. Že můj tatínek měl vždycky všelijaké záliby. V té době to byl tanec, pak to byl bridž, pak to bylo rybaření. Ale takový.. na pstruhy, kde se chodí, ne kde se sedí. A v té době tedy to byl tanec. A já prý vždycky, když přišel z kanceláře domů, jsem mu připravila židli, aby to mohl doma zkoušet. Tak jestli si to pamatuju anebo jestli to znám z vyprávění, to nevím. To je všechno, co vím z Trnavy. A Bratislavu už si pamatuju, no Žilinu.. v Bratislavě už jsem chodila do školy.

P: V Bratislavě jste začala teda chodit na základku.

VŠ: V Bratislavě jsem začala chodit na obecnou školu, jak se tehdy říkalo, to byla takzvaná cvičná lidová škola. Cvičná proto, že to bylo přifařený nějak k pedagogický škole, nebo pedagogický fakultě.

P: To je to, jak se na vás učili ti učitelé budoucí.

VŠ: Ano. Měla jsem nějakého učitele Musila, který zavedl, tehdy se tomu říkalo globální metoda. To znamená, že jsme se nenaučili číst slabikováním, ale že jsme se učili číst hned slova. A můj tatínek z toho byl hrozně nešťastnej, protože prohlásil, že takhle se nikdy nenaučím číst. A nejhorší bylo psaní, že nejdřív se psaly jenom linky a dneska se to taky tak dělá.

P: Jak linky?

VŠ: Prostě čáry. Dneska se to taky tak dělá, ale dřív se to tak nedělalo a já dodneška si z toho pamatuju zase, že když jsem se učila -i-, tak tatínek to dělal se mnou. Nahoru, dolů, točit a už byl vždycky tak nešťastnej, že ke konci už mu ten hlas trochu přeskakoval. A to byl nějakej Musil, se jmenoval. Vydal taky nějaké knížky, já jsem je dokonce měla. V druhý třídě jsem měla nějakou učitelku „Chrenkovou“, ta se mi moc líbila. A do třetí třídy už jsem chodila v Žilině, to bylo do židovské lidové školy. A tam jsem měla.. dokonce tady mám fotografii. Z žilinské lidové školy, protože jeden z těch, kteří dneska žijí v Izraeli, ten za tím šel a rozmnožil tu fotografii, tam jsme.. já nevím, která to byla třída, tam jsem chodila třetí, čtvrtou, pátou.

P: Takže to byla základka.

VŠ: A potom se šlo na gymnázium.

P: A na to gymnázium jste taky chodila v tý Žilině?

VŠ: Do začátku tercie, to znamená do začátku třetí třídy gymnázia. A pak jsem chodila v Prešově do pololetí kvarty, já jsem dlouho nebyla v Prešově. A pak jsem přišla do Prahy a tu kvartu jsem dodělala a pak jsem prohlásila, že nebudu chodit do školy, že jsou tam antisemiti. Ještě rok jsem mohla chodit, ale já jsem si prosadila, že „nerozumím“ jsem byla, aby mě naši vzali. Ale kupodivu jsem nebyla tak úplně hloupá, protože tady byla jazyková škola, anglický ústav, pak to bylo přeměněný na Ústav moderních řečí, samozřejmě se to nemohlo jmenovat anglický. A tam byly židovské třídy, tam byly třídy pro Židy. Čili tam jsem žádnej antisemitismus nemohla cítit.

P: To bylo v jakých letech?

VŠ: To byl rok 1939-1940.

P: 1940-1941 už se pak vlastně nesmělo.

VŠ: To už se nesmělo. A tam jsem se naučila anglicky.

P: A vy jste měla z toho pražskýho nebo toho slovenskýho gymnázia nějaký špatný zkušenosti s antisemitismem?

VŠ: Já si myslím, že jsem jim křivdila. Protože to byla doba, kdy ty třídy byly přeplněné. Protože přišli lidi a děti ze Sudet a potom taky ze Slovenska. To znamená, že třídy byly přeplněné, bylo asi 40 žáků ve třídě. Ti kantoři toho museli mít až takhle. Já mám dojem, že jsem si to skutečně namluvila, teďka v duchu ty kantory odprošuju, protože vím například, stalo se, v devětatřicátým roce byly převezeny ostatky Karla Hynka Máchy do Prahy. A byly vystaveny tam do Národního muzea a školy samozřejmě tam chodily. A naše škola taky. Já jsem chodila do školy na „Lobkowiczově“ náměstí do gymnázia, a šli jsme tedy Slezskou ulicí a nějaký jeden chlapec.. jak on se jmenoval, od B... vystoupil ze školy. Jestli chtěli ti rodiče emigrovat, to nevím, to muselo být asi v květnu 1940. A takhle, jak jsme šli v tom štrúdlu, tak on jel na kole proti nám a kluci na něho všichni volali a on takhle zatočil a narazil hlavou na náklaďák a byl na místě mrtev.

P: A co na něj volali?

VŠ: No volali, aby... zdravili ho. Aby jel s nimi, aby šel k nim. Zvali ho tedy nebo jak bych to řekla. A vím, že na tom jeho pohřbu, on byl pohřben na židovským hřbitově, že promluvil ten třídní učitel. Takže takhle, nevím, já si skutečně myslím, že jsem si to namlouvala.

P: A z čeho máte pocit, proč jste si to namlouvala?

VŠ: Necítila jsem se tam dobře. Což je pochopitelné, byl to takový nápor, byla to obrovská změna. To napětí bylo, prožila jsem ten odchod, ten byl nucený, z toho Slovenska do Prahy. Tak tohle asi všechno se nějak podepsalo.

P: Takže něco úplně konkrétního...

VŠ: Neměla jsem tam přátele, tam byli jenom kluci, byly jsme jen dvě holky ve třídě. To znamená, že člověk nemohl... já jsem přišla v březnu, no do toho konce roku nebylo tak dlouho, takže žádné vztahy jsem si tam nevytvořila. Já si myslím, že to byl ten důvod. Ale já jsem tvrdila, možná, že jsem cítila skutečně, možná, že je to pravda, ale já si nevzpomínám. Člověk byl takový... raněný. Takže si třeba leccos vyložil právě jinak.

P: A vy jste museli teda odejít z toho Slovenska?

VŠ: My jsme museli odejít, protože tatínek byl státní zaměstnanec, ale byl Čech a všichni Češi, státní zaměstnanci, byli předáni pražský vládě. Do Čech. A můj tatínek měl tady nastoupit v Praze, ale jelikož byl už Hitler, tak ani nenastoupil, byl na takzvané dovolené „s čekatelnou“, to znamená on bral plat bez.. tam tehdy byly určitý přídavky pro ty, kteří bydleli v Praze, tak ten základní plat dostával, ale už nikdy nenastoupil. To bylo dost nepříjemné, oni prohlíželi, když se posílala nábytek, oni skutečně to prohlíželi, jako kdyby člověk chtěl pašovat já nevím co.

P: To prohlíželi na Slovensku?

VŠ: Slováci, ano. Gardisti slovenští, nebylo to příjemné.

P: A na tom Slovensku jste cítila nějakej antisemitismus? Ve škole třeba nebo... Setkala jste se s nějakým projevem?

VŠ: Tak vůči své osobě ne, ale já vždycky říkám.. já si pamatuju, jednou se mě zeptal někdo, seděla jsem na obci, byl tam někdo z Izraele a ten se zeptal, to ještě bylo za totáče, jestli tady je antisemitismus. A já jsem se ho na to zeptala, jestli zná zemi, kde není antisemitismus. On mi odpověděl - no snad v některých kibucech. Snad. Takhle bych na to asi odpověděla. Já jsem samozřejmě měla přátele jak židovský, tak nežidovský, moji rodiče se vždycky přátelili, a asi více, hlavně maminka, s těmi židovskými rodinami, ale taky. tatínek žil v téhle společnosti, takže taky s těmi nežidovskými.

P: Ale oni neměli moc času, ani vy ne? Jste se takhle pořád stěhovali.

VŠ: No nebylo to dobře, já jsem člověk, který se těžko přátelí. Mně to vždycky chvíli trvá. A vždycky pro mě ta doba byla dost těžká. Zvlášť, že na tu Žilinu už si tak docela nepamatuju. Pamatuju si takovou epizodu, taky než jsem si našla.. já nevím, kdy jsme se přesně stěhovali, pravděpodobně o prázdninách, tam jsem skončila druhou třída a třetí třídu už jsem nastupovala v Žilině. To muselo být odhadem.. mně mohlo být 8 let, takže 1924 rozená, tak 1932. Těžko jsem navazovala ta přátelství. Pamatuju si „dobře“, protože maminka byla vždycky hned s každým zadobře, jak jsme v parku seděly a tam byly dvě holčičky, pamatuju úplně, co měly na sobě, a - vidíš, tady máš dvě holčičky stejně starý, budete spolu chodit do školy. Takhle nás... těžký to bylo. Pamatuju si, že jsem, protože „sem měla moc dlouho přijít, ještě dneska žije v Bratislavě, Ducu“, když jsem psala, tak vždycky jsem si naříkala. Mezi Bratislavou a Žilinou byl rozdíl jenom v tom, že Bratislava přece jenom byla daleko rušnější město než Žilina. Ale rozdíl mezi Žilinou a Prešovem byl daleko větší, protože to už byl ten východ. Tam ve škole třeba ty holky mezi sebou mluvily šarišským nářečím. Kterým já jsem vůbec... idzem, tomu je rozumět, ale taky jsou slova.. a bylo to jiný, ty židovský děvčata zase byly z pobožných rodin, nosily punčochy, dlouhý, a to oblečení měly takový... a to město taky, tam byla jedna hlavní ulice a ty ostatní byly takový.. no byly ulice, ale to bylo docela jiný než ta hlavní. Čili ten dojem, ten život v tom Prešově byl jiný. A těžko jsem si na to zvykala. A sotva jsem si zvykla... tam jsem měla přítelkyni, to nebyla Židovka, nějaká Miluše „Preiningerová“. To byla Češka.

P: A co jste dělali třeba o víkendech, když jste měli volno? Táta nebyl v práci, jezdili jste někam na výlety nebo...

VŠ: Chodili jsme. My jsme neměli auto. Chodili jsme na výlety, zvlášť v Žilině, a když můj tatínek potom začal rybařit v Žilině, tak se chodilo ještě...

P: A jedli jste to, co ulovil?

VŠ: Ano. Pstruhy. Jednou jsme je vezli tetičce Böži do Bratislavy, protože ta bydlela v Bratislavě, a oni cestou  zasmrádli a takhle jsme je pouštěli do “nerozumím - záchoda?“. Takovýhle hlouposti člověk...

P: Vy jste říkala, že byl táta exot.

VŠ: Nene, pardon, aby bylo rozumět. V té maďarsko-židovské rodině byl jinej prostě, v tomhle smyslu, aby nedošlo k nedorozumění. Kromě toho tatínek byl málomluvný člověk, tak jako já. Můj muž o mně říkával, že Helena, moje dcera, za den namluví víc, než já za rok. A můj tatínek, ten ještě víc. A ty sestry mý maminky, ty jinak mluvily maďarsky a když tedy tam byl tatínek, tak se moc snažili mluvit jinak. A ta jedna teta prohlásila vždycky - prosím tě, máš tam někde kleště? - Na co? - Abych z něho vytáhla aspoň slovo.

P: Navštěvovali jste se s těmi tetami? Kde vlastně ti sourozenci mámy bydleli, taky po Slovensku tak různě?

VŠ: Po Slovensku, ta teta „Šári“ bydlela v Maďarsku. Jinak tedy na Slovensku, ta Mancy nejdřív v Košicích žila a potom bydlela na „Podkarpatský Rusi“.

P: A řeknete mi teď něco o těch sourozencích, co si o nich pamatujete? Jaký to byli lidi, třeba ten Izidor?

VŠ: Toho jsem neznala, ten odešel před první světovou válkou. Ani tu Irmu, ta odešla taky, ale o té vím víc, protože ta přišla jednou na návštěvu. Ale já si ji moc nevybavuju ve 20. letech. Ona měla syna jednoho, ten Izidor měl tři děti, ti dva chlapci zemřeli, ta dcera ještě žije, aspoň když jsem jela do Ameriky, tak jsme se tam setkaly a občas si zavoláme nebo napíšeme.

P: A měli židovský partnery?

VŠ: Měli židovský partnery. A je vdaná, ta „Rose“, který žije ještě tam...

P: A ta „Sereny“?

VŠ: Já jsem samozřejmě se víc.. bližší pro mě byli ti mladší sourozenci než ti starší. Ta „Sereny“ měla dva syny... Kálman...

P: Z těch sourozenců někdo přežil válku? Kromě toho Izidora?

VŠ: Tak Irma a Izidor přežili v Americe, ona odešla do Ameriky taky ještě, myslím, před první světovou válkou. A přežila teta Böži a přežil ten Mikloš, ten nejmladší, bratr maminčin.

P: Mikloše tu nemáme. Pišta, Mancy...

VŠ: Tak ne Pišta, Mikloš. Ten taky byl tady na fotografii.

P: Tak mi o něm něco řekněte. Toho si pamatujete?

VŠ: Na Mikloše si pamatuju, já si pamatuju na všechny. Ta „Sereny“ byla taková, taková prostě máma, dost prostá, s ní jsem se nikdy blíž... tak občas jsem tam samozřejmě šla na návštěvu, ale nikdy jsem se nesblížila. Ale ona měla určitě ještě jednoho syna, na to jméno si teď vůbec nevzpomenu. Takže s nima jsem se tak moc.. šla jsem tam povinně na návštěvu. Kálman se oženil, jeho žena byla Erži a jeho syn byl Pišta, ten taky přežil válku, vlastně můj bratranec. Kálman byl takovej lehkomyslnej člověk, občas míval nějaký finanční starosti kvůli tomu, co vím, a ta teta Erži byla velice.. taková povídavá žena a to manželství nebylo moc dobré.

P: A co dělal ten Kálman?

VŠ: Myslím, že někde v bance pracoval. A Pišta, ten samozřejmě studoval na slovenským gymnáziu, a teď, abych si to zase nepletla, a potom za války byl jako.. v pracovních táborech, co byly v Maďarsku, co kopali zákopy, většinou. Pišta krásně zpíval. Byl v tom pracovním táboře a potom je nějak vezli někam do nějakýho lágru. A cestou ve vlaku jim, co tam byli, některým, jeden z těch dozorců, co je vezl, řekl, že je tam zastřelej. A oni utekli, asi tři. A ten Pišta byl mezi nimi, dostal se až do Pešti a tam nějakým způsobem získal maďarský stejnokroj. Pak když přišli Rusové, tak ho chytili v tom maďarském stejnokroji, a chtěli ho zastřelit. On jim povídal, že je Žid, že si to vzal, jenom proto, že utekl. A ten důstojník, který ho vyslýchal, ten měl pucfleka, který byl Žid. A tak mu řekli - ať nám zazpívá nějakou hebrejskou modlitbu a ty řekneš, jestli je to správně. A on tedy jednak krásně zpíval, samozřejmě byl z té pobožné rodiny, takže zazpíval a přežil. Žil potom v Maďarsku, už Kálman si pomaďarštil jméno z Paszternak na „Perenik“, a zemřel tak asi v 70. letech. Měl jednoho syna.
Irma byla ta, co žila v Americe.

P: A Šári je další.

VŠ: Šári se vdala za sedláka, židovského, on měl nějaký hospodářství v Maďarsku nedaleko „Miškovce“, maďarsky je to „Miskolc“. Já jsem u nich byla jednou, co si pamatuju, měli dvě děti, zahynula celá rodina. A ta Šári byla velice veselá. Chcete o těch sourozencích, o těch historkách, tak většina z nich jsou od Šári. Protože ta.. jednak si dovedete představit tolik sester, tolik holek, ti chlapci byli v menšině. Takže ta vždycky měla jednak takový průpovídky, přišla jednou pozdě domů a dědeček se rozčiloval - jak to, kolik je hodin, a ona mu řekla, že je deset, a vtom tloukly hodiny jednu a dědeček - co mi to povídáš a ona říká - no jo, to tlouct nemůže. Nebo moje maminka... za války, jak to bývalo, chodili někteří ti zajatci taky do rodin židovských. Ne zajatci, vojáci. A tak taky.. ale možná že ne, možná to byl ten Arpád. Zkrátka někdo z těch maminčiných ctitelů jí nosil buráky, což byla tenkrát velká vzácnost a oni samozřejmě to věděli. A tak jednou.. myslím, že to byl ten Arpád.. vytáhl ten pytlík, vysypal a už tam byly jenom skořápky. Organizátorem toho všeho byla vždycky Šári. Jinak já jsem ji vídala velice málo, tehdy to byla velká vzdálenost. Oni bydleli u „Miskolce“, v Maďarsku, proto se směji, my jsme bydleli v Prešově nebo v Žilině, což nebylo tak daleko, ale co já se pamatuju, tak já jsem tam byla jednou. To byly ty děti malý, byly mladší než já.

P: A z její rodiny taky nikdo nepřežil.

VŠ: Taky nepřežil.

P: A Ica?

VŠ: Ti neměli děti, byla provdaná, Kleinová se myslím jmenovala. Měli nějakou výrobu takových pudrů a kosmetických věcí. Žila v Košicích. Já jsem vlastně vždycky byla u dědečka a babičky. Ale na návštěvě jsem tam u nich byla taky.

P: A ta „Böži?

VŠ: Teta Böži byla moje nejmilejší tetička. Jednak než se vdala, tak my jsme měli velký byt v Bratislavě a ona přišla do Bratislavy, ona měla hospodářskou školu nebo ekonomickou nějakou, já nevím, byla zaměstnaná a bydlela u nás. A potom, když se vdala, tak její muž byl... jak se tomu dneska říká.. tenkrát se tomu říkalo cesťák. Dneska se tomu říká nějak jinak, zní to daleko vznešeněji. Obchodní cestující, to zní úplně jinak, žádný cesťák. Takže často nebyl doma, tak taky u nás bydlela, neměli děti. Takže já jsem pro ni byla její dítě. A já jsem ji velice milovala. Taky jsem někdy jezdila s ní do Košic. A po válce.. jednak ona ještě za války.. ne, když už jsme byli tady v Praze, třeba po nějakých „železničárech“ nám poslala nám balíček, tam bylo lepší zásobování než tady, já nevím co, to už si nepamatuju. A pamatuju si taky, že ještě jednou nás přijela navštívit, už v roce 1939. Mně byla velice blízká. Ona byla moc vtipná a tehdy se na mě.. jednak jsem daleko víc znala rodinu mé maminky, proto mi asi byla daleko bližší. A tehdy tam byla teta Hermína a přijela teta Böži. A já, když přijela teta Böži, tak já jsem se na ni vrhla.. tatínek jí jel zřejmě naproti a přivezl ji.. já jsem se na ni vrhla, tak jako vždycky, a potom moje maminka strašně mi vyhubovala, jak jsem to mohla udělat, že takhle jsem se nikdy nevítala s tetou Hermínou. Ale já jsem jenom projevila svůj cit. A oni potom za války byli nejdřív v Novákách v tom táboře a potom bunkrovali, jak se tehdy říkalo, schovávali se za Slovenského národního povstání na horách. A přežili to, kupodivu. Oba dva. Protože teta vždycky byla nemocná, skutečně, ona měla něco se žaludkem..a já nevím, s různými jinými orgány. Ještě bych k tomu jenom řekla, že ona velice měla ráda děti. A otěhotněla v roce 1939, pak to dala pryč.

P: Protože musela kvůli válce?

VŠ: No nechtěla v tý době to dítě mít.

P: A jak se tenkrát takový věci dělaly?

VŠ: Já jsem byla ještě děcko. No už jsem nebyla takový děcko, ale o tom se nemluvilo, já jsem to věděla jen.. nebo možná, že jsem se to dověděla až po válce. No našel se přes známýho nějakej lékař, kterej to...jinak to nemohlo být, protože bezpochyby nešla k nějaké andělíčkářce. Po válce už děti neměla. Takže po válce zase já jsem pořád byla ta její... No a oni se zachránili, já si pamatuju, když jedni společní známí, kteří žili tady, ta paní byla Židovka, ten pán ne a přežili tady válku, „Jánovi“ nějací. A když mně přišli říct, že dostali dopis od tety, já jsem byla úplně přešťastná. Ona tehdy teta přijela taky do Prahy a já jsem po válce velmi ztloustla a ona mi vždycky říkala -„maďarsky nerozumím, něco jako ghuj oza“, zakutálej se ke mně. Já jsem to velice brzo zase sundala, to byla bezprostředně po válce taková.. A pak se rozhodli, že pojedou do Izraele a jeli do Izraele. Ze začátku se těžce protloukali, strejda dostal nějaký zaměstnání, jakýsi státní úředník někde, ale teta chodila na posluhy a tak. Ona jinak celej život pracovala a tehdy jinou práci ze začátku nedostala, než to uklízení. A ona, která byla ta nemocná, ten strejda byl vždycky zdravej, tak teta to všechno přežila a strejda dostal infarkt a během nějaký hodiny byl pryč. Ona přijela k nám, někdy to muselo být v těch 60. letech, když to bylo trošičku možný. Já jsem měla velikou radost a můj muž ji vždycky přemlouval, aby tady zůstala. Ale ona říkala, že nemůže, že tam je ten hrob. Ona tam byla sama. A já jsem tam potom jela asi v dvaaosmdesátém roce, to byla taková.. ona mi vždycky psala, abych přijela, zvlášť, když můj muž zemřel. Já jsem vždycky říkala, že to je těžký, že to nejde. A pak mi napsala dopis, kde mi napsala, že má všecko vyřízený, na konzulátu, všechno možný, abych přijela. Všechno to potvrzení, že se o mě bude starat a že všechno zaplatí. A já jsem říkala - no to nemá smysl, mě nepustí, přece například k příbuzným nepustí. A můj syn mi říkal - no prosím tě, aspoň to zkus. Já jsem říkala - to nemá smysl, já tam vystojím celý dopoledne a pak mi řeknou, že ne, já tam ani nejdu. Ale on tuto větu opakoval v pravidelných intervalech, takže já jsem nakonec ho poslechla a šla jsem tam. Vystála jsem si tu frontu a přišla jsem tam a byl tam nějaký úředník, který kupodivu byl docela slušnej, tomu jsem to řekla.  A on mi řekl - to nejde, pouštějí se jenom nejbližší příbuzní a ještě musí být nějaký úmrtí v rodině a tak, proč jako se nesejdete třeba v Rumunsku, dokonce mi říkal. A já jsem řekla - teta je stará, ona nemůže už cestovat, tohle je jediná možnost. Taky má nastoupit do domova důchodců, teď bych tam ještě u ní mohla být. Takže jsme spolu takhle chvíli mluvili a on teda řekne - nejde. Aleako občan tohoto státu, to si pamatuju dodnes, máte právo podat si žádost. A dal mi formulář. A já jsem si říkala, když tedy je tady ta možnost, aspoň tu žádost si podám. Teta chudák, nemocná, stará, za tím běhala, tak já udělám aspoň to, že ten formulář vyplním a přinesu. Když jsem to tam přinesla, tak tam byl samozřejmě jiný úředník, který, když jsem mu to podávala, okamžitě řekl, že ne. A já jsem na to řekla - no ale váš kolega mi řekl, že jako občanka tohoto státu mám právo si podat žádost. Tak na to neřekl ani popel, tu žádost si vzal a já jsem to dostala. Já jsem do Izraele přijela, každej na mě koukal, že to snad není možný, takhle to bylo. To byl asi dvaaosmdesátej, protože 1981 zemřel můj muž, tak to bylo asi 1982. Takže jsem byla měsíc u tety, to jí bylo 80 tehdy. A byly jsme obě přešťastný. A potom jsem, jak obec pořádala ten let do Izraele, tak já jsem byla taková šťastná, protože my jsme si dopisovaly, a řekla jsem si - no tak to zavolám tetě až těsně před. A pak mi volala ta sestřenice z Ameriky, že teta umřela. Takže to už jsem ji neviděla. Ale setkala jsem se ještě s bratrancem, se synem tety Šári,  to je „Lacy“. Ten zemřel až později a měl jednoho syna, který žije v Izraeli a má asi 6 dětí. A když jsem byla v Izraeli, vždycky jsem se s nimi setkala, jednou jsem tam vzala Zuzanu taky, tak ta se zvlášť spřátelila s těmi děvčaty a s ním si občas zavoláme. Jeho žena bohužel neumí jinak než „hebrejsky“. Takže s ní těžko mluvím, ale s ním můžu maďarsky a těmi dětmi anglicky.

P: Ještě tu máme Miklóše a Mancy.

VŠ: Miklóš by nejmladší bratr maminčin, ten už byl na vojně v československý armádě. Byl zaměstnaný v nějaký pojišťovně, tuším, oženil se a měl syna, „Tomy“ se jmenoval, a ta jeho žena a ten syn zahynuli. A on byl komunistou a jako komunista byl v maďarským vězení, když po tý.. když obsadilo Maďarsko Košice, tak tehdy. A to mi vyprávěla teta Böži, že říkali, že vypadal tak strašně, že ho vlastní rodina nepoznala. No ale přežil to, to musel být rok 1939-1940. Pak byl.. jako „nerozumím - mulka soldalatoš“ taky byl, v koncentráku nebyl, ten „Lacy“ byl, „Lacy“ byl v Osvětimi, ale Pišta myslím nebyl, vrátil se, pracoval potom...oženil se podruhý...

P: A zůstal komunista?

VŠ: On zemřel velice brzy. Pracoval v Pravdě, tam v těch novinách na Slovensku, a dostal srdeční záchvat. Byl velice mladej, myslím, že mu nebylo ještě „padesát“.

P: A Mancy?

VŠ: Mancy byla svobodná, Mancy byla moc veselá, velice vybíravá, nikdo se jí dost nelíbil, „proto se nevdala“, sestry jí kvůli tomu spílaly. A zemřela za války. Někdo ji viděl, někdo mi říkal, že ji viděl v Osvětimi a že byla strašně zbědovaná.

P: Ještě se zeptám, jak jste na tom byli třeba finančně, s rodiči?

VŠ: Slušně jsme na tom byli.

P: A vy jste měli nějaký státní byty nebo jak jste bydleli? Když jste se stěhovali, to jste měli všechno od státu, podle toho...

VŠ: Ano, nevím, jestli se tam činže platila nebo ne, pravděpodobně se platila. Ale byly to vždycky byty vyhrazený pro ty přednosty těch berních správ.

P: A to byly nějaký lepší byty v tom případě, ne?

VŠ: To byly lepší byty.

P: I v tom Prešově?

VŠ: V Prešově taky, to byl takovej starej palác. To byly obrovský.. ta jedna byla taková obrovská místnost, tam jsme měli jídelnu, ale velmi málo jsme ji využívali, protože to šlo špatně vytopit, tam se topilo dřevem. Tam byly kamna na dřevo, protože tam na Slovensku bylo hodně dřeva, takže tam se topilo dřevem. A to bylo takový krásný, to bylo takový čistý teplo. To hezky vonělo. Služebnou jsme měli vždycky a tam v Prešově ještě pomáhal občas nějakej pan „Borodáč“, který byl takovým sluhou v tom úřadě, a když se potřebovalo přinést to dřevo nebo tak, tak to dělal taky.

P: Co maminka dělala takhle celý dny, když táta byl v práci?

VŠ: No tak maminka se starala o domácnost, vařilo se, tatínek chodil na oběd domů. Takže chodila nakoupit, vařila se služkou, potom pletla, háčkovala, dečky dělala.

P: Měla nějaký koníček, pamatujete se na nějaký hobby? Co měla, když táta chodil rybařit třeba.

VŠ: Měla ráda společnost, navštěvovala se s přítelkyněmi.

P: A táta chodil mezi ostatní někam, třeba s kamarády do kavárny nebo něco takovýho?

VŠ: To chodili obyčejně společně s maminkou.

P: A vy jste doma slavili jenom židovský svátky nebo jste třeba slavili vánoce?

VŠ: Vánoce se u nás neslavily. K „chanuka“ jsem dostala knihu, vánoce se neslavily, ale vždycky jsme se chodili na stromeček koukat. Ale mně to nikdy ani nepřišlo, líbil se mi ten stromeček, ale nikdy mi to nebylo líto. Teď řeknu historku, kterou znám z vyprávění. Já jsem byla hodné dítě, až na to, že jsem špatně jedla. Velice špatně. A když se mi něco nezamlouvalo, měla jsem strach nebo naši chtěli jít večer pryč, tak já jsem dokázala, když jsem chtěla, zvracet. Čili se mnou měli své trápení. A mně bylo pět let, tak mě dali do „nerozumím - bídnu“. To byl takový „nerozumím - gerhajbl“, to bylo někde na kopci, kde byly dětičky, na tři měsíce. Vím, že tam byl kopec, že jsme tam jezdili na sáňkách. Vím, že tam byla jedna holka, že zřejmě tam byly všechny, který měly nějakej takovej „nerozumím - chap“, která takhle „cop“, když měla vztek, tak dělala tohle. A já jsem se jí jednou smála a ona mi řekla - „německy“, ale já nebliju každou noc jako ty. Takže to je jedna vzpomínka a druhá, ale tu znám pravděpodobně z vyprávění od rodičů, protože oni se to dověděli od toho lékaře. Byly vánoce, stromeček, pod stromečkem dětičky dostaly.. rodiče poslali dárečky. No kdo tam neměl dárek, samozřejmě jsem byla já. Načež jsem hrdě prohlásila - já tady nemám dárek ne proto, že by mě naši neměli rádi, ale proto, že my jsme Židi. Načež pan doktor, tam měl někde nějaký autíčko, tak mi ho přinesl, protože mu to bylo líto, tak mi to autíčko dal. Zřejmě to znali naši od toho doktora. Tak tohle je historka z „nerozumím“ vánoce. Já jsem vánoce začala držet až potom po válce, když jsem se vdala. Ale pro mě vánoce nikdy moc neznamenaly. Je to jenom kvůli dětem a já bych si mohla klidně, po smrti manžela už bych je mohla klidně „vynechat“, ale nemůžu to udělat kvůli dětem. Protože já chodím k nim.

P: A velikonoce, to už vůbec ne. To jste nedrželi, předpokládám.

VŠ: Velikonoce doma? Já jsem chodila vždycky k dědečkovi a babičce. My jsme k nim chodili na pesach. Jak si vzpomínám na ten purim, tak na purim jsem tam taky byla.

P: Pamatujete si na nějaký jídlo, co jste měli?

VŠ: Já si pamatuju, myslím, že se to jmenovalo „nerozumím - krajzevy“. Smažilo se to a dělalo se to na pesach. Nebylo to maso, já nevím, co to přesně bylo, od tý doby jsem to nejedla. Jinak se jedly ty obvyklé věci. A já jsem nikdy nebyla žádný gurmán, takže mně to bylo celkem jedno.

P: A večeřeli jste taky společně.

VŠ: Večeřeli jsme společně. Já jsem byla vymodlený dítě, protože já jsem se narodila 4 roky po svatbě. Takže naši byli moc rádi, že mě mají. Měli strach. Maminka tehdy byla ve Františkových Lázních, jak se to dělá, ženy, který nemohly mít děti, tam jezdívaly. A pak jsem přišla na svět já.

P: Pamatujete si na nějaký knihy, který jste měli doma? Byly to maďarský knížky?

VŠ: Maďarský knížky jsme neměli, no maminka si tu a tam nějakou půjčila nebo četla německý knížky, ale česky moc nečetla. Četla.. když četla Čapka, měla moc ráda „Goleta v údolí“, to si pamatuju. Ale většinou to byly knížky, který četla v němčině. „Verfela“ nebo Manna, „Zweiga“ a tak. Tatínek moc nečetl, tatínek četl daleko míň a měli jsme ten „nerozumím - flanzen“ pokoj, tam byla taková knihovna a tam byly „nerozumím“ spisy a já nevím jaký sebraný spisy, který lidé z těch lepších rodin „měli mít“.

P: A ten nábytek, když jste se stěhovali, tak jste si vozili s sebou? A tohle něco z toho není?

VŠ: Ano. Ne, není, nic tu není. Tenhle koberec, ten je z domova.

P: Byli nějak rodiče, nebo spíš táta, politicky angažovaní?

VŠ: Ne.

P: Nestarali se o politiku.

VŠ: Tatínek jako státní úředník nemohl být, i když zase si vzpomínám, že když můj tatínek byl.. já jsem někdy říkávala, jak píše Romain Rolland tý Petrově Alici, že jeho otec, Petr to tam říká, byl.. už musel být státním úředníkem, když byl ještě v bříšku své maminky, tak něco podobného byl můj tatínek, taky velice korektní, přísný pán. A my jsme bydleli v Žilině, ten byt byl přímo v tom domě, kde byly úřady. Takže já jsem občas chodívala, tatínek tam měl takovej dlouhej stůl, a tam jsem ráda hrála pingpong. A někdy jsem tam teda za tatínkem šla a jednou jsem tam takhle vběhla a byl tam nějakej pán a nějak hrozně tatínka přemlouval, dál už nevím, zase  to si nevzpomínám, ale vím, že se říkalo, že.. to jsem slyšela, jak si to povídali naši, že ho přemlouval, aby vstoupil do Agrární strany. A tatínek samozřejmě se bránil, tehdy to byla nejsilnější partaj, a on mu na říkal, že ruka ruku myje. Takže nevstoupil nikdy do žádný strany. A byl takovej opravdu neúplatnej. To taky se vypráví o tom mým strýčkovi, to nebyl Žid, ten Řezníček, profesor, jak jednou nějaká paní přinesla tetě husu, kluk se nějak špatně učil. Musela tu husu vzít a pak ji zase hezky vrátit. A tatínek taky byl takovej...

P: A byl přísnej i na vás doma?

VŠ: Byl přísný i na mě, on byl vůbec přísnej takovej, ale jak mi dneska.. já jsem se na tatínkově smrti přesvědčila o tom, jak málo o tom druhém znám. Právě proto, že on byl málomluvný; já vím, že mě měl velice rád, že jsem byla jeho všechno, že by někdy až snesl modré z nebe, ale nikdy to neuměl tak ukázat jako maminka. A nakonec to, že spáchal sebevraždu, udělal proto, aby nás zachránil. On si myslel.. to bylo v Lodži ve čtyřiačtyřicátém, když se likvidovalo ghetto, a tehdy brali lidi už a lidi se schovávali a tatínek nemohl na nohy. Tehdy se tomu říkalo Muskel „švunk“, to byl ten název pro to, prostě ty svaly už byly oslabený a neposlouchaly. Takže tatínek mohl chodit, velice špatně chodil, a to byla doba, kdy brali hlavně ty mladší, do práce. Takže tatínek byl doma a my jsme se schovávaly. Ne, tehdy jsme se ještě neschovávaly, my jsme se schovávaly až potom. My jsme byly s maminkou b práci a tatínek byl doma a teď si pamatuju, jak jsem seděla, já jsem pracovala v „nerozumím - Niederunzatleresort“, což je sedlářství, na koze, to je taková koza, na který se sedí. Já jsem se tam přátelila velice s těmi některými polskými mladými lidmi, to byli Židi samozřejmě, a takhle jsme tam ještě chvilku zůstali a povídali a najednou přišla maminka a říkala, to slyším dodnes, maminka mně říkala - „Beruli“, něco strašného se stalo. Tatínek spáchal sebevraždu. Tatínek si podřezal žíly a nechal tam dopis, ten bohužel nemám, ve kterém píše, že to udělal proto.. prostě byl tak při sobě, že dal pryč deku, aby ji nezašpinil. Dal si tam lavor, aby opravdu nic, píše, abychom se na něj nevázaly, i kdybychom musely „nerozumím“. Takže nemohl víc udělat, nebo nemohl jinak dokázat tu lásku, kterou člověk předtím tak u něho neviděl. To byla jiná povaha. Já trošičku mám taky jeho povahu, ale už.. protože to vím... ale taky nedovedu tak jako ťuťuťu ňuňuňu, to nikdy nebylo moje.

P: Chodila jste na nějaký soukromý hodiny něčeho?

VŠ: Na klavír jsem nechodila, to jsem odmítla, protože jsem měla moc dobrou přítelkyni, tu Ducu, která žije v Bratislavě, to byli dva sourozenci, maminka hrála krásně na klavír a oni museli taky. A tam vždycky se hádali kvůli klavíru, nikdo z nich nechtěl cvičit. Tak já jsem prohlásila - já na klavír hrát nebudu. Pak jsem toho litovala. Jedině chodila jsem na francouzštinu.

P: A umíte francouzsky? Zapomněla jste.

VŠ: A samozřejmě do rytmiky jsem chodila, to se chodilo „to bylo povinný“. Takový cvičení na hudbu.

P: A makaby nebo něco takovýho?

VŠ: Já jsem neměla ráda tyhle.. takový ty společný sporty. Ani do Sokola jsem nechodila. Já jsem vůbec tělocvičny neměla ráda, mně to tam hrozně smrdělo. Takový docela prozaický důvod.

P: A s kamarády jste dělali třeba co? Jak jste trávila s kámoškama volnej čas?

VŠ: Co se tak dělalo. Navštěvovaly jsme se, já jsem sbírala fotografie „nerozumím“, na to jsem měla takový album a sbírala jsem ty programy, tehdy se vydávaly takový, byly 24, to byly dva listy a tam byl stručný obsah. A to sbírala pro mě i ta teta Böži, já jsem jí to taky posílala. Tak to bylo to jediný, co jsem v životě sbírala. Když jsem byla v Žilině, tak „jsem se přátelila s tou Ducou“, ti měli dům se zahradou, tak jsme tam chodily na zahradě. Samozřejmě bruslilo se, plavalo se, v zimě bruslení, v létě plavání, lyžovat jsem začala velice pozdě, když jsem byla s tatínkem v Tatrách, tak to jsem měla s sebou lyže. Měla jsem ty lyže vůbec s sebou? Já myslím, že ani ne, že jsme se jenom procházeli. Takže vlastně jsem se naučila lyžovat až po válce, já jsem se nikdy nenaučila pořádně. Pro mě sjet kopec byl vždycky problém, protože jsem měla strach, že do něčeho narazím.

P: A jezdili jste někam na dovolenou, byli jste na nějaký dovolený? Jezdili jste pravidelně, třeba jednou za rok, na nějakou delší dovolenou?

VŠ: Na dovolenou jsme jezdili, protože tatínek měl 4 neděle volna. Tak ze začátku se jezdívalo jednak do těch lázní, to byla doba „nerozumím“ lázní, obyčejně do Mariánek, potom taky někdy s maminkou, a já jsem byla někde. Buď jsem byla v Košicích u dědečka a babičky, nebo pamatuju si, jednou jsem byla u tety Hermíny v Klatovech. Většinou jsem jezdívala s maminkou, to jsme byly v těch různých koutech slovenských, Piešťany, Trenčianské Teplice, „Korytnica“ nebo do Tater, Poprad jsme znaly.

P: A třeba když jste měli prázdniny letní na škole?

VŠ: Dlouho jsme se chystali, že pojedeme na „nerozumím“ do Jugoslávie, anebo... taky to bylo nějaký jezero v Rakousku. Pak přišla válka, to bylo v roce 1939, 1938 nejdřív, to už se nedalo.

P: Měli jste doma nějaký zvířátko?

VŠ: My jsme pejsky, vždycky jednoho, měli foxteriérky dva, mladé, jeden, ten dostal psinku, umřel, a pak jsme měli druhýho, ten taky za nějaký čas umřel. Měla jsem kanárka dlouho. A v roce 1938 jsem dostala štěňátko maltézského pinče. No a pak, když ... my jsme ho dali „nerozumím“. Honza byl taky takovej milovník. A já jsem teď málem měla kočičku. Dostal ji ten „nerozumím“ chlapec, jeho babička má nějakej.. v domku žije má tam kočky a přišla, jestli bych nechtěla kočičku. Já jsem vždycky říkala - já nemůžu mít kočičku, já nemůžu se uvázat, nebudu stále doma. Tohle jsem sice řekla, ale potom, když přišla druhej den na návštěvu, tak mi říkala - ty ji chceš? Ne, já ji nemůžu. Načež jsem si ji přinesla. „Potom si ji vzala Zuzka“, já jsem ji měla ještě týden.

Viera Šlesingerová, 5.2.2004
kazeta 1, str. A

P: V tom vyprávění pro muzeum taky vyprávíte o tom, jak jste se potom z táboru vrátili domů?

VŠ: Myslím, že ano. Já vám to můžu zopakovat. Tak ten konec války jsem zažila v Meziměstí u Broumova, tam jsme byli v té továrně, kde se dělaly takový malý součástky a já jsem tam šla s některými z těch, se kterými jsem pracovala v Lodži. Náhodou jsme se tam zase setkali.

P: Tak pojďme na to, jak jste se vrátila zpátky, ta situace, kdy jste musela nějak pokračovat, žít nějak.

VŠ: Když jsem se vrátila, tak já jsem přijela do Prahy, přesný datum nevím, v květnu, právě ten den, kdy přijel Beneš. Takže já jsem se těžko dostávala, protože nic nejezdilo a teď jsem si říkala - tak teď jsem doma, kam půjdu? Pak jsem si vzpomněla, že známí našich, „Jánovi“, bydleli na Vinohradské, tam jak bývala kdysi stanice přímo k hotelu Flóra. Tak jsem tam šla, oni bydleli v pátém patře.

P: Tam byla stanice tramvaje?

VŠ: Ano. A já jsem tam vyšlapala, výtah nejezdil, tak jsem vyšlapala do toho pátýho patra a zazvonila. Bylo to smíšené manželství, měli dvě děti. Nikdo mi neotvíraol, pak když jsem zvonila víc, tak vyšli sousedé a ti mi řekli, že „Jánovi“ nejsou doma. A to jsem se.. já nebrečím snadno, to jsem se rozbrečela, protože jsem si řekla - tak já jsem doma, kam teď půjdu? A pak jsem si vzpomněla, že jsem měla přítelkyni, vlastně ještě z Bratislavy...

P: Vy jste věděla, že jsou všichni, babička a děda od táty, že jsou mrtví? Říkala jste, že jste nevěděla, kam jít.

VŠ: V Praze jsem neměla žádné příbuzné. Já jsem měla v Klatovech, tam jsem nejela, jela jsem do Prahy, tady jsem byla doma. V Klatovech byli.. tedy po lágru už nebyli, ti všichni zahynuli, a pak tam byl... manžel mý tety byl Ärijec a ona se dostala ke konci války na Malou pevnost, protože ji někdo udal, že poslouchá cizinu. Tam jsem nešla. Tak jsem říkala, měla jsem jednu přítelkyni ještě z Bratislavy, takovou opravdu dobrou, my jsme se obě zajímaly o knížky, o divadlo a tak, ještě jsem jí ty věci, který jsem svoje jí tam nechala, tak jsem za ní šla, ona bydlela...

P: Jak se jmenovala?

VŠ: Jmenovala se Květa Blažková. A bydlela pod Květnicí, tam na Pankráci. Takže jsem tam šla, zazvonila, ona otevřela, měla omotaný ručník kolem hlavy, protože si ji myla. A tak jako kdyby mě byla viděla včera, tak se se mnou přivítala. Takže to bylo moc hezké, samozřejmě řekla, že tam můžu zůstat, ale já jsem si s ní neměla dohromady o čem povídat. Tak, jak jsem byly... byl tady ten hrozný rozdíl toho, co jsem zažila já a jak žila ona.

P: A ptala se vás na to, čím jste prošla?

VŠ: Jistě, to se ptala. Já jsem, protože se mě ptal každý, já jsem tyhle otázky neměla moc ráda, protože to si stejně lidi nemohli představit. Já myslím, že jsem tam mluvila, že jsem vzpomínala na nějakého Honzu Abelese mimochodem bratra pana „Blažíka“. To byl starší bratr pana „Blažíka“, kterého jsem znala z Prahy a on byl přibližně tak starý jako já a s tím jsem se občas vídala a vím, že jsme si tehdy vždycky říkali - to nikdo nemůže pochopit. Už tehdy jsme si to říkali. On zemřel „rychlé souchotě“. Vždycky přišel, zavolal nahoru, já jsem sešla dolů a pak dostal „pozdní“ souchotě a za velmi krátkou dobu zemřel. Takže já jsem jej měla ráda, to byla taková.. nevím, mě to trošku... to stejně nemohli ti lidé pochopit, co člověk prožil. A za druhé já nerada mluvím o těch tragických a strašných věcech, já to vždycky trošičku spíš zlehčuju. To taky není dobrý lidem, kteří si to neumějí představit, protože si řeknou - no tak to nebylo tak strašný. Takže jsem byla u tý Květy a teď jsem si říkala - co budu dělat. Já nic neumím, já jsem měla kvartu jenom, 4. třídu gymnázia, tak co budu dělat. Tak jsem si říkala - já mám ráda knížky, tak půjdu někam do nějakého knihkupectví. A pak jsem se sešla s nějakými známými, naší rodiny, tatínkovi to byli známí, a ten jeden mi nesmírně domlouval, říkal, že by mi to nikdy tatínek nezapomněl, kdybych  nešla dál studovat. Takže jsem nejdřív dodělala maturitu, v uvozovkách, protože kolik na to bylo času, asi tři měsíce nebo možná trochu „míň“. A pak jsem se přihlásila.. jsem si říkala, co dělat, celkem nic, matiku, fyziku, chemii, tyhle věci vůbec vlastně neznám, tak kde bych mohla být... nejméně škody. Tak jsem věděla, že tu angličtinu docela umím, českou literaturu vůbec mám ráda, tak jsem se přihlásila na angličtinu a češtinu na „nerozumím“ tady v Praze.

P: To bylo hned v tom pětačtyřicátým? Nebo to už jste nestihla?

VŠ: Ještě jsem to stihla, oni umožnili těm lidem, kteří se vraceli, aby ještě v tom roce mohli studovat.

P: Takže jste už v pětačtyřicátým začala studovat konec roku.

VŠ: Konec roku jsem začala studovat.

P: A tam jste se seznámila s manželem?

VŠ: Ne. S manželem jsem se seznámila přes nějaké známé. Zajímavé, já si z doby studia velice málo lidí pamatuju.

P: Ze spolužáků?

VŠ: Spolužáky. Nevím, to je taková.. i když jinak si pamatuju lidi,  třeba si některý z dětství pamatuju, ale já jsem neměla v té době ze školy opravdu nějaké přátele. Ta mezera tady byla a já jsem to nedovedla překonat. Já jsem vždycky byla taková, že jsem se dost těžko kamarádila, vždycky mi to trvalo dlouho a tady to bylo ještě horší. Já opravdu měla jsem velmi dobré.. ještě dneska mám přítele, kteří studovali na tom stejném gymnáziu jako já, to bylo na náměstí Jiřího z Lobkowicz, Lobkovičárna to byla tehdy. A jinak jsem měla asi tři lidi, které jsem potom ztratila.

P: A s tou Květou jste se kamarádila?

VŠ: S tou Květou jsem se kamarádila asi do té doby, ona se vdala a přišla o jedno dítě. Potom jsme ztratily.. taky když se člověk vdá, tak potom to trošičku taky záleží na těch partnerech.

P: A kde vy jste se vdávala? A kdy?

VŠ: Já jsem se vdávala 1.7.1950.

P: A jak jste se teda poznali? Nějaká romantika? Láska na první pohled?

VŠ: Ne, nebyla v tom žádná romantika. To bych neřekla. Můj muž byl starší než já, ale měli jsme moc hezký manželství.

P: A pak, když přišel čtyřicátej osmej, co jste si o tom myslela, nebo jak jste to prožívala vy?

VŠ: Já se vidím, jak sedím ve svý garsonce, totiž já jsem taky ohromně šikovný a podnikavý člověk, já jsem dostala zpátky byt svých rodičů. To byl „dvoupokojový“ byt v „Horních Stromkách“ a protože tam v domě bydlela nějaká rodina v garsonce s jedním dítětem, já jsem věděla, že mně nikdo, že se „nerozumím“ nevrátí, no tak co jsem udělala. Vyměnila jsem s nimi ten byt. A to byl můj návrh, ne jejich, musím říct. A potom jsem ještě, jak jsem mluvila o té své přítelkyni ze Žiliny, tak když se vrátila, tak v tom malým městě to muselo být ještě horší. Ona mi říkala, že prvního člověka co potkala, byl ten, kdo je hlídal, když je chytli. Tak ho udala, no a za týden byl venku. Takže ona to velice těžce nesla. A její bratr jednou byl v Praze a přišel mě navštívit, to už jsem byla v tý garsonce, a říkal, že je na tom nějak nervově špatně, tak jsem říkala - tak ať přijede, já tady mám garsonku, můžeme tady být spolu. Tak jsme bydlely spolu v téhle garsonce až do toho 50. roku, když jsem se vdala.

P: A to bylo co za kamarádku, ta se jmenovala jak, o tý už jsme mluvily?

VŠ: O tý jsme mluvily, jmenovala se „Duce Robinsonová“, ona je fotografka.

P: A v tom 48. jste říkala, že jste seděla doma...

VŠ: Vidím se, jak jsem seděla doma, já jsem na žádný tyhle věci nechodila. Já jsem se učila, to byl únor, doba zkoušek, takže jsem seděla zachumlaná v dece a poslouchala rádio. A úplně mě mrazilo, i když mi nebyla zima, protože jsem.. já prostě na tohle nikdy nebyla. takže já jsem nebyla v žádné té organizaci a...

P: Co jste si myslela o komunistech? Spousta mladejch lidí se vrátila z tábora a říkali si, že to je cesta nějaká možná.

VŠ: V táboře, ti mladí lidé, se kterými jsem se přátelila, to byli všechno levičáci, oni to snad nebyli komunisté, ale bylo to levé křídlo sionistické. Už tehdy jsem to říkala, že nedokážu jednat... být jako kůň s klapkami, abych nemohla .. kde se člověk musí dívat jenom jedním směrem. A to byl taky důvod, proč já jsem se od toho odtáhla. Jednak to „burán“ mi někdy nesedělo a ty metody, které jsem hned viděla, ty mi vždycky nebyly „po chuti“.

P: Vlastně jste to prokoukla už od začátku.

VŠ: Jestli jsem to prokoukla.. ale já jsem nikdy.. později ano, to se přiznávám, k tomu asi dojdeme, ale nikdy „nerozumím“ nadšení, říkám to „nerozumím“. Bylo to takové zklamání, protože samozřejmě ta moje generace to viděla „i když“ za války jako jedinou možnost, že ten svět bude lepší. Ale jak se to začlo rýsovat hned v tom.. já jsem vždycky hodně četla noviny, takže já jsem se o ty věci zajímala, ale.. „nerozumím“.

P: Měla jste nějaký problémy po válce s antisemitismem? Třeba pracovní? Vadilo někde při nějaký práci, že jste Židovka nebo vzpomenete si na nějaký konflikt kvůli židovství po válce?

VŠ: Jeden. Když jsem dostudovala, tak já jsem nenastoupila v Praze, protože já jsem byla vždycky tak hloupá, jako s tím bytem, my jsme si mohli napsat tři možnosti a já jsem si napsala Prahu nebo kraj Prahu, tehdy to byl kraj Praha. Protože jsem si říkala, co ti chudáci, kteří.. protože tam končili studium taky lidé, kteří už byli ženatí a takhle. No takže jsem takhle uvažovala, takže pochopitelně, že jsem se dostala do Kostelce nad Labem a tam jsem nastoupila někdy.. my jsme nastupovali ještě před dokončením studia tehdy, protože potřebovali učitele, takže jsem nastoupila v pololetí toho 50. roku. Já jsem věděla, že se budu vdávat, nicméně napsala jsem tohle, měla jsem sice svoji garsonku v Praze, ale byla jsem v Kostelci nad Labem a pak jsem čekala děcko. Tak jsem šla a požádala jsem o přeložení, tak se na mě podívali, ještě se zeptali, jakou mám aprobaci, a když jsem jim řekla - angličtina a čeština, tak se na mě podívali, jako když mám mor a řekli - no soudružko, s touhle aprobací, kdybyste měla matematiku, takhle můžete jenom jít na obec. Jsem říkala - třeba na mateřskou, já nemůžu denně, to byly ještě ty staré hrkavé autobusy, jelo se snad hodinu. Tak jsem nastoupila do obecné školy, tam mě nejdřív přemlouvali, abych si vzala 2. třídu, ale já nikdy na ty malé děti moc nebyla a vysvětlovala jsem, že neumím zpívat, neumím kreslit, tak moc dlouho mně to trvalo. Až když jsem jim řekla, že i když přijde jakýkoliv inspektor, já nezazpívám, tak jsem se dopracovala, že jsem dostala 4. třídu a to už přece jen byly ty děti trochu větší. A prošla jsem těmi školami, já vždycky říkám - já ledačíms už byl v tom božím světě, ale nemůžu říct, že čím jsem byl, tím jsem byl rád. Takže to jste se mě ptala, kdy jsem se setkala... To bylo v tom roce.. ten den se objevil v novinách článek o těch židovských lékařích, kteří usilovali o život Stalinovi, otrávili snad Gorkého a já nevím, co všechno.

P: V kterým to bylo roce? 1953?

VŠ: Já si myslím, že to muselo být dřív. Honza se narodil 1951, Helena se narodila 1952, nějak tak. No a tehdy kantoři, když měli postoupit do vyšší platový stupnice, tak byl takový pohovor na národním výboru, kde byl předseda ROH, předseda KSČ, inspektor a já nevím, kdo ještě, asi čtyři lidi tam byli. Já jsem se tam nijak zvlášť nebála, protože já jsem noviny vždycky četla, tak to jsem věděla, že jim umím říct to, co chtějí slyšet. Takže se mě tam vyptávali a pak přišlo na tu otázku, co říkám tomuhle, tomu odhalení těch židovských lékařů. No tak já jsem řekla, že teda to nechápu, že přece lékaři zachraňujou živott, takže nerozumím tomu. Ale já jsem cítila, že. zvlášť jeden z těch lidí, byl to můj pozdější ředitel.. zahnat do kouta, aby se dostali opět k té židovské otázce.

P: A oni věděli, myslíte, že vy jste Židovka?

VŠ: Já jsem to nikdy netajila, samozřejmě. Měla jsem tam spisy, jistěže to na tom... kromě toho já jsem byla opravdu „nerozumím“. No tak se mě zeptal - a ten Slánský, ten byl přece před válkou takový komunista a dneska, podívejte se - a tak dál. A to už jsem začala dostávat vztek, takže jsem řekla, že já nevím, že.. oni to trochu nahráli na to, že. na materiální stránku, že teda těm Židům se dařilo dobře. A já jsem jim řekla, že tedy nevím, koho oni znali, ale jednak já jsem byla v tom ghettu, kde ti moji přátelé, s kterými jsem tam pracovala, ti mi vždycky vyprávěli, protože Lodž byla velmi průmyslové město, většina těch otců byli krejčí, protože tam byl velkej textilní průmysl, tak vždycky někteří vzpomínali na to, že si dávali stoličku pod nohy, aby mohli pomáhat se žehlením. Takže ta úroveň, ti nežili v žádném přepychu a tak, já jsem se narodila na východním Slovensku a znala jsem tamější poměry a tam také nežili žádní boháči. Já jsem nedávno předtím byla v divadle a viděla jsem Tylovu Tvrdohlavou ženu. Tak jsem jim řekla, že si vzpomínám, že Tyl už věděl, že nelze tak paušalizovat, protože tam je jedna scéna, když takový podomní obchodník si sednul někde v hospodě a přijde nějaký radní a říká mu, aby odešel. A on se ho nato zeptá - a proč, něco jsem vám udělal? A ten nějak na to neodpoví nebo hrubě odpoví a on mu na to říká - to máte něco proti mně, Ezechielovi, anebo proti Židům? A on tedy nechápe tu otázku a on doplňuje - no jestli máte něco proti mně, tak to můžete mít, ale Židé, že dělají tyhle obchodníky, vždyť oni nic jinýho nemůžou. Oni nemůžou se ženit jak chtějí, oni se nemůžou stěhovat, oni nesmějí vlastnit půdu, takže jim nezbyde nic jiného, než dělat tohle.

P: To bylo v tý hře tohleto?

VŠ: To bylo v tý hře a tohle jsem jim podala a byl pokoj, už pak nebyly žádné další otázky. A já jsem to potom u toho ředitele učila, hrozně nerada jsem tam šla, ale co jsem měla dělat, a on mně tykal, já jsem mu vždycky vykala. Ale nakonec vím, že bylo jedno setkání těch kantorů z té školy z Vršovic, kde on seděl sám u stolu, už byl starej, hluchej, a mně to nedalo a sedla jsem si k němu. Tak pak jsem mu tak odpustila. Tak to byla taková chvíle, na kterou nikdy nezapomenu. To skutečně člověk cítil „jak jehly“. Ale jinak já jsem vůči sobě necítila.. oni to věděli, myslím, i žáci, protože když jsem něco říkala o válce, tak samozřejmě, že jsem taky zabrousila do svých zkušeností.

P: Vy jste vystudovala Filozofickou fakultu a s tím jste učila.

VŠ: S tím jsem učila, jenže jsem se dostala nejdřív na základní školu a pak jsem se teprve dostala. nejdřív na druhý stupeň základní školy, jenže to byla ta 4., 5., potom jsem se dostala do tý vyšší a potom až.. to bylo dost dlouho, jsem takhle byla, pak jsem se dostala na gymnázium. „nerozumím“ na průmyslovku.

P: Slavili jste doma, vy jste říkala, že měl rád Židy, váš manžel, slavila jste nějaký svátky?

VŠ: Ne, neslavila. Chodila jsem na „Roš ha-šana“ a Jom kipur, to jsem chodila do synagogy, ale jinak jsme neslavili.

P: Šabes, nic takovýho.

VŠ: Ne.

P: A co dělal vlastně váš muž, čím se on živil?

VŠ: On byl, v Pragovce pracoval, tehdy to bylo v  Pragovce jako „inženýr“.

P: A měli jste auto?

VŠ: Ne. Jo, měli, ale až později.

P: Měli jste nějaký přátele? Přátelili jste se se Židy jenom, měla jste v tom nějakej výběr nebo vám to bylo jedno? Prostě to byli kamarádi.

VŠ: Židů tolik nebylo. Myslím, že o té Hance Vosátkové jsem mluvila.

P: Jestli to židovství bylo nějaký kritérium pro vás, proč se s tím člověkem třeba přátelit víc než s někým, kdo Žid nebyl.

VŠ: Takovou nejlepší přítelkyní byla Hanka Vosátková, to jsem, myslím, ani neříkala. Ona žila ve smíšeném manželství, její muž byl lékařem v Jindřichově Hradci, oni se rozvedli a ona tedy musela jít za války do koncentráku, byla v Terezíně. A její syn byl v rodině mého muže, takže takto jsme se přátelily. Potom ona odešla do Ameriky, tam měla syna, on emigroval, v 47. odešel teda legálně, Hanka ho poslala do nějakého kurzu, aby se naučil řeči a poznal svět. Potom, to bylo někdy.. 80.. já si přesně ten rok nepamatuju, nejdřív tam odjela na návštěvu, a to si taky pamatuju, jak se toho velice bála, protože ho opustila jako velice mladého a už byl ženatý a měl dítě, když se s ním měla zase setkat.

P: A oni spolu nebyli v žádným kontaktu?

VŠ: Byli. A Hanka tam jela na rok nejdřív, potom se vrátila a zase řekla, že teda pojede a nevrátí se, jenže pak přišel rok 1968, ona už měla zakoupenou letenku.

P: Takže v 60. tam nejdřív odjela a ..

VŠ: V 60. tam odjela a to se vrátila, kolem pětašedesátého roku, myslím, že to bylo. A v tom 68. už tam zůstala, pak onemocněla a zemřela. Já když jezdím do Ameriky, tak „nerozumím - jezdím k jejímu synu“.

P: Ten bydlí kde?

VŠ: On bydlí v Utahu, Salt Lake City.

P: Kolikrát už jste byla v Americe?

VŠ: Asi pětkrát. V New Yorku se přesedá, protože mám v NY zase nějaké přátele, tak většinou.. ale někdy taky jsem jela přímo.

P: Teď bych se zeptala na takovej zběžnej váš rodinnej život s manželem a dětmi po tý válce. Jezdili jste někam na dovolenou nebo měli jste nějakou chatu, jak to tady bylo zvykem?

VŠ: Jezdili jsme na dovolenou, obyčejně do Krkonoš. Tam jsme vždycky jezdili.. tam pronajímal někdo pokoje v jedné chatě ve Svatém Petru a tam jsme obyčejně jezdili. Předtím ovšem, ještě když byly děti docela malé, tak jsme jezdili do Chocně, můj muž je z Chocně. A to ještě žil jeho tatínek a sestra, ta potom zemřela a ten tatínek taky, takže potom jsme tam přestali jezdit. A potom jsme jezdívali do Krkonoš, až do té doby, když můj muž měl infarkt, to bylo v roce.. začátkem 60. let.. pak jsme si koupili chatu, právě proto, že tedy ty kopce jsme si museli odříci. Koupili jsme si chatu na Sázavě, to místo se jmenuje „Samopře“, je to mezi městem Sázavou a „Ledečkem“, nad jezem. Tam jsme jezdívali, muž tu chatu měl moc rád, já ne tak moc, protože.. bylo tam všechno krásný, koukala jste na jez, kolem nás nikdo nebyl, ale byla jsem tam sama. Tam nebyly chaty kolem, to nebyla žádná osada a můj muž mi vždycky říkal, když jsem zabručela, tak říkal - to chceš, aby ti koukali do talíře, tak jsem uznala, že nechci, aby mi koukali do talíře, takže jsme tu chatu měli. Když potom můj muž umřel, v 1981, tak jsem tam přestala jezdit. Můj syn se tehdy rozvedl a taky tam nejezdil, protože můj syn měl tu chatu vždycky moc rád. tak jsem si říkala - tak já tu chatu pronajmu nebo prodám. A můj syn mě hrozně žádal, abych ji neprodávala, tak jsem ji neprodala a potom, když se podruhé.. tedy on žije s přítelkyní, tak od té doby on tam jezdí, moc to vylepšili, je tam elektrika, je tam komfort a já ta jezdím poměrně málo, mně tam ten můj muž chybí. Ještě když jsem měla „Blekinku“, pejska. Oni mají tedy pejska, když tam jsem, tak jejich Besinka tam je se mnou, ale je to trošičku.. člověk je tam sám, tam na mě víc padá to, že jsem tam sama, než tady.

P: A on má děti, syn?

VŠ: Nemá. Tak se mně „nerozumím“ jedny známé, to jsem se tedy vlastně přes nějakého vzdáleného příbuzného z Košic, jenž studoval tady na medicíně, už ji pomalu končil, a ten mě seznámil se svou přítelkyní, oni se potom rozešli, ale já mou přítelkyní byla do konce jejího života a ta mi moc chybí. Pak je to „Duca“ v Bratislavě, která je daleko, dneska už to jezdění pro ni není snadné, ještě nějaké přátele jsem měli.

P: Slavili jste spolu třeba Silvestra, s těmi kamarády?

VŠ: Ano, to jsme slavili obyčejně. Právě s těmi „Matějcovými“, o nichž teď jsem mluvila. Máme děti ve stejném věku přibližně, dokonce Helena a Jana jsou od sebe snad týden, takže bylo hodně těch styčných bodů. Ona byla lékařka, její muž byl právník. Pak s jednou...

P: A ti „Matějcovi“, to nebyli Židi.

VŠ: Ne, to nebyli. Ale říkám, poznala jsem je přes.. teda Anču jsem poznala přes.. ale podle mýho názoru Anča opravdu byla jedna z těch, která nebyla vůbec antisemitka, měla víc těch židovských přátel. A potom ještě taková dobrá přítelkyně dodnes je jedna z těch kantorek, s kterými jsem učila, „Hanka“, s tou se scházíme a chodíváme...

P: To je ta Vosátková?

VŠ: Ne, ta je zase jiná. Já jsem měla „na Hanky nerozumím“. A pak Hanka „Proprová“, o té jsem, myslím, mluvila asi v té knížce, když tam říkám, možná, že jsem ji tam přímo nejmenovala. V Lodži byly takzvané „gasküche“, protože nebylo palivo a chodilo se vařit a ohřívat vodu. A v té jedné.. tam, kde my jsme bydleli, tak tam na jednom rohu a na druhém, byly tam dvě „gasküche“, shodou okolností já jsem vždycky chodila do té jedné. A do té druhé já jsem, nevím proč, nikdy nešla. A vím, že maminka mi vyprávěla, že tam je jedna mladá dívka, Polka, samozřejmě polská Židovka, která je k ní moc hodná. „nerozumím“. A protože samozřejmě nebylo tak lehké pro ty přistěhovalce, kterými jsme byli, v tom prostředí mně každý dával... mnoho lidí si zachovalo takovou určitou nenávist dokonce, „řekla bych“  vůči Polákům. Já ne, já vůbec nemám tenhle pocit nikdy, takže maminka říkala, že tam je taková velmi hodná dívka, která ji vždycky pustí k tomu plameni, nenechá ji tam zbytečně čekat a tak. Já jsem ji nikdy nepoznala. A jedno, to bylo Honzovi tak.. ještě mu asi nebyl rok nebo rok asi, jsem jela s kočárkem, bydlela jsem ve Vršovicích, a najednou mě někdo osloví, jestli nejsem Pollaková, jestli jsem nebyla v Lodži. A byla to ta dívka, o které maminka mluvila. Ta mě poznala podle mé maminky. Já nevím, proč, já jsem víc podobná tatínkovi, ale jsou asi určité rysy, které ten druhý člověk pozná. A my jsme se přátelily až do té doby, dokud „Hanka nerozumím zemřela nerozumím“. „Při náletu zemřela.“ Jako rodiny jsme se moc nepřátelili, protože její muž byl takový.. no prostě s mým mužem ani se mnou si moc nerozuměl. Byl takový trošku podivín. Takže já jsem s Hankou se přátelila, ona k nám chodila, já jsem tam chodívala, já jsem dokonce některý ty jejich děti učila a vím o nich dodnes.

P: Takže vaše děti uměly perfektně anglicky odmala?

VŠ: Já jsem učila své děti anglicky, děti i vnuky.

P: A vychovávala jste je v nějakejch židovskejch tradicích?

VŠ: Ne, to ne. Ale věděli, ano, když se zeptaly.. jednou se mě vnuk zeptal, ještě byl malej, co to jsou Židi. A já jsem řekla - tak se na mě podívej, jsem jiná než někdo jinej?

P: Ještě mi řekněte, jak jste na tom byli, jak jste byli situovaný třeba finančně?

VŠ: Měli jsme dva platy, takže v té době to bylo poměrně dobré. Můj muž neměl špatný plat, ale ne nějaký.. ne, nehladověli jsme, měli jsme všechno, co jsme potřebovali.

P: Mám pocit.. ve 48. vznikla Izrael, že jo?

VŠ: Ano. A já jsem si dopisovala celý čas s tou svou tetou, kterou jsem potom.. to jsem vám, myslím, vyprávěla, jak jsem ji navštívila rok po manželově smrti.

P: A to byla teta.. jak se jmenovala?

VŠ: Byla tam „Böži“, to je Alžběta.

P: A byla jste ráda, že Izrael vznikla? Měla jste z toho radost nebo jste se o to nezajímala.

VŠ: To ještě tady „Böži“ byla, myslím. Oni odešli ve 48. To bylo těsně po únoru. Já nevím, já jsem to snad až tak.. já jsem nikdy nebyla sionistka. Ani tedy moji rodiče.

P: Vůbec jste neuvažovala, že byste tam šla bydlet, žít.

VŠ: Ne, můj muž pak p roce 1968 o otm uvažoval, já jsem mu to rozmluvila, ale já jsem o tom. já jsem tomu nikdy „neuvěřila“. Vím, že teta „Böži“ chtěla, abych jela s ní, protože to byla doba ještě, když jsem se svým mužem chodila, byla tuze zamilovaná.

P: Co se vám na něm líbilo, proč jste si ho brala? Čím vás zaujal, po všech těch vašich zkušenostech.

VŠ: To je dost těžká otázka. Měla jsem ho ráda.

P: Pak jestli jste nějak vnímala izraelský války.

VŠ: Ano, ty jsem vnímala.

P: Psalo se tady vůbec o tom? V českejch novinách.

VŠ: Já teď přemýšlím, ale myslím, že se psalo. Asi.. tak jistě, tendenčně, oni byli ti, kteří zapříčinili, kteří napadli a tak.

P: Byla jste v Izraeli? I před 89. nebo až po revoluci?

VŠ: Byla několikrát. Myslím, že jsem vám to vyprávěla, že jsem byla v tom roce.. rok po manželově smrti, jak jsem dostala to povolení, tak to jsem byla, to bylo poprvé, a potom podruhé jsem tam byla v tom.. obec dělala ten zájezd a pak jsem tam byla určitě ještě asi třikrát. Žije tam ještě syn toho jednoho mého bratrance, ten má velkou rodinu, 6 dětí, ale jeho žena neumí „nerozumím“, „on“ umí maďarsky i česky i slovensky, s dětmi se dorozumím anglicky, ale s ní je to těžší. Jinak já spíš tam jezdím za těmi.. hlavně za tou jednou z těch.. ony si tak říkají „děvčinta z Halstadtu“, děvčata z Meziměstí. Bohužel, dneska „nerozumím“.

P: Vy jste vstoupila do strany potom později?

VŠ: Já jsem vstoupila do strany, to bylo v 60. letech, víceméně muž mě k tomu přiměl, protože...

P: On tam byl od toho 48.?

VŠ: On tam byl po 48. A já jsem po tom 60. roce, nevím přesně, který rok to byl, ale pak jsem se hned dostala na gymnázium. Tak pak to najednou šlo, předtím jsem...

P: A po 68. jste tam taky byli.

VŠ: Po 68. nás vyhodili. Jsme byli vyloučeni oba, můj muž i já.

P: A zůstala jste na gymnáziu? Nebo to jste byla na tý průmyslovce?

VŠ: To jsem byla na tý průmyslovce, zůstala jsem tam do 70. roku, to mě nejdřív přeložili na jinou školu a v 70. roce.. ne, to bylo asi dva roky potom, nejdřív to vyřešili jenom tím, že mě přeložili, a potom, asi 1971 nebo 1972 mě.. to jsem učila v Ječný a přišel jednou ředitel a že se nedá nic dělat a já jsem říkala tehdy, když ten výnos o tom, že kdo má dvěstěpětapadesátku nebo já jsem spíš dospěla do toho věku, že jsem mohla použít tu dvěstěpětapadesátku a jít do důchodu.

kazeta 1, str. B

VŠ: Tak jsem jim to podepsala s tím, že půjdu do důchodu, ale že tam jdu nerada. A je zajímavý, jak se našly všechny ty moje.. nebo aspoň některé doklady po 89., jak jsme dostali zpátky, „tenhle doklad tam měli“. Samozřejmě co pan ředitel stopil, je jasný, že jsem to tak formulovala, proč bych tam psala, že chci do důchodu.

P: Četli jste.. měli jste nějaký cesty, jak se dostat k nějaký samizdatový literatuře nebo byli jste v nějakým styku s disidentským prostředím?

VŠ: Něco se dostalo sem.

P: Poslouchali jste Svobodnou Evropu?

VŠ: Jistě, kdo neposlouchal. Já musím říct, že my jsme radši poslouchali BBC než Svobodnou Evropu.

P: Takže když přišel 89., tak předpokládám... teď už by mě jenom zajímalo, předpokládám, že vaše reakce na 89. byla pozitivní, že jste z toho měli radost.

VŠ: Jistě.

P: A jste zklamaná z toho, co přišlo po revoluci nebo ne?

VŠ: To je zase těžká otázka. Nechtěla bych, aby bylo to, co bylo předtím. Chtěla bych, aby to bylo lepší, aby to bylo slušnější, tak asi jak si to člověk představoval.

P: Máte nějaký.. vaše děti byly v tom věku, že mohly být na Národní v 1989?

VŠ: Ne, to už Helena přece měla děti. Zuzka se narodila 1981 a Ondra 1986, oni jsou pět let od sebe.

P: A pamatujete si, jak jsou různý takový zážitky, jako spousta lidí si pamatuje, co konkrétně dělalo, když se dovědělo, že zemřela Lady Diana a tak, tak pamatujete si, co jste dělali, když jste se dověděli, co se na tý Národní děje? To jste se asi dověděli z rádia. Asi jste museli být v šoku, ne?

VŠ: Já se to dověděla z rádia. No v šoku.. v napětí určitě, člověk čekal, co z toho bude.

P: Změnil se nějak váš život po 89.? Máte pocit, že se nějak změnil?

VŠ: Já už jsem byla předtím v důchodu. „nerozumím“ že jsem mohla vyjet, že jsem byla v Izraeli, byla jsem v Americe, což jsou dvě velmi důležité věci. „nerozumím“ se rozčiluje, že jsem „nemohla jet předtím“.

P: Ale teď se člověk rozčiluje tak jako zdravě.

VŠ: No zdravě.. rozčiluje se. Je to člověku velice líto a já často říkám, a teď nemyslím ta léta poválečná, ale myslím ještě za války, jak jsme si představovali, jaký ten svět bude. Jak bude spravedlivý, jak nebudou žádné války, přece po téhle zkušenosti se tyto věci už nemůžou opakovat. To jsme si pořád říkali - jestli se dožijeme, to jsme nevěděli, ale s tím jsme počítali, že když se dožijeme, tak ten svět bude krásný. Takže to je to určit zklamání, že lidstvo je nepoučitelné.

P: Začala jste nějak víc chodit na obec třeba?

VŠ: Ano.

P: Vy jste předtím byla přihlášená na obci za členku?

VŠ: Já jsem byla přihlášená.. v 80. letech jsem se přihlásila.

P: A chodíte tam třeba na ššábesový večeře?

VŠ: Nechodím. Na svátky velký.

P: A jezdíte s nimi na výlety některý?

VŠ: Taky jsem s nimi byla, ale oni to teď moc nedělají. Vy myslíte ty pobytový? Ne, to jsem nebyla. Ještě jsem zapomněla jednu známou, Židovku, „Magda Benešová“. Ta taky už zemřela. Jsou to většinou, bohužel, člověk zůstává v tomhle věku sám, to je to nepříjemné. Jedna z nepříjemných věcí stáří.

P: Ještě se zeptám, vy jste dostala určitě nějaký kompenzace ze všech těch fondů, co tady byly, tak to bylo asi příjemný, ne, i když to bylo úplně pozdě, ale bylo to fajn.

VŠ: Jistě, hlavně protože je to takhle pravidelné. Dá se na to spolehnout.

P: A teď jenom uděláme ty fotky.

VŠ: Tak tady vám dávám ta jména. Nejstarší byl Izidor, to je i česky, myslím. Sereny je Serena, taky existuje, Irma, to myslím, že taky, Kálmán je Koloman, Ica je Ilona, což jsem netušila, a Šári je Šarlota. Helena, to byla moje maminka, a tady jsem napsala (pozn. Pavly - Pišta).. to je bratranec, sem patří Miklóš, což je Mikuláš. Zajímavý je, že já si občas ty dva pletu, protože oba krásně zpívali. Oba žili potom v Budapešti.

P: Ica, Helena, Böži tam byla, Miklóš a Mancy.

VŠ: Böži je Alžběta a Mancy je Marie. Tak pod těmi českými.

P: Já se podívám na to, co byste mi půjčila.

VŠ: Je to 4. třída židovské obecné, tedy židovské lidové školy v Žilině a je to rok 1934. „nerozumím“ nás učil i ve třetí třídě. V pátý jsme měli Brunera, a to byl nějakej „Goldberger“ nebo který nás měl ve 4. třídě. To byla velmi dobrá škola, tam chodili nějací Nežidé. V Žilině jsme byli... no my jsme všude byli tak asi 4-5 let, víc ne.

P: Vy jste teda druhá z pravý strany toho ředitele.

VŠ: Ano a vedle je ta moje přítelkyně „Duca“. To je Magdaléna.

P: Měli jste tady už v tý škole nějaký lásky?

VŠ: Ale jistě, teď ho nemůžu najít. Já jsem si na to vůbec nevzpomněla.

P: Tahleta holčička vypadá velmi nežidovsky.

VŠ: To nemusí být, já jsem jednu takovou.. ta nechodila se mnou, ta byla starší, Neubauerová, ta zahynula, ta byla přesně takový typ. Blondýna, copy nosila, to není podmínka.

P: A to fotil asi nějakej fotograf školní? Koukám, jak máte pod sebou ty deky, jak tam seděj ty děti, tak mají pod sebou dečky.

VŠ: Asi jak se třídy vždycky fotily. Ano. Tohle byl „Fábry“, ten žil potom v Praze, k jeho mamince jsem chodila na francoužstinu. On neměl vlasy. Už takhle malej, mu vypadaly nějak. „Byl“ nějak nemocnej, ale to byla nějaká... Myslím, že byl lékař, je pochovanej na židovským hřbitově. Já si marně vzpomínám na to jméno, toho kluka, „Janči“ se jmenoval, Janko.

P: A ta vaše kámoška, ta se příjmením jmenovala jak?

VŠ: Robinsonová. Možná tady bude mít.. asi k těm jejím osmdesátinám chtějí udělat výstavu zase. A ona taky vyšla knížka Zamilované obrázky, Zazděné obrazy, ona byla někdy v těch 80. letech, ne to bylo dřív, byla v Izraeli a byla tam vyslaná nějakou agenturou, ne českou, a fotila tam. A předmluvu k té knížce jí měl napsat Lustig. A ta předmluva i ty fotky se ztratily. Potom úplně náhodně nějaká příbuzná Oty Pavla se zmínila někde v nějakém rozhovoru, já už přesně nevím, že ty fotky byly zazděný u nich na chatě, i s tou předmluvou. A to se našlo, ta výstava byla v Bratislavě, v Židovským muzeu, a je to zase úplně jiný Izrael, protože to muselo být před rokem 1986. Nebo kolem roku 1986, protože potom už nemohla jezdit. Byla výstava a je to knížka. Ona byla i v Osvětimi jednou fotit a my jsme spolu bydleli, v těch Stromkách, než já jsem se vdala, pak ona zase odešla do Bratislavy.

P: A ona je stejnej ročník asi.

VŠ: Je stejnej ročník, ona je květnová, já jsem zářijová.

P: A vy jste spolu prošly i těma táborama?

VŠ: Ne. Ona prošla Osvětimí a pak se dostala zase nějakými cestičkami do Bergen-Belsenu a tam byla osvobozena. Si vzpomíná, že když se probudila v nemocnici v bílé posteli, tak si říkala, že je v nebi. Že nějak omdlela.

P: Našla jste ho?

VŠ: Ne, já si nevzpomínám, myslím, že měl brýle. O tom vím, že ještě žije, někde venku. Vezmeme to spíš od konce. Takže tohle je tatínek za 1. světový války.

P: To je dvojka. On má uniformu. To byl jako normální voják, povolanej.

VŠ: Myslím, že byl důstojník, protože měl vysokou školu. Tady je ještě mladý, tatínek byl rozený 1884.

P: A z kterýho roku je ta fotka?

VŠ: To já nevím. Tady je „zu eineramen“ napsáno, k zarámování. Někdy za války to musí být. Byl na italské frontě.

P: Teď vezmeme další. Tak to je trojka.

VŠ: Tohle je maminka, první zleva, vedle ní je Šarlota a z levý strany dole je to Ica, to je ta Ilona, a tohle je Alžběta, Böži, úplně vpravo. A ta uprostřed dole je nějaká přítelkyně. Ani nevím, kolik jim tehdy mohlo být. Já bych řekla, že to je někdy tak po první světový válce. Až teta Böži mně dala, já jsem je neměla tyhle fotky, žádný. To bude nějaký košický studio, určitě, to bylo v Košicích.

P: Tak, 4. fotku.

VŠ: To jsou zase holky. Zleva je to Mancy, ta Marie, pak je Alžběta, Böži, a to je Ica, Ilona. Ano, to je jasně později. To budou 20. léta. Předpokládám, že to bylo taky v Košicích, protože obě tyhle tety žily v Košicích. Jeslti tam ještě žila Böži.. možná, že Böži už žila v Bratislavě, to nevím přesně.

P: A ta Böži se narodila kdy?

VŠ: Myslím 1902, tuším. Rozená byla Paszternáková a pak se jmenovala „Schafferová“.

P: A provdala se někdy ještě před válkou?

VŠ: Ano.

P: A ona neměla vlastní děti?

VŠ: To jsem vám taky vyprávěla, ne, oni neměli děti, ona měla děti moc ráda, mě měla ráda jako svou dceru a já jsem jí vždycky říkala, že to je moje druhá maminka. Já jsem ji měla moc ráda a taky jsem si s ní dopisovala až do konce jejího života.

P: A ona měla nějaký zaměstnání nebo vystudovala něco?

VŠ: Předpokládám, že měla nějakou obchodní školu a byla zaměstnaná, pracovala jako účetní ve firmě s elektrickými spotřebiči v Bratislavě, „Süč“ se jmenoval její šéf a ta firma jak se jmenovala, na tu si nevzpomenu.

P: A ona byla taky v Osvětimi?

VŠ: Ne, ona byla někde v Novákách, na Slovensku oni byli a potom, když vypuklo povstání, tak se skrývali po těch horách slovenských. S manželem, zachránili se tedy oba a 1948 odešli oba do Izraele.

P: Tak můžeme na pátou fotku.

VŠ: Hádejte, jak to asi může být stará, copak já vím? Je to Bratislava, to jsem já, tři roky mi můžou být. V tom tmavým je maminka, v tom bílým je teta Böži. A ten pán nevím, já v něm nikoho nepoznávám, to není „Vili“, manžel tety Böži.

P: Viliam Schaffer se jmenoval? A kde tohle je, to je Bratislava? To jste šli na nějakou nedělní procházku nebo co.

VŠ: To je v Bratislavě, to je nějaká pekáreň asi.

P: A v kolikátých letech to může být focený?

VŠ: Já jsem 1924 rozená, tak to mohlo být tak 1927.

P: Teďko šestou, piknikovou. Zleva od toho pána je tam kdo?

VŠ: To je manžel tety Böži... tohle je teta Böži, ta uprostřed, co se kouká jinam. Úplně vlevo je její manžel, vedle ní je Koloman a mezi nimi je Ica a její muž a to je ta Mancy. A tohle musela být 30. léta. To je na nějakým výletě, maminka tam není, takže to asi bylo někde.. nevím.

P: Takže zleva, vlevo je manžel Böži, tohle je Ica, tady je Koloman, Böži, tohle je manžel tý Icy, a Marie, Mancy.

VŠ: Já si nevzpomenu na jméno toho Icyna manžela, příjmením se jmenoval, myslím, Klein.

P: Taky to byl Žid. A oni měli děti?

VŠ: Taky neměli děti.

P: A o těch sourozencích maminky povídáte v tom vyprávění, co se s nimi stalo za války, v tom muzeu?

VŠ: Ale tam jsem to říkala.

P: Tak teď sedmičku.

VŠ: To jsou taky 30. léta. Zleva je maminka, babička - její máma, dědeček - její táta a můj táta. Táta byl malej, ano. Já jsem po něm malá. Já jsem byla strašně nešťastná, že jsem „moc nevyrostla“. Já jsem skutečně byla velice malá, děti si na mě ukazovaly, že už chodím do školy, a já jsem tehdy nechtěla do školy potom chodit. Byl to můj celoživotní handicap, můj celoživotní mindrák, až teď je mi to úplně jedno. Moc jsem se kvůli tomu trápila.

P: A kde to je?

VŠ: To jsou Mariánské Lázně, kolonáda asi. To jsme asi na nějaký dovolený, ano, tam naši jezdili... zapomněla jsem říct, že tatínek k těm... toho jednoho velkýho koníčka, a to bylo fotografování. To už je koníček, který já si pamatuju taky dobře.

P: A taky vás to chytlo, to focení? Dělala jste to někdy?

VŠ: Fotila jsem, takhle když jezdím, tak jsem dost fotila. A minulý rok jsem měla nějakou depresi a vyhodila jsem spoustu fotek, měla jsem jeden kufr plný jenom z těch cest po Americe. Jsem říkala, ať to nemusí vyhazovat děti. To byla spíš krajina než... já jsem měla hezký fotky.

P: Teď vezmu osmičku.

VŠ: To je ta teta Mancy, to jsou 30. léta, tak kolem roku 1935. Uprostřed teta Mancy, to je Duca, to jsem já a to je moje maminka, tady vzadu s tou kabelkou. Je to někde pod Rozsutcem, to je Malá Fatra u Žiliny, jak je Terchová, já myslím, že je to někde pod Rozsutcem. Tam jsme na nějakým výletě.

P: Co to máte za kolo, čeho se to držíte?

VŠ: To byla taková... tím se házelo. To bylo místo talíře. Jsme blbli. Tu fotku dělal tatínek.

P: Devítka.

VŠ: Tuhle taky dělal tatínek. Maminka u nás v obýváku v Žilině, čili to mohl být tak ten rok 1935.

P: A tyhle dva obrázky dole, to jsou vás dětí?

VŠ: Ne, já mám dojem, že to byly takový gobelíny dva, pokud se pamatuju.

P: A tyhle obrazy jste s sebou brali všechny, když jste se stěhovali, nebo to patřilo k tý...

VŠ: Ne, to se samozřejmě stěhovalo. Všude vždycky.

P: Koukám, tady krajkovej ubrus.

VŠ: Ano, ještě jsem měla takhle ten jeden, co dělala maminka, která si myslím, že ho dokonce... tenhle asi nedělala, maminka spíš háčkovala, pletla, jinej, ten je moc hezkej, mám ho tady někde. My jsme měli, myslím, 4pokoj, to bylo v tom domě přímo, kde byl ten tatínkův úřad, tam jsme měli 4pokojovej byt, moc hezkej. V Žilině jsme byli všichni moc rádi. Maminka tam měla společnost, právě s „výjimkou“ tý Ducy, ony se přátelily celý rodiny. A Prešov, to už jsem taky říkala, to už nebylo ono. A Bratislavu jsem měla moc ráda, i když jsem tam tedy byla jenom do třetí třídy, třetí třídu už jsem dělala v Žilině. Na to jsem si pamatovala, ačkoli když jsem tam přišla po válce do Bratislavy a šla jsem se podívat, kde jsme to bydleli, tak mi to připadalo, že tam byl takový obrovský dvůr, a on ten dvůr je takový malý. A ty vzdálenosti byly najednou malý.

P: Desítka.

VŠ: Tady jsem s tatínkem já, to mám ten fajnovej účes.

P: To je z kterýho roku, myslíte. To vám tu může být tak osm?

VŠ: Asi tak. Je to u téhož křesla pravděpodobně nebo u druhého, který bylo naproti. Ty křesla jsme taky stěhovali. To je určitě v Žilině.

P: Myslíte, že tohle fotila máma?

VŠ: To je možný, že to tatínek dělal samospouští. Protože tatínek někdy dělal samospouští ty fotky. To nevím určitě.

P: Mazlil se rád táta?

VŠ: Táta ne, máma jo. Maminka jo, Böži ano, a ty tetky moje, ty ano. Tatínek byl takovej, že pohladil, to jo, ale na nějaký... možná že si to tak nepamatuju, asi jo, měl rád, když jsem k němu přišla a sedla jsem si mu na klín. A na ty šaty si taky pamatuju, byly takový kostkovaný a měly „tadytu“ velikánskou mašli. To muselo být někdy na obecný, to znamená, já jsem tam obecnou dělala 3., 4., 5.

P: Jedenáctka.

VŠ: Tohle mohl být tak rok 1939-40 a je to... maminka stojí za mnou, vlevo v těch pruhovaných šatech jsem já, protože jsem se opalovala na terase, samozřejmě, a to je ta paní Heřmanová. To je ta paní Heřmanová, jak ji znáte. Ona byla... příbuzná, to byla sestřenice mýho tatínka.

P: Takže ona byla ve věku maminky?

VŠ: Ne, ona byla mladší. Ona už byla vdaná. Já tam mám ještě jednu fotku v tý době, to taky dělal tatínek. To jsem já, tady je tatínek, tadyhle je Máňa Benešová a tohle je její bratr, ten zahynul. Tohle je tatínkův bratranec. Takže ona nebyla sestřenice, protože Emil byl bratranec, čili ona byla od tátovy sestřenice dcera. To byla krátce vdaná. Tohle je na terase našeho bytu, když jsme bydleli v těch Stromkách. To je v Praze. To mohl být rok 1939-40. A teď si říkám, možná že to táta nefotil, že to fotil Mánin manžel, si myslím. To asi bude, tak proto tam není.

P: Takže jedenáctku nefotil táta, ale Mánin manžel. To byl ten Klein? Ne, to byl Icy manžel.

VŠ: Mánin manžel se jmenoval Heřman, Herman vlastně.  A potom podruhý se vdala a ten měl taky jméno Herman. Tak se jmenoval Heřman tedy. Byli nějak příbuzní, byli nějak příbuzní taky s Ljubou Hermanovou.

To je ve Špindlu, v tom Svatým Petrovi, jak jsme jezdili. A tu Duca ofotila, mám ji tam za rámečkem, byla jediná, než jsem ještě dostala potom nějaké zpátky.

P: Tohle teda na to kořenu, to je po válce, kdy asi, to už jste byli svoji? Kdo to vlastně fotil?

VŠ: Ano. Samospoušť, to bylo ještě než jsme se vzali, to vím, to bylo ve Špindlu na kameni. Tak asi to bylo ještě předtím, než jsme se vzali, na dovolený jsme vždycky jezdili i s dětmi. je možný, že to mohl být ten rok 1950, ještě než jsme měli děti. Napište 50. léta.

P: A nějakou současnou fotku vaši byste měla? Ještě se zeptám, vy jste dělala rozhovor pro muzeum, a to jste dělala asi tak 1995? Nevíte, devadesátý léta.

VŠ: Já jsem si vzpomněla, já tu mám ještě pasovku.

P: A oslovili vás třeba od Spielberga, jak to natáčeli? To bylo taky někdy v 90., na začátku 90. let?

VŠ: Ano, to jsem taky dělala. Ten rok si přesně nepamatuju.
 

Rudi Katz

Rudi Katz
Brasov
Romania
Interviewer: Andreea Laptes
Date of interview: January 2003

Mr. Katz is a 74-year-old man who lives in a two-room apartment. His living room is literally piled up with books; there isn't enough room for them on the shelves: books on anatomy, science, languages, history, psychology, Judaism. He's especially proud of an old German-Yiddish dictionary. There is a rather old computer on his desk: he learned to use it and even fix it himself. He has an incredibly sharp mind, and he is very active. Despite his age, he still studies every day, has friends and is very involved in the community life. He's one of the few who know Hebrew well enough to teach others, and young Jews often come to him for help in their Hebrew studies. His politeness borders timidity sometimes, and you can tell he is a very sensitive person.

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary

Family background

My paternal grandfather, Nusen Katz, lived in Carlibaba at the time I knew him, but he originally came from Ukraine. This grandfather had a rather interesting story: when he was only three or four years old, he was taken across the border to Romania and abandoned there, because of some ongoing pogroms in Ukraine. He was adopted by a man named Katz, but although he bore his name, he wasn't really a Katz. I don't know a lot of things about my paternal grandfather, because he lived rather far from Cernauti. I only saw him once, but I remember he wore his beard trimmed. He worked as a clerk in a timber station. I don't know exactly what kind of schooling he had, but he must have had something at least equivalent to high school today. He knew mathematics and did a lot of complicated calculations, like timber cubing. If one wanted to buy a forest, he would have to make an investigation and find out the amount of timber he could obtain from the trees. My grandfather knew how to calculate that. He wasn't very religious, but he was still in touch with the Jewish way of life. Judging from what I have heard of him, he was more of an intellectual, and more open to novelty. This is perhaps because he had an industrial activity and he had to keep up with technology and the changes in society. As I learned much later, he was highly respected by people in the Jewish community and Christians alike.

About my paternal grandmother, Rosa Katz, I don't know a lot of things; I remember she was a quiet person, and that she always wore a kerchief on her head. My father talked about his father more than he did about his mother, and especially about what was going on in the village. I remember a story, that my grandfather's cart was followed by a pack of wolves during one hard winter. My father said that a tragedy could have happened if the horses hadn't been fast enough. My grandfather died in the 1930s and my grandmother died some time before him.

My grandparents lived in a house in Carlibaba, a bit off the main road; it was a nice house, with three or four rooms and a big porch. I went to see this house, some time in the 1960s, and I was glad to see there were people who still remembered my grandfather... I understood my grandfather got along very well with the people around him; he would even help them with calculations. There were some people, in their fifties, who spoke perfect Yiddish to me; they were Christians, but they learned it from Jewish friends when they were young. You could tell from that that Jews and Christians got along well. I also tried to find my grandparents' graves, but I couldn't read the inscriptions on the tombstones, they were too old.

My father had two brothers: one who died in World War I, Iosef I think, and Lazar; he was a tailor, but I don't know anything else about him or his family. My father also had three sisters: Clara, Loti and Golda. Golda died when she was young. Clara was a seamstress and Loti worked in a factory. They made aliyah, but I don't know whether they were married or not. My father cared a lot about his family: his brother who died in the war and his sisters.

My maternal grandfather was called Zise Popper, and he lived in Paraul Negru, not far from Cernauti. I used to visit my grandparents when I was seven or eight years old, during the summer holidays, and I used to stay a few weeks. A lot of times I went there alone, my father put me on the bus; the bus didn't go all the way to Paraul Negru, so a neighbor or a friend of my grandfather's waited for me with a cart and took me to their house. My grandfather had a small grocery store there, but before that he had an inn and a bigger house. I know they used to have cattle, cows at least, because my mother told me that she used to cry whenever she heard them bellowing on the way to the slaughterhouse. My grandfather was a very strong man, well built: he could lift two kegs that weighed 20 - 25 kilograms and put them on the counter.

Grandfather was a religious man, he didn't shave, and he wore payes and put on his tefillin three times a day. He was a sober person, strong-willed and not very talkative. All his life he was as strong as a bull, he ate well, drank a draught or two, and only in his late years he had problems walking. He had a bitter end because of this. He was with us when we were deported, in 1941. He was left behind at Marculesti 1, because he couldn't walk, and he died there. Nobody who got left behind survived.

My grandmother Baba Popper was a tiny, lively woman, and everybody was very fond of her, my grandfather most of all; she probably had very little schooling, but she had a native intelligence, and she ran the entire household. She made all the arrangements, and even my grandfather listened to her. People would always gather around her and talk for hours on end. She was the heart of the house, and religious, too: she read a translated version of the Siddur in Yiddish. She wore a kerchief on her head, not a wig, and kept a kosher household and always observed Sabbath. They lived in a small house, with two rooms and a kitchen. The grocery store was in one room, and they lived in the other. Across the street they had a lumber- room, where I slept sometimes, on the floor, covered only in blankets and sheep skin. I still remember the smell of the apples they kept there! They had no electricity or running water.

My grandmother didn't know Hebrew, but my grandfather could read the prayers in Hebrew. They spoke Yiddish in the house, and also Romanian and Ukrainian, because most of the village people were Ukrainians. They didn't raise animals, but I'm sure they grew vegetables because my mother was very good at gardening. My grandparents had a box in the house, with a menorah on it and a lock, where they gathered money for the Zionists in Israel, for Keren Kayemet 2. They were very good friends with their Christian neighbors, they visited each other, helped each other with money; they had good relationships with the people around them. They only left the village during the high holidays, because there was no synagogue there, and so they would travel to one or gather with other Jews to form a minyan.

My mother had two brothers: one was Osias, who got married and didn't leave the countryside. I don't remember his wife's name, or the village he lived in. He had no children. He was a well-built man, like my grandfather, and had a grocery store, just like my grandfather. We visited him very seldom, because he lived far from Cernauti. The other brother, Iosef, lived in Cernauti, where he was a clerk. He and his wife, Frida, had a boy, Armin. Armin died in an accident in Israel. My mother also had a sister, who died young. I don't remember her name.

My father [Sapse Katz] was born in Carlibaba in the 1890s, but he lived with my mother in Ceranuti. I don't know why or when he moved to Cernauti. He learnt tailoring in Carlibaba when he was young, like his brother Lazar, but he worked in the forestry industry like his father. He never told me, but I think his father wanted his sons to have some qualifications before learning more. In Cernauti he was a clerk in a timber station; he had a small notebook with him, where he had written a lot of mathematical formulae, which he used in his office, calculating timber cubing, for example.

He wasn't an exuberant person, but he got along well with the people around him. He knew German, Romanian and Yiddish, and had his father's inclination towards calculations. He taught me how to calculate, when I was only five years old. He was proud of me and showed all his friends what his son could do. He took good care of me; he took me swimming and sleighing. I remember he made my first pair of skis; he got some wood, boiled it and then forced them to curve. But he wasn't very affectionate and he didn't talk to me about my problems.

My mother, Clara Popper, was born in Paraul Negru, in the 1890s. She had only completed elementary school, but she loved to read. I don't know a lot about her life when she was young, but I think she was very close to her mother - she was like her in many ways. She was the heart of the house and my father listened to her. She was more intellectual, read a lot. She knew some things about Romanian history, and about a lot of Romanian writers and poets. She was appreciated by our neighbors very much.

I believe they got married in the 1920s through a shadkhan; my mother lived in a village and my father lived in a town by that time, so they couldn't have met at a dance, like it was the case in other families. I remember my mother had a ketubbah, written in Hebrew from the rabbi who married them in the synagogue in Cernauti. She was a housewife, she took care of the house; sometimes she even baked bread when we had to save money.

Growing up

We lived in a small house that was built with the help of an uncle, after the plans my father drew. It had two apartments: one was always rented and one was ours. It had one room, a kitchen and a big porch; we also had a small garden, where my mother planted vegetables - I still remember the taste of the tomatoes! We had simple furniture, just the necessary things, a bed, a kitchen table where we ate and chairs around it. We had no electricity or running water, the water closet was in the garden, and we had to bring water from the well, which was in the garden. Bringing water was usually my job, if I was around. If not, my mother did it. Later we had electricity, but no running water. My mother lit a fire in the kitchen, and during winter, she heated bricks on the stove, wrapped them in cloth and then put them in the bed. She only made a fire in the room if we had guests. She did all the household chores; only occasionally a woman came to help her with the laundry.

Sometimes I went with my mother to the market - there was a small market nearby. Early in the morning, peasants came and put their goods on carpets on the ground, there were no stands like today: they brought eggs, hens, cheese. A woman came with her cart and brought us milk every day. We had no animals, but I had two pets, a cat and a dog; my father wasn't very fond of them and one day he took the dog away; I was very sad.

My parents didn't dress traditionally; they wore ready-made clothes just like everybody else. My father went to work in an office, so he dressed accordingly: in trousers and a jacket. My father wasn't very religious, he didn't keep Sabbath because he had to work on Saturdays, and he didn't pray every day; but when he could, on the high holidays, he went to the synagogue, maybe even every four weeks; he loved to socialize and chat. My mother was more religious than him, she tried to respect Sabbath: she would ask a Ukrainian neighbor to come and light the fire, and she avoided hard work. Every Friday evening she cleaned the house, baked challah, lit the candles and said the prayers. Evenings like those were like a light among all my childhood memories. She always went to the shochet to have the chickens slaughtered.

My favorite holidays were Pesach, Yom Kippur and Friday evenings [Sabbath]. On the first day of Pesach my mother would clean the house, and take out special cutlery. [Actually, the cleaning at Pesach has to be finished the day before.] I also remember the chazzan, dressed in white after being in the mikveh, and blowing the shofar on Yom Kippur. That image still lights up my memory. There was a song about the martyrdom of Jews; women cried when they sang that. I didn't have a bar mitzvah, because I was on the road when I should have had it. Later, in 1949, I was sick, then busy making a living; and under the communist regime I couldn't go to the synagogue.

My parents weren't politically involved; I remember my father came home once with the book 'Capitalul' [Karl Marx's 'The Capital,' forbidden by the Iron Guard 3] - a friend from work asked him to hide it for him for a while. My mother burned it immediately. They got along well with their neighbors, Jewish or not, and they visited each other. But they had close relationships with my mother's brother, Iosef, who called on us on Saturdays. We also visited him and his wife, Frida.

Cernauti was a modern town, which inherited a lot from the Austro-Hungarian culture. It had beautiful buildings, paved roads, and friendly people. Education was compulsory, the commerce was booming. We lived on the outskirts, a bit far from the center. We had Jewish, German, and Ukrainian neighbors. The Jewish community was big, and well structured: over 30 to 40 percent of the town's population. Most of the Jews were well situated, except maybe those who lived in the crowded Jewish neighborhood. We had a relative there we visited from time to time, but I don't remember what kind of relative he was.

Cernauti had a rich religious life, there were five or six synagogues in the town, and also a beautiful temple, which was later set on fire. We went to the one closest to us. It was a small synagogue, with simple people: they weren't intellectuals, doctors, or professors. For these simple people the notion of reformism didn't have much meaning; they were neither Orthodox 4 nor reformed. There was only a shammash, but no rabbi there. I don't know about other synagogues, but the Jews at the big temple were different, they were intellectuals, so they were reformed. But in those years this separation into different streams of religion wasn't that visible.

The Jews in Cernauti had a lot of cultural organizations, where they sang Jewish songs or recited poems; they made trips around Cernauti, but I was too young to join them. And almost every Jewish house raised money for Keren Kayemet. Very popular among Jews were the Jewish theaters, which preserved a certain way of thinking and feeling: I still remember an actress, Sidi Tal, who was very famous then.

There weren't typical occupations for Jews. A Jew could be anything, from a butcher to a lawyer, especially since there were no Anti-Jewish laws 5 then [in the 1930s]. Jews could go to school, college, own houses or stores. Near our street there was an oxygen factory and the owner was a Jew. But making a living was hard for a lot of people; I remember the chazzan in the synagogue where we went was a tinsmith, but at the same time he was also a chacham, a shammash, and from time to time he was called up to the Torah to read from it as well, during the service.

My mother looked after me when I was small, with no help. Then I went to kindergarten, and then I went to the normal state school in Cernauti from 1934 to 1939. I especially liked mathematics and physics. I had good teachers, who made sure that at least a few students understood what they taught: they asked questions, and were more involved in the teaching process than I think they are nowadays. I don't remember one of them in particular. I got along well with all my classmates, it didn't matter that I was a Jew. I made friends easily, and we often went hiking or swimming - there was a lake nearby. I also played a bit of football, near our house there was a football field; it was the town's football field, called Maccabi 6. We had a really good football team. Sports, in general, were very popular among the Jewish organizations.

My father didn't study religion with me, but he sent me to cheder two or three times a week, from the age of six until I was around ten years old. He didn't want to send me to do further studies in a yeshivah, but it was tradition, and I think my mother wanted me to have some basic knowledge about Judaism. We studied with bocherim from Maramures, who knew Hebrew, in a room in the synagogue we usually went to. It wasn't really a classroom, with a blackboard, and we didn't use notebooks. We just had to have a Hummash or Siddur, the teacher read first and then we had to read after him. He would go around and hear us read, and if we made mistakes, he would slap us.

We studied with both bocherim and melamedim. I studied with a melamed, Margulis. He had a cheder in his home, but he also came to our home to teach me; we did translations from the Hummash, and reading exercises, and learned the right punctuation. I remember he had a lot of books, but he didn't speak Hebrew as well as the young bocherim, who studied in a yeshivah. I remember I had a friend whose melamed was teaching him Hebrew, and it was a sensation, because Jewish kids usually learnt that in yeshivah, not in cheder. I wasn't very hardworking, during the class I never read the entire paragraph I was supposed to, because I used to go drink water three times, then ask permission to go to the toilet three times. When I took it up again, after I retired, I barely knew the letters! But it eventually came back to me.

We had a library in the house; my mother read good novels in German, and my father was fond of history books. We also had religious books, like the Mazor. I loved reading, and my father was sometimes annoyed because I read too much or I read things I wasn't supposed to read. He once burnt some of my books - I liked to read books from a series called 'Famous Women': it was about famous women throughout history, like Anne Boleyn, the mistress [second wife] of King Henry VIII of England, and that kind of reading was prohibited - and so my father smacked me. He got very upset when a neighbor gave me a Magazine of Science and Travel because he thought it distracted me from studying. [This is a magazine with scientific articles and feature articles on different countries.] He never thought that kind of reading was useful for a child's evolution. He believed I should read only books for school, and that I should be obedient and polite. My mother usually took my side when it came to reading. I didn't go to a library, because there wasn't one nearby, but my father had a friend, a high school teacher, to whom he advised me to go. I borrowed from him Romanian literature, like Creanga or Sadoveanu [Ion Creanga (1837-1889) and Mihail Sadoveanu (1880- 1961), famous Romanian writers]. But back then I was crazy about Karl May, adventure books, the Magazine of Science and Travel. [May, Karl (1842- 1912): real name Carl Friedrich May, German author, best known for his wild west books set in the American West and similar stories set in the Orient and Middle East.]

I had a lot of friends. I liked Feder, an acquaintance of my father; he was a carpenter and I loved spending time with him in his workshop, where it always smelled like wood. I liked his family and kids, too, they were a happy family. A Christian family rented the other apartment, and I made friends with their daughter, Viorica. We were the same age, eight or nine years old. There was another boy who lived in the neighborhood, Nathan Kurz; we were friends. Across the street was another Jewish family, Dachner, who had girls. One of them, Sulamita, was my age and we got along really well; everybody called her Slima. I had Christian friends as well, two German boys: Rudi, who left for Germany in 1940, and Fiebich. I remember Fiebich drew beautifully. During the holidays I stayed at home with my parents, I never went to a youth camp or something like that; sometimes I went to my grandfather in Paraul Negru.

During the War

Until I was deported with my family to the Tibulovca 7 concentration camp in Transnistria 8 in 1941, I wasn't directly confronted with anti- Semitism, but I had heard of it. Newspapers talked about the events in Germany, and there was news of the Iron Guard movement at the universities, where Jews were beaten and thrown out. I made friends with a boy who had come from Austria right after the Anschluss 9, in 1938; he probably had relatives here. There was some tension in our house; I think my parents became aware of the fact that the danger could come our way.

The strongest impressions I have about the ongoing political events are from one night, after the war with Poland, when the Polish refugees came. [Rudi refers to the beginning of World War II when Germany occupied Poland without a declaration of war 10.] There was a big noise one night, and everybody came out of their houses into the main street, to see what it was. It was a huge stream of people, of all ages, with cars, carts, or on foot. There were Jews among them. The Dachners, our neighbors, took in some refugees. I remember one of them married one of their daughters later.

My first real confrontation with anti-Semitism was when I was deported. But we were affected by the anti-Jewish laws, even before we were deported; my father was forbidden to work and I couldn't go to school anymore. He had to take up tailoring again, so that he could support the family.

The deportation was an intense shock; we had no time to get used to what was going on. My grandfather died on the way, in Marculesti, because he couldn't walk. My uncle Iosef's wife, Frida, and her mother died in Tibulovca. My mother died soon after we got there, in two or three months. They all died because of typhoid fever.

Tibulovca was a village, like all concentration camps in Transnistria. It was a relatively small and isolated place. We were taken just outside the village, into a huge building that used to be a collective farm. The first winter there was terrible: no one could go into the village, because it was guarded. But there was no barbed wire like in the German concentration camps had, and there was no camp administration. Hunger and typhoid fever were everywhere. 1,700 Jews were taken to Tibulovca, and after the first winter only 200 had survived. There were no executions in Tibulovca; if it happened, they were only isolated cases.

We only got in touch with my father's sisters from Bucharest once, in 1943, when we had permission to write; they sent us some things, but nothing much, they were rather poor. I could have come home sooner, in 1943, because there was an order that children could go, but I got to Obodovca 11 late, and missed the train I should have taken and so I had to go back to Tibulovca and wait. Obodovca, a little town, was 15 to 20 kilometers away from Tibulovca; there was no forced labor there, but no one looked after you there. I came home in 1944, with my father. My father was now rather sick; in 1943, he was taken away to Buck [Bug], to build a bridge, and he came back sick.

When we came back, my father had to work as a tailor, because he wasn't allowed to be a clerk. But we were able to come back to the same house; I don't remember the exact details, but I think it was common property with some relatives. The house was empty, of course, none of the things we had were there, but it was good that we had at least a place to stay. There had been a lot of requisitions, and a lot of houses were devastated and robbed when the deportation took place. But as far as I could tell, the attitude of our neighbors and friends toward us didn't change.

After the War

When I returned, in 1944, I had no political beliefs. I had been cut off from the world for too long. For almost two years my father and I stayed in Cernauti under the Russian government. The Jews in Cernauti struggled with the authorities and eventually were given permission to join a program to go back to Israel; this meant coming to Romania, so this is how we came to Brasov, in 1946. I don't know if it was my father's choice to come here, we could have been sent here by the program. But as soon as we came, my father got sick with cancer, and he was in the hospital for more than a year, and so we couldn't go to Israel. He died in Bucharest in 1947, four weeks after he got there to visit his sisters. Neither my father nor I worked at the time, so my aunts helped us with some money.

From 1946 until 1950, about four years, I was active in a Zionist organization, the Hashomer Hatzair 12. I prepared Jews for aliyah, and a lot of people I knew then left. I had two good friends when I came back from deportation, Zuckermann and Becker. Becker left for Israel and became an actor. I don't know what happened to Zuckermann. I also had another good friend here, in Brasov, whose name was also Katz, Misi Katz! But we weren't related in any way, he came from Maramures and had been deported to Auschwitz. He was alone, just like I was. He also left for Israel, and we kept in touch for a while. I wanted to go to Israel, too, but the Zionists were always asking me to stay a bit more, because they needed me. So I ended up in Satu-Mare, and that's where I got sick with my lungs, in 1949. I was admitted to the hospital in Satu-Mare for a year, and I was also in a sanatorium in Savadisla near Cluj.

When I came back to Cernauti, I studied for two years in an apprentice school under the Russian government. When we moved to Brasov, I worked as a technician at the Consumers' Co-operatives Union for a year and a half, and then at Uzina 2, a factory with military profile. While working, I finished the apprentice school here, in Brasov, in 1954, because I was allowed to take exams from two previous years in one year. In 1955 I went to the Polytechnic University in Bucharest. I did one year in Bucharest and the rest through distance learning while I worked in Brasov. I took all my exams in 1960. During this period life was hard for me; I had some acquaintances, but I had no social life. I was either working or studying for college, so until 1960 I didn't have one day off, not even Saturdays or Sundays. In the factory there was a lack of personnel; so first I worked in the tool-making department, then I was in charge of planning. I never had a day off.

I didn't have problems at work because I was a Jew; everybody was used to talking in riddles, apparently trifling about serious subjects; nobody was willing to risk being heard speaking clearly against the system or about religion, and suffer the consequences. I used to talk to my friends like this, for example: 'You know, the Bible is just a fairytale, it's silly to believe in it...but you know, there's something interesting in it...' and so on. It never happened to me, but I have seen Christian colleagues being reproved for going to church or having the priest over because their mother was sick. I was careful.

Before 1960 I didn't have a place to live, a house of my own; I lived in rented apartments, the salary wasn't enough; I didn't have anything that belonged to me, except my clothes, not even a spoon. It was hard to get a place to live. After 1960, I got an apartment I had to share, but at least I had a place and a bigger salary. It isn't the place I live in now; I have been living here since 1980; this is a castle compared to what I had back then!

I think this was also one of the reasons I never got married; I never actually had the time to meet somebody, or the means to start up a family for a long time. For people like me, who had been alienated from their homes and families in the troubled 1940s, it took a tremendous effort to fit into the normal life once again, and try to gain what you lost or what was taken away from you.

I kept in touch with close relatives, but sporadically; my aunts, my father's sisters left for Israel, as well as my mother's two brothers. The son of Iosef, Armin, my cousin, and I were also in touch for a while, we wrote letters, but after a while I stopped writing; it was dangerous to have contacts with family from abroad. [The Securitate 13 monitored all relationship Romanian citizens had with their friends and relatives abroad; Rudi could have been taken in for questioning and could have even lost his job.]

During the communist regime, life was hard, with all the restrictions, but I had gotten used to it. In 1980 I moved to the apartment I live in now; I didn't socialize much, I had to work a lot. I never agreed with the regime, so I was never politically involved. I tried to observe Sabbath whenever I could, but a lot of times I had to work on Saturdays.

I have never been to Israel. I wasn't directly affected by the wars against Israel in 1967 14 and 1973 15, but they affected me because the existence of the state of Israel is vital for every Jew. You could feel some danger in those dramatic moments, but you also felt that the whole world was there for Israel; back then, it was an impulsive movement against Israel, and Israel had a much larger effective support than it does now. I believe it's more dangerous now, when there's a stronger coalition of forces against Israel.

Life changed for me after 1989 16; one can take part in religious Jewish life more freely than it was possible before. I believe religion is essential for every man. Before 1989, I couldn't go to the synagogue, just like many other Jews. Now there are conditions for a proper development of Jewish life, although there's a certain anti-Semitic movement that couldn't be seen before. But this is life; one cannot have things in a pure state.

I retired in 1990, and I started to study religion and Hebrew, all by myself. At the same time I offer some technical advice to some companies. Although I didn't go to the synagogue [during the communist regime], I had bought books, dictionaries from secondhand booksellers from across the country even before 1989 - I had to travel a lot with my work, so I already had the material to start up. Today I'm very involved in the Jewish community here and I receive support from it. I go to the synagogue every Saturday morning and I often read from the Torah. I cannot sing, though.

Glossary

1 Marculesti transit camp

Internment camp in the village of Marculesti, situated on the banks of the Dniester River, which was established by the Romanian gendarmes on the orders of the Romanian army. The camp was set up on 1st September 1941 to detain Jews from Bessarabia who had survived the first pogrom in July and August 1941. Under the instructions of three commanders a regime of terror, robbery and rape was introduced in the camp. Jews were forced to destroy the Jewish cemetery and use tombstones to construct a paved street in the camp. Marculesti camp was liquidated by the Romanian authorities on 16th December 1941.

2 Keren Kayemet Leisrael (K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people. After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the 'blue box.' They threw in at least one lei each day, while on Sabbath and high holidays they threw in as many lei as candles they lit for that holiday. This is how they partly used to collect the necessary funds. Now these boxes are known worldwide as a symbol of Zionism.

3 Iron Guard

Extreme right wing political organization in Romania between 1930 and 1941, led by C. Z. Codreanu. The Iron Guard propagated nationalist, Christian-mystical and anti-Semitic views. It was banned for its terrorist activities (e.g. the murder of Romanian Prime Minister I. Gh. Duca) in 1933. In 1935 it was re-established as a party named Totul pentru Tara, 'Everything for the Fatherland', but it was banned again in 1938. It was part of the government in the first period of the Antonescu regime, but it was then banned and dissolved as a result of the unsuccessful coup d'état of January 1941. Its leaders escaped abroad to the Third Reich.

4 Orthodox communities

The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868- 1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants' descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the 'eastern' type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. In 1896, there were 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country,. In 1930, the 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities made up 30.4 percent of all Hungarian Jews. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 percent).

5 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941- 1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18- 40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the 'Romanisation campaign'. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

6 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

7 Tibulovca

A small concentration camp for Romanian Jews in Transnistria, established in 1941. After the winter of 1942 only 180 Jews (100 men, 76 women and 4 children) out of 1,800 survived. The rest died from hunger and typhoid fever. They were forced to stay in a big deserted collective farm just outside the village. After that winter, survivors, all suffering from severe frostbite, were allowed to move to the village, but they had to pay with money or their remaining items of clothing. There were no executions in Tibulovca. The camp was liberated by the Soviet Army in late 1943.

8 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews. Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities. Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation. The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

9 Anschluss

The German term "Anschluss" (literally: connection) refers to the inclusion of Austria in a "Greater Germany" in 1938. In February 1938, Austrian Chancellor Schuschnigg had been invited to visit Hitler at his mountain retreat at Berchtesgaden. A two-hour tirade against Schuschnigg and his government followed, ending with an ultimatum, which Schuschnigg signed. On his return to Vienna, Schuschnigg proved both courageous and foolhardy. He decided to reaffirm Austria's independence, and scheduled a plebiscite for Sunday, 13th March, to determine whether Austrians wanted a "free, independent, social, Christian and united Austria." Hitler' protégé, Seyss-Inquart, presented Schuschnigg with another ultimatum: Postpone the plebiscite or face a German invasion. On 11th March Schuschnigg gave in and canceled the plebiscite. On 12th March 1938 Hitler announced the annexation of Austria. When German troops crossed into Austria, they were welcomed with flowers and Nazi flags. Hitler arrived later that day to a rapturous reception in his hometown of Linz. Less well disposed Austrians soon learned what the "Anschluss" held in store for them. Known Socialists and Communists were stripped to the waist and flogged. Jews were forced to scrub streets and public latrines. Schuschnigg ended up in a concentration camp and was only freed in 1945 by American troops.

10 German Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

11 Obodovca

Concentration camp in Transnistria, 15-20 kilometers from Tibulovca. Because of the disastrous living conditions in the camp, a typhoid epidemic broke out in 1942, and the small town was declared a quarantine zone. No one was allowed to go out and get food, and as a result many died of typhoid and starvation. One specific person known for his torturous acts was Stefanescu, an engineer at the Agricultural Center, who beat and tortured Jews with barbed wire and who occasionally took exorbitant sums of money to issue permits that allowed their bearers to stay in Obodovca. The camp was liberated by the Soviet Army in late 1943.

12 Hashomer Hatzair

('The Young Watchman') Left-wing Zionist youth organization, which started in Poland in 1912 and managed to gather supporters from all over Europe. Their goal was to educate the youth in the Zionist mentality and to prepare them to immigrate to Palestine. To achieve this goal they paid special attention to the so-called shomer-movement (boy scout education) and supported the re-stratification of the Jewish society. They operated several agricultural and industrial training grounds (the so- called chalutz grounds) to train those who wanted to immigrate. In Transylvania the first Hashomer Hatzair groups were established in the 1920s. During World War II, members of the Hashomer Hatzair were leading active resistance against German forces, in ghettoes and concentration camps. After the war, Hashomer Hatzair was active in 'illegal' immigration to Palestine.

13 Securitate

(in Romanian: DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului) General Board of the People's Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to 'defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies'. Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

14 Six-Day-War (Hebrew

Milhemet Sheshet Hayamim), also known as the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Six Days War, or June War, was fought between Israel and its Arab neighbors Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. It began when Israel launched a preemptive war on its Arab neighbors; by its end Israel controlled the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights. The results of the war affect the geopolitics of the region to this day.

15 Yom Kippur War (1973 Arab-Israeli War)

(Hebrew: Milchemet Yom HaKipurim), also known as the October War, the 1973 Arab-Israeli War, and the Ramadan War, was fought from 6th October (the day of Yom Kippur) to 24th October 1973, between Israel and a coalition of Egypt and Syria. The war began when Egypt and Syria launched a surprise joint attack in the Sinai and Golan Heights, respectively, both of which had been captured by Israel during the Six-Day-War six years earlier. The war had far-reaching implications for many nations. The Arab world, which had been humiliated by the lopsided defeat of the Egyptian-Syrian-Jordanian alliance during the Six-Day-War, felt psychologically vindicated by its string of victories early in the conflict. This vindication, in many ways, cleared the way for the peace process which followed the war. The Camp David Accords, which came soon after, led to normalized relations between Egypt and Israel - the first time any Arab country had recognized the Israeli state. Egypt, which had already been drifting away from the Soviet Union, then left the Soviet sphere of influence almost entirely.

16 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

Faina Minkova

Faina Minkova
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: November 2002

Faina Minkova looks young for her years. She is a sociable woman and agreed to tell us about her family. She lives in a two-storied mansion in a quiet neighborhood near the center of town. This mansion used to belong to her father. He received it when he was a KGB officer. There are fruit trees and raspberry bushes in front of the house. Her father was fond of gardening. Faina and her older sister Elizabeth occupy the first floor, and Faina's daughter and her family live on the second floor. They keep their history alive through family photographs and archives.

I know very little about my father's parents. They died when he was young. My grandfather, Yankel Minkov, was born in the town of Krasnoluki, in Belarus in the 1870s. My grandmother, Sarrah Minkova, was the same age as him. She came from a different town, but I have no information about it. They lived in Krasnoluki. My grandfather was a farmer. He kept a few cows. He sold kosher dairy products. My grandmother sold these products at the market twice a week. She had Jewish and Ukrainian clients. My grandparents had eight children. Only four of them survived the war.

My father's brother Aron, born in 1895, was their oldest child. The next one was Zina, born in 1897. My father, Yuzik Minkov, was born in 1911. The youngest, Tania (- her Jewish name was Teibl -) was born in 1915. They were the only ones whom I knew personally. My father had three more sisters: Beilia, born in 1900, Tzypa, born in 1905, and Fania, born in 1909 - (I was named after her) - and one more brother: his name was Pinia and he was born in 1907. All I know about the rest of my father's siblings is what my mother told me. She knew my father's family well. Aron and Zina were her friends. My father was raised in their families, who were my mother's neighbors in Orsha.

One of my relatives, whose mother was my grandfather's cousin, told me that my grandfather was a very difficult and almost unbearable man. My grandmother, who was a nice and kind woman, suffered a lot. If my grandfather didn't like something he would pull the tablecloth of the table with all the dishes and food on it.

My grandparents weren't religious. My father's cousin, who lived in Leningrad, told me about them. She remembered them very well. They observed some traditions, of course. My grandmother cooked traditional food. They celebrated Pesach. My father remembered his father bringing home big bags of matzah before Pesach. One of the Jewish families living in Krasnoluki made matzah. I know for sure that they didn't observe all traditions. My father and his brothers weren't circumcised; they didn't have bar mitzvah, which is one of the basic rules in Jewish religion. My father's family spoke Yiddish.

There were only a few Jewish families in Krasnoluki. There was no synagogue or cheder in town. My father and his sisters studied at the Russian lower secondary school in Krasnoluki. They spoke fluent Russian with no accent. My father also knew Yiddish well, but he didn't know Hebrew.

In 1919, during the Civil War 1, a military unit of the White Guards 2 came to town. All Jews, including my grandmother and her children hid, but my grandfather recalled that he had left his cowshed open. He went back out to lock it and was beaten to death by the Whites. Shortly after his death my grandmother died. My father was 8 years old at the time, and his younger sister Tania was 5.

By that time my father's older brother Aron was already married. He lived with his family in the town of Orsha, on the border of Russia and Belarus. He was a leather specialist. My Aunt Zina and her husband also lived in Orsha. Her husband Gorfinkel, a Jewish man, was a tailor. They had a son. After their parents died my father's sisters and brothers moved to Orsha one after another and got married. My father's sisters were housewives after they got married, and his brother Pinia was a carpenter. My father and his sister Tania were raised in the families of Aron and Zina. Their families weren't religious. They didn't observe any traditions or bar mitzvah. In Orsha my father completed eight years of lower secondary school and started working part-time at the age of 13. He was a shepherd in the Krasnaya Niva commune. He herded cows after school and did his homework in the field.

After finishing lower secondary school my father went to work as a laborer at the bakery in Orsha. He became a Komsomol member 3. He was very active, took part in public life, was fond of progressive revolutionary ideas, and soon became the secretary of the Komsomol unit of the bakery. My father had a very serious attitude towards public activities. The Komsomol unit headed by my father received the 'Red Flag of the Central Committee of Belarus' award for being the best performing Komsomol unit in the country. My father was 18 years old at the time. In 1932 he became secretary of the Komsomol unit of Orsha. From 1932-1933 he studied at the party school. After finishing this school he got a job with the district newspaper of Orsha, Lenin's Call, a communist propaganda newspaper for the struggle against capitalist society and the construction of a new communist society. I think the title of this newspaper speaks for itself.

My mother's parents came from Orsha. My grandfather, Khonia Shyfrinson, was born in Orsha in the 1870s, and my grandmother, Masha Shyfrinson, was born in Orsha in 1881. She came from a very educated and wealthy family. When she was a child her mother, my great-grandmother, had a love affair and ran away with this man to England. My great-grandfather married a childless woman to raise my grandmother. . His second wife's name was Leya. My grandmother was the only child in the family, and her stepmother gave her all her love. My grandmother was a pretty and spoiled girl. The family had a housemaid and my grandmother didn't do any housework. She had classes with a teacher at home. She studied foreign languages, took piano lessons and liked to read. I don't think that my grandmother's family was religious. I don't know how my grandfather met my grandmother. They got married when she was a young girl.

My grandfather sold fruit. He was a wholesale dealer. He had fruit delivered from Pridnestroviye and Odessa region to sell it to locals at wholesale prices. My grandfather wasn't rich, but provided well for his family. They had a big two-storied stone house, with a high porch and columns, in the main street in Orsha. They rented out the first floor, and lived on the second floor. My grandfather and grandmother had six daughters. My grandfather wanted a son, but they never had any boys. Their oldest daughter, Raya, was born in 1904. Then came Tzypa, born in 1906, Rosa, born in 1908, and Slava, born in 1912. My mother, Tzyva, was born in 1916, and her younger sister, Hava, in 1918.

My grandmother didn't work, but she wasn't very fond of housekeeping or bringing up her daughters either. Although she had a housemaid to help her about the house, she still found it hard to find time to raise her six daughters, and read, which was her favorite pastime. When she got married her stepmother Leya moved in with her family. Leya did all the housework and gave all her love and care to my grandmother's daughters.

They were a very caring family. My grandfather was everyone's darling. Of course, my grandmother's daughters loved my grandmother, but they were still closer to my grandfather.

My grandfather was very religious. He went to the synagogue every day. My grandmother didn't join him, not even on Saturdays. They followed the kashrut. My grandmother wasn't fond of cooking My great-grandmother did all the cooking. She cooked traditional Jewish food: chicken broth with dumplings, boiled chicken, gefilte fish and a lot of vegetables. There was a housemaid, but my great grandmother still preferred to do everything by herself. My mother told me that she taught them how to cook. My mother learned how to make all traditional food from my great- grandmother Leya.

They celebrated Sabbath and all Jewish holidays. My great-grandmother lit candles on Sabbath. My grandmother joined the rest of the family for the prayer. My mother told me that they had special dishes for Pesach that they kept in an oak cupboard in the room instead of in the attic, which was the custom among Jewish families. When my mother was little she liked to swing on the door of the cupboard. Once the cupboard fell on her and all dishes broke. My mother said this was the only time in her life when she was strictly punished. There was a big stove in the kitchen, and they did all baking for Pesach at home. There was a group of people that went from house to house at Pesach to make matzah. They had special boards, rolling pins and wheels for making little holes into the matzah. They had all their tools wrapped in clean white cloth. They even had special cloth for washing their tools after work. They rolled out dough and baked matzah. My mother knew the whole process and made matzah herself.

My mother's older sisters were raised religious. A teacher came to teach them Jewish traditions and how to read and write in Yiddish. The rest of the children were growing up after the Revolution of 1917 during the struggle against religion 4. My mother and her sisters Slava and Haya studied at a Russian secondary school. My great- grandmother taught them to write and read Yiddish. After the Revolution they spoke two languages in the family. The older daughters and their parents spoke Yiddish, and the younger daughters spoke Russian. They studied at a Russian school and it was easier for them to communicate in Russian.

Orsha was a fairly big town. Jews constituted a significant part of the population. There were two synagogues. One was a big choral synagogue in the center, the other one a smaller one in the outskirts of town. My mother told me a lot about the town. The majority of Jews were craftsmen. They were tailors and shoemakers, and bakers that made buns and bagels and sold them at the market. Some Jews owned shops. After the Revolution they could only operate in the underground but continued to work. Jews were selling kosher sausage, (chicken and veal) in their stores. Besides Jews they had Russian and Belarus customers.

After the Revolution of 1917 my grandfather began to have problems. The Soviet authorities weren't p[leased with his commercial activities. He was declared a profiteer, who was making money in dishonest manner. My grandfather didn't stop his business, but he had to do it secretly. Private business wasn't allowed, but he had to continue working to be able to feed the family.

I know that were no pogroms against Jews [pogroms in Ukraine] 5 in Orsha. The power switched from the Red Army to the White Guards or Polish Units. There were victims among civilians, but they were incidental deaths for the most part, like people that were shot by stray bullets.

My grandfather was very critical about the Revolution, but not all members of the family shared his views. His daughter Rosa sympathized with Bolshevik ideas and was one of the first young people in Orsha to join the Komsomol. She joined a group of Komsomol members that propagated joining the Komsomol in the surrounding villages. The town of Orsha was located in a swampy area. One had to walk across swamps, where the water went up to one's ankles, to reach a village. During one of those trips Rosa caught a cold that resulted in tuberculosis. When she fell ill the family was spending all their income to get her good doctors and medication. The family became poorer. My grandfather's earnings weren't enough to cover their expenses. My great-grandmother managed to save the family from starving, thanks to her cooking talents and huge efforts. Rosa died in 1925 in spite of all efforts to save her life. She was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Orsha. Jews from Orsha collected money for a gravestone. Rosa's death was a great shock to my great-grandmother. She fell ill with stenocardia and began to have heart problems. She died in 1926. Her death was a blow to my grandmother.

My mother's older sister Raya had left Orsha before Rosa fell ill. She entered a pedagogical school. The family had to support her. After finishing the school Raya worked at a school in Minsk. She married her colleague, a Jewish man, and they had two children. Slava went to study in Kiev. She met her future husband, a Ukrainian man, when she was a student. My grandparents were against her marriage, but she got married nonetheless. She remained in Kiev and didn't keep in touch with her Jewish relatives. Tzypa stayed in Orsha. She married a local Jewish man, and they had two children. She was a housewife. I don't know whether they had a traditional wedding or any other details.

My mother finished secondary school when she was 17 and went to study in Nizhniy Novgorod. Somehow she failed to continue her studies. She worked at a factory for some time and then moved to Moscow. She tried to enter an institute [college] in Moscow. She had a certificate confirming her work experience at the factory, but she was the daughter of a profiteer and was not admitted. My mother returned to Orsha.

She had known my father since he had moved to Orsha after his parents died. They dated for some time and then decided to get married. My mother's parents were against their marriage. They believed my father to be a poor man. Besides, he was a party activist, and my grandfather didn't like that at all. They got married in 1936 anyways. They didn't have a religious wedding. Religious weddings were considered to be vestige of the bourgeois past. My parents had a civil ceremony. My mother said that her bridal gown was made from an old dress of my great- grandmother's. After my parents had a civil wedding ceremony they went to my mother's home. My father loaded her belongings - (a pillow, a blanket and some clothing -) onto a cart. My father worked at the peat deposit in a village near Orsha, and they went to this village to start their married life. They rented a room in a house. In 1937 my sister was born. She was named after our great-grandmother Leya. Her name in Russian was Elizabeth.

The arrests that began in 1937 and lasted until the beginning of the war didn't affect our family. [The interviewee is referring to the so- called Great Terror.] 6 Many of my father's acquaintances and friends were arrested. My mother told me that people were afraid of noises in the evening, such as the (knocking on a door or the sound of an approaching car). My father believed that everything was done on behalf of the Communist Party and thought that Stalin was right. My father was one of the 'ardent communists' as they were called.

In 1938 my father was sent to the Party's advanced training course for political officers in Mogilyov. He was rarely at home at that time. My mother had a housemaid to help her about the house and with the baby. After his training my father got an assignment with the NKVD 7 Special Department in the army. He became a professional military. This happened before the war with Finland. [the Soviet-Finnish War] 8. My father went to the front. He was wounded and had his toes frost-bitten. He had to stay in hospital for a while. After he was released he got a job in Kamenets-Podolsk in Ukraine. My mother and Elizabeth followed him.

On 22nd June 1941 [when the Great Patriotic War began] 9 my father was taking a course in medical treatment at a sanatorium. My mother and my sister were in Kamenets-Podolsk. My father was taken from the sanatorium to the front. When the air raids began my mother and sister were evacuated as the family of a military. They were allowed to bring two suitcases of luggage. My sister was 4 years old and my mother was eight months pregnant. They were evacuated on trucks. These trucks were bombed on the way. People jumped off the trucks to hide. My mother got off the truck a couple of times, but that was all she could manage to do in her condition. During the air raids that followed she stayed on the truck. Her companions told her to let her daughter run with them to hide, but my mother refused saying that if they were destined to die they would share that fate.

Their initial destination was Khmelnitskiy, but it was already occupied. They stopped at some railroad station on the way to Khmelnitsky. There they were put on a train to Orenburg. In the vicinity of Poltava my mother started to go into labor and had to get off the train. She delivered her baby on the ground near the train. She told me that the baby's back was dirty with soil when she lifted it from the ground. My mother and her baby were taken to hospital, and my sister was taken to a children's home. The luggage with their clothes was left on the train. My mother stayed in hospital for a week. After she was released she went to the children's home to pick up Elizabeth. My mother went to see the commandant of Poltava. She told him that she had had a baby and the commandant took her to a storage facility. He allowed her to take all she needed. This was storage of luggage from people who had been on trains that had been bombed. The commandant helped my mother and the kids to get on the train. My mother named the baby boy Jacob, after my father's father, Yankel. My mother didn't have milk to feed the baby. She told me that she used to wrap a piece of brown bread in gauze, dipped it into water and gave it to Jacob as a pacifier.

When they reached Orenburg my mother met my father's sister Zina at the railway station. Zina had left Orsha at the beginning of the war. Zina told my mother that she, Tania, my father's younger sister, and Fania's daughter Ania had managed to leave Orsha. My father's brother Aron and his family had moved to Podmoscoviye in the early 1930s. My father's other sisters and brother perished in the first days of the war when Orsha was occupied by the fascists.

Zina was heading for Kuibyshev, and my mother and the kids joined her. When they reached Kuibyshev my mother wrote to the evacuation inquiry office in Buguruslan. She found out that my grandparents, Tzypa and her two children, and Haya were in Korkino village, Cheliabinsk region. My mother moved to this village to be with them and went to work. Tzypa's husband was killed at the front. The authorities gave her a cow as aid to the family of a deceased military. Tzypa and my mother got a plot of land where they were growing potatoes. My grandparents had a goat. My mother was a laborer at a canteen and later became an accountant there. She could have her meals in this canteen and so could my sister. When my mother was at work my grandparents looked after the children. They lived in Korkino until 1947.

My father was a political officer and an NKVD employee. He was appointed a SMERSH [acronym for 'Death to Spies', internal security service) division]. But my father wasn't just a clerk sitting in the office. He spent a lot of time at the frontline where he was severely wounded in 1942. He had multiple wounds on his chest, abdomen, arms and legs. He was lying on the ground for over six hours. There was a German sniper on a tree. A star on my father's cap reflected sunrays and the sniper kept shooting until it got dark. Only then my father's comrades got a chance to get him out of there. He was taken to a hospital behind the lines in Baku where he had surgery. It was a miracle that he survived. He had his ribs removed on one side and there were big scars on his chest. He lost a lot of blood. He was in constant pain. There were no analgesics available, and his doctor gave instruction to nurses to give him alcohol anytime he would wake up. Later my father never drank alcohol. He used to say that he had had too much alcohol.

My father stayed in hospital from December 1942 till February 1944. Then he was sent to the Caucasus to complete his treatment. He didn't have any information about his family. He didn't even know about the baby. It took him two years to find his family. He got information in 1944 saying that they were in the Ural. The same year he returned to his military unit at the front. In 1945 my father got an assignment in Japan and then in China. [This was during the war wit Japan.] 10 In 1947 my father was sent to fight the enemies of the Soviet regime in Chernovtsy, Western Ukraine. They were Ukrainian patriots.

Zina and her family stayed in Kuibyshev after the war. Her husband returned from the front. Zina died in Kuibyshev in the 1970s. Her son lives in Israel. Aron and his family lived in Podmoscoviye. His only son Jacob, named after my grandfather, was killed at the front. One of his daughters died of tuberculosis after the war. Two daughters moved to Israel and one lives in Moscow. Aron died in the 1970s. My father's younger sister, Tania, and her husband lived in Zaporozhiye after the war. She married a Russian man and didn't keep in touch with her Jewish relatives. Tania died in 1983.

My mother's parents, Tzypa and her children, and Haya stayed in Korkino. They were the only Jewish family there. They built a house. My grandmother Masha died there in 1959. She had been ill and confined to bed for quite a while before she died. My grandfather died a few years later, in the 1960s. Tzypa didn't remarry. She was an accountant and was raising two sons. Haya lived with us in Chernovtsy for some time. Later, when my grandmother's stenocardia got worse, Haya went to Korkino to look after her. She was an accountant too. She was single and lived with my grandparents and later with Tzypa's son looking after his children. Haya died in 2001, Tzypa in 1984. Raya and her husband moved to Israel in the early 1970s. She died there in 1989.

In the 1950s there were gangs of Ukrainian patriots in the woods of Bukovina fighting against the Soviet regime. This was a mission of the KGB. Ukrainian patriots had their informers in villages. Sometimes KGB units came to a place just a few minutes after a gang had left. KGB was trying to find out who informed the gangs about their plans. It turned out to be one of my father's secretaries, a young girl.

In 1948 my father received a two-storied mansion and a plot of land in a quiet street close to the center of Chernovtsy. It was a cultured European town. There was a university and theaters. Chernovtsy belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until 1918. In November 1918 Bukovina became part of Romania. Chernovtsy used to be a Jewish town. When the Romanians came to power some Jews left Chernovtsy. But even then the Jewish population still constituted over 60% of the town. There were about 65,000 Jews out of 105,000 people living in Chernovtsy. Yiddish was spoken in the streets as well as German and Romanian.

My mother and the children moved to Chernovtsy. Ania, my cousin, the daughter of Aunt Fania who perished in Orsha, moved in with them. Ania entered Medical College. My sister and brother went to school. My father grew vegetables and had chickens. Their situation was hard at the time. My mother didn't work and was raising three children. My father ordered my mother to let nobody in when he wasn't at home. People used to bring baskets with food and left them near the door trying to bribe my father. My father took them to the street when he came home. Sometimes aggressive relatives of Ukrainian bandits came to the house threatening to kill the family. It was a horrible time. After all gangs were eliminated my father was transferred to the Chernovtsy regional KGB department.

I was born in November 1949. There were only two ambulance vehicles in town at the time. I was born while the ambulance was on its way to our house. Ania, who was a medical student, was my mother's midwife and cut the umbilical cord. I was named Faina after Fania, my father's sister. I went to kindergarten at 3, and my mother went to work as an accountant. She had learned this profession in evacuation during the war.

My father worked at the KGB office until 1952, when the campaign against cosmopolitans 11 began. Many Jews, including my father, were fired. Of course, he knew why he had been dismissed, and this caused him a lot of suffering. Nevertheless, he remained a devoted communist. He mourned for Stalin in 1953 and didn't believe a word about the denunciation of his cult. We weren't allowed to say a disapproving word about the Soviet regime, or, God forbid, tell a political anecdote. For my father everything about the Party was sacred and certainly not subject to discussion or criticism. He explained that what happened to him was a mere mistake and that it was impossible to avoid such mistakes. My father couldn't get a job for a long time. This was the period of blatant anti-Semitism. The situation was very hard for our family. My mother used to sell our belongings to get food for the family. In the end my father got a job at the human resource department of the woodwork factory. Later he got another job at the Electronmach plant.

In 1954 my mother took me to my grandparents in Korkino. This was the only time I saw them. My grandfather looked like Santa Claus. It was a bitter winter, and he was wearing a heavy white winter-coat. He had a beautiful white beard. He was very handsome, even in his old age. I can't remember my grandmother that well. She had severe stenocardia. She was a fat woman and stayed in bed breathing heavily most of the time. My grandfather did all the housework. He went to buy bread in the mornings while I was still in bed. He always brought me a bagel or candy and put them under my pillow.

We celebrated Soviet holidays at home: 7 November [October Revolution Day] 12, 1st May and Victory Day. My mother cooked fancy food in advance. After the parade we had many guests at home. They were partying and having fun. We also celebrated birthdays and New Year's Eve. We didn't celebrate Jewish holidays in the family. Only in the late 1960s, after my father retired, did we begin to buy matzah and celebrate Pesach.

My parents spoke Yiddish only when they wanted to keep the subject of discussion from us. We didn't learn Yiddish at home. I had a friend whose family spoke Yiddish. I often visited her and learned to understand and speak Yiddish. My sister has a better conduct of Yiddish than I. She also had a friend whose family spoke Yiddish. My brother didn't know Yiddish until recently.

I started school in 1956. I faced direct anti-Semitism from my very first days at school. It was demonstrated by my teacher. She didn't dare to speak openly, but she was very unkind to Jewish pupils. She gave them lower grades and never found any excuse for our minor misconduct. It continued in senior classes. Our tutor, a Jew, continuously reminded us to have teachers put our grades in our record- book, because if we didn't, we might find lower grades in our class registers some time later, and we needed to have our record-book as proof. There were a few teachers that demonstrated anti-Semitism, but there were also Jewish teachers. Of course, Jewish children were the best students. By the time of graduation there were only Jewish children who would get medals for their success. The school management couldn't stand this situation and teachers began to give Jewish children lower grades intentionally. Other children got higher grades than they deserved.

I was a Young Octobrist 13, a pioneer and a Komsomol member at school. I was an active member of all these organizations. I was chief of our pioneer unit, secretary of the Komsomol unit and a member of the school Komsomol bureau. I was also editor of the school wall newspaper. I idolized my father and his view influenced my attitude, I believe. I was fond of mathematics and physics at school. I was fond of mathematic and physics at school. After school my sister entered the Construction Faculty of the Railroad College. Upon graduation she went to work. My brother Jacob entered the Radio-Engineering Faculty at the Radio-Engineering College in Leningrad. Upon graduation he got a job assignment in Nizhniy Novgorod for three years, the (standard term for post-graduate job assignments). When this term was over he returned to Chernovtsy. He got a job at the Electronmach plant where my father was working at the time. Jacob still works there today.

I finished school with a silver medal. Entering university in Chernovtsy was out of the question. None of the Jews stayed in Chernovtsy if they wished to continue their studies. Most of them were going to Russia where anti-Semitism wasn't so strong. I went to Leningrad where our distant relatives lived. I had to pass an interview to be admitted to a higher educational institution. I entered the Faculty of Automated Telecommunications at the Leningrad Polytechnic Communications Institute. There were many Jewish students at our Institute. Most of them came from Ukraine. We didn't have any problems in the course of our studies at this Institute.

Upon graduation I got a job with the telephone agency in Leningrad. This agency was housed in a building in Gertzen Street 14, near the Winter Palace that the revolutionaries were supposed to occupy on Lenin's orders during the Revolution of 1917. At work I constantly faced blatant anti-Semitism. People told me to my face that Jews were a people of traitors and hucksters. I visited Leningrad recently and thought about dropping by my former workplace, but I changed my mind. I recalled the past and realized that such a visit was probably not going to be fun.

When Jews started to move to Israel in the 1970s neither my family nor I had any thoughts about moving to another country. I mean, there were talks about it, but my father nipped them in the bud. He believed people that were leaving to be traitors, and said that nobody should leave this country and that everything here was good and correct. He argued that education was free, and so were medical services, that everything was just fine and if people left it would be a big mistake.

One of my school friends was among the first to leave. There was a special Komsomol meeting at school where she was condemned of treachery. I believed that everybody had the right to make his own decision. If children were leaving their family behind, their parents had to give consent to their emigration in writing. I know that my father would have never given his consent to my departure. I sympathized with these people and envied them a little. They could make a choice in life, I couldn't.

I got married in 1975. I don't feel like talking about my former husband. He was a wicked man, and I don't even want to say his name. He wasn't a Jew, but nationality didn't matter to me. My father raised us as internationalists. In the same year I got married, my daughter Nina was born.

We rented various apartments. When I got a residential stamp in my passport I got enrolled on the list of people wishing to buy apartments. But then I began to feel unwell and my doctor recommended to move to another climatic zone. We got the opportunity to move to the ancient town of Kaluga in Central Russia. I felt better, but I had problems getting a job. As soon as supervisors saw that I was Jewish they rushed to tell me that there was no vacancy available. We took our daughter to my parents' place in Chernovtsy. She went to school there. We didn't know where we were going to live and believed she would be better off with her grandmother rather than share our problems. My father retired in the late 1970s. In 1980 I divorced my husband for quite a few reasons, but I don't feel like talking about it. In 1984, after my father died, I moved to Chernovtsy and lived in my parents' house. I got a job at the Electronmach plant where my father had worked and my brother was working. My mother was a pensioner helping me to raise my daughter. She grew vegetables and did the housework. She died in 1992.

My daughter studied at a Ukrainian secondary school close to our house in Chernovtsy. When Nina was in the 8th grade, this school became a mathematical lyceum. Nina did very well at school and spent all her time studying. She didn't care about public activities. She felt ironic about them. In her senior classes she took part in many mathematical contests and received many awards and diplomas, including international awards. After school Nina entered the Faculty of Applied mathematicMathematics at the University in Chernovtsy. She didn't have to pass entrance exams; she was admitted on the results of her interview. Nina is a teacher of mathematicmathematics at the Polytechnic College now.

When it was time for Nina to obtain her passport she stated firmly that she wanted to have her Jewish nationality written in it. I didn't talk her out of it, although I understood how complicated her life was going to be. I'm so happy that this kind of thing belongs to the past now.

Nina studied at school with her future husband. He is Ukrainian and his name is Gennadiy Goncharuk. He entered Medical Academy after school. When they announced that they wanted to get married I didn't care about his nationality. I saw that they were in love and hoped that they would have a happy life together. They have been together for eight years. Gennadiy is a doctor at the district hospital. They have a daughter, Natasha, who was born in 1995. We live in my parents' mansion. My sister and I live on the first floor, and Nina and her family live on the second floor. Nina and her husband are thinking of moving to Israel. Of course, if they decide to go there, my sister and I will follow them. I believe that we might have a better life in Israel. I hope that my children will decide to move there, although I would be a bit afraid to go to another country now. I've lived my life here and the graves of my dear ones are in this land.

In the past decade Jewish life in Ukraine changed dramatically. We began to identify ourselves as Jews. People of other nationalities respect our feelings. I can't imagine anybody calling me 'zhydovka' [kike], an expression I often heard when I was a child and a young girl. Many of our Jewish neighbors moved to other countries. We have more Ukrainian and Russian neighbors. We get along with them well. I believe the fact that they use the word 'Jew' without feeling embarrassed about it indicates a positive change. People tried to avoid saying this word in the past.

My Ukrainian neighbor was appointed director of the Jewish school. Her grandson goes to this school and studies Jewish religion and traditions. His favorite subject is Hebrew. When he comes to see us and finds that I do something wrong, that is, non-compliant with Jewish traditions, like cooking meat with cheese he points out to me, 'We, Jews, do it in a different way'.

In recent years I've never heard anything bad being said about our family, or Jews in general. I believe that the situation is stable, although who knows? If there were a pogrom I don't know who of our neighbors would come first to rob us, if not kill us. There are such people, although they belong to an older generation. Young people aren't anti-Semitic. We read Jewish newspapers regularly. My granddaughter goes to the dancing and art club of Hesed. I attend lectures on the history of Jewish people and religion. Regretfully, I don't have time to attend all Hesed events.

I've never been interested in politics and never belonged to any party or movement. All I wanted was to have a peaceful and quiet life. We don't go to the synagogue, don't know any prayers and thus don't pray. I believe it's characteristic for most Jews that grew up during the Soviet regime. But we celebrate Jewish holidays at home. We observe traditions and cook traditional food. I make hamantashen at Purim. We cook traditional food at Pesach and make many things from matzah. Unfortunately, there isn't much that we can afford, but we make the best of what we have. Of course, it would be good to have a table laid in accordance with all Jewish traditions, but we think it more important to feed our souls.

Glossary

1 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

2 White Guards

A counter-revolutionary gang led by General Denikin, famous for their brigandry and anti-Semitic acts all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.

3 Komsomol

Komsomol: Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

4 Struggle against religion

Struggle against religion: The 1930s was a time of anti-religion struggle in the USSR. In those years it was not safe to go to synagogue or to church. Places of worship, statues of saints, etc. were removed; rabbis, Orthodox and Roman Catholic priests disappeared behind KGB walls.

5 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

6 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

7 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

8 Soviet-Finnish War (1939-40)

The Soviet Union attacked Finland on 30 November 1939 to seize the Karelian Isthmus. The Red Army was halted at the so-called Mannengeim line. The League of Nations expelled the USSR from its ranks. In February-March 1940 the Red Army broke through the Mannengeim line and reached Vyborg. In March 1940 a peace treaty was signed in Moscow, by which the Karelian Isthmus, and some other areas, became part of the Soviet Union.

9 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

10 War with Japan

In 1945 the war in Europe was over, but in the Far East Japan was still fighting against the anti-fascist coalition countries and China. The USSR declared war on Japan on 8 August 1945 and Japan signed the act of capitulation in September 1945.

11 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans'

The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The antisemitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

12 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

13 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

14 Gertzen, Alexander I

(1812-1870): Russian revolutionary, writer and philosopher.

Viera Slesingerova

Viera Slesingerova
Prague
Czech Republic
Interviewer: Pavla Neuner
Date of interview: January 2004

I met with Mrs. Slesingerova in her cozy apartment overlooking the Vltava River. The house in which she lives is located directly on the embankment in the historic quarter of the city and is surrounded by many historic buildings, such as the famous Convent of St. Agnes. Mrs. Slesingerova comes across as a dignified and educated lady. The interview was carried out in a very pleasant atmosphere.

 

Family background">Family background

My paternal grandfather was called Ignac Pollak and my maternal grandmother was called Julie Pollakova, nee Steinerova. I don't know when and where they were born, but I do know that they lived in Klatovy, where my grandfather owned a house with a wholesale coal and liquor store. My grandfather was a great Czech patriot and Sokol 1 member,member; hence they spoke Czech at their house. As to how religious he was, my grandfather was a traditional Czech assimilated Jew. I never knew him, because he died before I was born, when he was in his seventies. He is buried in the Jewish cemetery in Klatovy, where he was the first to get a tombstone with an inscription in Czech. I know nothing about my maternal grandmother, as she died when she was young, when my dad was about eighteen.

My grandfather on my mother's side was called Bernat Paszternak. He evidently had a religious education and he lived with my grandmother in Kosice, where he was a shammash. He was a very nice person, tall with gray hair. They always spoke Hungarian in my mom's family, so I used to call my grandfather 'aranyszoke' [Hungarian for 'golden-haired'] granddad. I was very fond of him. My grandmother was called Berta Paszternakova, nee Schon and was a Hungarian Jew. Both grandparents were very religious. They kept a kosher household and my grandmother wore a wig, but they were tolerant towards my parents. Although the food was not kosher in our house, they still ate it and slept over whenever they came for a visit. After getting married, my dad had kidney failure once and the doctor said that my mom would have to cut out all kosher food, unless she wanted to kill him. My devout grandparents accepted this. I remember the Friday evenings that they spent at our place. My grandfather would always bless me, before going to the synagogue. My granddad was apparently very strict as a father, but he was very kind to me. My mom always said that my grandmother was so good- natured that she could never bring herself to give her children a smack, even when they were being unbearably naughty. My grandmother died of cancer in 1936 and my grandfather died about three months later. My grandmother was over seventy, my grandfather over eighty. They both had a Jewish burial.

My dad was called Otto Pollak and he was born in 1884 in Klatovy. He studied law, but didn't become a lawyer. After World War I he worked as a state official in Slovakia. [Editor's note: After World War I, when the Czechoslovak state was founded Czech bureaucrats were sent to the previously Hungarian Slovakia to replace the Hungarian state officials.] He was head of the revenue office and as such was constantly being transferred from place to place, so we often moved house. During World War I, my dad was enlisted in the Austro-Hungarian army [KuK Army] 2. He never talked about this much, but I know that he was on the Italian Front 3 for a while. He probably had a commission, because he was given his own orderly. My dad went to the synagogue on the high holidays, but he wasn't devout. His mother tongue was Czech and he came from a large assimilated Czech Jewish family, so my grandfather was not too happy when my dad fell in love with my mum, a poor Hungarian Jewess.

My dad was a person of few words, as I am. My husband used to say to me that our daughter says more in a day than I do in a year. And my dad spoke even less. One of my aunts always used to say to my mom, 'Are there any pliers here?' 'What for?' 'To get a word out of him!' My dad was a very proper, strict man. It was as if he had been born a state official. When we lived in Zilina, our apartment was in the very house where my dad's office was. From time to time I would go to see him in his office. He had a long desk there on which I liked to play ping pong. One day I rushed in and saw a man there who was trying to persuade my dad to join the Agrarian Party. That was the strongest party at the time, but my dad couldn't get politically involved in any major way, as he was a state official, so he was never in any party. He was an honest and incorruptible official. I heard that he was offered bribes to do things, but he always turned such things down as being completely out of the question.

My dad was strict with me at home, but after his death I came to realize how little one can ever know about other people. I know that he was very fond of me, I was everything to him and he would do anything for me, but he was never able to show it like mom did. My dad didn't cuddle me as much as mom did, but he liked it when I came up to him and sat in his lap. He had all kinds of hobbies. I remember that he enjoyed dancing and, later on, he played bridge and liked to go fishing, especially for trout. When he was into dancing, I apparently used to get a chair ready so that he could try out his dance steps when he came home from the office. Photography was another one of his great hobbies.

My mom was called Helena Pollakova, nee Paszternak. She was born in 1896 in a small village near Kosice called Buzita [Buzita is the Hungarian name of the village, officially today the Slovak version 'Buzica' is used.]. She had a secondary school education, probably with a focus on commerce. My mom was a nice, pretty woman. In her youth she had one great love, whowhich was called Arpad. He came from a Jewish family, which was probably wealthier than my mom's, because his parents weren't in favor of their relationship, even though it was a great love. Arpad had to promise his father on his death bed that he wouldn't marry her, so they had to break up. My mom spoke about him from time to time and used to say that the nicest thing about their relationship was that it would never end, because it had never been fulfilled. We met Arpad once in Marianske Lazne 4. My mom always used to say that he was very unhappy, because he had no children with the woman he had married.

My parents met in Kosice. They spoke German together, for dad didn't speak Hungarian and mom didn't speak Czech or Slovak. My dad must have been very much in love, because his father also came out against their relationship. When my parents were to get married, my dad sent his father a letter which made clear his intentions, and attached to it a photo of mom. My mom was a beautiful woman, but not at all photogenic. He got a letter back complaining that not only was she Hungarian, but that she was also from a very religious family and that she was so ugly that he would disinherit him if they ever got married. So their love for each other must have been great. Afterwards, it occurred to dad that mom could try writing to my grandfather, because she knew how to write well. In response to this letter, my grandfather wrote that he couldn't come to the wedding himself but that he was sending dad's brother Pavel. It was a Jewish wedding. Shortly afterwards, mom was then invited to Klatovy and when she came, there was a great reception. When they were walking along the street, my grandfather said to her, 'Helena, either you will speak Czech or you will be quiet.' Later on, mom actually learnt to speak Czech very well. She made spelling mistakes, but spoke with such a good accent that she was considered to be Czech.

My mom was a housewife. She did the shopping and cooking, as dad came home for lunch. She always had a maid to help her out. In the afternoons she would knit, crochet and make covers, which she enjoyed doing. She also enjoyed having company, visiting friends and going to cafes with dad. My parents longed to have a child, but it was four years into the marriage before I was born. My mom had been going to Frantiskovy Lazne [spa in western Bohemia founded in 1793, famous for curing women diseases], where they treated women with fertility problems.

My paternal grandparents had four children - my dad, daughter Hermina, and sons Pavel and Jaroslav. Jaroslav was disabled due to an injury sustained in World War I and remained single. He didn't survive World War II.

Uncle Pavel married a Jewish woman called Betynka, with whom he had a daughter, Zdenicka, who was a year older than me. They perished in a concentration camp.

Aunt Hermina married a non-Jew, Dr. Reznicek, who was a high school teacher. They had two sons together, Milek and Zdenek, both of whom were sent to do forced labor. Milek escaped across the border to Switzerland, where he was initially arrested and was extremely lucky not to be sent back. He then got to England, where he went through pilot training, although he never got to fly. My uncle was held in a labor camp for non- Jewish partners of Jewish women. Aunt Hermina stayed in their small house, which they sublet to a young woman who was having an affair with a Gestapo man and who later informed on my aunt for listening to foreign radio stations. Hermina was then incarcerated in the Small Fortress 5 at Terezin. Milek and Zdenek emigrated in 1948, at first staying with friends in Belgium, where they put in applications at different embassies. The first to reply was the Bolivian Embassy. Apparently, they learnt to speak Spanish on the voyage over to Bolivia. In addition, they spoke Italian, German and French, because their father was a classic philologist with knowledge of many languages. Before the war, my uncle used to take the boys on vacation abroad. Although they went together, they each stayed at a different place, which was how the boys learnt languages.

My mom came from a large, religious family and had nine brothers and sisters - Izidor, the oldest, Serena, Koloman, Irma, Charlota, Ilona, Alzbeta, Mikulas, Marie. [In Hungarian: Izidor, Szerena, Kalman, Irma, Sarolta, Ilona, Erzsebet, Miklos and Maria. At the time most probably these were their official names registered in their documents with this spelling; being Hungarian speakers it is most likely that they used these names informally within the family later on too even though officially their names may have changed.] Most of her siblings lived in various places in Slovakia and were far less religious than their parents.

Before the outbreak of World War I, Izidor left for America, where he died at the end of the war. I know that he had three children - two boys who are no longer alive and a daughter who is still living in America. I met her there in the 1990s.

Serena was the only one of my mom's siblings who was very religious. She married Mr. Weiss, with whom she had two sons, Laci [diminutive for Laszlo] and Sandor. The whole family was deported to Auschwitz. Apart from Laci, none of them survived the Holocaust. Laci emigrated to Israel after the war.

Koloman worked in a bank. He was a frivolous person who sometimes had financial worries. He married an extremely talkative woman called Erzi [Erzsi, diminutive for Erzsebet, Alzbeta in Slovakian], with whom he had a son, Pista [diminutive for Istvan], my cousin. Pista went to a Slovak high school and, during the war, was sent to a labor camp in Hungary, from where he was then transported to a concentration camp. On the train journey, the guards made it be known that the prisoners were to be shot at the camp. Three of them escaped, including Pista. He got as far as Budapest, where he somehow managed to get a German uniform, in which he was later caught by the Russians who wanted to shoot him. He explained to them that he was a Jew who was wearing the uniform, as he had just escaped. As the officer who was interrogating him had a Jewish orderly, he got Pista to sing a Hebrew prayer to him to see if he really was a Jew. Pista had a beautiful voice and, what's more, came from a Jewish family, so he broke out in song, which saved his life. Afterwards, he lived in Hungary under the Hungarian name Perenyik and died at the age of about 70. He had one son.

Irma left for America before World War I. She married there and had one son. She lived in Brooklyn.

Charlota got married to a Jewish farmer called Kertesz [his family name was Kertesz], who had a farm in Hungary, not far from Miskolc. I saw very little of her, for it was a great distance in those days. They had two children, a son called Laci and a daughter called Pimpi [Pimpi is a nick name, does not correspond to any known Hungarian name]. Charlota was an amusing person. Apparently she came home late once and my grandfather got annoyed. Charlota told him it was ten o'clock, but then the clock struck one and my grandfather said, 'What are you talking about?' Charlota said, 'Well, it can't strike the zero.' All her family perished.

Ilona married and became Mrs. Kleinova, but didn't have any children. She lived in Kosice where she ran a powder and cosmetics factory with her husband. Neither of them survived the Holocaust.

Aunt Alzbeta was my favorite aunt. Before getting married, she graduated from a commercial high school. She worked and lived with us in Bratislava, as we had a large apartment there at the time. She then married a Jewish traveling salesman called Viliam Schaffer. Her husband wasn't home very often, due to the nature of his job, so she used to stay at our place. I loved her very much and was very close to her. She was very witty. I knew my mom's side of the family the most. Dad's sister, Aunt Hermina, was once staying over at our place when Aunt Alzbeta came along. When dad brought her in, I ran up to her with joy, as I always did. Afterwards, mom told me off for never greeting Aunt Hermina in the same way. Aunt Alzbeta always had health problems. She loved children and in 1939 became pregnant, but because of the war she didn't want to have a child, so she gave it away. During the war, Alzbeta and her husband were in a camp in Novaky 6 and during the Slovak Uprising 7 they hid out in the mountains. They both survived the war. They didn't have any children later on.

After the war, I put on a lot of weight for a while and when Aunt Alzbeta came to see me in Prague, she said to me in Hungarian, 'Roll over to me'. She and her husband then decided to go to Israel. She wanted me to go with her, but by then I was in love with my future husband. At first they found it hard to get by. My uncle then got a decent job as a state official, but my aunt went to work as a maid. Afterwards, my uncle who, unlike my aunt had been as fit as a fiddle all his life, had a heart attack and within an hour she had lost him. She came to visit us some time in the 1960s, when such visits were slightly possible. I was overjoyed to see her. My husband tried to persuade her to stay here, as she was living alone in Israel. But she said she couldn't, as her husband's grave was over there. Later on, she spent a year with her sister Irma in America, but she didn't want to stay there, either. She died in Israel in 1991.

Mikulas was the youngest of my mom's brothers and he served in the Czechoslovak army. He worked for an insurance agency. He got married and had a son called Tom who perished in the Holocaust, as did his wife Vera. When Hungary occupied Kosice [see First Vienna Decision] 8, some time in 1939-40, Mikulas was incarcerated as a Communist. Afterwards, he apparently looked so terrible that not even his own family could recognize him. He then had to dig trenches on the front until the end of the war [see Working Battalion] 9. After the war, he married again, but didn't have any children with his second wife, Magda. He died soon afterwards of a heart attack.

Marie never married, for she was very choosy and never liked anyone enough, which annoyed her sisters. She was a cheerful woman, though. At first she lived in Kosice, later she moved to Ruthenia [Subcarpathia] 10 for work. She perished in Auschwitz.

Growing up">Growing up

Czech was spoken at our place, because my dad was a Czech. My mom was Hungarian, though, and when her sisters came to visit, they spoke Hungarian together, which my dad didn't understand at all. I was very curious to know what my aunts were saying, and I can remember standing by the window, writing down in capital letters the words I heard. I learnt the language by listening this way, although I never had a great command of the grammar.

We didn't eat kosher food at home, as we had Hungarian-Czech cuisine, such as dumplings, stuffed peppers, gnocchi with sheep's cheese and plum dumplings. Festive meals were held on Sunday, because dad worked on Saturdays. On Friday mom lit candles, but we went to the synagogue only on the high holidays. On Yom Kippur we fasted and on Pesach I always went with my mom to my grandparents in Kosice. I can remember, as the youngest, saying the mah nishtanah, and I translated it into Slovak as I had learnt it in religion lessons. This made the rest of the family laugh a lot. I can also remember how I stood in a sukkah during Sukkot and started whistling to myself, whereupon my grandfather got very angry and told me that whistling wasn't allowed in a sukkah. I have a horrifying recollection of Yom Kippur. On the eve of the holiday, I had to pray with a hen in my hand, and with mom's help I swung it over my head in order to sacrifice it for my sins. To this day I can remember the hen flapping its wings and mom helping me to hold it by its legs and calming me down. This custom was called kapores.

I was an only child, well-loved and pampered, not only by my parents but especially by my mom's large family. On the whole I was a good child, except for not eating well. When I was five, my parents put me in a sanatorium for children with eating disorders in Vienna. We went there from Bratislava by train in the winter. At Christmas we had a tree and presents that parents had sent their children. I was the only one who didn't have a present under the tree, whereupon I proudly announced that this wasn't because my parents didn't like me, but because we were Jewish. One of the doctors then brought a toy car from somewhere and gave it to me. Christmas wasn't celebrated at our place, but we always went out to look at Christmas trees. I liked the trees very much, but I was never sorry that we didn't have one.

Because of my dad's job we moved house many times when I was a child. We moved from Kosice when I was still a baby. We went through Martin and Trnava, but I was too young to remember much about it. My first memories are of Bratislava, where I started to go to elementary school. The school was known as a training school, as teacher trainees did their teaching practice there. I can remember one teacher, Mr. Musil, who introduced what was then known as the global method, and even wrote some books about it. According to this method we learned to read words straight away, instead of reading by syllables. My dad was very unhappy about that, because he was convinced that you could never learn to read like that. There were also problems with writing, because the way they did it was to start with slanting lines. I can remember learning about Czech spelling with my dad whose voice always used to falter towards the end. The teacher I liked in the second grade was Mrs. Chrenkova. In the third grade I went to a Jewish elementary school in Zilina. I can remember the teachers there: Goldberger, Salg and Brunner. It was a very good school which was also attended by non- Jewish children.

I then went to a high school in Zilina, which I attended until the start of the third year. We then moved to Presov, but we only stayed there for half a year. The only difference between Bratislava and Zilina was that Bratislava was a much busier town. The difference between Zilina and Presov was much greater, however, for Presov was in the east. The girls at the school there spoke Saris dialect that I didn't understand. [Saris designates the area around Presov (it originates from Saros county before 1920). The Slovak dialect spoken there includes lots of Polish words.] The Jewish girls came mostly from religious families and wore stockings and long skirts. In the center of Presov there was only one attractive main street.

In Presov I made friends with Miluse Preiningerova, who was a Czech non- Jewish girl whose father was serving there as an officer. I had both Jewish and non-Jewish friends, as did my parents. A lot of my dad's friends were Czech officials. My mom knew slightly different people, so it was all nicely mixed. I found it hard to make friends, as it takes me quite a long time to get to know people, and it was difficult for me with all that moving about. In Zilina I made friends with Duca Robinsonova and she has remained a friend to this day. Her parents had a house with a garden where we spent a lot of time. We went skating in winter and swimming in summer. I collected photographs of actors in an album. In those days, they used to give out two-page programs with film synopses, which I also collected, with the help of Aunt Alzbeta.

The apartments in which we lived were set aside for the heads of revenue offices, so they were all very nice. In Presov we lived in an old palace. The dining area was in a huge room, but we didn't use it very much because it was hard to keep warm. We had a wood-burning stove, as there was plenty of wood in Slovakia, and it created a beautiful, pure heat with a nice scent. We always had a maid at home, and in Presov an assistant at dad's office, Mr. Borodac, helped out by bringing wood and doing whatever was necessary. We also had dogs - two fox terriers, but they both died - and then we had a canary for a long time. In 1938 I got a Maltese pinscher puppy, but I had to return him when we moved to Bohemia.

My mom used to read a lot. We didn't have Hungarian books, so mom would borrow one from time to time, but mostly she read in German, especially [Franz] Werfel, [Thomas] Mann and [Stefan] Zweig 11. She didn't read many books in Czech, but she liked Capek 12 and 'Golet in the Valley' [novel by Ivan Olbracht (1882-1952): Czech prose-writer and journalist]. My dad read much less. In one room we had a library with the kind of literature and collected works that people from the better families were 'supposed to have'. We took the furniture with us when we moved, but all I now have from the apartment is a carpet.

In our free time we often went for walks, as we didn't have a car. When my dad got into fishing, we would go to the river and then eat trout, if he caught any. My dad had four weeks off, so we also went on vacation. Sometimes we would go to a spa, usually Marianske Lazne, and sometimes my parents went off on their own, leaving me at my grandparents' place in Kosice or with Aunt Hermina in Klatovy. I also went on trips with mom around Slovakia, traveling to Piestany, Trencianske Teplice and the Tatras. For a long time we were planning to go to the seaside in Yugoslavia, but then the war broke out.

We left Slovakia as all Czech state officials had to return to Bohemia. My dad was supposed to have taken office in Prague, but as this was just after the Nazi occupation [see Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia] 13, he didn't. He received a basic salary but was no longer employed. When we were moving, Slovak guardsmen checked all out furniture that we were sending to Prague, to see if we were smuggling anything. That was very unpleasant. Otherwise I didn't encounter any specific manifestation of anti-Semitism directed against me before the war. All I can remember is an incident on a train when I was traveling with my mom from Zilina to see my grandparents in Kosice. We were sitting in a compartment with a man who was calling Jews names. He talked about how young Jewish women were all made up and such like. He then said to my mom who, as I mentioned earlier, spoke Czech without an accent, 'You, dear lady, look like a modest Czech woman.' In reply, mom said, 'Yes, and I am Jewish.' The man then stood up and went straight out of the compartment.

We toyed with the idea of emigrating. My parents put in an application for a US visa, but unfortunately our relatives abroad were not wealthy enough to speed things up in any way. My parents wanted to send me away. I know that they made arrangements with someone in England and that they wanted to send me off to do a nursing course. But when the war broke out in September, my mom was to have an operation and I didn't want to leave her on her own, and after that it wasn't possible to go anywhere.

I completed the fourth grade at the high school on Lobkowicz Square in Prague, but then said I wouldn't stay on because of the anti-Semitism that was prevalent there. Perhaps I judged them unfairly back then. It was a time when children were arriving from Slovakia and the Sudetenland 14, and the classes were crammed full, so the teachers must have been in over their heads. When I look back, I feel that I felt bad myself at having to leave Slovakia, which was a huge change for me. I joined the class in March and the 1939/40 school year was already over in June. I didn't even have time to make any friends, and besides there were only boys in the class, apart from me and another girl. I must have sensed some kind of general anti-Semitism, but I can't remember anything specific. I can even remember a fellow-pupil having a Jewish funeral, at which our class teacher spoke. That was in 1939, when the remains of Karel Hynek Macha were brought over to Prague and put on display at the National Museum. [Macha, Karel Hynek (1810-1836): Czech poet and prose-writer, the most noted representative of Czech Romanticism and founder of modern Czech poetry.] There were visits by school to see them, including one by our class. As we were going down Slezska Street, a former classmate who had left the school - probably because his parents were about to emigrate - was riding his bike opposite us on the road. The boys started to shout at him, and he turned round to see us but crashed headfirst into a truck. He died on the spot.

A year after I left high school I would have been prohibited from attending anyway [see Exclusion of Jews from schools in the Protectorate] 15. I then attended a yearly English language course at the Modern Language Institute, where the classes were separated to Jewish and non-Jewish, which was very pleasant for me as we were among ourselves there and felt that nobody would turn up their nose at us. I had taken private French lessons with Mrs. Fabryova in Slovakia. I excercised on the music but I didn't go to Maccabi 16 or Sokol, for I didn't like group sports or the smell of the changing rooms.

During the war">During the war

From 1940 onwards I took an apprenticeship with a hat-making firm on Wenceslas Square. I made friends there with a Jewish girl called Dita. She was tall and blonde, a beautiful girl. I was small, so I would say to her for fun, 'Dita, everything is fine, but we won't walk on the street together.' I met her after the war. She knew my friends, so she told me about them.

In September 1941 we were moved out of our apartment in Vinohrady to Rybna Street. I can remember there being a bar downstairs in the house. We were moved into an apartment together with four other Jewish families. A month later we were assembled at the Trade Fair grounds in Prague and then deported to Lodz 17. We didn't have any roots in Prague. Neither did we have any proper friends who could have done something to prevent us from being selected for the second transport. I can remember arriving in the ghetto at Lodz, which was a completely different world. Later on, I would often say that it was clear that they sent people to die there but incomprehensible that people lived there.

The ghetto was established in the suburbs of Lodz, in the area known as Baluty. According to my Polish friends, it was originally inhabited by the Lumpenproletariat. They said that wherever a thief was caught in the past, he probably came from Baluta. There was no sewerage system there. A tram went through the middle of the ghetto. It was quite common for a person to work in one part of the ghetto and live in the other. In certain areas there were guards who opened gates at crossing points when people gathered together to get from one side to the other. There was also a wooden bridge over the road for the trams. We were given minimum rations. People cooked for themselves, but the problem was a lack of food and coal, which was why there were common places where people went to heat up their water or to cook. It was called 'Gaskueche' or 'Gaspunkt' [German for 'gaskitchen' and 'gaspoint']. I can remember how people always wrapped their warm pots in covers so that the food would still be a bit warm by the time they got home. As there was a shortage of burners, people had to wait in line, which naturally led to arguments and people pushing in.

After arriving in the ghetto we were placed in a school in Lagevnicka Street. There were several bunk beds in a shared room, but some people were sleeping on the floor. We were lucky to get a bunk bed. On one side were the Wertheimers, on the other the Hahns, who were either emigrants from the Sudetenland or German Germans, because they spoke German.

I couldn't eat the first bowl of soup we were given. Outside there were dirty, impoverished people who were waiting for us to give them that pigswill. So I went down with my mess-tin and when I got back, I was very unhappy and terribly ashamed as I felt disgusted by those people and that I had no right to feel this way. It was at that moment that Dr. Hahn quoted Kant [Immanuel (1724-1804), German philosopher], I think. He said words to the effect that a good deed is worth more when we overcome our distaste at the same time. This helped me very much back then. So, various people lived in one heap. The living conditions were dire and there was no sign of things getting better. The news that went around among the inmates only increased their fears. Hunger led to animosity and mutual incriminations. A huge advantage of mine was that I had never been a big eater, so with my frail physique, I didn't suffer from hunger as much as my mom and dad.

My mom remembered that a Jewish soldier from Lodz used to come to our place for food during World War I, so she tried to find him in the ghetto. In doing so, she met some people who took us into their tiny little apartment. They came from Lodz and helped us, although there was obviously a certain antagonism between Polish and Czech Jews. Just as soon as transports came from Czechoslovakia and other countries, the Germans started to move the locals out. And they felt that not only were we depriving them of their meager rations, but that they also had to leave on account of us. Furthermore, the relationship of western Jews towards those from the east had always been a bit dismissive.

Poles were not the only ones to be evacuated, however, for many people from the Prague transports ended their lives in the extermination camp of Chelmno [in Poland]. Among them was my dad's cousin, Dr. Emil Benes, who was with us on the transport train from Prague. He couldn't bear the oppressiveness and horror of the ghetto - in general, men found it harder to endure everything. He voluntarily put his name forward for deportation in 1942. He was a very sensitive and educated person who loved Prague and Czech literature. I can remember him in the ghetto showing me a folded piece of paper that had turned yellow with age and on which was typewritten Petr Bezruc's poem 'Only Once'. [Bezruc, Petr pseudonym of Vladimir Vasek (1867-1958): Czech poet, called the bard of Silesia, known for his 'Silesian Songs'.] Ordinary people who were alone did not have the strength to struggle on. I can remember a young, very pretty girl who came on our transport train. She couldn't endure such a life from the very outset, when we were living in the shared billet, so she threw herself into a wire fence and was shot. Another thing I can never forget is the public execution of two people who had been caught trying to escape. It was in the winter, and we all had to gather on Baluty Square to witness the execution.

The second thing that mom managed to do was to get us a room of our own in a house on Mlynarska Street. The house was obviously without a sewage system and the toilets were outside. Our room was on the first floor. There was a kitchen and two plank beds, as well as our cases and a stove. An elderly couple lived in the kitchen and I can remember the shock when the lady brushed the bugs off the bed in the morning. Whenever something like that happened for the first time, you always felt it couldn't happen to you.

My mom also managed to find work for us all. Having work meant having some hope of survival. I worked at the 'Leder und Sattler Ressort' [German for 'Leather and Saddlery section'], which was involved in saddle-making. My mom also worked there, but in a different building. She was in the storeroom, while I worked on a trestle, where I sewed together small pieces of leather. I have fond memories of the time I spent there, because I made some wonderful friends. They were young Polish Jews, mostly around my age. It was thanks to them that I regained my purpose in life, which I had completely lost before. I was the only Czech among them, so I learnt to speak Polish very well. We were great idealists in those terrible conditions, for we often spoke about what the world would be like in the future. We helped each other out a lot. It was a matter of course that we shared things with whoever fell sick. I can remember Hana Chlopicka. She was a nice girl, and when she was sick, we each gave her at least some of our rations. She died of quick consumption. So did Honza Abeles, a friend of mine from Prague. I saw him from time to time and we always said to each other that nobody would believe what we had gone through. Once he whistled at me from a courtyard, and when I came down I couldn't recognize him. He died shortly afterwards.

The worst time was always when they were getting ready for displacement, or 'wysiedlenie' as it was called. Nobody knew who would be selected. When the time came, one part of the ghetto was sealed off, which came to be known as the 'Sperre' [German for 'barrier'].this came to be known as the 'Sperre' [German for 'barrier']. This part was then surrounded, people had to get out of their apartments and appear before the SS-men who then selected who to leave and who to take. I can remember two such displacements. Once there was complete silence in the house as everybody had run away, and I told my dad that we, too, should get away. But dad didn't want to, as he thought it wasn't possible to escape, when the order was given to stay where we were. Later on, my mom and I managed to persuade him. In this instance, however, it was in fact impossible for us to escape, so we had to go down to the street. It was always said that the Germans mostly went for gray-haired people with glasses. My dad was 58 years old, had gray hair and wore a beard and glasses. So, I blackened his beard and hair with something and I went first, followed by mom with dad behind. I can remember a moment when I turned round and saw them stand behind me, which meant that we had managed to go through the Sperre. So, we managed to survive until 1944.

Some time in the summer of 1944 the word started to get round in official places that the entire ghetto would be relocated. This could have meant anything. My dad was unable to walk at the time, as he was suffering from muscle deficiency. He stayed at home while mom and I went to work. On 11th August 1944 I stayed behind at work, as usual, because I was having a chat with my friends. Suddenly my mom appeared and to this day I can still hear her voice, as she said to me, 'Viera, something terrible has happened, your dad has committed suicide.' After putting his cover to one side so as not to stain it with blood, my dad had slit his veins. He left a letter in which he wrote that he did it because he would have been in our way when the time came to escape. Afterwards, it wasn't possible to go out to work, so me and my mom started hiding in attics. Among the young people of Lodz, there was a kind of resistance organization, which was structured in such a way that its members only knew the closest people involved. The main idea was for everybody to try and hold out for as long as possible. Later, my mom said that she couldn't stay in hiding any longer. Naturally, I didn't want to leave her alone, so we were deported together to the concentration camp Auschwitz.

We arrived in Auschwitz in August 1944. We got off the cattle cars to the roar of "Los! Los!" [German for 'get moving'] and then we went through the selection. I was shocked by everything and didn't at all realize what it meant when my mom went to the other side during the selection. At first, I went through the usual procedure of having my hair cut off and shaved and then I was given some rags. Nobody believed what in fact was going on in Auschwitz. When we went between the wire fences to have our hair cut off, still looking relatively normal, there were shaved people behind the fence who were jumping around and shouting at us, 'Throw us your bread, throw us everything you have, they'll take it off you anyway.' Somebody then said to me, 'Well, it can't be so terrible here if they keep loonies.' None of us realized that in half an hour we would look just the same. I was sent to camp C. The block where I was placed was inhabited mostly by Poles from Lodz, as well as some Hungarians. The head of the block was a Polish Jewish woman, who had emigrated to Israel [then Palestine] and had been visiting relatives in Poland at the outbreak of war. Her family was in Israel, but she wasn't able to return there.

It's impossible to describe fall and winter in Auschwitz. We walked around in clogs on our bare feet. Clogs would get stuck in the mud and you couldn't lift your foot when that happened. They also tore your skin until it bled. Each of us knew what it was to fight over soup or over who would get an extra potato. We didn't go to work; we just waited to see if we would be picked for work or sent to the gas chamber. People still didn't really believe what was actually happening in Auschwitz. I can remember one day that was quite nice, when we were sitting outside and chatting. We spoke about what had happened to those who went to the other side during the selection. I can remember one Orthodox Jewish woman from Slovakia. What saved her when she arrived in Auschwitz was that her mother, by coincidence, was holding her child. I can remember her saying repeatedly, 'I don't believe there are gas chambers here and that they burn people. If I don't see my mother with my son, there is no God.' And that was somebody for whom God was the meaning of life.

After three months in Auschwitz, I was picked during a roll-call and taken away in a cattle car, along with some other people. I didn't know what would happen. We traveled two or three days in the cattle cars until we reached Mezimesti near Broumov in Bohemia. At the time it was called Halbstadt. We got out of the cattle cars at night, so that nobody would see us. We were lucky in that they hadn't had time to build a labor camp for us, so we were billeted in a weaving mill. Not far away was a camp for forced laborers from Alsace-Lorraine who had refused to profess allegiance to Germany. [The French province was occupied by German troops in 1940 and was attached to the Reich.]

There were 600 of us, mostly Polish women, but also some Hungarians and a few Czechs. Initially, I did mechanical work at a machine, which was unpleasant, because ugly thoughts run through your head when you do automatic work like that. But then my knowledge of languages came in handy, as it had done on several previous occasions. One of the girls was having an affair with one of the French forced laborers and he had taken her on as an assistant, so I was able to interpret for them. He wanted to repay me in some way, so he asked if I had ever been interested in machines. I said I hadn't. He then asked if I at least understood machines, and again I said no. So he then took a milling machine apart in front of me and told me to put it together again. I would probably still be putting it together to this day. However, he was about as concerned for the victory of the Reich as I was, so he took me on as his assistant. Working in shifts, it helped me a lot that I didn't have to sit and think all the time. Our supervisors were SS-women, and the person in charge of us was a German Jewish woman called Jutta. As we were always doing something wrong, the supervisors kept threatening to send us back to Auschwitz. I can remember people from Alsace arriving in January 1945 who told us, 'Well they may as well send you to Auschwitz now.' They had a radio in the camp, you see, so we found out that Auschwitz had fallen. [Auschwitz was liberated by Soviet troops on 27th January 1945.]

Post-war">Post-war

We stayed in Mezimesti until May 1945. I recall that they locked us in and kept threatening to blow us up, so we were afraid of going to sleep. From the windows we could see the Germans running away in an attempt to get to the Americans. After the departure of the Germans and just before the arrival of the Russians, a group of Frenchmen burst in with a sack of sugar from a nearby sugar refinery. They broke down the door and shouted out, 'Das Judenlager ist frei' [German for 'The Jewish camp is free']. It was the most beautiful moment of liberation. Nobody had known about our camp in Broumov. Jutta, another girl and I went to Broumov, to ask for some help there. In the village they gaped at us in total surprise, not knowing where we had come from or that a camp had been there. This was in the Sudetenland. I can also remember the arrival of the Russians, with red flags fluttering everywhere, the swastikas having been cut off.

I knew that my parents were no longer alive, so I started thinking about what to do next. I was afraid to go home, so I decided to go back with the Polish girls to Poland. Then, one day, a Czech truck came for sugar. There was a Czech gendarme who was sitting inside, so I asked him where they were going and if they could take me with them. They agreed to take me, so I went to say goodbye to the girls. When I met them over forty years later in Israel, they told me that they could still see me as I left them and headed off for the truck. When I got on, the Czech gendarme said to me, 'Well, little girl, how old are you?' I said I was twenty-one, but he didn't believe me. 'Go on, you can tell the truth, you have nothing to fear.'

We got as far as Police nad Metuji, where I got on a full train to Prague. We went via Nachod and I could hear people calling for each other. Somebody called out, 'Is there anyone going to Zilina?' It was a girl with whom I used to go to rhythmics class. She said that I had to get off, as I should go to the principal of the high school, Mr. Vavra, who was in Nachod. So I got off the train, spent the night at Mr. Vavra's place and then went on to Prague, arriving at Masaryk Station.

I arrived in Prague in May 1945 on the same day as Benes 18. I didn't know where to go. I remembered that some friends of my parents, the Jahns, lived on Vinohrady Avenue, so I headed off there. There was no transportation, so I walked. The shoes I was wearing had been soled from a transmission belt by one of the girls in Mezimesti. The Jahns lived on the fifth floor. The elevator wasn't working, so I walked up the steps and rung the bell, but nobody answered the door. A neighbor then told me that the Jahns weren't in Prague. Although I don't cry easily, I couldn't stop myself. I burst into tears, wondering about what to do next. Then I remembered I had a good friend in town, called Kveta Blazkova. We had both been interested in books and the theater and I had left a lot of things at her place - girl's treasures like diaries and such like, which seemed important when you were seventeen.

Kveta lived on Pod Kvetnice Street in Pankrac, Prague, so I went to see her. When I rung the bell, she came to open the door wearing a towel around her head, as she had been washing her hair. She welcomed me as if she had seen me yesterday. It was very nice to see her and she said of course, I could stay at her place. She asked me about what I had been through, like the others. I didn't like to speak about it, because nobody could understand what it was really like anyway. So I stayed with Kveta and thought about what to do next. I didn't know how to do anything, as I had only completed the fourth grade of high school. It occurred to me that I could get a job selling books at a bookstore, as I liked books. I then met my parents' friends and they had a long talk with me, saying that my dad wouldn't forgive me if I didn't continue with my studies. So, I soon did my school-leaving exams and then, still in 1945, applied to the Philosophy Faculty of Charles University in Prague to do a combined degree in English and Czech.

After the war I got back my parents' two-bedroom apartment in V Hornich Stromkach Street, Vinohrady. A couple with a child was living in a small, one-bedroom apartment in the house. I knew that none of my family would be coming back, so I suggested to the couple that we could swap apartments, and that's what we did. Later on, I received a visit from Tibor, the brother of my friend Duca from Zilina. Duca went through Auschwitz and was liberated in Bergen-Belsen. She remembered waking up in a white bed in hospital and she thought she must be in heaven. She told me that when she returned home, the first person she met was the collaborator who had been watching them when they were caught. So she reported him to the police who took him in but released him a week later. Tibor told me that Duca's nerves were in a bad state. So I invited her to Prague and we lived together in my small apartment until 1950, when I got married. Duca then moved back to Bratislava, but we still meet up to this day. She became a photographer. In the 1960s she was sent by an international agency to Israel to take photographs for a book. The preface was to have been written by Arnost Lustig [Czech prose-writer, born in Prague in 1926, survived the Holocaust, emigrated in 1968] but, when he emigrated, he hid the text of the preface along with the photos in a wall at his cottage. It was as if the photos had disappeared into thin air. They didn't turn up until after 1989. In the 1990s, the Jewish Museum in Bratislava hosted an exhibition of Duca's photos and the book was finally published under the title 'Walled-in Paintings'.

I can remember sitting at home during the February 1948 19 events. It was exam time and I was tucked into a blanket, listening to the radio. I was completely shuddering, although I wasn't cold. I had never trusted the Communists. I know that a lot of young people who had come back from concentration camps thought that Communism was a possible way forward. My friends in the ghetto were not Communists exactly, but they were certainly leftist in their thinking. Even back then I said that I couldn't be like a horse with its blinkers on and forced to look in one direction. That was also a reason why I wasn't overcome by enthusiasm in 1948. But I understand that my generation had experienced great disappointment and saw Communism as the only possibility of creating a better world. Nonetheless, on the insistence of my husband, I joined the Communist Party 20 some time after 1960. After 1968 [see Prague Spring] 21, however, we were both thrown out of the Party.

After completing my studies, I worked as a teacher all my life. I started teaching in 1950 at a secondary school in Kostelec nad Labem, an hour long bus journey away from where I lived. I then got married and became pregnant, which was why I requested to be transferred to a school in Prague. At the People's Committee [communist era local government authority] they told me, 'Comrade, if you taught math, it could be done straight away, but with your subject...' I told them that in my state I couldn't commute each day on an hour long bumpy bus ride, so I was given a place at an elementary school in Vrsovice, Prague. A few years later I moved to a nine-year elementary school and then, at the beginning of the 1960s, to a high school, where I finally got to teach my subject. A few years later I moved to a secondary industrial school. In 1970, I was transferred to a school in Jecna Street, Prague. Two years later, the school principal came up to me and told me he had no alternative but to dismiss me. That was because of my expulsion from the Communist Party. Under Act 255/1946 22, thanks to my testimonial, I was able to take early retirement, so I agreed to the dismissal and left the school.

I didn't experience any specific anti-Semitism against me after the war. This happened only once, in the middle of the 1950s, on the day when an article appeared in the papers about Jewish doctors who had allegedly attempted to kill Stalin and even to poison Gorky [see Doctor's Plot] 23. At the time, teachers who were to receive a salary increase, had to undergo an interview before a commission at the People's Committee, which was also attended by the Chairman of the Revolutionary Resistance Movement, the Chairman of the Communist Party, a school inspector, among others. Somehow I wasn't worried about this, because all my life I had read the papers and knew that I would be able to say what they wanted to hear. First of all, they discussed politics with me and then they asked me what I thought of the news about the Jewish doctors. I replied that I didn't understand it, as doctors were supposed to save lives, but I felt that they were trying to get me in a corner, so as to get back to my Jewishness. One of the people there was my later boss. I had never hid my origin and, besides, they obviously had my files in front of them. Even my pupils knew about my origin, because I talked about my own experiences when we discussed World War II.

After that, they discussed Slansky 24, pointing out that Jews were always well off materially. At this point I got angry. I said that I didn't know what Jews they had in mind, but that I had grown up in Eastern Slovakia where there was a lot of poverty. I also spoke about my Polish friends from the ghetto who had told me that Lodz was a very industrial city and that most of their fathers were tailors, as there was a large textile factory there, and that they remembered that as small children they stood on stools so as to help out with the ironing.

Shortly before that interview I had seen a theater performance of Tyl's 'Stubborn Woman', so I told them that I recall that Tyl knew that it wasn't possible to generalize. [Tyl, Josef Kajetan (1808-1856): Czech dramatist, actor, prose-writer and journalist, main representative of sentimental patriotic romanticism, organizer of national cultural life.] In that play there is a scene where a door-to-door salesman is sitting in a pub and along comes an alderman who tells him to leave. The salesman asks why he should leave when he had done nothing wrong. The alderman gives him a gruff reply, whereupon the salesman says, 'You have something against me, Ezechiel, or against Jews?' The alderman doesn't understand, so the salesman continues, 'Well, if you have something against me specifically, that's fair enough, but you can't despise Jews for what these salesmen are doing, as they aren't allowed to do anything else. They can't marry as they would like, or move, and they can't own land, so they have absolutely no alternative but to do what they are doing.' After I had said this to the commission, things quieted down and they didn't ask me anything else. As I mentioned above, I later taught at a school where one of the commission members was principal. I wasn't at all keen on going there, but there was nothing to be done. He always called me by my first name, but I was always on formal terms with him. In the end, I forgave him when we met at a gathering of teachers from that school, years later. He was old and deaf and sitting alone at a table, so I felt I had to sit next to him and I forgave him.

My husband was called Jaroslav Slesinger. He was born in 1903 in Chocen, and came from a Czech family. He qualified as an engineer and worked as a state official in Slovakia before the war and as an engineer for Pragovka [car factory] after the war. I met him through friends. We got married in 1950 and had a very nice marriage. He didn't come from a Jewish family, but he was one of the few genuine 'philosemites'. He never considered converting, but there wasn't a shred of anti-Semitism in him. I didn't long to be married to a Jew, in fact, I felt that I didn't want my children to have to go through what I had.

Our son Honza was born in 1951, our daughter Helena a year later. Both are living in Prague. Honza completed his secondary education and Helena has a university degree in economics. Helena works as an economist for a law firm and Honza is a computer programmer for a bank. I have two grandchildren. I taught English to both of my children and to my grandchildren. I didn't bring them up in the Jewish tradition, but they always knew that I was Jewish. Honza even joined the Jewish community, as I did in the 1980s. During the Communist regime I corresponded with Aunt Alzbeta in Israel and she was here once on a visit, so my children have known everything about it since they were children. Later on, they learnt about the Holocaust themselves. My granddaughter was with me in Israel and she liked it there very much. I can remember that my grandson, when he was little, once asked me what Jews were. I said to him, 'Well, have a look at me, do you think I'm different from anyone else?'

After 1968, my husband considered emigrating to Israel, but I talked him out of it. He was a great supporter of Israel, which was one of the reasons why he was thrown out of the Party. I was never a Zionist, nor were my parents, but I was interested in what was going on in Israel. However, the coverage in Czech newspapers of the conflicts over there were very biased. The Israelis were seen as the ones who had caused the war, as the aggressors. I went to Israel to visit Aunt Alzbeta about a year after my husband's death [in 1981]. I managed to get there in 1982 after complicated dealings involving my permit, which I was surprised to get. I spent a month there with my aunt. She was already 80 at the time, and we were both very happy to see each other. The second time I went to Israel was on a trip organized by the Jewish community of Prague. That was just after 1989, but my aunt was no longer alive then. Since then, I've been there another three times. My cousin Laci's son still lives there, and he now has a large family, with six sons. Apart from Hebrew, he can also speak Hungarian, Czech and Slovak. I can communicate with his children in English, but his wife speaks only Hebrew. Other than that, I go there to see the 'girls' from Mezimesti.

My husband and I were friends with Mr. and Mrs. Matejec, whose children were the same age as ours. Anca Matejcova was a doctor and her husband was a lawyer. They weren't Jews, but there wasn't a shred of anti-Semitism in Anca. We were also great friends with a teacher colleague of mine, Hanka. I was lucky with Hankas, for my next friend was Hanka Properova, who had been with me in Lodz, where she worked in the 'Gaskueche'. I didn't meet her there, but my mom told me about a young Polish girl in the 'Gaskueche' who had been very kind to her, always letting her come to the flame and not letting her wait pointlessly. At the beginning of the 1950s, I was walking with my pram when, all of a sudden, a woman asked me if I was Pollakova and if I had been in Lodz. That was the girl my mom had spoken about. She recognized me because I resemble my mom. We have been friends since then, and we have visited each other. I have even taught her children English.

One of my best friends was Hanka Vosatkova. She was Jewish but lived in a mixed marriage. Her husband was a doctor in Jindrichuv Hradec. They got divorced before the war, so she was deported to Terezin. My husband's family took her son into their care. In 1947, her son left for England, where she sent him to do a course in order to learn languages and find out about the world. But then came the February coup in 1948. In the 1960s, she managed to get over to see him. I can remember how afraid she was, for the last time they had seen each other he was a young boy and now he was married and had a child. She spent some time with him there and then she returned to Czechoslovakia. She went to England once more in 1968, where she then stayed. Unfortunately, she is no longer alive, but I have been over five times with her son at his invitation. He now lives in the state of Utah. I usually flew via New York, as I have some friends there, too.

When my children were young, we used to go to Chocen, which is where my husband came from. His dad and sister were still alive then. Later on, we used to go on vacations, usually to the Svaty Petr area in the Giant Mountains, where we stayed in a rented room. At the beginning of the 1960s, my husband had a heart attack, so we had to cancel our holidays in the mountains. We then bought a cottage by the Sazava River in Samopse, which is between Sazava and Ledecek. My husband was very fond of that place, for it was so beautiful. Nobody else lived around us and there was a weir below the cottage. However, I didn't like the fact that we were alone there and that there was no settlement nearby. Whenever I grumbled about it, though, my husband would ask me if I really wanted to have people looking in at us. After his death, however, I stopped going to the cottage. My son got divorced around that time and he, too, didn't go there, so I decided to sell the cottage, but he asked me to keep hold of it, as he was very fond of the place. He started going there again and has since spruced it up with his girlfriend. There is electricity and much greater comfort now. I don't go to the cottage very often, because it's not the same without my husband. But I enjoy the peace and quiet of the nature there and I always think how pleased my husband would be at the way Honza has improved it.

I didn't keep to Jewish traditions at home. We didn't have kosher meals, nor did we observe Sabbath. I went to the synagogue only on the New Year and Yom Kippur. I started to celebrate Christmas only after the war, when I got married. But Christmas has never meant very much to me. I wouldn't bother with it today, but ever since my husband's death I visit my children at Christmas.

I rejoiced at the revolution in 1989 [see Velvet Revolution] 25. I found out about what had happened on Narodni Avenue [brutal police intervention on student demonstration] from the radio. I listened to Radio Free Europe 26, as did a lot of people, but I preferred the BBC. In November 1989 we were in a state of pleasant shock and suspense, as we didn't know what would happen next. Life hasn't changed so much for me since the revolution. The main thing is that I am now free to travel. I get frustrated, albeit in a healthy way, at politics and the world. I often think of how, during the war, we imagined that the world would be a fairer place and how there would be no more wars - surely they couldn't be repeated after all we have gone through. We didn't know if we would survive, but we were sure that if we made it, we would certainly have things to look forward to, for everything would be beautiful in the world.

Glossary

1 Sokol

One of the best-known Czech sports organizations. It was founded in 1862 as the first physical educational organization in the Austro- Hungarian Monarchy. Besides regular training of all age groups, units organized sports competitions, colorful gymnastics rallies, cultural events including drama, literature and music, excursions and youth camps. Although its main goal had always been the promotion of national health and sports, Sokol also played a key role in the national resistance to the Austro- Hungarian Empire, the Nazi occupation and the communist regime. Sokol flourished between the two World Wars; its membership grew to over a million. Important statesmen, including the first two presidents of interwar Czechoslovakia, Tomas Masaryk and Edvard Benes, were members of Sokol. Sokol was banned three times: during World War I, during the Nazi occupation and finally by the communists after 1948, but branches of the organization continued to exist abroad. Sokol was restored in 1990. 2 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army: The name 'Imperial and Royal' was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system. Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name 'Imperial and Royal'. 3 Italian front, 1915-1918: Also known as Isonzo front. Isonzo (Soca) is an alpine river today in Slovenia, which ran parallel with the pre-World War I Austro-Hungarian and Italian border. During World War I Italy was primarily interested in capturing the ethnic Italian parts of Austria- Hungary (Triest, Fiume, Istria and some of the islands) as well as the Adriatic litoral. The Italian army tried to enter Austria-Hungary via the Isonzo river, but the Austro-Hungarian army was dug in alongside the river. After 18 months of continous fighting without any territorial gain, the Austro-Hungarian army finally suceeded to enter Italian territory in October 1917. 4 Marianske Lazne/Marienbad: a world-famous spa in the Czech Republic, founded in the early 19th century, with many curative mineral springs and baths, and situated on the grounds of a 12th-century abbey. Once the playground for the Habsburgs and King Edward VII, as well as famous personalities including Goethe, Strauss, Ibsen and Kipling, Marianske Lazne has been the site of numerous international congresses in recent years. 5 Small Fortress (Mala pevnost) in Theresienstadt: An infamous prison, used by two totalitarian regimes: Nazi Germany and communist Czechoslovakia. It was built in the 18th century as a part of a fortification system and almost from the beginning it was used as a prison. In 1940 the Gestapo took it over and kept mostly political prisoners there: members of various resistance movements. Approximately 32,000 detenees were kept in Small Fortress during the Nazi occupation. Communist Czechoslovakia continued using it as a political prision; after 1945 German civilians were confined there before they were expelled from the country. 6 Novaky labor camp: established in 1941 in the central-Slovakian town of Novaky. In an area of 2.27 km² 24 barracks were built, which accommodated 2,500-3,000 people in 1943. Many of the people detained in Novaky were transported to the Polish camps. The camp was liberated by the partisans on 30th August 1944 and the inmates joined the partisans. 7 Slovak Uprising: At Christmas 1943 the Slovak National Council was formed, consisting of various oppositional groups (communists, social democrats, agrarians etc.). Their aim was to fight the Slovak fascist state. The uprising broke out in Banska Bystrica, central Slovakia, on 20th August 1944. On 18th October the Germans launched an offensive. A large part of the regular Slovak army joined the uprising and the Soviet Army also joined in. Nevertheless the Germans put down the riot and occupied Banska Bystrica on 27th October, but weren't able to stop the partisan activities. As the Soviet army was drawing closer many of the Slovak partisans joined them in Eastern Slovakia under either Soviet or Slovak command.

8 First Vienna Decision

On 2nd November 1938 a German-Italian international committee in Vienna obliged Czechoslovakia to surrender much of the southern Slovakian territories that were inhabited mainly by Hungarians. The cities of Kassa (Kosice), Komarom (Komarno), Ersekujvar (Nove Zamky), Ungvar (Uzhorod) and Munkacs (Mukacevo), all in all 11.927 km² of land, and a population of 1.6 million people became part of Hungary. According to the Hungarian census in 1941 84% of the people in the annexed lands were Hungarian-speaking.

9 Working Battalion

According to a Hungarian law passed in 1939, those unable to serve in the military were obliged to do ,work service'. The Jews not drafted into the Hungarian army for armed service were to join these ,special work battalions'. A decree in 1941 obliged all Jewish men to be recruited to work battalions instead of regular army units. In 1942 more than 50,000 of them were taken to the Ukrainian front, along with the Second Hungarian Army; only 6-7000 of them survived.

10 Subcarpathia (also known as Ruthenia, Russian and Ukrainian name Zakarpatie)

Region situated on the border of the Carpathian Mountains with the Middle Danube lowland. The regional capitals are Uzhhorod, Berehovo, Mukachevo, Khust. It belonged to the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy until World War I; and the Saint-Germain convention declared its annexation to Czechoslovakia in 1919. It is impossible to give exact historical statistics of the language and ethnic groups living in this geographical unit: the largest groups in the interwar period were Hungarians, Rusyns, Russians, Ukrainians, Czech and Slovaks. In addition there was also a considerable Jewish and Gypsy population. In accordance with the first Vienna Decision of 1938, the area of Subcarpathia mainly inhabited by Hungarians was ceded to Hungary. The rest of the region was proclaimed a new state called Carpathian Ukraine in 1939, with Khust as its capital, but it only existed for four and a half months, and was occupied by Hungary in March 1939. Subcarpathia was taken over by Soviet troops and local guerrillas in 1944. In 1945, Czechoslovakia ceded the area to the USSR and it gained the name Carpatho-Ukraine. The region became part of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic in 1945. When Ukraine became independent in 1991, the region became an administrative region under the name of Transcarpathia.

11 Zweig, Stefan (1881-1942)

Austrian biographer, novelist, essayist and playwright, best known for his humanistic view on European culture expressed in his essays and biographies of major literary and historical figures. Among his most famous fictional works are his only novel, 'Beware of Pity' and the novella 'The Royal Game'; his best-known drama is the biblical play 'Jeremias. Zweig left Austria in 1938, first for England then Brazil. In despair over the defeat of humanism in the Third Reich, Zweig and his wife committed suicide in 1942.

12 Capek, Karel (1890-1938)

Czech novelist, dramatist, journalist and translator. Capek was the most popular writer of the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1939) and defended the democratic and humanistic ideals of its founder, President T. G. Masaryk the literary outcome of which was the book President Masaryk Tells His Story (1928). Capek gained international reputation with his science fiction drama R.U.R. (Rossum's Universal Robots, 1921) which was the first to introduce the word robot to the language. He blended science fiction with his firmly held anti-totalitarian beliefs in his late drama Power and Glory (1938) and the satirical novel The War with the Newts (1937). Frequently in contact with leading European intellectuals, Capek acted as a kind of official representative of the interwar republic and also influenced the development of Czech poetry. The Munich Pact of 1938 and, in particular, the subsequent witch-hunt against him, came as a great shock to Capek, one from which he never recovered.

13 Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia

Bohemia and Moravia were occupied by the Germans and transformed into a German Protectorate in March 1939, after Slovakia declared its independence. The Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia was placed under the supervision of the Reich protector, Konstantin von Neurath. The Gestapo assumed police authority. Jews were dismissed from civil service and placed in an extralegal position. In the fall of 1941, the Reich adopted a more radical policy in the Protectorate. The Gestapo became very active in arrests and executions. The deportation of Jews to concentration camps was organized, and Terezin/Theresienstadt was turned into a ghetto for Jewish families. During the existence of the Protectorate the Jewish population of Bohemia and Moravia was virtually annihilated. After World War II the pre-1938 boundaries were restored, and most of the German-speaking population was expelled.

14 Sudetenland

Highly industrialized north-west frontier region that was transferred from the Austro-Hungarian Empire to the new state of Czechoslovakia in 1919. Together with the land a German-speaking minority of 3 million people was annexed, which became a constant source of tension both between the states of Germany, Austria and Czechoslovakia, and within Czechoslovakia. In 1935 a nazi-type party, the Sudeten German Party financed by the German government, was set up. Following the Munich Agreement in 1938 German troops occupied the Sudetenland. In 1945 Czechoslovakia regained the territory and pogroms started against the German and Hungarian minority. The Potsdam Agreement authorized Czechoslovakia to expel the entire German and Hungarian minority from the country.

15 Exclusion of Jews from schools in the Protectorate

The Ministry of Education of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia sent round a ministerial decree in 1940, which stated that from school year 1940/41 Jewish pupils were not allowed to visit Czech public and private schools and those who were already in school should be excluded. After 1942 Jews were not allowed to visit Jewish schools or courses organized by the Jewish communities either.

16 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

17 Lodz Ghetto

It was set up in February 1940 city in the former Jewish quarter on the northern outskirts of the city. 164,000 Jews from Lodz were packed together in a 4 sq. km. area. In 1941 and 1942, 38,500 more Jews were deported to the ghetto. In November 1941, 5,000 Roma were also deported to the ghetto from Burgenland province, Austria. The Jewish self- government, led by Mordechai Rumkowsky, sought to make the ghetto as productive as possible and to put as many inmates to work as he could. But not even this could prevent overcrowding and hunger or improve the inhuman living conditions. As a result of epidemics, shortages of fuel and food and insufficient sanitary conditions, about 43,500 people (21% of all the residents of the ghetto) died of undernourishment, cold and illness. The others were transported to death camps; only a very small number of them survived.

18 Benes, Edvard (1884-1948)

Czechoslovak politician and president from 1935-38 and 1946-48. He was a follower of T. G. Masaryk, the first president of Czechoslovakia, and the idea of Czechoslovakism, and later Masaryk's right-hand man. After World War I he represented Czechoslovakia at the Paris Peace Conference. He was Foreign Minister (1918-1935) and Prime Minister (1921-1922) of the new Czechoslovak state and became president after Masaryk retired in 1935. The Czechoslovak alliance with France and the creation of the Little Entente (Czechoslovak, Romanian and Yugoslav alliance against Hungarian revisionism and the restoration of the Habsburgs) were essentially his work. After the dismemberment of Czechoslovakia by the Munich Pact (1938) he resigned and went into exile. Returning to Prague in 1945, he was confirmed in office and was reelected president in 1946. After the communist coup in February 1948 he resigned in June on the grounds of illness, refusing to sign the new constitution.

19 February 1948

Communist take-over in Czechoslovakia. The 'people's domocracy' became one of the Soviet satelites in Eastern Europe. The state aparatus was centralized under the leadership of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSC). In the economy private ovnership was banned and submitted to central planning. The state took control of the educational system, too. Political opposition and dissident elements were persecuted.

20 Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC)

Founded in 1921 following a split from the Social Democratic Party, it was banned under the Nazi occupation. It was only after Soviet Russia entered World War II that the Party developed resistance activity in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia; because of this, it gained a certain degree of popularity with the general public after 1945. After the communist coup in 1948, the Party had sole power in Czechoslovakia for over 40 years. The 1950s were marked by party purges and a war against the 'enemy within'. A rift in the Party led to a relaxing of control during the Prague Spring starting in 1967, which came to an end with the occupation of Czechoslovakia by Soviet and allied troops in 1968 and was followed by a period of normalization. The communist rule came to an end after the Velvet Revolution of November 1989.

21 Prague Spring

The term Prague Spring designates the liberalization period in communist-ruled Czechoslovakia between 1967-1969. In 1967 Alexander Dubcek became the head of the Czech Communist Party and promoted ideas of 'socialism with a human face', i.e. with more personal freedom and freedom of the press, and the rehabilitation of victims of Stalinism. In August 1968 Soviet troops, along with contingents from Poland, East Germany, Hungary and Bulgaria, occupied Prague and put an end to the reforms.

22 Certificate under Article 255/1946 Coll

: Certificate awarded to certain people involved in the national struggle for liberation during World War II. It was issued by the Ministry of Defense and entailed certain advantages, such as early retirement.

23 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

24 Slansky, Rudolf (1901-1952)

Czech politician, member of the Communist Party from 1921 and Secretary-General of the Czechoslovak Communist Party from 1945-1951. After World War II he was one of the leaders of the totalitarian regime. Arrested on false charges he was sentenced to death in the so-called Slansky trial in November 1952 and hanged.

25 Velvet Revolution

Also known as November Events, this term is used for the period between 17th November and 29th December 1989, which resulted in the downfall of the Czechoslovak communist regime. The Velvet Revolution started with student demonstrations, commemorating the 50th anniversary of the student demonstration against the Nazi occupation of Czechoslovakia. Brutal police intervention stirred up public unrest, mass demonstrations took place in Prague, Bratislava and other towns, and a general strike began on 27th November. The Civic Forum demanded the resignation of the communist government. Due to the general strike Prime Minister Ladislav Adamec was finally forced to hold talks with the Civic Forum and agreed to form a new coalition government. On 29th December democratic elections were held, and Vaclav Havel was elected President of Czechoslovakia. 26 Radio Free Europe: Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block. The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central European communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

Ladislav Porjes

Ladislav Porjes
Prague
Czech Republic
Interviewer: Dagmar Greslova
Date of interview: January 2006

Ladislav David Porjes is a journalist, translator and writer. He comes from Zilina, in Central Slovakia, from the family of the well-known and popular lawyer Arpad Porjes. At the age of ten months he lost his mother, and at the age of three he became a complete orphan. He was raised by his grandparents in Zilina, alternating with his second set of grandparents in Michalovce in Eastern Slovakia. Since childhood he has thus moved about in two worlds: in Zilina he was raised in Slovak and German in a Neolog 1 spirit; in Michalovce he absorbed Yiddish and the Zemplin dialect in an Orthodox 2 family of descendants of an important ‘miraculous’ rabbi. His adolescence was significantly marked by the establishment of Tiso’s 3 Slovak State 4 – as a Jew he wasn’t able to study, was forced to join the so-called Sixth Labor Battalion 5, where he did forced labor. He twice managed to escape from there. For some time he lived and worked in Bratislava under cover of false Aryan documents. Despite this, Auschwitz didn’t pass him by. After escaping from Birkenau, he helped uncover members of the SS at the Allied command in Krakow. After the war he married and raised two daughters. He worked as a reporter and foreign correspondent for the radio and press agencies. In the 1950s the persecutions connected with the political trials affected him as well. In the year 1962 he published a book of memoirs, ‘Josele a Ti Ostatni’ [Josele And The Others], one of the first works about the tragedy of the Holocaust to be published in Czechoslovakia.
After 1968 [see Prague Spring] 6 he was prevented from working as a journalist, and up until he went on disability pension, he worked as a gatekeeper, stock clerk or in other degrading positions. He secretly supplemented his income doing anonymous translations.
He’s looking forward to soon celebrating with his much-loved wife their 60th, or Diamond, wedding anniversary. They live together with their favorite pet, their little dog Tomicek, in a Prague apartment filled with beautiful pictures. For collecting artwork has for long years been Mr. Porjes’s hobby – during difficult times when their family’s situation was bad due to political persecution, he was forced to sell part of his collection. Today Ladislav Porjes is a fervent and successful competitive chess player for the Slavoj Zizkov team. Hopefully the interview’s pleasant atmosphere will be evident from the following text.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

To begin with, I’d like to quote something as a motto: Robert Louis Stevenson [Stevenson, Robert Louis (1850–1894): Scottish writer and essayist] said that ‘Life is not a matter of holding good cards, but of playing a poor hand well,’ Pablo Picasso [Picasso, Pablo (1881–1976): Spanish painter, graphic artist, sculptor and ceramic artist of Basque origin], remarked that ‘Wisdom consists of making in each of life’s stages only those mistakes that are appropriate for your age’ – and so if the reader will read my stories through the prism of these wisdoms, he will, perhaps, not be disappointed.

My grandfather on my father’s side, Salamon Porjes, was born in 1858 in Pruzina. He was a toll collector on the Vah [river in Slovakia, length 378 km]. My father’s mother, Julie Porjesova [nee Zlatnerova] was born in 1865 in Rosina, Slovakia. In 1880 my grandma and grandpa in Zilina, in central Slovakia, had my father, Arpad Porjes. He was the oldest of eighteen siblings and was the only one in this large family to finish school. He became a lawyer. Even though I don’t remember my father, I know that he was a popular lawyer, as when various people would meet me in Zilina in the company of my grandparents, they would always talk highly of him. They told me that my father had been a treasure, and stroked my head. I heard that there was quite a marked difference in how my father treated various clients. He was called the ‘lawyer of the poor,’ as he represented poor people for free, while making it up on the rich. It enabled him to give a dowry and very decently marry off eight of his thirteen sisters.

When I was not quite three years old, my father died from consequences of an amateurishly treated wound that he had gotten on the Italian front 7 during World War I, where he had fought as a cadet for one year. Thus I became an utter orphan – together with me, however, were also ‘orphaned’ those of my aunts who hadn’t yet gotten married. They embarked upon their last trip to the ‘final solution’ camp as single women. They may have been attractive, but without a dowry, even a pretty Jewish girl had a hard time finding a husband.

My mother’s father, Armin Moskovic, was most likely born in Michalovce, in Eastern Slovakia. He died, thank God, before the war, and so avoided the transports to, at his age certain, death. Between the two World Wars, Michalovce had something over 10,000 inhabitants, of which almost half were Jews. Today their Jewish community is composed of only sixteen Israelites, including women and children. So when a holiday prayer is to take place – a minyan – for which ten adult men are needed, the president of the Michalovce Jewish religious community, Janko Haber, has to make the rounds to neighboring towns and often even far-away ones, to gather up the required number of believers.

My grandmother on my mother’s side, Fany Moskovicova [nee Weissova], was also from Michalovce, from the prominent family of the reputedly miraculous Rabbi Weiss. Grandma and Grandpa had a small store where they sold mixed goods. After my grandfather’s death, my widowed grandmother had the luck to find the right Aryanizer for her store. He was Pavol Hospodar, a local farmer, Greek Orthodox and an opponent of the pro-Fascist regime. She had to work for a long time to persuade him to agree. From the beginning to the end, he behaved in an immensely decent manner toward her. He was a ‘white crow’ during times when other Aryanizers were informing on their Jewish fellow citizens in hiding to the Guardists [see Hlinka-Guards] 8, who then arranged their transport into the gas. As direct informers they raked in the houses and entire property of their victims, to whom they had originally offered themselves in the role of saviors. Grandma survived the war; she hid with goyim in a so-called bunker.

My grandmother’s mother, my great-grandmother Mina Weissova, was the daughter of the miraculous Rabbi Weiss. The family was strictly Orthodox, my great-grandmother, for example, had her hair completely cut off and wore this wig on her head. My great-grandma was a ‘witch’ in the good sense of the word. I remember that during puberty I began to get these unpleasant boils that I couldn’t get rid of. I was treated by all sorts of doctors, who always cut the boils open, squeezed them out, applied some salves, but the treatments were unsuccessful, a week later the boils were back, double in number. And so I was called over to see my grandmother, who was a saint that treated everyone we knew and people from the neighborhood for free. My great-grandma proclaimed that she’ll put an end to the boils once and for all. I didn’t believe in her spells and magic, but because it hurt and I couldn’t get rid of the boils, I agreed to let myself be treated by her.

My great-grandma took a chicken, tied its legs together, and began making circles above my head with it. All the while she was mumbling something in Hebrew, which I didn’t understand at all. When she finished with this ceremony, she took the chicken and ritually slit its throat. She had to kill the chicken, as it was actually this ‘gepore’ – a sacrifice that was supposed to rid me of all toxins and my pain. I was laughing to myself at it, I didn’t believe it. I believed a week later, when the boils disappeared. I was completely cured and the boils never returned! So my miraculous grandmother thus convinced me of her abilities. The poor thing ended badly. A member of the Hlinka Guard booted her onto a hay wagon at the age of 96, to a transport to Auschwitz.

My parents met each other through a matchmaker. Back then my father came a-courting to Michalovce from Zilina. It was however all more complicated: my father originally wanted to court my mother’s older sister Paula, who the Moskovics of course wanted to marry off first. They promised my father 100,000 crowns as a dowry for Paula. But my father fell so in love with my mother that he and Grandpa Moskovic agreed that he’d marry my mother, but would however give up the right to a dowry. Today it seems like from a romantic novel – love at first sight. And their love was so strong that my father married my mother even without money. But he was afraid as to what his parents would say, that they’d bawl him out for letting himself be cheated. That’s why he had Grandpa Moskovic write him up a fictional confirmation that my grandpa owes him 100,000 Czechoslovak crowns. In short, my parents’ meeting is a truly romantic tale!

My mother, Ilona Porjesova [nee Moskovicova] was born in 1901 in Michalovce in Eastern Slovakia. I unfortunately don’t have any direct memories of my mother, I know only a little of her life as mediated by things told to me by my grandmother and aunties. For my mother died while giving birth to my unborn sibling of something that today would apparently be called an ectopic pregnancy. At least that’s how my grandma used to tell it to me as a small boy. But when I was a little older, my aunties told me that things had happened a little differently. My aunties said that my mother, Ilonka, was a downright angel. However the cause of her premature death was apparently her own mother. You see, when Grandma Fany arrived in Zilina to see her daughter and ten-month-old tot, she found out that my mother was pregnant again. She persuaded my mother to secretly have an abortion, without my father, who was at that time on a longer business trip, knowing about it, so that she wouldn’t ruin her figure with another childbirth. Grandma dredged up some midwife, who however botched the procedure, and my mother died of blood poisoning. She was not quite 21 at the time.

My mother had a sister, Paula Moskovicova. She, like my mother, married a lawyer, some Mr. Bela Jakobovits. She moved away to Budapest to be with her husband. As a child I used to go visit them, and apparently Bela became so fond of me that he wanted to adopt me. His fate was tragic – hoods belonging to the local Fascist ‘Arrow Crosses’ [see Arrow Cross Party] 9 beat him to death during one of their anti-Semitic rampages in the street of Budapest for trying to protect some little old lady, a stranger, against their flails and truncheons. So my Aunt Paula was thus tragically widowed. Grandma Fany advised her daughter that she should move to Slovakia, that it would apparently be safer for here there. Unfortunately my aunt listened to her, found an apartment in Bratislava and registered with the local authorities using forged Aryan papers. Paula was a blonde, and didn’t at all look Jewish, and so thought that she was finally safe. A neighbor lady, however, pegged her as a suspicious person, and informed on Paula to the Hlinka Guards. The Guardists came for her, beat her and forced her to confess. She was put on the next transport and the gas chamber in Birkenau took care of the rest.

Growing up

I was born in the year 1921 in Zilina. At the age of three I became a complete orphan. Because I became an orphan while still a baby, they found me a wet nurse, a single mother, some Miss Balazova, whose first name was the same as my poor mother’s – Ilona. She apparently had enough milk to go around and loved me perhaps more than her own child. Many years after the war, a letter from some lady came to the radio station where I was working, in which she wrote that she had heard my name on the radio, and wanted to know if I’m the Lacinko who she had once nursed. She sent me a photo of me as a two-year-old little boy with my father – actually thanks to her I have my one and only reminder of my father. Ilona had married a police sergeant somewhere near the border of Slovakia and Moravia. I set out to see her. In order to surprise her, I didn’t let her know ahead of time that I was intending to visit her. When I arrived, I met her husband, this man on crutches, who told me that she had died shortly before. He at least took me to her grave.

As a little boy I was probably a beautiful child, because I even won a beauty contest in Michalovce. When I was six, the town of Michalovce held a beauty pageant, someone entered me into it, and I won in the boys’ category. In the girls’ category the sister of one of my friends won, her name was Litzi Goldfingerova. Back then they took our picture and our photo was published in some literary magazine. I unfortunately don’t have the photo; we lost everything during the war.

I grew up with my grandparents – partly the Porjeses took care of me, my father’s parents in Zilina, where we spoke Slovak and German, and partly the Moskovics took care of me, my mother’s parents in Michalovce, with whom I spoke the Zemplin dialect and Yiddish. The conditions in both families, as far as religion goes, were quite different. The Moskovics were Orthodox, while the Porjeses were Neolog Jews.

In Zilina, in my poor dead father’s house, as a complete orphan I had a ‘bona’ – a governess. She was a German, a very devout Catholic, an old maid, who boasted twelve first names, of which I remember just five: Maria, Magdalena, Marta, Kristina, Luisa. She loved me dearly and bought me toys from her pay. Grandpa Salamon and Grandma Julie had enough cares and worries with their ailing homestead and with five unwed daughters. Before his death my father had managed to marry off the other eight to decent men, but after his death the rest went to seed. And so my nanny Marie Magdalena brought me up according to her lights. She used to take me to a Catholic church, so I knew the Lord’s Prayer, Hail Mary and other prayers like a proper Catholic.

Both families, the Moskovics and the Porjeses, cooked kosher. There were separate dishes for dairy foods, separate dishes for meat, so as to keep it strictly separated. In Zilina it wasn’t so strict, but in Michalovce my grandma made sure that everything was according to the rules, ritually pure. My grandparents in Zilina employed a cook, a Catholic girl named Hanka, who cooked excellent dishes. We ate traditional foods – during Passover matzot and also during other holidays, traditional foods. For Sabbath we also lit candles. Before eating we had in both families some Hebrew prayer, but today I don’t remember these things at all. I also know that we had to eat everything, not a crumb was allowed go to waste. We attended the synagogue more in Michalovce. There at the age of 13 I had my bar mitzvah. What a celebration that was! However only Grandma Moskovicova survived the Shoah, and after the war completely lost any religious illusions she may have had. She took an intense dislike to kosher cuisine and stopped observing all rituals.

I liked to read a lot. My grandfather did occasionally give me a bit of money, but it wasn’t enough to satisfy my appetite for reading. So I made an agreement with the soda shop owner, Mr. Klein, that I’d deliver bottles of soda pop after school with a wagon. For the deliveries, which each day took up two or three hours of my time, Mr. Klein gave me one crown plus a bottle of pop. I then used these earnings to buy detective stories, its was trashy writing published in booklets with names like ‘Sherlock Holmes,’ ‘Nick Carter,’ ‘Tom Shark,’ ‘Joe Bangs,’ ‘Leon Clifton,’ ‘Charlie Chan,’ ‘Buffalo Bill’ or ‘Winnetou – The Red Gentleman.’ I read them secretly by the light of a candle, because my grandparents in Zilina economized on electricity at home.

In my father’s study there were these mahogany bookcases full of many beautiful books. There were legal texts, but also philosophical tracts by Spinoza, Kant and Schopenhauer, or political essays by Carl von Ossietzky and Kurt Tucholsky. Fiction and poetry from Shakespeare, Milton, Goethe, Schiller, Heine and Thomas Mann. Everything was in the original language as opposed to the Slovak and Hungarian that was used in my grandparents’ homes. I had a governess though, so reading the originals gave me no problems. My knowledge of languages came in handy later in the camps as well, and even later in my career as a journalist and interpreter.

When I was older, I was allowed into my father’s study, into which no one else was allowed aside from my grandma, grandpa and my aunts who did the cleaning there. I remember the leather chair and sofa, the dark furniture, black and white marble table clock, an ‘Ehrbar’ piano, ‘Rosenthal’ porcelain vases, and a huge seashell on the piano, in which one could constantly hear the roar of the sea. On the wall, in a gold frame, hung an oil painting by the Jewish painter Kaufmann depicting an argument between a rabbi and a priest. A charcoal drawing also hung there – a double portrait of my beautiful dark-eyed and dark-haired young mother, and my happily smiling, more than twenty years older father. The charcoal portrait was created by a noted Hungarian artist, whose name I’ve forgotten. I found nothing of these things after the war. Actually almost nothing – in the courtyard of our devastated home I found on a heap of garbage the damaged double portrait of my parents. It was all torn and in horrible shape. I couldn’t save my father, but I at least had my mother’s likeness restored. It’s the only remembrance of my mother that I have. Of my father, I actually have only one photograph, which was given to me years ago by my former wet nurse Ilona Balazova. I’m in the photo as a two year old boy, sitting on a rocking horse, with my handsome father standing beside me.

I don’t know the exact dates of my parents’ deaths. And that’s why whenever I feel the need, I pray the ‘kaddish of orphans.’ Not regularly, simply when I’ve got an internal need, which lately is more and more often. It’s the only prayer which I still more or less remember, I’ve also forgotten it a bit, so I’ve got this mnemonic aid. I’ve got it written in Hebrew, but because I’ve even forgotten the alphabet, a friend transcribed it into Latin letters the way it’s pronounced. When I was small, I used to go with my grandparents or my aunts to the Jewish cemetery in Zilina to where my parents had their grave. That cemetery was destroyed during the war by Slovak Fascists, like all Jewish cemeteries. I think that in the last few years they’ve restored it, so I’m preparing to go there to have a look. Only my father and mother lie in that cemetery. The rest of my relatives are God knows where. During the Holocaust I lost 28 of my close relatives in Auschwitz, so I’ve actually got this private Yad Vashem 10.

In my mother’s home town, in Michalovce, my parents decided that over the summer holidays they’d make a faithful Orthodox Jew out of me. I had to grow payes, I got a yarmulka for my head, and they put an under-tabard with fringes that stuck out over my short pants. They even hired me a private religion teacher. The first teacher was named Mordche; I mainly remember that he was constantly picking his nose. Despite this he taught me how to read Hebrew and some prayers. But he wasn’t that successful, because I claimed that I couldn’t see the small letters. He complained to my grandfather, who due to this sent me to an optometrist, where they found out that I really was nearsighted. So they prescribed me eyeglasses. My second teacher was younger, more educated and friendlier. He was named Broche, which in Hebrew means ‘blessing.’ I asked him once what it means to be a Jew. He answered, ‘To be a Jew means to be a human being.’

After the summer holidays I returned to my grandparents in Zilina. Grandpa Salamon clasped his hands together and called out to my grandmother, ‘Julinko, come see what kind of a monkey those Moskovics have made out of our Lacinko in the East!’ He took my grandma’s scissors out of her sewing machine, cut off my payes, threw out the yarmulka and tore off my tabard with fringes. He even confiscated my glasses, that I wasn’t to make a fool of myself, and forbade me to move my arms while walking. I had to go for walks with him standing erect and with my arms at my sides. My grandfather simply couldn’t deny his days of Austrian Army discipline.

I never took religion very seriously. My grandmother in Michalovce wanted me to attend cheder, but I refused. My grandfather convinced her to not force me, so I didn’t have to go there. In Zilina I attended a so-called Neolog school, which is this Jewish orientation, which I would in short say takes nothing seriously. This Neolog school was of a very high quality, very good teachers taught here. They taught German here already during elementary school, the school was also attended by non-Jewish classmates. On Saturday we had the day off, on Sunday we had classes. High school I attended for a change in Michalovce. I did extremely well, I knew German perfectly from home, and from Zilina I also knew how to speak Slovak very well, which is something you couldn’t say about my classmates and even some teachers. Because in Michalovce they speak with the Eastern Slovak Zemplin dialect.

I remember that once my classmates and I were playing Marias [a card game] during religion class. Our teacher, Mr. Ehlinger, a shammash, suddenly says, ‘In Hungary the azesponem is Bela Kun 11, and in Michalovce the azesponem is Porjes!’ ‘Azesponem’ in Yiddish means something like supreme smartass! Bela Kun was the chairman of the Hungarian Communist Party [KMP] 12, and a terror of all Jews. So in this witty fashion the shammash compared me via being a smartass to Bela Kun.

I remember walking down the street in Michalovce, and walking up to me comes my two and a half years younger classmate Spanar. He began calling me a smelly Jew. I grabbed him and drenched him in a puddle. It had just rained, so I really made a mess of him. When he came home, he evidently complained to his parents about me. However, his parents were very decent people, Protestants and opponents of Fascism. Mr. Spanar was a respected doctor. The Spanars came to our place the next day all dressed up in their Sunday best, along with their son, and proceeded to fervently apologize for their son’s behavior.

But otherwise my high school studies took place in the idyllic conditions of the First [Czechoslovak] Republic 13. Still before official Fascism broke out, the Czech army temporarily occupied Slovakia, to prevent the Hungarian irredenta, forceful accession. The irredenta’s color was green, which I didn’t know at the time. By coincidence, that year I was in my last year of high school and had on my lapel a ribbon worn by alumni – green with a yellow border. The army patrols were made up of these uneducated young guys. When they saw me on the street with a green ribbon, they accused me of supporting the Hungarian irredenta, and jailed me overnight in the high school gym. My grandma and grandpa were frantic, they had no idea what had happened to me, and were understandably afraid for me. In the morning it was explained that a mistake had been made, they let me go, and some captain profusely apologized to my grandparents. I remember my grandmother saying to me, ‘I hope that this was your last time in a pickle!’ Poor thing, she’ll never know how wrong she was back then!

It wasn’t until our last year of school that we Jewish students realized how idyllic the times had been until then. Because we were finishing high school at a time when the subversive actions of the Hlinka supporters, also joined by a few of our less stellar classmates, were peaking. At school, in the hall we had a cloakroom that was protected by bars, where we used to change. Once in the winter, all of us Jewish 12th graders, there were eight of us in all, found that the buttons had been cut off of our coats. Nothing similar had happened to the rest of our twenty non-Jewish classmates. I was elected as the avenger. The next day I purposely came to school a little later, after the first class of the day had already started. I had equipped myself with a razor blade. I got into the cloakroom, which was empty because the rest of my classmates were already in class. I cut the buttons off the coats of all non-Jewish classmates. None of them complained, because they very well knew that they had done the same thing to us before. With this the first phase of anti-Semitic assaults ended.

The ideological leader of student Hlinka sympathizers was our Professor Hlavac, the catechist of Catholic religion. A second anti-Semite was our professor of Slovak, Konstantin Maco. In the tense atmosphere of the temporary occupation of Slovakia by a Czech division, the vindictiveness of these two professors against students of Jewish origin intensified to such a degree, that they secretly gave out the questions on the Slovak final exam to their anti-Semitic favorites, but kept the questions a secret from us Jews. The rest of the professors were mostly from Bohemia, and certainly didn’t sympathize with the Hlinka supporters – one of them, the German professor Frantisek Vymazal, also told me about his fascist Slovak colleagues’ conspiracy. He however didn’t know what the questions were, or how to get to them.

I thought up a plan: I assumed that the distributor of the questions would be the catechist’s biggest favorite, my classmate Michal, who later, after Tiso’s ‘independent’ state was declared, became a highly placed official in the Hlinka Party, HSLS 14. Once, when the ‘nationalists’ were on not all that covert illegal military training, I went to the apartment where Michal lived. His aunt opened the door. I told her that Michal had forgotten something and that I was supposed to bring it to him. She let me in, and I really did find the questions in his desk. I quickly copied them and then at home I wrote them out for all of my Jewish classmates. Michal found out from his aunt what had happened, he immediately realized it was me – because two of us in the class had glasses – I and one girl. Michal told our professor about it, but it was too late to rewrite the questions for the final exam. And so Professor Maco probably had to read while grating his teeth my final exam composition on the subject of ‘Jesus Christ and The Love of Thy Neighbor.’ He probably watched with similar feelings my appearance before the graduation committee. I managed everything perfectly, but Professor Maco was of a different opinion. He disqualified my graduation – it was his personal revenge for my undermining of his effort to prove the superiority of his militant minions.

During the war

After graduation I couldn’t study due to the Nuremberg laws, and so I decided to go to Michalovce to apprentice as a locksmith. However, before I could finish, I was called up to the so-called Sixth Labor Battalion – as Tiso’s ‘Slovak State’ had decided to resolve the problem of young Jews in two phases: firstly to use up their manpower to the last drop in labor camps, secondly to load them onto cattle wagons and entrust their final liquidation to a foreign territory, ‘Generalgouvernement Polen,’ its German protectors.

For the realization of the first phase, the regime created a special group, euphemistically named the ‘Sixth Labor Battalion’, under the leadership of the Minister of Defense, Ferdinand Catlos 15. It was a cover name for forced labor camps, which were under the command of the Ministry of Defense. So they dressed us in mothballed uniforms that they had dug up from back in the times of the Austro-Hungarian [KuK] Army 16. We got dark blue navy uniforms plus flat ‘chef’s’ caps for our heads, so we looked really fantastic! Those born during the years 1919-1921 were drafted into the labor camps, which were strewn across the entire territory of Slovakia; there were about six branch camps in all. In total there were 1278 of us Jewish young men. This number was complemented by several hundred people from the years 1916-1918, who had been originally drafted into the Czechoslovak Army. After the creation of the pro-Fascist Slovak State, they were stripped of their rank, stripped of their green uniforms and together with us younger ones dressed in blue.

On 3rd October 1941 I entered Svaty Jur, which was a small town between Bratislava and Pezinok. The plan was that after some time we’d be included on a transport to concentration camps in German-occupied territory. In Svaty Jur we were housed in wooden barracks infested with ants and fleas, and were armed with picks and shovels. We were given a mess tin and a tin spoon instead of cutlery. There was one washroom, two latrines, and no source of potable running water. From the perspective of some sort of military discipline, it was basically a farce, because no one took it seriously.

The guards were Aryan non-commissioned officers, partly former convicts, partly people of weaker intellect, who weren’t deemed by the authorities to be worthy of service in the regular Slovak army. One of the ‘sergeants,’ who had in civilian life been a soda factory owner, was a lunatic – he even had a permanently manned machine gun installed into the window of his camp quarters, aimed day and night at the wooden barracks of the ‘sixth-battalioners,’ because he was under the delusion that the Jews want to kill him. We of course weren’t allowed to leave the camp, associate with the Aryan populace, we weren’t allowed to reach any military rank, we were all designated with the title of ‘laborer – Jew’. We weren’t allowed any leave, the only exception being the death of an immediate family member or a court summons. However, even in these cases, we had to be accompanied on our leave by an Aryan guard, whom we had to pay in advance all expenses connected to the journey; and so if we didn’t have the necessary means, we weren’t granted a leave of absence.

The daily regime consisted of ten hours of toil for the Moravod Company, draining marshes. We were helping build the Sursky Canal by Svaty Jur. Our daily pay was one and a half crowns, which was just enough for a roll, soda pop and five cigarettes. In the evening we cleaned our muddied uniforms with steel brushes, which was forbidden as damaging of government-issue property, but it was much more effective and faster than washing it in icy water and government-issue soap for two crowns. The nights were half-filled with unrequited erotic dreams, with the other half being filled with furious scratching and futile catching of thousands of insatiable fleas that infested our cots. Occasionally our fitful sleep was augmented by nighttime alerts and assemblies or equipment checks.

This routine was interrupted in March of 1942 by some mail, which was delivered to our barracks. We were flooded by frantic letters from our girlfriends, that in two weeks transports with young girls would be sent off from their former domiciles to a German camp in the southern Polish town of Auschwitz. My girl, Riva Halperova, was also destined for this girls’ transport, scheduled to leave from the Zemplin regional center of Michalovce. She was 19, she had attended home economics school in Uzhorod, and we had been going out together before I left for the labor camp. She was a beauty: jet-black hair, doe-like eyes, caressing lips, a slim figure, breasts just right, trim calves.

I was 20 years old and everyone told us that Rivka and I are a beautiful couple and that we’re right for each other, by the small-town standards of those days they called it ‘true love.’ We went to the movies, our ears and calves burned, and as soon as the lights went out we’d grope each other. During evening walks we hugged and kissed, but didn’t get any further than what’s called ‘petting.’ Riva was from an Orthodox family and had to be home by 10pm at the latest. And now my love was writing me that she has to get on a transport to Auschwitz. Her mother wrote: ‘Come here, please, as fast as possible. We’ve heard that girls destined for transport can be saved by marrying a soldier. Hurry up, the transport is leaving in 14 days. God bless you!’ To her mother’s letter, puckered by dried tears, Riva added three words: ‘I love you!’

My friend Sasha Goldstein, nicknamed Kutzush, who had a similar problem as I, had an idea. His plan was ingenious; among the Aryan guards Kutzush had a friend, a fellow countryman, with whom he occasionally drank and played cards. This friend promised to lend him his green uniform for fifty crowns. For a hundred we bought forged travel orders with authentic stamps for us both. The plan was that I’d go in a blue Jewish uniform and Kutzush as an ‘Aryan’ would escort me in the green uniform. He’d let me off in Michalovce, and continue on alone to Presov, in three days we’d both manage to get married, and then return together to Svaty Jur. I was ecstatic, scrounged up the necessary money and everything worked out to a T.

However, when Rivka’s mother saw me, she wrung her hands in tears. For something unforeseeable had happened: the Ministry of the Interior had decided – apparently to prevent any eventual escapes from less guarded assembly points in smaller towns – to concentrate the girls in collection camps in Poprad and Bratislava, and from there transport them in cattle wagons to Auschwitz. So when I finally managed to arrive in Michalovce, Riva and the rest of the Michalovce girls had already been in the collection camp for three days. No weddings with members of the Sixth Labor Battalion took place. What took place were the funerals of their disconsolate parents. After a short time, Rivka’s mother also died, of a heart attack – she thus saved herself from a more distressful trip to Auschwitz.

So I returned, disappointed, to Svaty Jur. I paid for my escape with fourteen days in jail with no supper. The punishment was surprisingly mild, because the command took the fact I had returned voluntarily after 48 hours as a mitigating circumstance. As far as Kutzush goes, he never returned to the camp, nor did they catch him. He survived the war with partisans in a bunker in the forest, after the war he became a hotel manager in Bratislava, and died in the 1980s.

With me in the Sixth Labor Battalion was Rafael Friedl, a musically and linguistically talented boy, who was a fervent Zionist. He managed to escape, and lived to see the liberation in a small Slovak town as the organist of a local Catholic church. Many years later I met him in Prague, where he was working as a diplomat for the state of Israel under the Hebrew name of Rafael ben Shalom. He asked me whether I wouldn’t like to work for Simon Wiesenthal 17 as a ‘Nazi hunter.’ But I declined the offer. I wanted to start a new life. I wanted to forget all of those horrors. Of course, it’s impossible to forget. Maybe forgive, but it’s definitely impossible to forget. Another colleague of mine from Svaty Jura was Pavel Grunwald, an excellent skier. He was young, and so the transport from the Sixth Labor Battalion to the concentration camp could have missed him for another two years. But he didn’t want to abandon his widowed mother, and voluntarily accompanied her to Auschwitz, where she died. He himself survived the Holocaust in the nearby Buna camp 18, he lived to be liberated by the Americans. But he died a few weeks later in their quarantine camp, of typhus.

I’d call my youth a time of constant escapes. Circumstances were to blame. To tell the truth, I ran away from wherever it was possible, or I at least tried to run away. Just from Svaty Jur I escaped twice. The second time I ran away was after they threatened us with transport to the Ukrainian front. There we were supposed to help the so-called Special Units of the Hlinka Guard, deployed side by side with the SS, to clear minefields. So at that time I became a deserter wanted by the police, because the Sixth Labor Battalion fell under the Ministry of Defense.

I arrived in Michalovce and fell ill, the head doctor at the Michalovce hospital, a staunch opponent of the Tiso regime, Zdenek Klenka, diagnosed me with pleurisy, and announced that I have to immediately go to the hospital. I couldn’t go to the Michalovce hospital, because Dr. Klenka would have been informed on by his colleagues. So he sent me to a sanatorium in Bratislava. I don’t know what exactly was written in the letter of recommendation, nor who arranged and paid my two-month stay in the sanatorium belonging to Dr. Sumbal, because I spent most of the time in bed with high fevers. I think that Grandma Fany arranged it through her Aryanizer, Pavol Hospodar. Twice a day they drained pus from my chest with a cannula. Medicines and a urinal were brought, held and carried away again by a young, pretty Carmelite nun named Zita. I was terribly embarrassed in front of her because of that urinal, because I liked Zita. The fevers receded, my overall condition gradually improved, the professor was satisfied and ‘threatened’ to let me go home in a couple of weeks or so. Where ‘home,’ was of course the cardinal question, but in the meantime I wasn’t concerning myself with that. Fourteen days was still a long time, especially when after long weeks of treatment and gradual ‘revitalization,’ some of my fellow patients in the room were beginning to really get on my nerves, apparently in the same measure that I was also getting on their nerves. But, as luck would have it, the tempo of my recovery apparently overtook the estimates of the esteemed professor himself. Because this embarrassing incident happened. Sister Zita was once again holding the urinal for me, and somehow my manhood unexpectedly welled up in me. Basically, though the urinal was still half empty, its orifice was suddenly filled. Zita was startled, in her terror let the urinal go and ran out of the hospital room in a panic. My more cynical fellow patients were guffawing until their bellies hurt, but I was quite mortified. Because shortly upon that, the head nurse burst into the room, in a snit, an older nurse along with an orderly. She bawled me out in an un-Christian fashion, that I’m a disgrace and lout, and that I’m apparently confusing the hospital with a brothel. I couldn’t even imagine what words the chaste Zita had used to describe that faux-pas, but the Mother Superior’s choice words sounded so comical in the context of the whole episode, that I burst out laughing, which understandably was the last straw in the whole affair. Mr. Professor Sumbal was however a worldly man, and likely had his own opinion on the whole matter, but in front of the head nurse he had to preserve decorum and called my behavior hooliganism. And because he apparently didn’t want to make waves with the Carmelite order, he looked my case record over, stone-faced, in front of the head nun, and then told me that my condition had improved to the degree that I could leave his clinic in three days. I accepted the verdict in silence. When the professor and head nurse left, my elderly neighbor uttered a thought which hadn’t even occurred to me, a naive country boy. “Yeah, sonny” – he said – “civilian nurses are quite a bit more expensive.”
Sister Zita never again set foot in our room. The urinals were brought by a male orderly, who smirked at me, because news of the affair had already spread throughout the entire sanatorium. So that’s how my stay at Professor Sumbal’s clinic in Bratislava came to end; I’ve remained grateful to him my entire life. When I was leaving by the main entrance, I was still coughing a bit, but not wheezing. I sent Sister Zita a letter of thanks with a sincere apology. After the war I bought a large bouquet and took it to the clinic. A smallish, slightly chubby Carmelite that I didn’t know took the flowers from me. “Sister Zita is no longer with us”, she told me. “Where did she go?” I asked. The chubby nurse looked down. “She’s left for a better world”, she replied. “Two years ago already.” [quoted with the gracious permission of Ladislav Porjes from the manuscript of the yet unpublished book CENZUROVANY ZIVOT: Z pameti cesko-slovensko-zidovskeho reportera (A CENSORED LIFE: From the memoirs of a Czech-Slovak-Jewish Reporter)]

I lived in Bratislava on false Aryan papers. False papers were issued illegally by either Protestant or Greek Catholic priests who were against the Fascist regime. They helped Jews, issued them false birth certificates. I, however, set out for the Bratislava Jewish community. Sitting there were these two young guys, who took down my real birth data and told me to return in two hours. They left the date of birth, but changed my name to Po Irubsky and issued me a birth certificate and home certificate. They also gave me a document stating that I’d been operated on for phimosis, an infection of the foreskin, which was in case someone found out that I was circumcised, so that I’d have a document stating why. They did everything for free, plus gave me a hundred crowns from a secret fund. They advised to not carry all of my papers together, so as to not be conspicuous. They also advised me that with my non-Aryan face, I should rather not even set foot outside. But I didn’t take heed of their good advice, I thought that it couldn’t be that dangerous, that I can’t again look all that Jewish. Today I know how naive I was back then!

I found work through an ad – in the paper they wrote that some German Reich fruit preserves and jam company, with a branch plant in Bratislava, was looking for a German-Slovak translator. I set out for the address listed in the ad, introduced myself under my false name, and said that I was interested in the job. Some German was sitting in the office, he tested my translating abilities, and immediately hired me. I worked there twice a week, each time for about two or three hours. My salary was a thousand crowns a month – at that time the crown still had almost its pre-war value, so I came by some very decent money. Just for comparison: at the end of 1944, a can of excellent Italian sardines still cost one crown – so back then a thousand crowns was a very nice sum. It allowed me to rent an apartment in one villa in Bratislava, which was rented out by some widow. But I think that my German employer came to suspect something about my origin, because one time he says to me: ‘It’s interesting, that as opposed to you, Slovaks can’t speak German very well.’

But what happened was that I was informed on by a former member of the Sixth Labor Battalion, who was in the pay of the Secret Police as an informer. He identified me as an escapee, found and denounced me to the Guardists. All of a sudden they caught me in the street, I defended myself and shouted what do they think they’re doing, but they told me to shut up. They took me in and started interrogating me. I insisted that I was the person identified in my papers. They told me that if I’m claiming to be a Slovak, to take off my pants, so they could make sure that I’m not a Jew. I told them that it was pointless, that I had been operated on due to a foreskin infection. I got a cuff. They were yelling at me, that no Slovak would carry so many documents on him. Let alone a confirmation of surgery. They were right in that, my big mistake was that I hadn’t listened to the warning at the Bratislava Jewish community, to never carry my papers all together. They beat me up and dragged me with other prisoners, in chains, through Bratislava. They stopped traffic and dragged us through the streets like animals. Those more sympathetic would stop and slip us chocolate or a fiver. So that’s how I got into military prison in Poprad.

I had to hand in my documents, wallet, watch, pocket knife and comb. The guard was looking me over and asked, ‘You’re a Jew, huh? That’s all we needed here!’ In the warehouse I handed in my suit jacket, pants, trench coat, underwear, tie and shoes. I was given a standard-issue shirt, long linen underwear, a summer linen uniform and hard boots. They also gave me a tin bowl and spoon. They led me down a long, gloomy corridor with wet and mildewed walls. The building was perhaps from the time of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, by the looks of it, since the times of Maria Theresa nothing had changed here, or been aired out – the air was thick and dank. [Maria Theresa (1717–1780): Bohemian and Hungarian queen and Austrian archduchess from the year 1740. As the wife of Francis I. of Lorraine, Holy Roman Empress (from 1745).] A true, blue garrison prison. The cell was a large, cold room with a high window, barred of course. There were long benches along both walls and a massive, unfinished table. By another wall there were straw mattresses covered by blankets and in the corner an uncovered pail that stank horribly. My fellow prisoners consisted of thieves, rapists, deserters, the ill – all together we were about thirty men in the cell. The prisoners would play ‘meat’ – a Gypsy stood with his butt bared and had to guess who of us hit him. According to the rules, they were supposed to hit him with their palms, but they had something like a bullwhip – the Gypsy screamed horribly in pain.

For supper I got hot black coffee with saccharin and cold peas. The Gypsy advised me to put the peas in the coffee, that I’ll at least heat them up – and what’s more, it’ll all mix together in my stomach anyways. After supper we laid down on the straw mattresses. There were thirty of us, but there were only twenty blankets, so we had to artfully arrange them so that we’d all be covered. At night that meant that when one turned, everyone had to turn with him, because otherwise we wouldn’t all fit under the blankets. It took me a while to get used to it. I got a few cuffs on the head from my fellow sleepers and then I got used to it. After a night like that, I would get up in the morning all stiff and sleepy. There were bedbugs everywhere, and the air was unbreathable due to the open pail and the peas we’d had for supper. Before breakfast I set out for the washroom – a longish, dirty room with several taps, from which ran just a dribble of icy water. I was cold; fall beneath the Tatras is nice and cold. For breakfast we’d get a slice of bread and chicory brew with bromine. After breakfast we talked about food, everyone described what he liked – dumplings, bacon, sausages, potatoes, cabbage stew or haluzsky with bryndza [something like potato gnocchi served with a creamy sheep cheese]. Then we reminisced about rum, slivovitz or borovicka. [Slivovitz is a typical Moravian plum distillate, considered by many to be the Moravian ‚national’ drink; Borovicka, or pine brandy, is a distillate from the berries of the black and red juniper tree, popular primarily in Slovakia.] Finally we talked about women; roughly, lecherously and without a whit of shame.

They summoned me to court, to tell me that as a military deserter from the Sixth Labor Battalion, who had de facto deserted from the army of the Slovak State during wartime, I’d serve seven months of hard time, which I’d have intensified by a twice-weekly fast and a hard bed. I appealed. The judge alerted me to the fact that if my appeal was turned down, they won’t include the two months I’d already spent in jail in the penalty. Which was exactly what I wanted – I was trying to stay in jail for as long as possible. Although it wasn’t at all a pleasant environment, it was still better than being sent by transport to an uncertain fate in a concentration camp. I got what I wanted: in Bratislava they extended my sentence by two months – so I had nine months of jail in front of me, but with the certainty that for nine months I’m protected from the transports. As I’d been sentenced to more than a half year, the escort drove me to the Bratislava jail. I was chained to the other men, the trip dragged on forever.

The central military jail in Bratislava was a modern, multi-story building. Upon admittance I once again received a faded linen jail uniform without buttons. The buttons were removed for safety reasons, because one inmate had removed the buttons, eaten them, and then had to be taken to the hospital. The long pants had no drawstring, so they tended to slip down. The prison shoes had no straps. That was because another inmate had hung himself with shoelaces and straps tied together. They even took my glasses, apparently so that I wouldn’t slit my veins with the lenses. They shaved me with a straight razor and a dull safety razor – reputedly to prevent lice.

I was put into solitary confinement – the cell was nice, a room three by two meters big. A concrete floor, barred window, a small stool, a folded-down iron bed. They didn’t give me a bowl or spoon, as someone had once upon a time used one to slit his wrists. My food was brought by an inmate, accompanied by a guard, in an aluminum mess tin. I got a wooden spoon, spinach, meat and piping hot beef soup, which smelled fairly good. I put it in the toilet to cool off, and was looking forward to eating it in peace, finally for once like a civilized person. About five minutes later, when I was getting ready to begin eating the soup, the guard appeared again and yelled at me to return everything. He pushed me aside and carried away both bowls of food, still full. I remembered that, and the next time stuffed myself with hot potatoes, and burned my throat with boiling soup. There was no other way; otherwise I would have again gone hungry all day. Because we didn’t get any supper. At night a bright light bulb in the ceiling shone constantly, and every little while the guard’s eye watched me through the spy-hole in the door.

I communicated with the other inmates by tapping on the wall. They asked me whether I was receiving packages. Unfortunately I had no one to receive them from. They advised me that I’ve got the right to reading matter from the library and an extra blanket. The next day, when I asked the guard for something to read, he refused to give it to me. He gave me no reason why. I was shivering with cold and thought that I had a fever – but they also refused to give me an extra blanket. Again they didn’t tell me why, although according to the prison rules I had a right to it all. In the morning I reported to the infirmary, that I’m not feeling well and have a fever. The doctor told me that there’s nothing wrong with me, and sent me to take a walk out in the courtyard, under the watch of guards with pistols and truncheons. Out in the courtyard I fainted due to weakness. A guard repeatedly kicked me and forced me to do knee bends. When I fainted a second time, he gave me a thrashing with a bullwhip to wake me up.

In the evening a neighbor tapped out that I should complain about the rough treatment. But I knew that it was pointless – for I was the only Jew in the whole prison. I was forced to listen to abuse like ‘stinky Jew-boy’ or ‘leech on the body of the Slovak nation.’ Prison was very hard, I was no longer sure if I’d live through prison with my health intact. I remembered the advice that my fellow inmates in the Poprad garrison had given me. The most important thing was to get into the hospital. But getting into the hospital wasn’t easy – a person really had to have some proper disease for them to send him there.

I remembered friends telling me to sew a piece of fat Sunday pork into my straw mattress, wait until it putrefied, and then eat it on an empty stomach. In this way I would reputedly give myself food poisoning or at least jaundice. I was really no longer capable of withstanding the bullying of the idiotic guards in the Bratislava prison, so I decided to try out this allegedly guaranteed recipe. I hid the meat and let it properly putrefy. To heighten the effect, I didn’t eat for two days before consuming the fetid delicacy, just to be on the safe side. But apparently because I was already so starved, what happened was that I digested the reputed poison without any ill effects whatsoever.

Just when I was starting to become desperate, I remembered one incident that the Gypsy Mizo had been telling us about in the Poprad garrison. He’d been telling us that when he’d been in prison for the third time, one of his fellow prisoners got out of jail into the hospital with a case of the clap. We roared with laughter. How can we get a case of the clap, when there isn’t even one woman here? Mizo didn’t let himself be humiliated, and claimed that the guy had caught it himself. We didn’t believe him. How could he give himself the clap? Mizo proclaimed that with soap. ‘He made a plug out of soap, stuck it in his dick, didn’t piss for two days, and the third day it swelled up, turned black, and ran like the Danube. The guard carted him off to the hospital.’

This anecdote now came back to me. I didn’t put much faith in it, but I said to myself that perhaps Mizo couldn’t have completely thought up the whole thing. He was too much of a primitive to think up something like that. I began to weigh the various pros and cons of a similar plan. The risks seemed to me to be minimal. If it didn’t work out, I’d most likely get another kicking, no food or a couple of other disciplinary punishments. Some sort of burning sensation in my genitals seemed like a minor detail. I hoped that thanks to this childish experiment I’d at least get into the hospital.

I was alone in my cell, so I didn’t have to perform the preparations or the procedure itself in front of anyone. The guard did come around to check on me every fifteen minutes through the peephole, but fifteen minute intervals were more than enough for the preparation and realization of the whole thing. I looked as if I was taking care of the more minor bodily function, as I stood with my legs apart above a Turkish toilet. There was therefore no way I could cause any suspicion. Everything proceeded exactly according to the recipe described by the Gypsy.

At four in the morning I reported to the infirmary. My privates, properly blackened, swollen and constantly dripping, hung limply from my half-drawn pants. The prison doctor examined my privates and said facetiously: ‘Ignoramuses, animals, pigs, you could infect a whole girls’ school!’ He immediately diagnosed my problems as an acute case of chronic clap caused by gonorrheal microbes. He ordered a speedy transfer to the venereal disease ward at the army hospital in Ruzomberk.

Peace awaited me at the venereal ward in Ruzomberk. On the whole, they welcomed me kindly; in any case no one bullied me or called me a dirty Jew. Waiting for me were a clean bed, understanding looks and obliging colleagues who publicly offered me chocolate and cigarettes. When the nurse left, I even got a gulp from a bottle hidden under a mattress. It seemed to me like heaven on earth. The next day they took away a sample of my semen in a test tube, and then I could walk around the hospital park.

But the idyll lasted for only two days. For on the third day the attending physician – a young, sympathetic and intelligent-looking person – invited me into his office. He says to me, ‘Tell me, what do you think we found in your sperm under the microscope?’ It was clear to me that my days in the idyllic hospital atmosphere were numbered. Nevertheless, I smartly said, ‘Of course I know, the clap!’ The doctor smiled, ‘We found two crowns’ worth of government-issue soap. And now please take off your pants.’ He carefully examined my organ, shrunken with fear. For a moment his gaze stopped at the circumcision cut. Then he quietly says, ‘You’re a Jew, aren’t you? How much longer are you supposed to be in for?’ I said that for five months more. The doctor says, ‘That’s quite a bit. And would it help you if we left you here for two or three weeks? We can’t have you here for any longer, because a real cure for the clap doesn’t last longer than that. Just to be sure you’ll come see me twice a week, as if for a checkup, so that it doesn’t look suspicious.’ I thanked him from the bottom of my heart. Those three weeks in the Ruzomberk army hospital are my most pleasant memory of the six years that Tiso’s Slovak State lasted.

I served the remainder of my sentence and was transported to the Sered [labor] camp 19, from which I was sent to Auschwitz. I vividly remember the transport from Sered to Auschwitz. We had a long journey ahead of us, the train started moving with an effort, the wagon was overfilled, and only with the greatest difficulty did I manage to get to a window. Then across many bodies I again squeezed my way back to my original place by a wall. I took a pack from my pocket and lit a match. Flickeringly the flame lit up the wagon. Everywhere there was straw and people’s bodies crammed together like sardines in a tin. Only a few lucky ones had the possibility of sitting, the rest stood crammed together. There were old and young ones, a young mother nursing a baby.

I looked at my neighbor Olda, we nodded at each other that the time was ripe. Olda pulled a loaf of bread from his backpack, broke it in half and pulled from the dough two small saws and a chisel. In the Sered camp the bakers had baked the tools into the bread for us, and the Piestany rabbi, who had been helping plan our escape in the camp, also gave us some money for the trip. Olda spoke to people in the wagon, that they shouldn’t be afraid of anything, that it’s night, the train is going slowly, the track isn’t lit up, so no one would see us drill a hole in the wall with the saw and that we’d all be saved. The young mother protested, she was afraid for her tiny child, that she wouldn’t be able to save herself and him during the escape and that both would lose their lives.

Olda consoled everyone, that the money from the rabbi would be enough for a start for everyone, that we’d get by somehow, and that after all escape a better choice that what was waiting for us at the end of the trip. People countered, that it’s a big risk, the war could still last a long time and with our escape we could also endanger our other relatives. Suddenly out of the twilight a tall, emaciated figure appeared, an old man said that he’s got a wife and children in Auschwitz and that he’d like to see them again. We agreed that we weren’t forcing anyone, that whoever wants to escape can join up. Those that agreed to go were I, Olda, Michal and a young couple – a boy and girl, who were holding hands. Then a middle-aged lady joined us and the young mother with her baby.

We began cutting a hole in the wall with the saw. The work went slowly, the steel of the saw cut only slowly into the oaken wood, millimeter by millimeter. We young ones took turns; we tried to work as fast as possible, because we didn’t know how far the next stop was. Our hands hurt, but the work proceeded slowly and surely. Suddenly a voice spoke up: ‘Stop, I won’t allow this. I’ve got a wife and child in a bunker and won’t let myself be shot because of you. I want to see them again after the war. I you don’t stop, I’ll tell.’ It was Markel, who the Germans had made commander of the wagon.

Olda gripped a knife in his hand and took a step towards Marek. The others stepped aside out of his way. Markel sank to his knees and pleaded with Olda to not kill him, that he’s got a wife and children, all right, we can do what we want, that he won’t tell. So we again began to saw at the wall. Suddenly in the distance the lights of a station were shining, brakes squealed – we were arriving at the Zilina train station. The door opened, an arm thrust a pail of water inside, a voice benevolently asked: ‘Alles in Ordnung?’ [‘Everything OK?’] It was a decent person, a field constable from the former Austria, which was now called Ostmark. So there was nothing to be afraid of. When no one answered, the voice said: ‘Na also, gute Nacht.’ [‘Well, goodnight then!’] With a grating sound the door began to slowly close. Everything looked hopeful. But suddenly a voice piped up from the depths of the dark wagon. It was Markel. ‘Herr Kommandant! Es ist nicht alles in Ordnung.’ [‘Mr. Commander, actually things are not quite all right.’] The door opened again. Markel told him that there were people here that wanted to escape. He didn’t want to reveal who. He said only, that it was dark, he didn’t see anything, but he’d heard whispering and the sound of a saw drilling through the wall of the wagon.

Suddenly the wagon was surrounded by activity, a sharp whistle interrupted the quiet of night, everywhere around us were submachine guns. The baby began to loudly cry, everyone else’s teeth were chattering with fright. One by one we had to get out of the wagon along with our meager luggage. The transport commander entered, examined the drilled-through wall and announced appreciatively that we had done a good job. He apparently had orders from above, that he’s not to kill prisoners during the transport, what’s more, shooting at night would have caused undesirable commotion in Zilina. He probably said to himself that the SS can get their hands dirty with us once we get there. He ordered the railway workers to disconnect the drilled-through wagon and move it to a spur line.

They loaded us onto a new wagon, a more modern one with a barred window and a sliding door with a heavy bar. They put it right after the first class wagon, where an armed escort was sitting. The door closed behind us and we heard the clanking of chains and a lock. The train started moving, but didn’t get 30 km/h any more, they had doubled the speed, another locomotive was assisting from behind. We then passed through the stations without stopping. Utter silence reigned in the wagon. It wasn’t dark any more, reflectors lit us up from both sides, and other lights aimed at the other wagons. We were so crammed against each other that you couldn’t move. However in one corner by the wall there was room enough – standing there was Markel’s figure, with a waxen face.

I remember the arrival in Auschwitz. They dumped us out of the transport, which stopped on a spur line. I did something wrong, I don’t know anymore what it was, I didn’t greet a member of the SS loudly enough, or something like that. That person gave me a horrible cuff, but that wasn’t the worst – the worst was, that my glasses fell to the ground and broke. I was disconsolate, because I needed the glasses. I remember one older prisoner consoling me, perhaps between 20 and 25, who had already been in the camp for a longer time. He consoled me very much, was very kind to me, petted and kissed me. It wasn’t until later that I noticed that he had a pink triangle: he was a homosexual.

The selection took place as soon as we arrived. They dumped us out, and then it went quickly, left, right, left, right, left, right, around and around. The standard tattooing also took place. An SS minion tattooed me a new identity: from that moment on I was ‘Häftling Nummer B-14219.’ I got into Camp B, so Auschwitz-Birkenau, right beside the former Gypsy camp, which they liquidated. Auschwitz had an underground movement, but I had arrived too late and was in the camp for too short a time to register the fact. Moreover, escapes, which for example Rudolf Vrba and Alfred Wetzler had managed [see Escape from Auschwitz] 20, those had happened long before I had arrived at the camp. The underground was founded by former French prisoners, whom the Germans had transported away.

In Birkenau about 40 of us men slept in a wooden bunkhouse, we slept under a ragged blanket. In the winter we heated a bit with a small stove. My typical day in the camp consisted of us waking up in the morning in the barracks and getting breakfast, which was made up of so-called tea, a slice of bread, accompanied by a teaspoon of artificial honey or artificial jam. That’s what the Germans called breakfast, on this miserable ration we had to work until lunch. Lunch consisted of so-called ‘zupa,’ which was the Polish expression for ‘Suppe’ in German, soup. It looked like a broth made from dirty socks and tasted like it, too. Chunks of rotten boiled potatoes floated in it, here and there a piece of gristle, and with it again a slice of bread. On that we had to make it until supper, which was weak, almost watery tea, a teaspoon of artificial jam and a slice of bread. I think that it’s obvious why at that time I weighed 45 kilos.

One evening it was my turn to empty the garbage pail in our bunkhouse. The sun had long since set behind the barracks, and the twilight had thoroughly thickened. I aimed for a rusty barrel, into which I was supposed to dump the contents of our pail, and I noticed a half-limp sack leaning against the wall of the hovel that was called ‘the kitchen.’ When I was already returning to our bunkhouse with the empty pail, it was dark, no one could see me, so I decided to look at the contents of the sack. I hefted it and discovered that it could have been about ten kilos of potatoes, which moreover looked more or less edible. After three months in the camp I wasn’t exactly in the greatest shape, but I grabbed the sack and after a bit of a struggle I threw it over my shoulder. With the pail in my other hand I carefully walked to our bunkhouse.

I was looking forward to my fellow prisoners cheering and how they’d praise me for such a scoop. But it was premature, because after a while a gang of about fifteen-year-old urchins came rushing over to me, threw me on the ground, stuffed their coat and shirt pockets with potatoes, and left me beaten on the ground. They were urchin children, whom the occupants had taken from their parents, who’d been accused of sabotage and as a warning publicly executed, from burned villages in the Ukraine and Russia. They then accused these children of vagrancy and begging, and dragged them to Birkenau. They stuffed them into the barracks of the former Gypsy camp, whose occupants they had gassed prior to that.

I picked myself up from the muddy ground, I was shaking with cold. I was so stunned by it, that aside from the empty pail, I was also dragging along the limp sack. I didn’t think of the danger, I knew that my bunkhouse was around the corner, and the sack could come in handy as a blanket during the coming winter. Suddenly, out of the blue around the corner appeared a German guard, armed to the teeth. He asked me what I was doing outside. I explained to him that I had gone to empty the pail and that I had then fallen down, that’s why I’m so muddy. He asked what the sack was for. I said that I had found it lying beside the garbage barrel.

He carefully took the sack into his hand, and unluckily, two forgotten potatoes rustled about in it. He wanted to know what had happened to the rest of the potatoes. I tried to explain that there had perhaps been some other ones in it, but that they had probably fallen out when I had fallen. He began to shout, that knowing Jews, I probably wanted to sell them somewhere, that I no doubt have some deal arranged. He ordered me: ‘About left, ten steps forward, stop, about face, close your eyes!’ So I did an about left, measured out ten steps, did an about face and again stood face to face with a machine gun. The SS soldier stood astride, aimed and fired a shot. It was a fragment of eternity. I managed to hear the shot, see the flash, feel a burning pain in my face, and find out that I’m alive. The SS soldier lowered his machine gun, aimed his flashlight’s beam at my face, cursed and bellowed, ‘Hau ab!’ [‘Get lost!’] I was in shock. I had obeyed the order. He didn’t fire a second time, but just to be sure, I left the sack lying on the ground. In the bunkhouse everyone wanted to know what had happened, they’d been frightened by the shot. They treated the wound on my neck, which had by only a little missed my jugular.

I worked in a commando that went outside of the camp, and we built so-called cowsheds. I dragged long, heavy beams on my shoulders. One day the cowshed was built, the next day we tore it down – so this ‘work’ of ours was pure and utter bullying. I got sores on the back of my neck from carrying the beams, I had a vitamin deficiency, and got into the infirmary. Working as the commander of the infirmary was some young German doctor with a war cross. Also working there was a very noted former Jewish professor from Prague, he treated me with several kinds of liniments; he gathered various herbs among the weeds, from which he then manufactured the liniments. He consoled me, that I won’t go to the gas from the infirmary, because I was afraid that as a cripple who they don’t need, they’ll send me into the gas. This professor didn’t return to Czechoslovakia after the war, I think that he left for America. Because he was probably afraid, because in Auschwitz he helped Mengele with experiments. Mengele likely forced him to do it under threat. Otherwise, though, he was a really esteemed and very capable specialist.

It was on the whole pleasant to lie in the ‘Krankenrevier’ [German for ‘sick-bay’] for a couple of days, the infirmary may have been infested by insects, but one knew that the crematorium wasn’t an immediate threat. It was warmer there, the soup was thicker, and occasionally one even found a piece of half-rotten potato in it instead of the obligatory peels. I could take a rest from the horrible toil, from the huge logs that we dragged around on our backs every day. I could stretch out under a not too clean, ragged blanket.

On the bed next to me laid a ‘musulman,’ a living skeleton that I couldn’t tear my eyes away from, the poor wretch was constantly spewing blood. He was being given a morphine substitute, because real morphine was reserved only for the SS elites. In the gloom I could make out the number on his forearm – it had three digits, which means that he must have been in the camp for at least three years. The professor’s efforts were futile: death was looking out of that poor wretch’s eyes. Exitus was a question of at most several hours. The Latin word exitus has remained in my memory – I heard it for the first time from the professor in the infirmary. Today it doesn’t sound so terrible to me, but back then, when the professor pronounced it in front of the head doctor, a cold sweat broke out on my forehead. There must be something very dignified in that word, because with its pronunciation even the SS-men themselves became quiet.

In the evening the attending supervisor used to come by, and it was time for a checkup. The German doctor usually examined the patients’ bare feet, and when they weren’t perfectly clean, the patient didn’t get any supper. When the doctor approached my bed, I noticed that it was a new doctor, who I didn’t know. I stuck my feet out from underneath the blanket. At that moment something rolled out onto the dirt floor. Inwardly I cursed myself for being so careless. Fear constricted my throat. For onto the floor had fallen several of my chessmen, which I’d made from bread dough. I did it to kill time in the infirmary. But of course it was forbidden. Absolutely everything was forbidden in Birkenau.

The SS doctor bent down and examined the figures with interest. He asked me whether I knew how to play chess. When I nodded yes, he wanted to know if I played well. Finally, he said that if I was able to walk, for me to get dressed and come with him. I went to his quarters. His batman stared in surprise, that the new doctor is bringing a kid to his place, what’s more, a Jewish Häftling [German for ‘prisoner’]. The doctor took out a waxed canvas, unrolled it and took out some figures. He told me to sit down and put a pack of cigarettes beside me. They were gold-tipped ‘Egyptians.’ I took a drag from the cigarette and my head began to spin, so I put it down on the edge of the ashtray, so as not to dirty the carpet.

The game began. I opened very well, but the whole time I was asking myself: what will happen if I win. The doctor made a bad move and the game was from that moment decided in my favor. I said to myself, that he looks easygoing, that there’s something decent in his eyes. But, I said to myself, weren’t his party colleagues also smiling? Weren’t they smiling during the selections? Weren’t they even smiling when they were sending people to the gas chambers? Now the doctor wasn’t even smiling any more. In his look there was something chilling. Is it worth irritating him? It wouldn’t have been bad to show him what a bungler he is, it wouldn’t have been bad to relish the feeling of victory, to show him that even an insignificant Jew-boy could defeat a member of the ‘Herrenvolk’ [German for ‘master race’].

But I knew that that sort of victory could have a very bitter aftertaste. And I wanted to survive. So purposely I made a bad move. The doctor breathed a sigh of relief. I could still have saved the game, pulled my castle back for defense, I was even already reaching for it, but at the last moment I changed my mind after all. Instead I pulled back my queen and placed it so that the SS-man could develop an offensive. I let him win. He was delighted and declared that it hadn’t been a bad game. In the end he gave me something wrapped up in newspaper. Outside I unwrapped the package. In it was a can of pork and ten cigarettes. Back at the infirmary I hid everything under my mattress. A few days later, as the professor had predicted, my sores really did disappear, and I was healthy again.

Miklos Feldmann, whom I knew, was also in Birkenau. His parents had a clothing store in Michalovce. His parents didn’t have any musical talent, so who Miklos inherited it from is a mystery. He learned to play the violin wonderfully: he played at Jewish birthdays, weddings or other merry and also sad occasions. They brought him to Birkenau in a cattle wagon a year before me. When I met him there, he was 36, so 13 years older than me. He looked to be in good health, and as opposed to me, who wore prison rags, he wore a relatively decent civilian suit. Of course, he had a yellow square sewn on his back.

I wondered at it all, and he told me that it was all due to his violin, which he had taken with him on the transport. Mengele, who loved music, had on the ramp foresightedly let him keep it. From that time on Miklos played for the SS and officers, he played everything; from the classics to Lili Marlene [Editor’s note: The song Lili Marlene was recorded by Marlene Dietrich (1901–1992): real name Maria Magdalene von Losch, German actress and chanteuse]. Everyone was thrilled and they promoted him – he became a capo [concentration camp inmate appointed by the SS to be in charge of a work gang]. However he never hurt anyone, and really no one wanted it of him either. His only duty was playing music.

After some time they brought him two ‘Häftlinge,’ to accompany Miklos’s playing with singing. To increase their own fun, the SS truly picked them out cleverly: for they looked like Pat and Patachon. [Pat and Patachon: a comic Danish silent film duo. The part of Pat was played by Carl Schenstrom (1881–1942) and the part of Patachon by Harald Madsen (1890–1949).] Tall and skinny Ojzer had once been cantor in a Vilna synagogue. Short and stocky Lajb was from some Polish shtetl [village]. These two singers complemented each other well while singing, but otherwise didn’t have much love for each other. The swore at each other, Lajb abused Ojzer for being religious and for observing religious regulations even in the camp, and that he ate only a slice of bread and potatoes baked on a stove. Lajb called Ojzer ‘meshugge’ [crazy] and ‘amhoretz’ [ignoramus]. Ojzer on the other hand called Lajb a ‘shabesgoy’ or ‘mamzer.’ The SS made them the butt of jokes and riddles like: ‘Do you know, you Jew-boys, why you’ve always been inferior? Because they cut a piece off of you right after birth!’ or: ‘Farmers pulled a woman’s naked, drowned corpse from the Visla. We immediately recognized that she was a Jewess. How did you know? She smelled!’ but otherwise they treated them relatively well and didn’t even beat them.

One day Miklos appeared before his audience alone, and waited for Lajb and Ojzer to appear. But the officers were requesting a song about a prostitute who fell in love with a soldier, for the popular hit by the Swedish-German Nazi star Zarah Leander [Leander, Zarah (1907–1981): Swedish actress]. Miklos summoned the courage to ask whether they didn’t want to wait for his colleagues, that after all, the song would sound better with singing. ‘Go ahead and play it yourself, Paganini [Paganini, Nicolo (1782–1840): Italian violinist and composer]. From now on you’ll always be playing solo! Your friends went up the chimney. There were punished for preparing to steal a loaf of bread.’ The violin dropped from Miklos’s hands and tears welled up in his eyes. A German consoled him, ‘Don’t be sorry, your favorite didn’t end as badly.’ Miklos summoned his last hopes and asked him whether thus little Lajb had remained alive. The SS soldier laughed, ‘No, not that, but the tall guy burned for a lot longer!’ This was what Birkenau ‘humor’ was like. The virtuoso Miklos Feldmann survived the Holocaust, and after the war immigrated to the USA, where he died.

In November 1944 word spread throughout the camp that an evacuation of the camp was being prepared – people whispered it while building the cowsheds, it was talked about quietly at meetings in the latrine, and more loudly in the barracks. It was no secret, and our ‘Blockältester’ [person in charge of one barrack, or ‘block’] Willy tolerated these debates. The Russian army was already damned close and cannon fire could even be heard, although still only occasionally and dimly, during assemblies on the ‘Appellplatz’ [roll call area]. Moreover, there were substantially more heavy freight trucks with carefully covered beds daily leaving the camp.

One ‘Häftling,’ a clerk from the ‘Schreibstube’ [camp office], brought allegedly guaranteed information that in the near future, they were preparing to evacuate the entire camp from Auschwitz to Gleiwitz 21. This news evoked agitation and fear among the inmates. It was clear to us that they wouldn’t be moving us by car or by rail, but that we’d have to go on foot in the bitter, freezing cold for dozens of kilometers in worn out boots and wooden shoes and summer camp rags. Prior to that, as a cover-up, they tore down two crematoria, which was supposed to fool the awaited visit of the International Red Cross – so we could hope that they wouldn’t shoot us en masse, as it would have cost too much work and ammunition, and the orphaned ovens of the last crematorium could scarcely have sufficed to do away with the evidence of mass murder.

Into this atmosphere came an unexpected roll-call of a surprising nature – instead of the routine bullying on the frozen terrain, came an unusual request by the SS ‘Scharführer’ [squad leader] for all prisoners up to the age of 40 who have some manual trade qualification to report. The first reaction was overall silence, we recalled similar requests from the past, which ended with the cleaning of latrines or SS barracks. But then, almost telepathically, prevailed a hope that these masters of our destiny – face to face with the transfer of experienced tradesmen to the Russian front – could mean it seriously this time. And so the first arms started to be shyly raised, among them mine and that of my friend Honza Buxbaum. For both of us, thanks to Tiso’s Slovak State, had been prevented from continuing our studies, and so we were forced to become ‘tradesmen,’ Honza became a tinsmith, I apprenticed as a locksmith. Roughly fifty of us reported. When we found out that we were truly to be driven away on trucks to a German munitions factory somewhere near Gleiwitz, Honza and I agreed for all eventualities on possible escape scenarios.

Early one November evening, all adepts of the motorized transfer were issued a half-kilo can of meat from the army supplies and a loaf of bread of the same weight. They even entrusted each one of us with a tin spoon, and with typically German attention to detail added a miniscule can opener. Only drinking water was forgotten, despite their diligence. Or was it caused by a shortage of bottles? God knows. They were in a hurry, they didn’t even test our alleged specializations. When it got dark, they brought over two trucks with their beds covered with heavy waterproof canvas. ‘Los, los’ [German for ‘come on, let’s get moving’] – the SS on the left and the capos on the right, they drove us up ladders towards an uncertain future. Inside were long wooden benches on both sides of the truck bed. Honza and I quickly agreed that we’d be among the last to get on the second truck. When we climbed up and sat down, we found ourselves face to face with an SS-man with a hand reflector and a machine gun on his lap. We then waited for another hour in the utter darkness, and then both trucks set off on their nighttime journey.

The drivers turned on only the parking lights, as they were afraid of Russian fighter plane scouts. Due to camouflage our guard also turned his hand reflector on only occasionally, mutedly and briefly. After a long, jarring ride hope began to dawn – our guard began to doze off. In suspense we watched the intervals of the SS-man’s slumber increasing. Already we could count it in seconds. Finally Honza, who was sitting right at the edge of the truck bed, nudged me with his elbow and jumped out. I let myself down a little more carefully, right after him. Though the sound of us hitting the ground was muffled by the roar of the exhaust, it was enough for our guard to finally wake up. He immediately began shooting blindly and even turned on his searchlight. We laid down to blend in with the nighttime terrain. The SS-man was probably afraid that if he stopped and began searching the surroundings, more prisoners would escape. After a while the shooting stopped and the reflector shut off. For the time being our escape was a success.

We could have set out on the way back, in the opposite direction, from which the muffled sound of cannon fire could be heard. But we had neither a map nor compass, we didn’t know the countryside, nor the right direction to our goal. Our goal was to meet up with advance Soviet tanks and scouts, which by the volleys of cannon, rifle and machine gun fire couldn’t have been far off. Upon our first few steps we realized that we were on a frozen, still unharvested field covered by rotted stalks of wheat. The field was covered by high weeds, which made walking more difficult, but at the same time afforded careful progress at night and during the day a more or less unnoticeable hiding place when lying down.

We went on like this for three days. After that the supplies we’d been issued were exhausted, even though we had been eating from them truly modestly and been slaking our thirst by licking hoar-frost. Neither did the freezing nights contribute to the renewal of the remnants of our even so modest strength. But despite that, neither of us thought of seeking help in the farm buildings we sensed to be in the vicinity. The virulent anti-Semitism of Polish farmers and their active participation in anti-Jewish pogroms before the war was too notorious for that temptation. No less cautionary was also information in the camp, that it was the farmers that had returned to the Germans, Jewish prisoners who had managed to surmount the high-voltage obstacles. Of course, there were also those, of all things bigoted Catholics, who had hidden refugees from the liquidation commandos of their SS pursuers. Luckily in this case I was able avoid at least this dilemma.

At the dawn of the fourth day of our escape, during the three preceding nights we could have walked at the most several dozen kilometers, we were alarmed in our thistly hiding place by a warning shout “Hands up, or I’ll shoot!” Luckily our fright didn’t last long, because we immediately realized that the command wasn’t given in German, but in for us so sweet-sounding Russian. We stood, ragged and pitiful, face to face with two Soviet spies. While they were aiming their machine guns at us, they were also unbelievingly and mainly suspiciously staring at our hitherto unfamiliar striped “uniforms.” Though both Russians hadn’t yet seen a “Häftling,” they did have their experiences with SS scoundrels, disguised in all manner of things from farmer’s shirts to prison uniforms. That’s also why they at first didn’t believe our clothing, nor our Russian and painstaking accents, gained more from fellow Soviet prisoners in the camp than from the last two years of academic high school. They even hesitated when they saw the numbers tattooed on our forearms, and searched for another compulsory SS blood type tattoo, even under our arms. Only when they didn’t find them, and felt our emaciated skeletons, did they hang their machine guns on their shoulders, made a fire and offered us bread with speck and rolled ham from an opened can.

They didn’t understand how we could refuse such delicacies, which they had plenty of. They didn’t understand, until we explained it to them, that such greasy food after our long-term camp diet would have killed us, and were satisfied with only dry bread. But when with the same excuse we also refused a glass of vodka, both scouts again raised their weapons and under a God knows how seriously meant threat of shooting forced us to swallow the requisite dose of their firewater. I dare say that it’s not necessary to describe what it in that moment did to us. Luckily they supported us and led us stumbling to a relatively nearby grove, where several artfully camouflaged tanks and trucks stood. [quoted with the gracious permission of Ladislav Porjes from the manuscript of the yet unpublished book CENZUROVANY ZIVOT: Z pameti cesko-slovensko-zidovskeho reportera (A CENSORED LIFE: From the memoirs of a Czech-Slovak-Jewish Reporter)]

Some gray-haired commander invited us into his sod hut, offered us tea and biscuits, a dark cigarette and white bread and easy to digest salami. He offered us old, but carefully patched, and mainly clean army shirts. We spent the night in the sod hut, and the next day at our wishes the captain had us driven to the recruitment center of the First Reserve Regiment, the so-called Svoboda’s Army 22 in Krosna. The driver, a smiling young sergeant-major, put us in a vehicle of uncertain make. In response to our query, he informed us that that it was a vehicle put together from various parts collected from crashed German, Soviet and even American vehicles that had been lying around by the roadsides. Surprisingly, this vehicle got us to our desired destination.

The office was decorated by a Czechoslovak flag, a pretty female sergeant took us to see the recruitment center officer. The officer listened to our request to wear the uniform of Svoboda’s Army, but he sent us to the infirmary for a checkup. There they examined us, measured our blood pressure, EKG, did blood samples, fed us for two weeks and then once again gave us back to the recruitment center. There they told me that I hadn’t yet reached the compulsory ‘minimum’ of 50 kilograms, and therefore couldn’t yet bear arms. When they saw how disappointed I was, they at least gave me a uniform to wear. Then, when they found out that I knew several foreign languages, plus Yiddish and also Russian, which I had learned in the camps, they sent me to Krakow to the Allied American-Soviet-British military mission. There I served for the next several months as a translator and interpreter during the interrogation of captured German officers, or disoriented liberated prisoners.

So I served at the Allied Military Command in Krakow. Here, sometime in March of 1945, I had an interesting thing happen to me. Major Abramov asked me, ‘Bist a Jid?’ [German for “Are you a Jew?’]. There were several of us sitting around a table, I was taking my time in admitting it, deep down in me the news of atrocities in Stalinist Gulags 23 and Ukrainian ghettoes were still resonating. I wasn’t sure what Major Abramov was like, nevertheless I risked it and admitted that I’m a Jew. He laughed, and pulled a full bottle and a half a cake out of a drawer. He said, ‘One more. Don’t worry, I’m also a Jew.’ And passed me a glass of vodka.

The major and I sat and talked late into the evening, whereupon he left with his colleagues for their barracks, taken over from the Germans. I was however a bit wobbly after such a quantity of alcohol, to which I had grown unused during the war years. I aimed for the former Polish branch of the international women’s organization YWCA [Young Women’s Christian Association], where I lived. I’ve always had a terrible sense of direction, so after an hour of weaving through the badly-lit streets of Krakow I found that I was definitely lost. But hope gleaned, I glimpsed a strip of light blinking through a window cranny of some basement dwelling. I knocked on the badly sealed, dirty window.

Underground a commotion broke out, after a long while I heard shuffling footsteps and the basement door opened a crack. By the light of a candle appeared a wrinkled, bearded face. The old man heard me out and gestured for me to come on in. Inside the basement confusion ensued, there were about a half dozen women there, young and old, emaciated and dressed in ragged remnants of prison garb. The old man introduced himself as Smul, and told me that I should stay overnight at his place, as my lodgings were at the opposite end of town. The women were his daughters and friends that had by miracle survived the Holocaust in several scattered camps. I got the best straw mattress, they fed me bread and garlic, I told the story of my own journey through the camps, and went to sleep. In the morning something moist on my left hand woke me up. Sleepily I turned around and saw my host kneeling beside my mattress and kissing my hand. I tied into him, ‘What the hell are you up to, I’m not a woman?!’ Smul refused to let go of my hand and whispered, ‘Don’t drive me away, sir, you’re God’s person, and I plead with you to bless me and my family and friends!’ I scolded him, why was he blaspheming so. ‘Yes, yes, it was the hand of God. While you were sleeping at my place, terrorists blew up your dormitory. Everyone who was sleeping there is dead. Only you alone remained alive!’

As I’ve already mentioned, at the Krakow command I met and befriended the Russian major, Abramov. His wife and daughter died during the barbaric bombing of Leningrad by the Nazis. Abramov was supplying me with black Russian army chocolate and cigarettes. In April of 1945 he helped me get onto a Soviet truck heading to Czechoslovakia. It was loaded with barrels of diesel and was headed for Dukla 24. I tried to convince the driver that it’s safer to take another Slovak pass – Lupkov. But the driver insisted that orders were orders. He sat me on the truck bed among the iron barrels and threw a dirty army blanket over me. The road was almost impassable, pothole followed pothole and many shallowly buried mines. I was bruised from the barrels, and one piece of shrapnel hit the hind portion of my body. To put it exactly and plainly: my butt was unusable for some time.

So I traveled through Dukla in the uniform of a non-com in the so-called Svoboda Army, but didn’t fire even a shot. But I was wounded. As a presumed hero, in Kosice the presidium of Gottwald’s 25 first post-war government entrusted me with an ‘important’ position. I became an advisor to the Minister of Health, Surgeon-General Prochazka 26. Though he was a purebred Aryan, because of his large, somewhat atypical nose, they nicknamed him Porges. Some malicious joker then spread a witty saying: ‘Porges chose as his assistant, who else but Porjes!’ My ‘heroics’ at Dukla also had a funny conclusion sixty years after the war. In 2005, on the anniversary of our country’s liberation, I received a colored plaque in the mail. It was sent to me by the Central Council of the ‘Union of Officers and Warrant Officers’ of the Czechoslovak Army, and with it granted me membership for ‘participation in the battles at Dukla for the liberation for Czechoslovakia from the Nazis.’ So I became a hero, and that without even firing a shot!

After a few months they sent me from Kosice for ideological education at a school for educational officers in Turciansky Svaty Martin. I attended school along with our later colonels and generals – who were later reclassified as traitors and political prisoners – like for example Koval, Kopold, Machac and a number of others. Our accommodations were meager, we slept on the floor in an unheated gymnasium. Once when I was walking about the town, I discovered and reported the practically professional denouncer of Slovak Jews, Dr. Milan Grantner, who had denounced me to the police when I had been living on false Aryan ID during the war. He however wasn’t even put on trial. For he claimed that he’d never heard of Zyklon B [a highly poisonous insecticide used by the Nazis to kill Jews en masse in concentration camps], what’s more, that he had two school-age children at home. His only punishment was that people painted swastikas on his garage door.

After the course was finished I transferred from Svaty Martin to the personnel of the OBZ – Division of Army Intelligence in Kromeriz in Moravia. There I helped to unmask war criminals that had hidden themselves behind Czechoslovak uniforms. The first one that I unmasked was Koloman Rosko, who had put on a uniform of the Svoboda Army. I discovered him in the audience at a soccer game between the local Slavia team with Spartak Hulin. Koloman Rosko had been the commander of the special Jew-beating ‘Emergency Hlinka Guards’ in Michalovce, where my late mother was from. What’s more, he was also an officer of the so-called ‘rapid division,’ which valiantly participated along the side of the SS at the Ukrainian front. This swine, among other things, beat unconscious and then half-dead dragged to a hay-wagon aiming for the Auschwitz transport assembly area my 96-year-old great-grandmother, Mina Weissova. Though the fiend Rosko was convicted by a summary tribunal after the war, he ended up all right – thanks to the mafia protection of reeducated fascists, he only served two years working in a quarry!

Another of my victims was the police commander Michal Zidor, who in the western Slovakian town of Topolcany queued up local and regional Jews marked for transport to the gas chambers. Nothing happened to him after his unmasking either. He did lose his uniform and rank, but his former Guardist pals helped him get a well-paid job as a head clerk at a brewery.

From Kromeriz I moved to Litomerice. There I in particular participated in the hunt for Hitler’s orphaned youth, named the ‘Wehrwolf.’ At night they would illegally cross the at that time still sparsely guarded borders, and torch or burgle houses. With wicks and incendiary weapons they terrorized and even killed local citizens – especially old men, women and children. Once we tried out on them a method that the SS in Auschwitz had used to terrify us. We stood a captured ‘Wehrwolf’ blindfolded against a wall, one of us stood behind him and hit him in the head with a stick. While at the same time another one of us fired a salvo into the air from a machine gun. The ‘Wehrwolf’ thought he was already in the Valhalla of his Germanic heroes. In reality nothing happened to him, he just dropped a load in his pants. In Literomice in those days there were still partial garrisons of not only Russians, but also Americans. During one joint dance party in a local hall, a Russian soldier shot an American in a fit of jealousy over some young local slut. Whereupon the idiot Russian then shot himself in the chest with his service revolver. I drove the wounded American lieutenant to the hospital in a borrowed jeep. Luckily both the Russian and American survived.

After the war

To tell you the truth, I had had it up to here with the army. I wanted to start my own life. I wanted to take German Studies at university, which I hadn’t been able to do after graduation from high school due to the Nuremberg Laws. My request to be discharged from the army was granted. I left for Prague and managed to apply for the Faculty of Philosophy at Charles University. I was still wearing my uniform, because I hadn’t had the time to find civilian clothes. But after my arrival in Prague, one more unwanted goodbye to the army still awaited me – two days after my arrival, they unexpectedly, and actually illegally, called me up into some honorary unit, which was supposed to present itself to the officials of the government and Party at the time. Directly in front of our unit, on a wooden tribunal, sat the Minister of Information, Vaclav Kopecky 27. Back then I wasn’t as hard of hearing as I am now, and so I heard exactly what he was saying to his son: ‘See, Ivanek, those are our heroes.’ But then he paused, stood up, came a bit closer, had a better look at us, and says to the Minister of the Interior, Nosek 28, who was standing next to him: ‘Quite the sight, huh? Jew-boys everywhere again!’ Unfortunately I later heard similar utterances many times.

After the war, at a gathering in Prague organized by the International Federation of Students, I met in the crowd my former first love, Riva Halperova, because of whom I had deserted from the Sixth Labor Battalion in Svaty Jur, in order to marry her and so save her from the transport to Auschwitz. She waved at me, I didn’t immediately recognize her. She was very skinny, her raven hair was streaked with strands of white, the years spent in Auschwitz had visibly marked her. We embraced each other and kissed. She had applied to the University of Political and Social Sciences.
We had a lot to talk about. At that time I was renting a place in Vaclavska Street beside Karlovo Namesti [Charles Square], and we remained together until morning. But aside from the introductory kiss at the student gathering, no other intimacy happened between us. Riva resolutely refused all my attempts, and not that they were few. She spoke, the words streamed out of her, but I was struck dumb in horror. She had survived Auschwitz, was one of ten, one of that one percent of that first transport of young Slovak Jewesses, who had stayed alive. But at what price!
She was saved by a Blockältester with a green triangle, a former murderer, who brutally raped her, a virgin, and then passed over to a member of the SS. “He promoted me to capo in the women’s camp – continued Riva, but before that he had his friend, an SS doctor, sterilize me so that I wouldn’t become pregnant. And then passed me further on to his friends for sexual orgies. Occasionally I got a present for it, some women’s underwear in decent condition, a loaf of bread, a can of meat, some cookies, a packet of coffee, or even a small pack of cigarettes. I shared the food and smokes with the women in my blockhouse, the underwear I usually kept for myself. I know what you’re thinking now: you’re thinking that I’m a whore, that I’m a hyena, that they pulled the underwear from some girl who then went up the chimney. But tell me, would it have perhaps been better if it had been worn by some Germanic Brunhilda? In the Lebensborn? [Lebensborn means "spring of life". The "Lebensborn" project was one of the most secret and terrifying Nazi projects. Heinrich Himmler created The "Lebensborn" on 12th December 1935. The goal of this society ("Registered Society Lebensborn - Lebensborn Eingetragener Verein") was to offer to young girls "racially pure" the possibility to give birth to a child in secret. The child was then given to the SS organization which took in charge his "education" and adoption.] After all, the girls in the barracks rooted for me, even though behind my back they said that I was an ordinary SS mattress.” For me to please not be angry, but that from that time she hadn’t had any relationship with anyone, and even now can’t even think of physical contact. “Please understand – she cried desperately – I’m absolutely parched, physically and spiritually!” She assured me that as a capo she had always behaved decently, that she’s also got it in writing from several of her fellow prisoners, but despite that, just in case, she had changed her name. She’s now named Holubova, and that she’ll most likely end her studies prematurely, she wants to move to the USA, her uncle on her mother’s side had already sent her an affidavit. Her father had died in a camp, her mother of a heart attack after being dragged off to Sered.

Then I lost track of Riva and nor did I finish my Germanic studies. I couldn’t properly concentrate on school, and so after three semesters I decided to be a journalist. After a short spell in the so-called radio-services of Rude Pravo 29 in Prague and after temporary stints in Kosice and in Bratislava, I became the head of the Prague office of “Pravda” 30, from which I was then fired during the time of the trials of Rudolf Slansky and et. al. [see Slansky trial] 31 as an alleged Zionist and cosmopolitan. After three years of degradation as hotel doorman the Party kind-heartedly “rehabilitated” me and sent me to work in the radio. There I worked as a shift worker in the news department, later as a commentator and finally as a foreign correspondent. At first as a “flying” reporter in socialist, later also in Scandinavian countries. Then longest of all as a local correspondent in Germany, especially in the former NDR and in West Berlin, but also occasionally in Bonn. From there, after the Soviet occupation in August of 1968, as a supporter of Dubcek 32 I was for the third time, this time definitively, existentially obliterated.

Still before I was permanently recalled to Prague, thrown out of the radio and then worked as a warehouse laborer until my disability pension, my colleague friends dispatched me from the West Berlin Tempelhof Airport to Belgrade. I was to discuss with my friends who were ministers of our government in exile the question of what we should do in this new situation, whether we should return to the mess back home, or remain in exile. The deputy premier, the “father” of economic reforms, Ota Sik 33 proposed that I accompany him in emigration to Switzerland, as a sort of personal secretary, today one would probably say a public relations manager. I turned it down. The Minister of Foreign Affairs of our government in exile, Dr. Jiri Hajek 34, revealed to me that he himself, despite the certainty of sanctions, was going to return to Prague, and advised me to do the same, as I had a family there.

During our conversation we came upon the question of what punishment awaited us for our “counter-revolutionary” activities. I stated my experiences. “When they got rid of me the first time, during the era of the trials in the 1950s, it took almost three years before they deigned to rehabilitate me. This time the comrades in the Central Committee will be twice as smart, so they’ll shunt us aside for around five or six years.” Jiri Hajek, an expert in international and socialist law at home and abroad, had a more skeptical opinion. “No way – he said – it’s going to take much, much longer.” But why?, I argued back, after all, we didn’t do anything illegal?! The distinguished professor just sadly nodded his head: “That’s exactly why!”.

While I was in Belgrade, I took the opportunity to also visit my former “comrade-in-arms” from the Sixth Labor Battalion, JUDr. Ladislav Katuscak, who was working as general consul here, and was helping emigrants from the CSSR with advice and also financial assistance however he could. After his return to Prague, he was likewise thrown out of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He’d been informed of my stay in the Yugoslavian metropolis, and he invited me over for dinner and a longer conversation. “I almost forgot – he said to me – but this morning some fairly good-looking, elegant American woman was here asking about you. I told her that you’re living in the Hotel Metropol, I hope you won’t hold it against me. She told me that her name is, L.K. riffled through his planner – Reviva Haggling, and that she’s from New York”. It didn’t strike a bell.

I returned to the Metropol and the receptionist gave me, along with my key and a conspiratorial smile, a message written in Czech. “I’ll come in the evening at ten. Wait for me in your room. Kisses Riva.” Exactly on the indicated hour appeared a super-elegant dame laden with jewelry and a mink throw, a cigarette in an amber holder in ruby red lips, and otherwise also too made up for words. Basically a demimondaine. I stared at her, I would never have recognized her on the street, and even now I didn’t recognize her. She was alien to me, not only in her behavior and face, but also in her figure. Her once small and graceful breasts and behind were bulging, apparently due to plastic surgery. From a crocodile skin bag she took out a bottle of good whisky and two silver shot glasses, spoke with a strong American accent, and dismissed my astonishment with a slangy “What’re ya starin’ at, I’m loaded. This outfit is from Balenciaga.”

When I asked her how she had actually found me, she took out a folded clipping from the New York Times. The paper’s Berlin correspondent, referring to “the usual dependable source” announced that the Prague radio correspondent Mr. Ladislav Porjes had departed from the Tempelhof airport for Belgrade, apparently intending to emigrate. Not only could I not manage even a word, but not even a welcoming gesture. After a toast Riva, actually now Reviva, threw herself without words around my neck and covered me in kisses. Then she handed me a perfumed handkerchief, so I could wipe off the deposit of lipstick, and words describing her new story began pouring out of her. It wasn’t nearly as dramatic and drastic as the Auschwitz one, but rather much more banal and disgusting.

She had been working as a hostess at some charity ball in New York, and met a somewhat elderly and corpulent, already four times divorced millionaire. “I helped it along a bit, and he fell in love with me, supposedly at first sight, the disgusting old geezer”, she boasted openly. “My friends told me that he’s loaded, and so already on the dance floor I let him grope me and then rape me in his apartment. I guess he really liked it, and so a week later he married me”, she laughed cynically. And then out of Reviva spilled a flood of more and more disgusting details. The husband turned out to be an untreated syphilitic and pervert, whose refined sexual predilections apparently far outstripped the primitive swinishness off the Auschwitz SS. As she described everything to me, without a speck of shame, she began to slowly undress. And when I retreated, mortified, she threw herself at me and with brazen laughter clarified things: “Don’t worry, I’m not infected, my BWR is completely negative.’ Then she explained to me that BWR is short for Bordet-Wasserman Reaction, a special test used to determine if the patient is infected with syphilis or not. Despite all assurances and insistence, it was for a change I who had neither the desire nor courage for any hanky-panky with my former teenage love. And neither did I find it in myself even when we spent the night together in bed.

My distaste, and as she during the night repeatedly convinced herself, also inability, could however apparently not discourage Reviva. She even proposed that I marry her. When I objected that she was after all married, and clarified that I myself had already been married for over ten years and was the father of two school-age children, she dismissed such petty arguments with a wave of her hand. “After all, today divorce is just a mere routine matter – she rationalized – mine took only three hours. The court recognized my arguments, that life with a perverted and what’s more untreated syphilitic is an unjustifiable risk, and I got not only a divorce, but a luxury yacht and one and a half million dollars in damages. So admit it, I’m a good catch. And what’s more, I never stopped loving you.” And after a brief pause, she added in a somewhat more subdued fashion: “Your problem is that even though otherwise you’ve got a sense of humor, in the end you do take life too seriously!” After that we had breakfast together and kissed each other goodbye. Then she left. When I was packing my things to leave Belgrade, I found five folded banknotes in the pocket of my pajamas. Five hundred dollars. From that time I never heard of Riva-Reviva again. [quoted with the gracious permission of Ladislav Porjes from the manuscript of the yet unpublished book CENZUROVANY ZIVOT: Z pameti cesko-slovensko-zidovskeho reportera (A CENSORED LIFE: From the memoirs of a Czech-Slovak-Jewish Reporter)]

I abandoned my Germanic studies after three semesters, because a lack of money and the war trauma had deprived me of the ability to concentrate. My wartime ordeals were constantly coming back to me. I suffered from post-traumatic stress. At night I had terrible dreams, and screamed horribly while sleeping. For several months I had the same dream over and over again: I was running, they caught me, stuck me into a pit and were shooting at me. It took several months before I got rid of this nightmare.

At the beginning of June 1947 I married a ‘goyte’ girl, Vlasta [Porjesova, nee Krestanova], whom I had met in Prague. She came with me to Michalovce, where my grandma, who survived the Holocaust in a ‘bunker,’ became very fond of her. We didn’t have our honeymoon until the end of September. We wanted to go somewhere to the ocean, but in Michalovce there was no travel agency. That’s why we ended up spending our honeymoon in the Lubochna spa below the Tatras. The weather was nice, the surrounding countryside beautiful. The only thing that spoiled the scenery was the view out of the window of our room. For in a field not quite a kilometer away reigned a rusty carcass of a shot-down German fighter plane. I never found out whether it was there due to the inertia of the local National Committee, or whether it was supposed to be a permanent monument to the Slovak National Uprising 35. But one way or the other, this small defect couldn’t spoil our permanent feelings of enchantment.

Moreover right during our first breakfast I discovered this pair of around sixty-year-old distinguished gentlemen in white t-shirts, long pants, and primarily with a tennis racket. One of them, tall and thin, was faintly familiar to me. I summoned the courage to walk over, introduce myself, and ask whether they wouldn’t have a game of American doubles with me. The fatter gent said: ‘In Turnov I knew one Moritz Porges, a gentleman of Moses’ faith, who owned a textiles racket. He and his family never returned from Auschwitz. I see that you too have a number on your forearm. Wasn’t he by any chance a relative of yours?’ The fatty’s remarks annoyed me, ‘Excuse me, but I’ve always been named Porjes, first name Ladislav, and I’m not a racketeer but a journalist.’ To which the fatty said, ‘My name is Josef B. and I’m a member of the Prague parliament. But despite you having a J instead of a G in your name, you are also an Israelite, right?’ That got my goat, and I said, ‘Well, well, could Mister MP perhaps in private also be an anti-Semite?’ The MP turned crimson, got up, but maintained his composure: ‘Allow me, young man, to answer this insult of yours with the words of T.G. Masaryk 36: ‘If I accept Jesus, I cannot be an anti-Semite!’ I therefore deduced that he’s apparently an MP for the People’s Party of Monsignor Sramek 37.

The second man was looking quite amused during the entire duration of our conversation. He then stood up, shook my hand and said, ‘And I, my dear colleague, am also a journalist, my name is Ferdinand Peroutka 38.’ That bowled me over, I cursed myself inwardly for not recognizing the legendary journalist, writer and political commentator Ferdinand Peroutka. He told me that my name was also somewhat familiar to him, that he had seen it in Rude Pravo. He praised one of my articles, a reportage from the national tennis championship. He said, word for word, ‘Never before nor since have I read anything better or wittier about tennis in the sports pages. If I remember well, you wrote that the tennis player Jarda had an advantage over Bernard not only in his service and volleys, but also in the length and size of his forearms and other appendages, ha ha.’ I replied, a bit craftily, ‘I occasionally had to resort to allegories, in order to tickle the reader’s fantasy. Otherwise, the writer Olga Scheinpflugova [Scheinpflugova, Olga (1902 – 1968): Czech actress and writer. Wife of Karel Capek] probably also used the method of transparent allegory when she wrote that you have beautifully long legs.’ I was afraid whether I hadn’t overdone it in my audacity towards this legend of journalism, but Ferdinand Peroutka seemed to be flattered. In the end I played tennis several times with both gentlemen and we said goodbye as friends. And the gentleman Ferdinand Peroutka praised my wife to such an extent that she turned red.

I began my career as a journalist while still a student, at Rude Pravo. I worked there starting in 1945 in the so-called Radioservice and occasionally helped out in the sports section. In the radio service we listened to foreign radio stations like France Press, Reuters and various others. We transcribed foreign news, which we translated from English, French, German or Russian to Czech. At that time I was also taking German Studies at the Faculty of Philosophy at Charles University. My boss at the paper was giving me shifts where I didn’t have time to go to my lectures. When I begged him to change my work schedule so that I could attend school, he said to me: ‘The Communist Party doesn’t need the intelligentsia!’

They fired me from the radio service in 1951 for alleged Zionism 39. So I then worked as a part-time night watchman and receptionist at the Hotel Alcron on Wenceslaus Square. Everyone except for me wore a uniform, but I refused to wear that monkey suit! I told them how many languages I knew, and for each one I got a premium – but it wasn’t that easy, they summoned some teacher who tested me whether I really knew the languages. Because they thought that I was making it up: I told them that I spoke English, German, French, Polish, Spanish, Hungarian, Yiddish and could understand Hebrew. When they found out that I did know them all, they had to pay me a premium of about 60 crowns a month for each language.

After that I worked in Kosice at the ‘Eastern Slovak Pravda,’ from where they again fired me for reasons of my ‘background’ – as my father had been a lawyer in Zilina, which seemed to the comrades to be too bourgeois of a profession. In 1953 the era of all-out struggle against Zionism in the CSSR hadn’t yet ended, but surprisingly I got an invitation to the secretariat of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia. The secretary received me, who informed me that hey, when you’re making an omelet you have to break a few eggs, but that now nothing more stood in the way of my again working as a journalist. He offered me a job in the radio. Comrade Stalin had just died, so I simultaneously translated the Russian commentary and commented the TV transmission. Then I was transferred to the job of commentator for the international life department.

I worked for the international life department of the radio, a year or so went by calmly, and then the ‘counter-revolution’ happened in Hungary [see 1956 in Hungary] 40. As I was the only one at the radio station in Prague that spoke Hungarian, and as the Budapest radio didn’t have any regular correspondent, I was chosen as the ‘war’ correspondent. It wasn’t a very lucrative job, plus I had to leave my terrified wife at home with our two little daughters, but my desire to prove myself was stronger. So in October of 1956 I boarded a special army plane in Prague. The Czechoslovak embassy sent a car for me, which took me to a hotel for foreigners. I had brought a practical leather coat with me for the foul fall weather. My clothing, seemingly so practical, was however soon to become my greatest handicap. For I didn’t suspect that leather coats were somewhat of a uniform of the otherwise plainclothes members of the Hungarian secret police. The rebels of course despised them, often they hunted them like wild game, caught and tied they poured diesel or gasoline over them, and like this hung them head down from the street lamps, so that they would slowly roast over fires that they built under the lamps.

And so it happened that I walked into a pub, hung my coat on a hook and in fluent Hungarian without the slightest trace of an accent I ordered some paprikash and a glass of wine. At that moment two men got up from the next table, bellowed: ‘Move your ass, you whore!’ and dragged me outside. I had no idea what was going on, I thought that it was some sort of asinine joke or unpleasant mistake. Luckily I managed to convince them to hold off, and pulled my international press ID from my pocket, where luckily my identity as a special ‘war’ correspondent was written in several languages. I have to admit that the two aggressors turned out to be two gentleman, they explained their blunder to me, that they had mistaken me for a secret policeman. They even didn’t let me pay for my food, with the words that I was their guest. I decided not to boast of my adventure to my wife. The poor thing would probably have gone mad with fear, if she would have found out that the Hungarians had wanted to roast me alive! All I did was ask her to send me a different coat. I lied to her, that the weather had suddenly improved and that I was hot in my leather coat.

I found Budapest considerably damaged by Soviet tanks. The events in Hungary were a manifold tragedy. A destroyed infrastructure, no small loss of life and also the remnants of any illusions about the socialist system. They induced the exodus of hundreds of thousands of citizens, who with their children and bit of luggage crossed over to neighboring Austria, which willingly opened its borders to them. In this way the entire population of the university in Gyor escaped, including the students, professors, rector and beadle. Fuel was added to the fire by the concurrent American-English-Israeli attack on Egypt, who besides the fact that they supported Arab terrorists, broke the agreement regarding free passage through the Suez Canal. This gave Moscow an excuse and propagandistic reason for armed intervention in Hungary’s internal affairs. The civilian and military leaders of the reform movement were executed – however, not publicly and outside Hungarian territory: the premier Imre Nagy 41 and the commander of the Budapest troops General Pal Maleter 42 were arrested and transported to Sion, Romania, where they were secretly executed. Hungarian society’s efforts at democratization were forced into reverse for a long time under the new Party leadership of Janos Kadar 43.

After three months of my mission I returned to Prague. At the secretariat of the Communist Party Central Committee they judged my news of the Hungarian events to not be bolshevik enough, and ‘excessively objectivistic.’ Another reason for my persecution was the accusation that I was a ‘capitalist’: someone had made up a story that I and my brother had allegedly owned a shirt factory in Kosice. Already back then the regime was beginning to be truly absurd – as I had never had a brother, I was unfortunately an only child. And I had never owned any factory, I had always bought my shirts at the store.

In 1962 I published in Slovak my first book ‘Josele a ti ostatni’ [Josele And The Others]. I also published it in Czech, significantly enlarged, in 2001. At that time Arnost Lustig 44 wrote: ‘Laco’s stories are so chock full with drama, that each one of them would suffice for an entire novel.’ Rudolf Iltis, editor-in-chief of the Jewish Vestnik, expressed himself thusly: ‘Each story is a literal spectacle from the modern Greek tragedy of European Jewry.’ [Iltis, Rudolf (1899 – 1977): general secretary of Jewish religious communities in the CSR. Editor-in-chief of the Vestnik (newsletter) of the Jewish Religious Communities] The president of the Bratislava Jewish community, the ethnologist Peter Salner wrote a review of it back then, whose last words were: ‘Thank you, Mr. Porjes, for this bittersweet book.’ I think that the book’s message can be summed up with the Talmudic rule: ‘Do not judge thy neighbor, if you have not been in his situation.’ I remember that after the book’s publication, Karel Hoffmann 45, the general director of Czechoslovak Radio, where I had worked as a commentator, invited me to meet with him. He berated me, how could I have dared publish a book with ‘those contents’ without his knowledge and agreement. He added crossly: ‘After all, now all of our listeners will know that you’re a Jew!’

In October of 1964 I accepted an offer from Czechoslovak Radio, and left for Berlin for four years as a permanent reporter and correspondent. I felt it as satisfaction that after years of persecution the comrades had finally deemed me worthy of representing our country abroad. I was a little afraid of how, after my stay in Auschwitz, I would adapt among the former ‘supermen,’ but everything turned out well. Each year in Rostock, at the so-called ‘Ostseewoche’ [Baltic Sea Week], foreign correspondents accredited in East Germany met, as well as business interests and journalists from both German states, from the countries of the RVHP [Council of Mutual Economic Assistance] and also the West. The entire affair was given a political gloss by highly placed political representatives of East Germany, who behind securely locked doors of the tightly guarded ‘government’ hotel talked with their capitalist partners, not in party jargon, but in completely normal business language. They, however, made up for it during public meetings with domestic and foreign journalists. There they tried hard to convince us about the advantages of East Germany, not only over Bonn, but also over their socialist allies.

In Leipzig I almost caused an international catastrophe! It happened in March of 1967 at the Leipzig Exhibition. Here there were relatively banal press conferences going on, where East Germany was boasting of its successes in all fields. Not exactly the most interesting visitors were walking around – however, only up until one of the members of the Czechoslovak exhibition told me in confidence that our pavilion will be visited by the prime minister Walter Ulbricht 46, the head of the East German state of ‘workers and peasants.’ This news caused commotion at the Czechoslovak pavilion. I went to see the head of the press department of the East German Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Schwab, and asked him if I could do an interview with Walter Ulbricht. He resolutely refused: ‘Comrade, that’s absolutely out of the question. It’s only a private visit.’ Then he became alarmed, as to how I had come by this information. I didn’t answer him, and only assured him that I didn’t have the information from any of his underlings.

After about a half hour, Ulbricht really did walk into the Czechoslovak pavilion accompanied by his bodyguards and minions from all possible ministries. Ulbricht had barely begun to have a look around, and I already pressed the button on my tape recorder thrown over my shoulder, and brandishing a microphone I started towards the distinguished guest. One of his armed bodyguards immediately shoved me aside, and I flew back against a wall. However my over six and a half foot co-worker threw me back with all his strength. I braked to a stop right before the prime minister, and sang out a banal introductory question: ‘How does the chairman of the State Assembly like the Czechoslovak exhibition?’ Though Ulbricht was surprised by the unexpected extempore, he signaled his bodyguards to step aside a bit. He began to formally, but willingly reply to my question. His monolog was full of monotonous hackneyed phrases, from which the chairman awoke only after my next question – what does he intend to do to improve the mutual relations of East Germany and the CSSR? ‘That’s a good question, and has come just in time. Tomorrow I’m flying to Prague, so that comrade Antonin Novotny 47 and I can together analyze the causes of the current stagnation, and find a road to the improvement of our relations.’ Then he uttered a few lyrical sentences about the importance and significance of cooperation between our two countries. I politely thanked for the interview, immediately got into my company car, and quickly sped to the local radio studio, so that I could send this sensational news to Prague. Because it was an unheard of and premature revelation of a state secret!

After being away for two hours I returned again to our pavilion. There my friends told me that after my departure a frantic search had broken out. Members of Ulbricht’s bodyguard, agents of the ‘Stasi’ secret state security, and officials from the East German foreign ministry were all furiously looking for me. Finally the Germans found me – they pleaded and then threateningly asked me to give them the tape in question. When they found out that I had already transmitted it from the Leipzig studio to Prague an hour ago, they started dragging me to a phone, for me to immediately call Prague Radio, that due to the highest interests of state the interview cannot be broadcast, for comrade Chairman had let out something he shouldn’t have, that premature disclosure of his flight to Prague could seriously endanger his security. I had to tell them that I was sorry, but that my interview with Ulbricht, as an exceptional breaking news item, had already been broadcast twice by Prague Radio.

I also became a member of the ‘Presseverein’ – the Foreign Press Club in West Berlin. For me, as a foreigner and journalist, the otherwise impermeable Berlin Wall was permeable day or night. It was enough to show the East German border guards at ‘Checkpoint Charlie’ a foreign press card, and the barriers lifted. On the other side, the West German border guards saluted, and that was it. For me the Foreign Press Club was not only a source of important information, but also a place of interesting encounters. I met, for example, with the later West German chancellors Willy Brandt 48 and Helmut Schmidt 49, who gave me an exclusive interview. Members of the Foreign Press Club were not only well-known Western journalists like Alexander Korab, reporter for several Bonn papers, Peter Johnson of the BBC, or Jean-Paul Picaper, correspondent for the Parisian paper Le Monde. But also correspondents from socialist countries, who like me were accredited in both parts of Berlin.

In the West Berlin ‘Verein der Auslandspresse’ [Foreign Press Club], it was an unwritten rule that each year its rotating chairman was elected from members of the Western media, while a correspondent from the socialist camp was elected as deputy chairman. In the spring of 1968, I was elected by a majority in a secret ballot. Among the first colleagues that came to congratulate me were, to my astonishment, representatives of the Soviet Union – the TASS [news agency] and Radio Izvestia correspondents. However one correspondent from the Soviet camp – a reporter from the central mouthpiece of the Communist Party Central Committee, ‘Pravda’ – pointedly ignored me. For he was my opponent, he didn’t succeed and couldn’t reconcile himself with his defeat. However, things were not to remain only at the level of ignoring me.

The next day after my election, my wife, two school-age daughters and I were woken early in the morning by the merciless ringing of the doorbell at our East German apartment. At the door stood representatives of our embassy, a member of the NKVD 50 and the last was the aforementioned reporter of the Soviet ‘Pravda’ whom I had defeated in the election. They claimed that my election to the function of deputy chairman of the West German ‘Presseverein’ had been manipulated. They insisted that I give up the position. I recommended to them that they should kindly verify how the correspondents from the RVHP countries voted. For my colleagues from the Soviet Union had boasted to me that they had as one voted for me. Further, I told them to kindly go see all of the about thirty members of the West German Foreign Press Club, and ask them if they agree with a review of yesterday’s elections. For a while our uninvited guests still tried to convince me to give up the position in favor of the ‘Pravda’ correspondent, that it’s after all my duty from a standpoint of international comradeship. But when they didn’t succeed, they left without any further threats. For in Czechoslovakia, the Prague Spring – both meteorological and political – was beginning.

They threw me out of journalism for the fourth time, and this time for good, after the occupation in 1968 – they recalled me from Germany from the position of foreign correspondent. Not long after, in the spring of 1969, they also fired me from the radio as a ‘counter-revolutionary’ – for I had returned from a trip through the Baltic countries with reportages in which local intellectuals denounced the entry of Warsaw pact troops into Czechoslovakia. This time the comrades’ patience was at an end. This time they no longer talked about preventive measures against Zionists and cosmopolitans. This time it was a final elimination of all ‘enemies of socialism,’ not only from public, but also from civilian life. My journalism career of eighteen years ended. It was only a temporary, perhaps a little longer pause between three phases of my racial or political discrimination, if there was really any difference between the two. That which now awaited me was the irrevocable end of any meaningful activity. During this time and in the following months I often heard slurs and allusions to my Jewish origin.

During the era of ‘normalization’ I changed jobs one after the other. First I worked as a guide for Cedok, but I didn’t last long there, and they fired me. [Cedok was the largest Czechoslovak travel agency, founded in 1920 and headquartered in Prague.] Then I worked for Prague Information Services, which was in its time a kind of sanctuary for people who had been fired from everywhere else – they hired us out to companies and concerns that needed capable translators. However, when the management changed, some Gottwald political cadre arrived, who fired everyone indiscriminately.

I also worked as a game machine coin collector for the Slavia soccer club. The machines, on which some sort of games were played, were in every other pub. I made the rounds of the pubs and collected the five crown coins that people had stuffed them with. I drove around with heavy bags of five crown coins, and deposited the money at the bank into the account of the Slavia Prague club. Then I started a job as a warehouse laborer in the Office Machine Mechanics’ Association, and I secretly made money on the side translating. In the Office Machine Mechanics’ Association my boss in the warehouse was Tonda Petrina, also a persecuted journalist, with whom I had once upon a time worked in Rude Pravo. Working as a warehouseman I more or less peacefully, what with two small children and a wife also persecuted due to my political problems, made it to a very modest disability pension. I went on disability after being treated for over a year and a half for cancer of the lymph nodes, when I was quite badly off and I wanted to die. Miraculously, in the end I defeated the illness. I also struggled with heart problems and eye problems, glaucoma.

For more than forty five years, from the end of World War II up until the Velvet Revolution 51, dozens of articles had been published regarding the international solidarity of fighters against fascism, about the heroic participation of Russians, Ukrainians, Czechs, Poles, Serbs, Frenchmen, Romanians even Hungarians and progressive Germans side by side with the Slovaks in the National Uprising. Only of its Jewish participants was there nary a mention. While in fact 1566 Jews had participated in the Slovak National Uprising with arms in hand, as the historian Ladislav Lipscher recently found out. A fifth of them fell directly in battle, died of their wounds or were tortured by the Fascists. An historical milestone of the armed entrance of young Slovak Jews was the start of the National Uprising – 29th August 1944. Back then the Jewish prisoners of the Sered, Novaky and Vyhne camps, designated for transport to the camp of the ‘final solution’ were liberated.

There are three countries that I wouldn’t be able to live in. One of them is Germany. I spent four years there as a correspondent, but I wouldn’t be capable of living there permanently. After the war I was dogged by a question that I always asked myself when I met some German of my age. I could never keep from asking myself what that person had been doing during the war. Fifteen years after the war I even went to have a look at Auschwitz – Birkenau. An oppressive feeling fell upon me there, and memories surfaced. I’m not able to forget. You can’t forget the Shoah – maybe it’s possible to forgive, but you can’t forget such horrors. I agree with Eli Wiesel 52, who claims that an incomparable, dense, unusual quiet rules in Birkenau. A second country where I wouldn’t be capable of living are the United States. I’ve never developed a taste for the American way of life, food or culture. And the third country is Israel. It’s probably going to sound cynical, but I think that I’ve got the right: I had my fill of Jews during the war. The worst experience was to see Orthodox Jews in the camp, who prayed, and then I saw them stealing from the others.

During this year’s Chanukkah I received an honor – I was invited to light the Chanukkah candles, I was the seventh in line. It made me very happy, it was a real honor. At the gathering I also read a text, which I had written at home beforehand. I’m not a poet, I’ve always been a journalist and solely a writer of prose, but I found one quotation from the composer Ludwig van Beethoven [1770–1827], and I got an idea. So at the Chanukkah gathering I presented the following:

Within the scope of pre-holiday contemplation, I happened upon a noteworthy quote by the almighty Ludwig van Beethoven on the theme ‘what is love.’ Here is the genius’s somewhat prosaic opinion. ‘Love means to decide unconditionally for a certain type of imperfection.’ Somewhat immodestly I’ve taken the liberty to confront this quote with my own experiences. In rhyme, even, here:
Often and long I’ve groped my way in life’s history, from defeat to victory, and from victory to defeat. Until I got married. After all it’s over a half century that I’m with the same girl. And we’ve got, if you please, two daughters and five grandchildren as well, I the eternal wanderer, am not certain, in which of both extremes, whether in victory or defeat, have I actually till life’s end moored.

Once upon a time I had tried to write poems for my wife, but back then she slandered me horribly, that she didn’t like them, that they were horrible. And so the whole sixty years that my wife and I have been together I’ve never written any poem for fear of her. This is actually the first after sixty years. But I’ve got to say, that everyone liked it very much. When I think about my life, full of dramatic reversals of fortune, full of escapes and tragedies, in the end I have to admit that I’ve managed a lot of good things after all. My wife and I have managed to raise two decent daughters. The older, Maja is a translator and the younger, Eva, is a chemical engineer, teacher of IT and Judaism lecturer. We have five grandchildren. I think that my sense of humor has been inherited by at least one granddaughter – a beautiful young blonde. She wears a t-shirt with a slogan written across her breasts: ‘I’m a natural blonde. Speak slowly, please.’ I think that she’s inherited my life’s philosophy from me – the most important thing is to not take life, nor oneself, too seriously!

Glossary

1 Neolog Jewry

Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into to (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network. The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions. The third group, the sop-called Status Quo Ante advocated that the Jewish community was maintained the same as before the 1868/69 Congress.

2 Orthodox communities

The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants’ descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the ‘eastern’ type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities were registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country, in 1896. In 1930 30,4 % of Hungarian Jews belonged to 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 %).

3 Tiso, Jozef (1887-1947)

Roman Catholic priest, clerical fascist, anticommunist politician. He was an ideologist and a political representative of Hlinka’s Slovakian People’s Party, and became its vice president in 1930 and president in 1938. In 1938-39 he became PM, and later president, of the fascist Slovakian puppet state which was established with German support. His policy plunged Slovakia into war against Poland and the Soviet Union, in alliance with Germany. He was fully responsible for crimes and atrocities committed under the clerical fascist regime. In 1947 he was found guilty as a war criminal, sentenced to death and executed.

4 Slovak State (1939-1945)

Czechoslovakia, which was created after the disintegration of Austria-Hungary, lasted until it was broken up by the Munich Pact of 1938; Slovakia became a separate (autonomous) republic on 6th October 1938 with Jozef Tiso as Slovak PM. Becoming suspicious of the Slovakian moves to gain independence, the Prague government applied martial law and deposed Tiso at the beginning of March 1939, replacing him with Karol Sidor. Slovakian personalities appealed to Hitler, who used this appeal as a pretext for making Bohemia, Moravia and Silesia a German protectorate. On 14th March 1939 the Slovak Diet declared the independence of Slovakia, which in fact was a nominal one, tightly controlled by Nazi Germany.

5 Sixth Labor Battalion of Jews

the first discriminatory legal statute of the Slovak State in the army was the government decree No. 74 Sl. z., dated 24th April 1939, regarding the expulsion of Jews from public services. On 21st June 1939 a second legal statute was passed, government decree No. 150 Sl. z. regarding Jews’ military responsibilities. On its basis all Jews in the army were transferred to special work formations. Decree 230/1939 Sl. z. stripped Jewish persons of rank. All stated laws were part of the racially discriminatory legal framework of the Slovak State. In 1939, 1940 and 1941 three years of Jewish draftees entered army work formations, which formed the so-called Sixth Battalion. The year 1942 did not enter, as its members were assigned to the first transports. The first mass concentration of Jewish draftees into an army work formation was on 3rd March 1941 in the town of Cemerne. On 31st May 1943 three Jewish companies were transferred to work centers of the Ministry of the Interior watched over by the Hlinka Guard. Most members were transferred to labor camps: Novaky, Sered, Kostolna and Vyhne. A large majority of them later participated in fighting during the Slovak National Uprising. (Source: Knezo Schönbrun, Bernard, Zidia v siestom robotnom prapore, In. Zidia v interakcii II., IJ UK Bratislava, 1999, pp. 63 – 80)

6 Prague Spring

A period of democratic reforms in Czechoslovakia, from January to August 1968. Reformatory politicians were secretly elected to leading functions of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC). Josef Smrkovsky became president of the National Assembly, and Oldrich Cernik became the Prime Minister. Connected with the reformist efforts was also an important figure on the Czechoslovak political scene, Alexander Dubcek, General Secretary of the KSC Central Committee (UV KSC). In April 1968 the UV KSC adopted the party’s Action Program, which was meant to show the new path to socialism. It promised fundamental economic and political reforms. On 21st March 1968, at a meeting of representatives of the USSR, Hungary, Poland, Bulgaria, East Germany and Czechoslovakia in Dresden, Germany, the Czechoslovaks were notified that the course of events in their country was not to the liking of the remaining conference participants, and that they should implement appropriate measures. In July 1968 a meeting in Warsaw took place, where the reformist efforts in Czechoslovakia were designated as “counter-revolutionary.” The invasion of the USSR and Warsaw Pact armed forces on the night of 20th August 1968, and the signing of the so-called Moscow Protocol ended the process of democratization, and the Normalization period began.

7 Italian front, 1915-1918

Also known as Isonzo front. Isonzo (Soca) is an alpine river today in Slovenia, which ran parallel with the pre-World War I Austro-Hungarian and Italian border. During World War I Italy was primarily interested in capturing the ethnic Italian parts of Austria-Hungary (Triest, Fiume, Istria and some of the islands) as well as the Adriatic litoral. The Italian army tried to enter Austria-Hungary via the Isonzo river, but the Austro-Hungarian army was dug in alongside the river. After 18 months of continous fighting without any territorial gain, the Austro-Hungarian army finally suceeded to enter Italian territory in October 1917.

8 Hlinka-Guards

Military group under the leadership of the radical wing of the Slovakian Popular Party. The radicals claimed an independent Slovakia and a fascist political and public life. The Hlinka-Guards deported brutally, and without German help, 58,000 (according to other sources 68,000) Slovak Jews between March and October 1942.

9 Arrow Cross Party

The most extreme of the Hungarian fascist movements in the mid-1930s. The party consisted of several groups, though the name is now commonly associated with the faction organized by Ferenc Szalasi and Kalman Hubay in 1938. Following the Nazi pattern, the party promised not only the establishment of a fascist-type system including social reforms, but also the ‘solution of the Jewish question’. The party’s uniform consisted of a green shirt and a badge with a set of crossed arrows, a Hungarian version of the swastika, on it. On 15th October 1944, when Governor Horthy announced Hungary’s withdrawal from the war, the Arrow Cross seized power with military help from the Germans. The Arrow Cross government ordered general mobilization and enforced a regime of terror which, though directed chiefly against the Jews, also inflicted heavy suffering on the Hungarians. It was responsible for the deportation and death of tens of thousands of Jews. After the Soviet army liberated the whole of Hungary by early April 1945, Szalasi and his Arrow Cross ministers were brought to trial and executed.

10 Yad Vashem

This museum, founded in 1953 in Jerusalem, honors both Holocaust martyrs and ‘the Righteous Among the Nations’, non-Jewish rescuers who have been recognized for their ‘compassion, courage and morality’.

11 Kun, Bela (1886-1938)

(born Bela Kohn) Journalist, politician. He became a member of the Social Democratic Party in 1902 as a secondary school student, after which he worked as a journalist. He was drafted in 1914 and two years later fell into Russian captivity. In 1917 he joined the Bolshevik Party in the prison camp of Tomsk and after his release he was acquainted with the communist leaders (Lenin, Buharin) of Russia. In November 1918 together with Ernoe Por, Tibor Szamuely and others, he formed the Hungarian branch of the Bolshevik Party. After returning to Hungary he organized the statutory meeting of the HCP. When Count Karolyi resigned in March 1919, he headed the new Hungarian Soviet Republic, the world’s second communist government. After the regime collapsed he fled to Vienna and then Russia. From 1921 he became a leader of the Comintern. In 1936 he was removed from his post as a result of a show trial, then arrested and later probably executed, though the circumstances and the exact date of his death remain unclear.

12 KMP (Hungarian communist party - HCP)

A group of Hungarian prisoners of war (Bela Kun, Tibor Szamuely, Ernoe Por and others) formed the Hungarian branch of the Bolshevik Party in Moscow on 4th November 1918, dispatching members to Hungary to recruit new members, propagate the party’s ideas and radicalize Karolyi’s government. Upon their return to Hungary they soon organized the KMP (lit. Communists’ Party of Hungary) which swiftly became the leading political power of the Hungarian Soviet Republic announced in March 1919 that lasted a mere 122 days. Afterwards, the party was reorganized with some of its leaders working in Hungary, and others abroad. The HCP operated underground in the interwar period, and established a socialist workers’ party as a legal cover. Some operating in Hungary (Sandor Fuerst, Imre Sallai, Zoltan Schoenherz and Ferenc Rozsa) became victims of the terror practiced by the Hungarian authorities, while others (Bela Kun, Ernoe Por, Jenoe Hamburger and Jozsef Madzsar) were executed during Stalin’s purges in the Soviet Union. From the end of 1944 it swiftly became the most influential political organization under various names in Hungary until the political changes in 1989.

13 First Czechoslovak Republic (1918-1938)

The First Czechoslovak Republic was created after the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy following World War I. The union of the Czech lands and Slovakia was officially proclaimed in Prague in 1918, and formally recognized by the Treaty of St. Germain in 1919. Ruthenia was added by the Treaty of Trianon in 1920. Czechoslovakia inherited the greater part of the industries of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the new government carried out an extensive land reform, as a result of which the living conditions of the peasantry increasingly improved. However, the constitution of 1920 set up a highly centralized state and failed to take into account the issue of national minorities, and thus internal political life was dominated by the struggle of national minorities (especially the Hungarians and the Germans) against Czech rule. In foreign policy Czechoslovakia kept close contacts with France and initiated the foundation of the Little Entente in 1921.

14 HSLS, The Hlinka Slovak People’s Party

a political party, founded in 1918 as the Slovak People’s Party, in 1925 the HSLS. Had an anti-communist, anti-socialist orientation, based itself on Catholic ideology, and demanded Slovakia’s autonomy. From 1938 assumed a prominent position in Slovakia, in 1939 introduced an authoritarian one-party regime, its ideology was a mixture of clericalism, nationalism and fascism. Its leader until 1938 was Andrej Hlinka, after him Jozef Tiso. The HSLS founded two mass organizations: the Hlinka Guards, a copy of the German Sturmabteilung, and the Hlinka Youth, a copy of the German Hitlerjugend. After the liberation of Czechoslovakia in 1945, it was banned and its highest officials put on trial.

15 Catlos, Ferdinand (1895–1972)

Czechoslovak officer, Slovak general and politician. During WWI he fought in the Austro-Hungarian Army at the Russian front. Graduated from Military College in France. In March 1938 (at that time he had the rank of Lieutenant-Colonel of the General Staff) he was named General I. Class of the Slovak State and simultaneously became the Minister of National Defense. He fully participated in activities of the Slovak Army during the German-Polish War and also had a hand in the sending of Slovak soldiers to the Eastern Front after 1941. In 1944 he attempted to contact the resistance. After the liberation, he was put on trial within the scope of the retribution decree, and was jailed during the years 1945-1948. He then worked as a civil servant in Martin, and died in obscurity.

16 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army

The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system. Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

17 Wiesenthal, Simon (1908–2005)

an architect in private life. Was persecuted by the Nazis for his Jewish origins. Survived being jailed in several concentration camps. After the war he devoted the rest of his life to the hunt for Nazi criminals and the perpetrators of the Holocaust. According to Wiesenthal’s own information, he himself helped catch 1,100 war criminals, including Adolf Eichmann, the head of the Gestapo, whose goal was the so-called Final Solution – Extermination of the Jews. Thanks to Wiesenthal, such individuals as Franz Murer, executioner of Jews, Hermine Braunstein, sadistic guard from the Majdanek camp, and Franz Stangl, the commander of Treblinka and Sobibor were brought in front of a judicial tribunal.

18 Buna

The largest Auschwitz sub-camp, called Buna, was located here from 1942 to 1945. The Nazis sent thousands of prisoners from various countries, the majority of them Jewish, to Buna (there were approximately 10,000 prisoners in this camp in 1944). A significant proportion of them died because of arduous slave labor, starvation, savage mistreatment, and executions. Those who were unable to go on working fell victim to selection and were taken to their deaths in the Birkenau concentration camp gas chambers. In November 1943, the Buna sub-camp was transformed into a separate administrative unit designated Auschwitz III. It included other Auschwitz concentration camp sub-camps at industrial plants. On 18th January 1945, the camp administration evacuated those prisoners who were able to march. They marched into the depths of Germany. The ill and weaker prisoners were left in the camp. Red Army soldiers liberated them on 27th January 1945.

19 Sered labor camp

created in 1941 as a Jewish labor camp. The camp functioned until the beginning of the Slovak National Uprising, when it was dissolved. At the beginning of September 1944 its activities were renewed and deportations began. Due to the deportations, SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Alois Brunner was named camp commander at the end of September. Brunner was a long-time colleague of Adolf Eichmann and had already organized the deportation of French Jews in 1943. Because the camp registers were destroyed, the most trustworthy information regarding the number of deportees has been provided by witnesses who worked with prisoner records. According to this information, from September 1944 until the end of March 1945, 11 transports containing 11,532 persons were dispatched from the Sered camp. Up until the end of November 1944 the transports were destined for the Auschwitz concentration camp, later prisoners were transported to other camps in the Reich. The Sered camp was liquidated on 31st March 1945, when the last evacuation transport, destined for the Terezin ghetto, was dispatched. On this transport also departed the commander of the Sered camp, Alois Brunner.

20 Escape from Auschwitz (Vrba/Wetzler)

Rudolf Vrba (former name Walter Rosenberg) escaped from Auschwitz along with his friend, fellow prisoner Alfred Wetzler, and on 25th April 1944 gave a report in Zilina, the so-called Report of Vrba and Wetzler about the German extermination camps of Auschwitz and Birkenau, in which they described in detail the camp system and gave witness about the mass murder behind the camp walls, even furnished a plan with important buildings, facilities and gas chambers. Rudolf Vrba also published a book of memoirs, Utekl jsem z Osvetimi [I Escaped From Auschwitz].

21 Gleiwitz III

A satellite labor camp in Auschwitz, set up alongside an industrial factory, Gleiwitzer Hutte, manufacturing weapons, munitions and railway wheels. The camp operated from July 1944 until January 1945; around 600 prisoners worked there.

22 Army of General Svoboda

During World War II General Ludvik Svoboda (1895-1979) commanded Czechoslovak troops under Soviet military leadership, which took part in liberating Eastern Slovakia. After the war Svoboda became minister of defence (1945-1950) and then President of Czechoslovakia (1968-1975).

23 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

24 Dukla

The name ‘Dukla’ comes from the name of the Polish town of Dukla, located 16km from the Slovak state border. The Dukla pass was in the past the most important way through the Carpathian Mountains. From 8th September to 27th November 1944, 85,000 Soviet and 6,500 Czechoslovak soldiers were killed or wounded here. Dukla was the main offensive on German defenses on Polish/Czechoslovak territory and simultaneously the gates to Czechoslovak liberation. The final breakthrough of the German defenses succeeded on 6th October 1944. During socialist times Czechoslovak Army Day was celebrated on the day of the breakthrough – 6th October. Today this memorial day is dedicated to the heroes of Dukla.

25 Gottwald, Klement (1896–1953)

his original occupation was a joiner. In 1921 he became one of the founders of the KSC (Communist Party of Czechoslovakia). From that year until 1926, he was an official of the KSC in Slovakia. During the years 1926 – 1929 Gottwald stood in the forefront of the battle to overcome internal party crises and promoted the bolshevization of the Party. In 1938 by decision of the Party he left for Moscow, where until the liberation of the CSR he managed the work of the KSC. After the war, on 4th April 1945, he was named as the deputy of the Premier and the chairman of the National Front (NF). After the victory of the KSC in the 1946 elections, he became the Premier of the Czechoslovak government, and after the abdication of E. Benes from the office of the President in 1948, the President of the CSR.

26 Prochazka, Adolf (1900–1970)

Czech lawyer and politician. During 1945–48 one of the leaders of the Czech People’s Party, a member of the National Assembly and Minister of Health. In 1948 he resigned and emigrated to the USA. From 1950 he represented the exiled Czech People’s Party in the Christian Democratic Union of Central Europe and from 1953 until his death was the chairman of the Union Committee.

27 Kopecky, Vaclav (1897–1961)

Czech Communist politician and journalist. From 1938–45 was in Moscow as a member of the Czechoslovak Communist Party (KSC) leadership abroad. From 1945–53 Minister of Information, 1953–54 Minister of Culture, from 1954 deputy premier of the government. He was a leading ideologue and propagandist of the KSC; main creator and propagator of Communist cultural politics of the 1940s and 50s. As a member of the inner circle of party leadership, he took active part in the illegalities of the 1950s, among others also in the preparation of show trials.

28 Nosek, Vaclav (1892–1955)

from 1939 one of the leading members of the Communist emigration; from 1945–53 Minister of the Interior, from 1953 Minister of Labor.

29 Rude Pravo

daily paper published by the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia; founded in 1920, after the schism between Czech social democrats and communists. After the Velvet Revolution in the fall of 1989 the staff disassociated itself from the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC) and began publishing the daily paper Pravo.

30 Pravda

in the past, the newspaper was the Slovak equivalent of the Soviet/Russian newspaper Pravda. Founded in 1945 (other Slovak Pravdas existing before [in 1925-1932, 1944] were shut down), it was a publication of the Communist Party of Slovakia and, as such, it became a state-owned newspaper. Its equivalent in the Czech part of Czechoslovakia was the Rude Pravo. After the Velvet Revolution, Pravda temporarily became the newspaper of the Social Democratic Party, the successor to the Communist Party of Slovakia. Today, however, it is a modern neutral newspaper and one of Slovakia’s main newspapers.

31 Slansky trial

In the years 1948-1949 the Czechoslovak government together with the Soviet Union strongly supported the idea of the founding of a new state, Israel. Despite all efforts, Stalin’s politics never found fertile ground in Israel; therefore the Arab states became objects of his interest. In the first place the Communists had to allay suspicions that they had supplied the Jewish state with arms. The Soviet leadership announced that arms shipments to Israel had been arranged by Zionists in Czechoslovakia. The times required that every Jew in Czechoslovakia be automatically considered a Zionist and cosmopolitan. In 1951 on the basis of a show trial, 14 defendants (eleven of them were Jews) with Rudolf Slansky, First Secretary of the Communist Party at the head were convicted. Eleven of the accused got the death penalty; three were sentenced to life imprisonment. The executions were carried out on 3rd December 1952. The Communist Party later finally admitted its mistakes in carrying out the trial and all those sentenced were socially and legally rehabilitated in 1963.

32 Dubcek, Alexander (1921-1992)

Slovak and Czechoslovak politician and statesman, protagonist of the reform movement in the CSSR. In 1963 he became the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Slovakia. With his succession to this function began the period of the relaxation of the Communist regime. In 1968 he assumed the function of General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia and opened the way for the influence of reformist elements in the Communist party and in society, which had struggled for the implementation of a democratically pluralist system, for the resolution of economic, social and societal problems by methods suitable for the times and the needs of society. Intimately connected with his name are the events that in the world received the name Prague Spring. After the occupation of the republic by the armies of the USSR and the Warsaw Pact on 21st August 1968, he was arrested and dragged to the USSR. On the request of Czechoslovak representatives and under pressure from Czechoslovak and world public opinion, they invited him to the negotiations between Soviet and Czechoslovak representatives in Moscow. After long hesitation he also signed the so-called Moscow Protocol, which set the conditions and methods of the resolution of the situation, which basically however meant the beginning of the end of the Prague Spring.

33 Sik, Ota (b

1919): in 1940 he entered the illegal Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC), from 1941–45 jailed in the Mauthausen concentration camp. From 1961–69 he was director of the CSAV (Czechoslovak Academy of Sciences) Economic Institute, 1966–68 chairman of the Czechoslovak Economic Association, 1962–69 member of the KSC Central Committee. Sik was forced to leave the government after the invasion in August 1968, and remained abroad. In May of 1969 he was expelled from the KSC Central Committee, gradually stripped of all functions and in 1970 also of Czechoslovak citizenship. Since 1970 he has lived in Switzerland, where he worked as a professor at the University of Basel.

34 Hajek, Jiri (1913–1993)

Czech lawyer, historian, diplomat and politician. 1948–69 member of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC); 1955–58 the Czechoslovak ambassador in Great Britain. 1962–65 permanent representative of the CSSR at the UN. 1965–67 Minister of Education and Culture. 1968 Minister of Foreign Affairs. In August of 1968 he protested at the UN against the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia. Soon afterwards removed from his position and expelled from the KSC. During the 1970s and 1980s he belonged to the leading members of the opposition to the totalitarian regime. In 1978 a spokesman of Charta 77, from 1988 the chairman of the Czechoslovak Helsinki Conference. 1990 – 92 adviser to the chairman of the Federal Assembly, Alexander Dubcek.

35 Slovak National Uprising

At Christmas 1943 the Slovak National Council was formed, consisting of various oppositional groups (communists, social democrats, agrarians etc.). Their aim was to fight the Slovak fascist state. The uprising broke out in Banska Bystrica, central Slovakia, on 20th August 1944. On 18th October the Germans launched an offensive. A large part of the regular Slovak army joined the uprising and the Soviet Army also joined in. Nevertheless the Germans put down the riot and occupied Banska Bystrica on 27th October, but weren’t able to stop the partisan activities. As the Soviet army was drawing closer many of the Slovak partisans joined them in Eastern Slovakia under either Soviet or Slovak command.

36 Masaryk, Tomas Garrigue (1850-1937)

Czechoslovak political leader and philosopher and chief founder of the First Czechoslovak Republic. He founded the Czech People’s Party in 1900, which strove for Czech independence within the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, for the protection of minorities and the unity of Czechs and Slovaks. After the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy in 1918, Masaryk became the first president of Czechoslovakia. He was reelected in 1920, 1927, and 1934. Among the first acts of his government was an extensive land reform. He steered a moderate course on such sensitive issues as the status of minorities, especially the Slovaks and Germans, and the relations between the church and the state. Masaryk resigned in 1935 and Edvard Benes, his former foreign minister, succeeded him.

37 Sramek, Jan (1870–1956)

Czech politician and statesman, Catholic priest. In 1912 named papal monsignore. 1918–39 member of the National Assembly. 1919–38 leader of the Czechoslovak People’s Party. 1921–22 Railways Minister, 1922–25 Minister of Health, 1925–26 Minister of Posts, 1926–1929 Minister of Social Care, 1929–38 Minister for Unification of Laws and Administrative Organization. Belonged to the most agile of coalition politicians (called the “minister of compromises”). 1940–45 chairman of the Czechoslovak government in exile in London. 1945–48 again the leader of the Czechoslovak People’s Party. In 1948 he resigned and was arrested during an unsuccessful attempt to escape abroad, and jailed until his death.

38 Peroutka, Ferdinand (1895–1978)

Czech journalist and political publicist of liberal orientation. In 1948 went into exile, 1951–61 was in charge of the Czechoslovak broadcasts of Radio Free Europe.

39 Zionism

a movement defending and supporting the idea of a sovereign and independent Jewish state, and the return of the Jewish nation to the home of their ancestors, Eretz Israel – the Israeli homeland. The final impetus towards a modern return to Zion was given by the show trial of Alfred Dreyfus, who in 1894 was unjustly sentenced for espionage during a wave of anti-Jewish feeling that had gripped France. The events prompted Dr. Theodor Herzl (1860-1904) to draft a plan of political Zionism in the tract ‘Der Judenstaat’ (‘The Jewish State’, 1896), which led to the holding of the first Zionist congress in Basel (1897) and the founding of the World Zionist Organization (WZO). The WZO accepted the Zionist emblem and flag (Magen David), hymn (Hatikvah) and an action program.

40 1956 in Hungary

It designates the Revolution, which started on 23rd October 1956 against Soviet rule and the communists in Hungary. It was started by student and worker demonstrations in Budapest and began with the destruction of Stalin’s gigantic statue. Moderate communist leader Imre Nagy was appointed as prime minister and he promised reform and democratization. The Soviet Union withdrew its troops which had been stationed in Hungary since the end of World War II, but they returned after Nagy’s declaration that Hungary would pull out of the Warsaw Pact to pursue a policy of neutrality. The Soviet army put an end to the uprising on 4th November and mass repression and arrests began. About 200,000 Hungarians fled from the country. Nagy and a number of his supporters were executed. Until 1989 and the fall of the communist regime, the Revolution of 1956 was officially considered a counter-revolution.

41 Nagy, Imre (1896 – 1958)

As member of the communist party from 1920, he lived in exile in Vienna between 1928 and 1930, then in Moscow until 1944. He was a Member of Parliament from 1944 to 1955, and Minister of Agriculture in 1944-1945, at which time he carried out land reforms. He became Minister of the Interior in 1945-1946. He filled several high positions in the Party between 1944 and 1953. After Stalin’s death, during the period of thaw, he was elected PM (1953-1955). He promoted his ‘New Course’ which terminated internment, police courts and the relocation of the population, and began a review of the show trials while slowing down the forced industrialization and at the same time bringing up the standard of living. By developing light industry and food production, he strove to ease the burden of the peasantry and abolished kulak listings. He was forced to resign, and later expelled from the HCP by party hardliners, in 1955. He became PM again on 24th October 1956 after the outburst of the Revolution and maintained this post until his arrest by the Russians on 22nd November 1956, after which he was kept in custody in Romania. He was then returned to Budapest and executed on 16th June 1958, with other prominent participants of the Revolution, after a secret trial.

42 Maleter, Pal (1917–1958)

Hungarian army officer, Minister of Defense. As a lieutenant he was captured in 1944 by the Red Army. After 1945 he stayed on in the services of the army. In 1956 he joined the side of the rebels. From October 1956 was a member of the Rebel Committee of National Defense. In 1956 was named Minister of Defense. Maleter was the only non-party government minister. On 3rd November, in Tokoli, where the main Soviet army base was located, he and Istvan Kovacs, the head commander of the General Staff and Ferenc Erdeim, minister, negotiated regarding the withdrawal of Soviet armed forces. He was sentenced to death during the same trial as with Imre Nagy.

43 Kadar, Janos (1912 - 1989)

Communist politician, who supported the intervention of the Soviet troops in Hungary to crush the Revolution of 1956, and was installed as party leader (First Secretary, 1956-1988) and Prime Minister (1956-58) after that. Greater freedom of expression was allowed from 1959 onwards, and when Kadar held the premiership for the second term (1961-65), he took positive measures of reconciliation and cautious liberalization. Thanks to his efforts the Hungarian People’s Republic became the most liberal regime in the Soviet block in the 1960s and 70s. In 1988 he was edged out and had the purely titular post of President of the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party (MSZMP). Kadar remains one of the most controversial political figures in 20th century Hungarian history.

44 Lustig, Arnost (b

1926): Czech-Jewish writer. 1950–58 a reporter of Czechoslovak Radio; 1961–68 scriptwriter for Barrandov Film Studios (Prague). Emigrated in 1968, from 1972 he lectured on film and literature at the American University in Washington.

45 Hoffman, Karel (b

1924): 1959–67 central chairman of Czechoslovak Radio, 1967–68 Minister of Culture and Information, 1969–71 Minister–Chairman of the Federal Committee for Post and Telecommunications, 1971 Minister of Transport, 1971–89 member of the presidium of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC). Participated in the preparations of the Soviet intervention in August 1968 and subsequently in the process of normalization. Leading representative of Husak’s leadership in the 1970s and 1980s. In November 1989 he left political life. In February 1990 he was expelled from the KSC.

46 Ulbricht, Walter (1893–1973)

A leader of the East German communist Socialist Unity Party of Germany (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED) from 1949 to 1971, he also served as Staatsratsvorsitzender (Chairman of the Council of State: head of state) of East Germany from 1960, when President Wilhelm Pieck died, until his own death in 1973.

47 Novotny, Antonin (1904–1975)

in 1921 he joined the Communist Party of Czechoslovakia (KSC). During WWII Novotny participated in the illegal activities of the KSC – he was soon arrested and during 1941-1945 imprisoned in the Mauthausen concentration camp. In the year 1953 he became the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the KSC. Novotny reached the apex of his political career in the year 1957, when he was elected to the post of President of Czechoslovakia. In 1960 Novotny courageously proclaimed that socialism was being built in Czechoslovakia – subsequently the word Socialist became part of the name of the republic (Czechoslovak Socialist Republic – CSSR). Novotny’s withdrawal from the political scene began in the second half of the 1960s, when reformist tendencies began to appear in the Communist Party. During the time of the so-called Prague Spring, in 1968, Antonin Novotny was forced to abdicate from the function of President of the Republic.

48 Brandt, Willy (1913–1992)

German politician and Chancellor of Germany from 1969 to 1974. The social democrat received the Nobel Peace Prize in 1971 for his work in improving relations with the German Democratic Republic, Poland and the Soviet Union, known at home and abroad as Ostpolitik (relations with Eastern Europe and Russia). He resigned in 1974 after an espionage scandal.

49 Schmidt, Helmut Heinrich Waldemar (b

1918): German SPD politician. He was Chancellor of Germany from 1974 to 1982, as well as Minister of Defense and Minister of Finance and briefly served as Minister of Economics and as Foreign Minister.

50 NKVD

People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

51 Velvet Revolution

Also known as November Events, this term is used for the period between 17th November and 29th December 1989, which resulted in the downfall of the Czechoslovak communist regime. A non-violent political revolution in Czechoslovakia that meant the transition from Communist dictatorship to democracy. The Velvet Revolution began with a police attack against Prague students on 17th November 1989. That same month the citizen’s democratic movement Civic Forum (OF) in Czech and Public Against Violence (VPN) in Slovakia were formed. On 10th December a government of National Reconciliation was established, which started to realize democratic reforms. On 29th December Vaclav Havel was elected president. In June 1990 the first democratic elections since 1948 took place.

52 Wiesel, Eliezer (commonly known as Elie) (b

1928): world-renowned novelist, philosopher, humanitarian and political activist. He is the author of over forty books. In 1986, Wiesel was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Wiesel teaches at Boston University and serves as the Chairman of The Elie Wiesel Foundation for Humanity.
 

Ladislav Porjes

Ladislav Porjes
Praha
Česká republika
Rozhovor pořídila: Dagmar Grešlová
Období vzniku rozhovoru: leden 2006

Ladislav David Porjes, nar. 1921, je profesí novinář, překladatel a spisovatel. Pochází ze středoslovenské Žiliny, z rodiny známého a oblíbeného advokáta Arpáda Porjese. V deseti měsících přišel o matku a ve třech letech osiřel úplně. O jeho výchovu se starali střídavě prarodiče v Žilině a druzí prarodiče ve východoslovenských Michalovcích. Pohyboval se tak už od dětství ve dvou světech: v Žilině byl vychováván ve slovenštině a němčině v neologickém duchu; v Michalovcích vstřebával jidiš a zemplínské nářečí v ortodoxní rodině potomků význačného „zázračného“ rabína. Jeho dospívání výrazně poznamenalo vyhlášení Tisova 1 Slovenského státu 2 – nemohl jakožto Žid studovat, byl nucen narukovat do tzv. Šestého robotného práporu 3, kde vykonával nucené práce. Dvakrát se mu odsud podařilo uprchnout. Nějakou dobu žil a pracoval v Bratislavě na falešné árijské dokumenty. Osvětimi se přesto nevyhnul. Po útěku z Birkenau se podílel na odhalování příslušníků SS na spojenecké komandatuře v Krakově. Po válce se oženil a vychoval dvě dcery. Pracoval jako reportér a zahraniční korespondent v rozhlase a tiskových agenturách. V padesátých letech se mu však nevyhnuly perzekuce spojené s politickými procesy. Roku 1962 vydal vzpomínkovou knihu „Josele a ti ostatní“, jedno z prvních děl, které o tragédii holocaustu v Československu vyšlo.
Po roce 1968 4 mu byla jeho novinářská práce znemožněna, až do invalidního důchodu pracoval jako vrátný, skladník či na jiných degradujících pozicích. Přivydělával si tajně anonymními překlady.
Těší se, že se svojí milovanou manželkou oslaví brzy šedesáté výročí svatby – diamantovou svatbu. Žijí spolu a oblíbeným domácím mazlíčkem pejskem Tomíčkem v pražském bytě plném krásných obrazů. Sbírání uměleckých děl je totiž koníčkem pana Porjese již mnoho let – v obtížných dobách, kdy situace rodiny kvůli politickým perzekucím nebyla dobrá, byl nucen některá díla ze své sbírky prodat. Ladislav Porjes je dodnes zapáleným a úspěšným závodním hráčem šachu za klub Slavoj Žižkov. Příběhy ze svého života dovede vyprávět velice poutavě a s notnou dávkou ironie. Příjemná atmosféra rozhovoru se snad promítne i do následujícího textu.

Rodina
Dětství
Za války 
Pobyt v koncentračním táboře
Po válce
Novinářem
Glosář

Rodina

Pro začátek bych rád uvedl cosi jako motto: Robert Louis Stevenson [Stevenson, Robert Louis (1850 – 1894): skotský prozaik a esejista – pozn. red.] řekl, že „Umění žít není uměním hrát s dobrou kartou, ale uměním sehrát se špatnou kartou dobrou hru“, Pablo Picasso [Picasso Pablo (1881 – 1976): španělský malíř, grafik, sochař a keramik baskického původu – pozn. red.] poznamenal, že „Životní moudrost je dopouštět se v každém období života jen těch omylů, které jsou v souladu s věkem“ – a tak bude-li laskavý čtenář číst mé příběhy prizmatem těchto mouder, nebude (snad) zklamaný.

Dědeček z otcovy strany, Šalamon Porjes, se narodil roku 1858 v Pružině. Byl výběrčím mýta na Váhu [Váh: řeka na Slovensku, délka 378 km – pozn. red.]. Tatínkova maminka, Júlia Porjesová [rozená Zlatnerová] se narodila roku 1865 v Rosině na Slovensku. Roku 1880 se babičce a dědečkovi ve středoslovenské Žilině narodil můj tatínek Arpád Porjes. Byl nejstarším z osmnácti sourozenců a jako jediný z rozvětvené rodiny vystudoval. Stal se právníkem. I když si na tatínka nevzpomínám, vím, že byl oblíbeným advokátem, jelikož když mě jako malé dítě v doprovodu prarodičů potkávali v Žilině při procházkách různí lidé, vždy ho moc chválili. Říkali mi, že jsem měl zlatého otce a hladili mě po hlavičce. Slyšel jsem, že tatínek měl značně rozdílný přístup ke svým klientům. Vysloužil si přídomek „advokát chudých“, jelikož chudáky zastupoval zadarmo, zatímco si to vynahradil na boháčích. Umožnilo mu to dát věno a vyvdat velice slušně osm ze svých třinácti sester. Když mi byly necelé tři roky, tatínek mi zemřel na následky fušersky léčeného zranění z italské fronty první světové války, které se zúčastnil jako kadet na jeden rok. Stal jsem se tak úplným sirotkem – spolu se mnou však „osiřely“ i mé do té doby neprovdané tety. Na svou poslední cestu do tábora „konečného řešení“ odjely svobodné. Byly sice pohledné, ale bez věna si i hezká židovská dívka těžko sháněla manžela.

Maminčin tatínek Armin Moškovič se narodil zřejmě ve východoslovenských Michalovcích. Zemřel, bohudíky, ještě před válkou a vyhnul se tak transportu na, v jeho věku jistou, smrt. Mezi dvěma světovými válkami měly Michalovce něco přes deset tisíc obyvatel, z toho téměř polovinu tvořili Židé. Dnes čítá tamější židovská obec pouhých šestnáct Izraelitů, včetně žen a dětí. Takže když se má sejít sváteční modlitba – „minjan“ – k níž je zapotřebí deseti dospělých mužů, musí předseda michalovské židovské náboženské obce, Janko Háber, objíždět nedaleké obce a často i vzdálená městečka, aby sehnal potřebný počet věřících. Babička z maminčiny strany, Fany Moškovičová [rozená Weissová] pocházela též z Michalovců, z význačné rodiny údajně zázračného rabína Weisse. Babička s dědečkem měli malý obchůdek, kde prodávali smíšené zboží. Po smrti dědečka měla ovdovělá babička štěstí, že si pro svůj obchod našla správného arizátora. Byl to místní rolník, řeckokatolík a odpůrce profašistického režimu Pavol Hospodár. Musela ho dlouho přemlouvat, aby na to přistoupil. Choval se k ní od začátku do konce nesmírně slušně. Byl „bílou vránou“ v dobách, kdy jiní arizátoři udávali ukryté židovské spoluobčany gardistům 5 a ti pak zařídili jejich odvoz do plynu. Jako přímí udavači shrábli domy i veškerý majetek svých obětí, kterým se původně sami nabízeli do role zachránců. Babička válku přežila, skrývala se u gójů v takzvaném bunkru.

Babiččina maminka, má prababička Mina Weissová, byla dcerou zázračného rabína Weisse. Rodina byla striktně ortodoxní, prababička například byla ostříhaná dohola a nosila na hlavě takovou paruku. Prababička byla „čarodějnice“ v dobrém slova smyslu. Pamatuji se, že se mi v pubertě začaly dělat takové nepříjemné vředy, kterých jsem se nemohl zbavit. Léčili mě všelijací doktoři, kteří vředy vždycky rozřezali, vymačkali, pomazali mastmi, ale léčba byla neúspěšná, do týdne se mi boláky udělaly znovu ve dvojnásobném množství. A tak si mě zavolala moje prababička, což byla svatá žena, která léčila zadarmo všechny známé a lidi z okolí. Prababička prohlásila, že s vředy jednou pro vždy skoncuje. Já jsem těm jejím čárám a kouzlům nevěřil, ale protože mě to bolelo a nemohl jsem se vředů zbavit, tak jsem souhlasil, že se jí svěřím do péče. Prababička vzala slepici, svázala jí nohy, a začala s ní kroužit nad mojí hlavou. Při tom žbrblala něco hebrejsky, čemu jsem já vůbec nerozuměl. Když s tím obřadem skončila, vzala slepici a rituálně ji podřízla hrdlo. Tu slepici musela usmrtit, protože to byla vlastně taková „gepore“ - oběť, která mě měla zbavit všech škodlivin a mých bolestí. Já jsem se tomu vnitřně smál, nevěřil jsem tomu. Uvěřil jsem až po týdnu, kdy vředy zmizely. Úplně jsem se uzdravil a ty vředy se mi už nikdy nevrátily! Takže moje zázračná prababička mě o svých schopnostech tímto skutečně přesvědčila. Chuděrka skončila nešťastně. Hlinkovský gardista ji v šestadevadesáti letech dokopal na žebřiňák do transportu do Osvětimi.

Moji rodiče se seznámili přes dohazovače. To tenkrát přijel tatínek z Žiliny do Michalovců na námluvy. Ovšem bylo to celé komplikovanější: tatínek si původně přijel namlouvat maminčinu starší sestru Paulu, kterou Moškovičovi chtěli provdat pochopitelně jako první. Za Paulu tatínkovi slíbili sto tisíc korun jako věno. Tatínek se ale tak zamiloval do mé maminky, že se s dědečkem Moškovičem domluvili, že si vezme maminku, ovšem vzdá se nároku na věno. Teď mi to připadá jako z románu – láska na první pohled. A tak silná láska to byla, že si vzal tatínek maminku i bez peněz. Bál se ale, co by mu na to řekli jeho rodiče, jak by mu vynadali, že se nechal ošidit. Proto si nechal napsat od dědečka Moškoviče fiktivní potvrzení, že mu dědeček dluží sto tisíc československých korun. Seznámení mých rodičů je zkrátka příběh ryze romantický!

Moje maminka Ilona Porjesová [rozená Moškovičová] se narodila roku 1901 v Michalovcích na východním Slovensku. Bohužel na maminku žádné přímé vzpomínky nemám, znám pouze něco málo z jejího života zprostředkovaně z vyprávění babičky a tetiček. Maminka totiž zemřela při porodu mého nenarozeného sourozence na něco, čemu by se dnes patrně řeklo mimoděložní těhotenství. Tak mi to alespoň jako malému vyprávěla babička. Když jsem ovšem byl už o něco starší, vyprávěly mi tetičky, že to bylo trochu jinak. Tetičky vypravovaly, že maminka Ilonka byla učiněný anděl. Ovšem příčinou jejího předčasného úmrtí prý byla její vlastní matka. Babička Fany totiž, když přijela do Žiliny za dcerou a za mnou jakožto desetiměsíčním capartem, zjistila, že maminka je znovu těhotná. Přemluvila maminku, aby si dala bez tatínkova vědomí, ten byl tou dobou na delší služební cestě mimo město, udělat tajně potrat, aby si prý dalším porodem nezkazila postavu. Babička pokoutně sehnala jakousi porodní bábu, která však zákrok zfušovala, a maminka zemřela na celkovou otravu krve. Bylo jí tehdy necelých jedenadvacet let.

Maminka měla sestru Paulu Moškovičovou. Ta se provdala stejně jako moje matka za advokáta, jakéhosi pana Bélu Jakobovitse. Odstěhovala se za manželem do Budapešti. Jako dítě jsem za nimi jezdíval a Béla si mě prý zamiloval natolik, že mě chtěl adoptovat. Jeho osud byl tragický – holomci z tamějších fašistických „šípových křížů“ 6 ho při svém antisemitském řádění v ulicích Budapešti utloukli za to, že se snažil přes jejich cepy a obušky ochránit neznámou stařenku. Teta Paula tedy takto tragicky ovdověla. Babička Fany dceři poradila, aby se raději přestěhovala na Slovensko, že prý je to pro ni tak bezpečnější. Bohužel ji teta poslechla, v Bratislavě si našla byt a na falešné árijské doklady se zde úředně přihlásila. Paula byla blondýnka a nevypadala vůbec židovsky, a tak si myslela, že je konečně v bezpečí. Ovšem její sousedka si ji vytipovala jakožto podezřelou osobu a udala Paulu hlinkovským gardistům. Gardisté si pro ni přišli, zbili ji a vynutili si na ní přiznání. Byla zařazena do nejbližšího transportu a plynová komora v Birkenau se postarala o vše nezbytné.

Dětství

Narodil jsem se roku 1921 v Žilině. Ve třech letech jsem úplně osiřel. Protože jsem osiřel v útlém věku, obstarali mi tedy kojnou, svobodnou matku, jakousi paní Balážovou, která se jmenovala křestním jménem stejně jako moje nebohá maminka – Ilona. Měla zřejmě mléka na rozdávání a milovala mě snad víc než své vlastní dítě. Mnoho let po válce mi do rozhlasu kde jsem pracoval, přišel dopis od jakési paní, která psala, že zaslechla v rozhlase mé jméno, a chtěla vědět jestli jsem ten Lacinko, kterého kdysi kojila. Poslala mi fotografii kde jsem dvouletý chlapeček s tatínkem – vlastně díky ní mám jedinou památku na svého otce. Ilona se vdala za četnického strážmistra někam na pomezí Slovenska a Moravy. Vypravil jsem se za ní. Abych ji překvapil, tak jsem jí nedal předem vědět že ji hodlám navštívit. Když jsem přijel, setkal jsem se s jejím mužem, takovým pánem o berlích, který mi sdělil, že krátce předtím zemřela. Zavedl mě alespoň na její hrob.

Jako chlapeček jsem byl asi krásné dítě, protože jsem dokonce v Michalovcích vyhrál soutěž krásy. Když mi bylo asi šest let, organizovalo město Michalovce soutěž krásy, někdo mě tam přihlásil a já jsem v chlapecké kategorii vyhrál. V dívčí kategorii vyhrála sestra jednoho mého kamaráda, tato holčička se jmenovala Litzi Goldfingerová. Tenkrát nás vyfotografovali a naše fotka byla uveřejněna v nějakém literárním časopise. Bohužel fotku nemám, o všechno jsme za války přišli.

Vyrůstal jsem u prarodičů – střídavě mě hlídali Porjesovi, tedy otcovi rodiče v Žilině, kde jsme mluvili slovensky a německy. Střídavě na mě dohlíželi Moškovičovi, tedy matčini rodiče v Michalovcích, se kterými jsem mluvil zemplínským nářečím a jidiš. Zázemí obou rodin, co se týče náboženské stránky, bylo poměrně rozdílné. Moškovičovi byli ortodoxní, zatímco Porjesovi byli neologičtí Židé.

V Žilině v domě mého nebohého zemřelého tatínka jsem měl jako úplný sirotek „bonu“ - vychovatelku. Byla to Němka, velice zbožná katolička, stará panna, která se honosila dvanácti křestními jmény, z nichž si pamatuji akorát pět: Maria, Magdalena, Marta, Kristina, Luisa. Strašně mě milovala a ze své gáže mi kupovala hračky. Dědeček Šalamon a babička Júlia měli dost starostí s málo prosperujícím hospodářstvím a s pěti nevdanými dcerami. Ostatních osm stačil tatínek před svojí smrtí vydat za slušné muže, ale ostatní po jeho smrti zůstaly na ocet. A tak mě vychovatelka Marie Magdalena vychovávala po svém. Vodila mě do katolického kostela, takže jsem uměl Otčenáš, Zdrávas Maria i další modlitby jako správný katolík.

Obě rodiny, Moškovičovi i Porjesovi, vařily košer. Bylo zvláštní nádobí na mléčná jídla, zvláštní nádobí na masitá jídla, aby se to striktně oddělilo. V Žilině to bylo slabší, ale v Michalovcích babička dbala na to, aby bylo vše podle pravidel, rituálně čisté. Prarodiče v Žilině zaměstnávali kuchařku, katolickou dívku Hanku, která vařila vynikající jídla. Jedli jsme tradiční pokrmy – o pesachu macesy a i o jiných svátcích tradiční pokrmy. O šábesu se také zapalovaly svíce. Před jídlem jsme se v obou rodinách modlili nějakou hebrejskou modlitbu, ale já už si tyhle věci dnes vůbec nepamatuji. Vím také, že jsme museli všechno sníst, žádný drobeček nesměl přijít nazmar. Do synagogy jsme chodili spíše ale v Michalovcích. Měl jsem tam ve třinácti letech bar micve [„syn přikázání“, každá osoba mužského pohlaví, která je povinná plnit předpisy judaismu. Povinností je plnit náboženské závazky ode dne, kdy chlapec dosáhl třináct let – pozn. red.]. To byla velká sláva! Ovšem jediná babička Fany Moškovičová přežila šoa, a po válce naprosto ztratila jakékoliv náboženské iluze. Na košer kuchyni zanevřela a přestala dodržovat veškeré rituální předpisy.

Velice rád jsem četl. Dědeček mi sice občas daroval nějakou korunu, ale na uspokojení mých čtenářských zálib to nestačilo. Dohodl jsem se tedy se sodovkářem panem Kleinem, že po škole budu rozvážet na vozíčku limonády. Za rozvoz, který mi denně zabral asi dvě nebo tři hodiny, jsem od pana Kleina obdržel jednu korunu a jednu láhev limonády navíc. Z tohoto výdělku jsem si kupoval detektivky, byl to brak vydávaný v sešitech pod názvy „Sherlock Holmes“, „Nick Carter“, „Tom Shark“, „Joe Bangs“, „Leon Clifton“, „Charlie Chán“, „Buffalo Bill“ nebo „Winnetou – rudý gentleman“. Četl jsem potají při plamínku svíčky, protože elektřinou se v soukromé domácnosti žilinských prarodičů šetřilo.

V otcově pracovně byla také mahagonová knihovna plná mnoha krásných knih. Byly zde odborné právnické knihy, ale i filosofické traktáty Spinozy, Kanta a Schopenhauera, nebo politické statě od Carla von Ossietzkého a Kurta Tucholského. Beletrie i poezie od Shakespeara, Miltona, Goetheho, Schillera, Heineho a Thomase Manna. Všechno bylo v originále na rozdíl od slovenštiny a maďarštiny, používaných v domech mých prarodičů. Měl jsem však guvernantku, takže četba v originále mi nedělala potíže. Znalost jazyků se mi později hodila i v lágrech a ještě později v novinářském a tlumočnickém povolání.

Jako starší jsem měl povolen do pracovny po mém otci, do které kromě babičky, dědečka a tet, které zde uklízely, jinak nikdo nesměl. Vzpomínám si na koženou sedací soupravu, na tmavý nábytek, černé a bílé mramorové stolní hodiny, klavír značky „Ehrbar“, porcelánové vázy značky „Rosenthal“, a na obrovskou mušli na klavíru, v níž věčně hučelo moře. Na zdi visela ve zlatém rámu olejomalba židovského malíře Kaufmanna znázorňující disputaci rabína s farářem. Visela zde také uhlokresba – dvojportrét mé krásné černooké a černovlasé mladé maminky a šťastně se usmívajícího, více než o dvacet let než maminka staršího, tatínka. Uhlem malovaný portrét vytvořil známý maďarský umělec, jehož jméno jsem už zapomněl. Ze všech těchto věcí jsem po válce nenašel nic. Vlastně skoro nic – na dvorku zdevastovaného domu jsem na smetišti objevil poničený uhlový dvojportrét mých rodičů. Byl roztrhaný a v hrozném stavu. Tatínka se zachránit nepodařilo, nechal jsem zrestaurovat alespoň maminčinu podobiznu. To je jediná památka, kterou na maminku mám. Po tatínkovi mi zbyla vlastně jenom jedna fotografie, kterou mi před lety věnovala má bývalá kojná Ilona Balážová. Na fotografii jsem jako dvouletý chlapeček, sedím na houpacím koni, a vedle mě stojí můj pohledný tatínek.

Nevím přesná data smrti mých rodičů. A proto vždy když mám potřebu, tak se modlím „kadiš sirotků“ [kadiš: responsivní modlitba požehnání a chály. Přednášený při předepsaných příležitostech v synagoze, domě smutku za zemřelé, o pohřbu apod. – poz. red.]. Nijak pravidelně, prostě když mám niternou potřebu, což je poslední dobou čím dál častěji. Je to jediná modlitba kterou si dnes jakž takž pamatuji, už mi taky vypadla z paměti, tak mám takovou mnemotechnickou pomůcku. Mám to napsané v hebrejštině, ale protože už jsem zapomněl i ta písmenka, kamarád mi to přepsal v latince tak jak se to vyslovuje. Když jsem byl malý, chodil jsem s prarodiči nebo s tetami na židovský hřbitov v Žilině na místo, kde rodiče měli hrob. Ten hřbitov byl za války slovenskými fašisty zničený jako všechny židovské hřbitovy. Myslím, že ho v posledních letech zrestaurovali, takže se tam chystám podívat. Na tom hřbitově leží jenom otec s maminkou. Ostatní příbuzní jsou bůhví kde. Ztratil jsem za holocaustu v Osvětimi dvacet osm blízkých příbuzných, takže já mám vlastně takový svůj soukromý Yad Vashem.

V rodišti mé maminky, v Michalovcích, se ze mě mí prarodiče rozhodli přes letní prázdniny udělat pravověrného ortodoxního Žida. Musel jsem si nechat narůst pejzy, dostal jsem na hlavu jarmulku, oblékli mi spodní rituální kytlici s třásněmi, které mi přečuhovaly přes krátké kalhoty. Najali mi dokonce soukromého učitele náboženství. První učitel se jmenoval Mordche, pamatuji si hlavně, že se stále dloubal v nose. Přesto mě naučil číst hebrejská písmena a některé modlitby. Ale moc se mu to nedařilo, protože jsem tvrdil, že na malá písmenka nevidím. Žaloval na mě dědečkovi, který mě na to konto poslal k očaři, kde se zjistilo, že jsem skutečně krátkozraký. Předepsali mi tedy dioptrické brýle. Můj druhý učitel byl mladší, vzdělanější a vstřícnější. Jmenoval se Broche, což hebrejsky znamená „požehnání“. Zeptal jsem se ho jednou co vlastně obnáší být Židem. Odpověděl: „Být Židem znamená být člověkem.“

Po prázdninách jsem se vrátil k prarodičům do Žiliny. Dědeček Šalamon spráskl ruce a volal na babičku: „Julinko, podívej se, jakou nám z našeho Lacinka udělali ti Moškovičovi na východě opici!“ Vzal babičce ze šicího stroje nůžky, ustřihl mi pejzy, vyhodil jarmulku a strhl ze mě kytlici s třásněmi. Dokonce mi zabavil i brýle, abych prý ze sebe nedělal šaška, a zakázal mi při chůzi mávat rukama. Musel jsem s ním chodit na procházky vzpřímeně a ruce připažené k tělu. Dědeček v sobě prostě nezapřel dril z c.k. rakouské armády.

Já jsem náboženství nikdy nebral moc vážně. Michalovská babička chtěla, abych chodil do chederu, ale já jsem to odmítl. Dědeček ji přemluvil, ať mě nenutí, takže jsem tam chodit nemusel. V Žilině jsem chodil do takzvané neologické školy, to je takový židovský směr, abych tak zkrátka řekl, který nebere nic vážně. Tato lidová neologická škola byla na vynikající úrovni, učili zde velice dobří kantoři. Učila se zde němčina už na základní škole, školu navštěvovali i nežidovští spolužáci. V sobotu jsme měli volno, v neděli se učilo. Střední školu, tedy reálné gymnázium jsem absolvoval pro změnu v Michalovcích. Měl jsem výborný prospěch, uměl jsem z domova perfektně německy a z Žiliny jsem uměl i výborně slovensky, což se o mých spolužácích i některých učitelích říci nedalo. V Michalovcích se totiž hovoří východoslovenským zemplínským nářečím. Pamatuji se, že jsme na gymnáziu se spolužáky jednou hráli při hodině náboženství mariáš. Učitel Ehlinger, šames, který nás vyučoval, najednou povídá: „V Maďarsku je azesponem Béla Kuhn a v Michalovcích je azesponem Porjes!“ „Azesponem“ znamená v jidiš něco jako vrcholný drzoun! Béla Kuhn byl maďarský předseda komunistické strany a velký postrach všech Židů. Takže takhle vtipně mě šames přirovnal skrze drzounství k Bélovi Kuhnovi.

Vzpomínám si, že jsem šel v Michalovcích po ulici a přišel ke mně můj o dva roky mladší spolužák Špaňár . Začal mi nadávat do smradlavých Židů. Já jsem ho popadl a vymáchal jsem ho v kaluži. Bylo zrovna po dešti, takže jsem ho pořádně zřídil a umazal. Když přišel domů, zřejmě si na mě stěžoval rodičům. Ovšem jeho rodiče byli velice slušní lidé, evangelíci a odpůrci fašismu. Pan Špaňár byl vážený lékař. Špaňárovi přišli na druhý den vyfintění v gala oblečení i se synkem k nám domů, a hrozně se za syna mým prarodičům omlouvali.

Středoškolská studia ale jinak probíhala v idylických podmínkách První republiky 7. Ještě před vypuknutím oficiálního fašismu zabrala česká armáda přechodně Slovensko, aby zabránila maďarské iredentě, násilnému přidružení. Barva iredenty byla zelená, což jsem v té době nevěděl. Zrovna se to sešlo tak, že jsem v tomto roce navštěvoval oktávu a nosil jsem na klopě kabátu abiturientskou stužku – zelenou a žlutě lemovanou. Vojenské hlídky tvořili nějací nevzdělaní mladí kluci. Když mě na ulici uviděli se zelenou stužkou, nařkli mě z podpory maďarské iredenty a uvěznili mě přes noc v tělocvičně gymnázia. Babička s dědečkem byli zoufalí, nevěděli co se se mnou děje a báli se pochopitelně o mě. Ráno se vysvětlilo, že došlo k nedorozumění, propustili mě a nějaký kapitán se prarodičům moc omlouval. Vzpomínám si, že babička říkala: „Doufám, že tohle byl tvůj poslední průšvih!“ Chudinka, už se nedozví jak se tenkrát mýlila.

Až v oktávě jsme si my židovští žáci teprve uvědomili, jak idylická do této chvíle doba byla. Gymnázium jsme totiž dokončovali už v době vrcholící rozvratné činnosti hlinkovců, do níž se aktivně zapojilo i několik, ne zrovna nejúspěšnějších, spolužáků. Ve škole na chodbě jsme měli zamřížovanou šatnu kde jsme se převlékali. Jednou v zimě jsme všichni židovští oktaváni, bylo nás osm, zjistili, že máme uřezané knoflíky z kabátů. Našim zbylým dvaceti nežidovským spolužákům se nic podobného nestalo. Mstitelem jsem byl zvolen já. Příští den jsem do školy přišel záměrně o chvíli později už po zahájení první vyučovací hodiny. Vybavil jsem se žiletkou. Vnikl jsem do šatny, byla prázdná, protože všichni ostatní spolužáci už seděli na hodině. Vyřízl jsem knoflíky na kabátech všech nežidovských spolužáků. Nikdo z nich si nestěžoval, protože moc dobře věděli, že totéž udělali předtím nám. Tím první etapa antisemitských výpadů skončila.

Duchovním vůdcem žáků hlinkovského ražení byl náš profesor Hlaváč, katecheta katolického náboženství. Druhým antisemitou byl profesor slovenštiny Konštantín Maco. Ve vypjatém ovzduší přechodného obsazení Slovenska českou divizí se nevraživost těchto dvou profesorů proti žákům židovského původu vystupňovala natolik, že potají rozdali maturitní otázky ze slovenštiny svým antisemitským oblíbencům, nám židům však zadání otázek zatajili. Ostatní profesoři byli vesměs z Čech, kteří s hlinkovci rozhodně nesympatizovali – jeden z nich, profesor němčiny, František Vymazal, mi také o komplotu svých fašizujících slovenských kolegů pověděl. Nevěděl však o které otázky přesně jde a ani jak se k nim dostat. Vymyslel jsem plán: předpokládal jsem, že distributorem otázek bude katechetův největší oblíbenec, spolužák Michal, který se později po vyhlášení „nezávislého“ Tisova státu stal vysokým funkcionářem Hlinkovy strany HSĽS 8. Jednou, když „národovci“ byli na ne příliš tajeném ilegálním vojenském výcviku, zašel jsem do bytu, kde Michal bydlel. Otevřela mi jeho teta. Řekl jsem jí, že si Michal něco zapomněl a já mu to mám přinést. Pustila mě dovnitř a já jsem otázky v jeho stole skutečně našel. Rychle jsem je opsal a pak doma přepsal pro všechny své židovské spolužáky. Michal se od své tety dozvěděl k čemu došlo, okamžitě se dovtípil, že se jedná o mě – neboť brýlatí jsme ve třídě byli pouze dva – já a jedna dívka. Michal to profesorovi řekl, ale na přepsání maturitních otázek už bylo pozdě. A tak asi profesor Maco musel číst se skřípěním zubů moji maturitní kompozici na téma „Ježíš Kristus a láska k bližnímu“. Se stejnými pocity asi sledoval moje vystoupení přes maturitní komisí. Všechno jsem zvládl bezvadně, ale profesor Maco byl jiného názoru. Chvíli se hádal s komisí a poté mi dal ze slovenštiny dostatečnou. Znehodnotil mé maturitní vysvědčení – byla to jeho osobní pomsta za to, že jsem podlomil jeho snahu prokázat nadřazenost jeho militantních oblíbenců.

Za války

Po maturitě jsem nemohl studovat kvůli Norimberským zákonům, a proto jsem se rozhodl, že se půjdu v Michalovcích vyučit zámečníkem. Ovšem než jsem se vůbec stačil doučit, byl jsem povolán do takzvaného Šestého robotného práporu – jelikož Tisův „Slovenský štát“ se rozhodl vyřešit problém mladých Židů dvojfázově: zaprvé využít jejich pracovní sílu do poslední mrtě v pracovních táborech, zadruhé naložit je do dobytčáků a svěřit jejich konečnou likvidaci na cizím území, Generalgouvernement Polen, svým německým protektorům. Pro realizaci první fáze zřídil režim, pod vedením ministra obrany Ferdinanda Čatloše 9, zvláštní útvar, eufemisticky nazvaný „Šestý robotný prápor“. Byl to krycí název pro tábory nucených prací, které byly pod komandem ministerstva obrany. Navlékli nás proto do naftalínových uniforem, které vyhrabali odněkud ještě z doby rakousko – uherské armády. Dostali jsme tmavomodré mariňácké uniformy a k tomu na hlavu ještě placaté „kuchařské“ čepice, takže jsme vypadali skutečně fantasticky! Do pracovních táborů, které byly rozeseté po území celého Slovenska /celkem těchto poboček bylo asi šest/ narukovaly ročníky 1919 – 1921. Celkem nás slovenských židovských mládenců bylo 1278. Tento stav doplnilo několik stovek lidí ze starších ročníků 1916 – 1918, kteří byli původně odvedeni k československé armádě. Po vzniku profašistického slovenského státu byli zbaveni dosažených hodností, vysvlečeni ze zelených stejnokrojů a spolu s námi mladšími byli navlečeni do modrého. Já jsem 3. října 1941 narukoval do Svätého Jura, což bylo městečko mezi Bratislavou a Pezinkem. Bylo plánováno, že po nějakém čase budeme zařazeni do transportu do koncentračních táborů na Němci obsazeném území. Ve Svätém Jure jsme byli ubytovaní v dřevěných barácích zamořených mravenci a blechami, a naši výzbroj tvořily krumpáče a lopaty. Vyfasovali jsme plechový ešus a plechovou lžíci namísto příboru. K užívání byla jediná umývárna, dvě latríny, žádný zdroj pitné tekoucí vody. Z hlediska nějakého vojenského drilu, to byla v podstatě šaškárna, protože to nikdo nebral vážně.

Dozorci byli árijští poddůstojníci, zčásti bývalí trestanci, zčásti lidé mdlejšího rozumu, které vrchnost neuznala za hodné služby v řádné slovenské armádě. Jeden z „rotmajstrů“, který byl v civilu továrníkem sodovkárny, byl blázen – dal si dokonce do okna svého služebního bytu postavit kulomet s permanentní obsluhou, dnem i nocí namířený na prkenné ubikace „šestipraporáků“, jelikož trpěl fixní ideou, že mu Židé ukládají o život. Nesměli jsme samozřejmě opouštět tábor, stýkat se s árijským obyvatelstvem, nesměli jsme dosáhnout žádné vojenské hodnosti, byli jsme všichni označeni titulem „robotník – Žid“. Nesměli jsme dostat dovolenky, jedinou výjimkou bylo úmrtí nejbližšího člena rodiny či předvolání k soudu. Ovšem i v takových případech nás musel na dovolence doprovázet árijský dozorce, jemuž jsme museli předem uhradit všechny výlohy spojené s cestou; a tak tedy v případě, že jsme neměli potřebné prostředky, nebylo nám povolení k dovolence uděleno.

Denní režim byl vyplněn desetihodinovou lopotou pro firmu Moravod při odvodňování bažin. Pomáhali jsme při budování Šúrskeho kanálu u Svätého Jura. Denní žold představoval jeden a půl koruny, která stačila na žemli, sodovku a pět cigaret. Večer jsme si čistili zablácený mundůr ocelovými kartáči, což bylo zakázáno jakožto poškozování erárního majetku, ovšem bylo to daleko účinnější a rychlejší než praní ledovou vodou a erárním mýdlem za dvě koruny. Noci byly způli plny nenaplněných erotických snů, z druhé poloviny pak byly vyplněny zuřivým drbáním a marným chytáním tisíců nenasytných blech, kterými byly naše kavalce zamořené. Občas náš polospánek zpestřovaly noční poplachy a nástupy či kontroly výstroje.

Tuto rutinu narušily v březnu 1942 pošta, která byla do našich ubikací doručována. Byli jsme zaplaveni zoufalými dopisy od svých děvčat, že do dvou týdnů budou z jejich někdejších bydlišť vypraveny první transporty s mladými dívkami do německého tábora v jihopolském městě Osvětim. Do tohoto transportu dívek, vypraveného ze zemplínské metropole Michalovců, byla zařazena i moje dívka Riva Halperová. Bylo jí devatenáct, v Užhorodu vychodila rodinnou školu a než jsem odjel do pracovního tábora, chodili jsme spolu. Byla to krasavice: havraní vlasy, oči jako srnka, něžná ústa, štíhlá postava, ňadra akorát, lýtka jako vysoustruhovaná. Mně bylo dvacet let a všichni nám tvrdili, že jsme s Rivou krásný pár a že se k sobě hodíme, podle tehdejších maloměstských měřítek tomu říkali „velká láska“. Chodili jsme do kina, uši i lýtka nám hořela, a jakmile se zhaslo, osahávali jsme se. Při večerních procházkách jsme se objímali a líbali, ale dál než čemu se říká „petting“ jsme se nedostali. Riva byla z ortodoxní rodiny a musela být nejpozději v deset večer doma. A teď mi moje láska psala, že má nastoupit do transportu do Osvětimi. Její maminka mi napsala: „Přijeďte, prosím, co nejrychleji. Slyšeli jsme, že děvčata určená do transportu může zachránit manželství s vojákem. Pospěšte si, transport odjíždí už za čtrnáct dní. Bůh vám žehnej!“ Matčin text, zkrabatělý zaschlými slzami, doplnila Riva dvěma slovy: „Miluji Tě!“

Kamarád Saša Goldstein přezdívaný Kucuš, který měl podobný problém jako já dostal nápad. Jeho plán byl geniální, Kucuš měl mezi árijskými dozorci kamaráda krajana, který s ním občas chlastal a hrál karty. Tento kamarád mu slíbil za padesátikorunu půjčit svoji zelenou uniformu. Za stovku jsme pořídili padělané cestovní rozkazy s pravými kolky a razítky pro nás oba. Plán byl takový, že já pojedu v židovské modré uniformě a Kucuš coby „árijec“ mne bude eskortovat v zelené uniformě. Mne vysadí v Michalovcích, sám bude pokračovat do Prešova, za tři dny oba svatby zvládneme, a pak se společně vrátíme do Svätého Jura. Byl jsem nadšený, potřebné peníze jsem obstaral a všechno vyšlo do puntíku. Ovšem když mě Rivina matka spatřila, pláčem zalomila rukama. Stalo se totiž něco nepředvídatelného: ministerstvo vnitra se rozhodlo – zřejmě aby předešlo případným útěkům z méně hlídaných seřadišť v menších městech – soustředit dívky ve sběrných táborech v Popradu a Bratislavě, a odtamtud je v dobytčácích transportovat do Osvětimi. Takže ve chvíli, kdy se mi podařilo do Michalovců dorazit, už byla Riva a ostatní michalovská děvčata tři dny ve sběrném táboře. Svatby s příslušníky šestého robotného práporu se nekonaly. Konaly se pohřby jejich nešťastných rodičů. Po krátké době skonala na infarkt i Rivina matka – ušetřila si tak strastiplnější cestu do Osvětimi.

Vrátil jsem se tedy zklamaný do Svätého Jura. Svůj útěk jsem si odskákal čtrnácti dny vězení bez večeře. Trest byl překvapivě mírný, protože velení vzalo jako polehčující okolnost, že jsem se vrátil dobrovolně po 48 hodinách absence. Pokud jde o Kucuše, ten se do tábora nevrátil, ani ho nechytili. Válku přežil v lesním bunkru u partyzánů, po válce se stal ředitelem hotelu v Bratislavě, zemřel v osmdesátých letech.

V Šestém robotném práporu se mnou sloužil Rafael Friedl, hudebně a jazykově nadaný chlapec, který byl nadšeným sionistou. Podařilo se mu utéci a v malém slovenském městě se osvobození dočkal jakožto varhaník místního katolického kostela. Po mnoha letech jsem se s ním setkal v osvobozené Praze, kde pod hebrejským jménem Rafael ben Šalom vykonával funkci diplomata státu Izrael. Navrhl mi, jestli bych nechtěl pracovat pro Simona Wiesenthala 10 jakožto „lovec nacistů“. Já jsem tu nabídku ale odmítl. Chtěl jsem začít nový život. Chtěl jsem na všechny hrůzy zapomenout. Samozřejmě, že nejde zapomenout. Možná odpustit, ale zapomenout určitě nelze. Dalším kolegou ze Svätého Jura byl Pavel Grünwald, skvělý lyžař. Byl mladý, a tak ho nástup transportu z Šestého robotného práporu do koncentračního tábora mohl ještě dva roky minout. Nechtěl však opustit svou ovdovělou matku a dobrovolně ji doprovodil do Osvětimi, kde zahynula. Sám přežil holocaust v nedalekém táboře Buna 11, dožil se osvobození Američany. Několik týdnů poté ale zemřel v jejich karanténním táboře na tyfus.

Své mládí bych nazval obdobím neustálých útěků. Zavinily to okolnosti. Abych řekl pravdu, odkud to šlo, odtamtud jsem utekl, anebo jsem se alespoň snažil utéct. Jenom ze Svätého Jura jsem utekl dvakrát. Podruhé jsem zběhl poté, co nám hrozili transportem na ukrajinskou frontu. Tam jsme měli tzv. Pohotovostním oddílům Hlinkovy gardy, nasazeným po boku SS, čistit minová pole. Stal jsem se tedy četníky hledaným dezertérem, neboť Šestý robotný prápor spadal pod ministerstvo obrany.

Přišel jsem do Michalovců a onemocněl jsem, primář michalovské nemocnice, zarytý nepřítel tisovského režimu, Zdeněk Klenka, mi diagnostikoval zápal pohrudnice a prohlásil, že musím okamžitě do nemocnice. Do michalovského špitálu jsem nemohl, protože by doktora Klenku udali kolegové. Poslal mě tedy do sanatoria do Bratislavy. Nevím co přesně stálo v doporučujícím dopise, ani kdo zařídil a hradil můj dvouměsíční pobyt v sanatoriu doktora Sumbála, protože jsem většinu času proležel ve vysokých horečkách. Myslím, že to obstarala babička Fany přes svého arizátora pana Pavola Hospodára. Odsávali mi dvakrát denně z pohrudnice kanylou hnis. Léky a bažanta mi přinášela, přidržovala a odnášela mladá hezká jeptiška karmelitánka Zita. Hrozně jsem se před ní za toho bažanta styděl, protože Zita se mi líbila. Horečky ustupovaly, můj celkový stav se postupně zlepšoval, pan profesor byl spokojený a „vyhrožoval“, že mne za takové dva týdny pustí domů. Kam „domů“ byla ovšem kardinální otázka, ale tou jsem se zatím neobtěžoval. Čtrnáct dnů byla ještě dlouhá doba, zejména když po dlouhých týdnech mé léčby a postupné „revitalizace“, začali mi někteří spolupacienti z pokoje řádně brnkat na nervy, patrně stejnou měrou, jak jsem jim šel na nervy sám. Jenomže, co čert nechtěl, tempo mého uzdravování patrně předstihlo odhad samého pana profesora. Stala se totiž taková trapná příhoda. Sestřička Zita mi opět jednou přidržovala bažanta a ve mně se jaksi nečekaně probudila mužnost. Prostě bažant byl sice ještě poloprázdný, ale jeho hrdlo bylo pojednou zaplněné. Zita se vyděsila, z úleku upustila nádobu a v panice vyběhla z nemocničního pokoje. Otrlejší spolumarodi se sice chechtali, až se za břicha popadali, ale mně pořádně zatrnulo. Vzápětí totiž vtrhla do pokoje nasupená vrchní sestra, postarší sestřička se sekundářem. Sjela mě přímo nekřesťansky, že jsem hanbář a nevychovanec a, že si zřejmě pletu nemocnici s veřejným domem. Nedovedl jsem si vůbec představit, jakými slovy asi cudná Zita vylíčila ten trapas, ale vybraná mluva sestry představené vyznívala v kontextu s celou epizodou tak komicky, že jsem vyprskl smíchy, čím jsem, pochopitelně, nasadil všemu korunu a aféra byla dovršena. Pan profesor Sumbál byl ovšem světa znalý muž a patrně si o celé té aférce myslel své, ale před vrchní musel zachovat dekorum a nazval mé chování klackovstvím. A protože si to zřejmě nechtěl rozházet s řádem karmelitek, přečetl si v přítomnosti hlavní jeptišky s kamennou tváří můj chorobopis a pak mi sdělil, že se můj stav natolik zlepšil, že do tří dnů mohu opustit jeho kliniku. Ortel jsem přijal mlčky. Když profesor s vrchní sestrou odešli, vyřkl můj postarší soused myšlenku, které mne, naivu z venkova, ani nenapadla. „Jo, holenku“ – řekl – „civilní ošetřovatelky jsou holt podstatně dražší.“

Sestra Zita do našeho pokoje už nevkročila. Bažanty nám nosil ošetřovatel, který se na mne culil, protože aférka se už rozkřikla po celém sanatoriu. Tak skončil můj léčebný pobyt na klinice profesora Sumbála v Bratislavě, kterému jsem navždy zůstal vděčný. Když jsem vycházel hlavním vchodem, ještě jsem trošku, ale už ne sípavě, pokašlával. Sestře Zitě jsem poslal písemné poděkování s upřímnou omluvou. Po válce jsem koupil velkou kytici a odnesl ji na kliniku. Květiny převzala pomenší karmelitánka, trochu při těle, kterou jsem neznal. „Sestra Zita už není mezi námi“, sdělila mi. „Kam odešla?“ zeptal jsem se. Baculatá sestřička sklopila oči. „Odešla na věčnost“, odvětila. „Už před dvěma lety.“ [s laskavým svolením Ladislava Porjese citováno z rukopisu dosud nepublikované knihy CENZUROVANÝ ŽIVOT: Z paměti česko – slovensko –židovského reportéra]

Žil jsem na falešné árijské papíry v Bratislavě. Falešné doklady vystavovali ilegálně buď evangeličtí nebo řecko-katoličtí faráři, kteří byli proti fašistickému režimu. Pomáhali Židům, vystavovali jim falešné rodné listy. Ovšem já jsem se vydal na bratislavskou židovskou obec. Seděli tam nějací dva mladí kluci, kteří si ode mě vzali moje autentická data narození, a řekli, abych přišel za dvě hodiny. Datum narození ponechali, ovšem jméno mi změnili na Po Irubský a vystavili mi rodný list a domovský list. Dali mi taky doklad o tom, že jsem byl operovaný na fimózu (zánět předkožky), to proto, že kdyby se zjistilo že jsem obřezaný, abych měl doklad proč. Vše udělali zadarmo a ještě mi dali sto korun z tajných fondů. Dali mi radu, abych všechny papíry nenosil pohromadě, abych nebyl nápadný. Také mi doporučili, abych se svým neárijským obličejem raději vůbec nevycházel ven. Já jsem ale na jejich dobré rady nedbal, myslel jsem si, že to tak nebezpečné být nemůže, že přeci snad až tolik židovsky nevypadám. Dnes už vím jak naivní jsem tehdy byl!

Našel jsem si na inzerát práci – v novinách psali, že nějaká říšskoněmecká firma na kompoty a marmelády, která měla filiálku v Bratislavě, hledá německo-slovenského překladatele. Vypravil jsem se na adresu, kterou v inzerátu uváděli, představil jsem se pod falešným jménem a řekl jsem, že bych měl o práci zájem. V kanceláři seděl nějaký říšský Němec, přezkoušel mě jak dovedu překládat, a okamžitě mě přijal. Pracoval jsem u něj dvakrát týdně, vždy asi dvě nebo tři hodiny. Plat jsem dostával tisíc korun měsíčně – koruna měla tehdy ještě téměř předválečnou hodnotu, takže jsem si přišel na velmi slušné peníze. Jenom pro srovnání: ještě koncem roku 1944 stála krabice výtečných italských sardinek jednu korunu – takže tisíc korun byly opravdu velice slušné peníze. To mi dovolilo pronajmout si v jedné bratislavské vilce byt, který pronajímala nějaká vdova. Myslím ale, že můj německý zaměstnavatel vytušil něco o mém původu, protože jednou mi povídá: „To je zajímavé, že na rozdíl od vás, Slováci pořádně německy neumí.“

Ovšem stalo se, že mě udal bývalý příslušník Šestého robotného práporu, kterého si platila Tajná bezpečnost jako udavače. Ten mě jako zběha vytipoval, našel a udal gardistům. Najednou mě na ulici chytili, bránil jsem se a volal co si to dovolují, ale řekli mi abych držel hubu. Sebrali mě a začali mě vyslýchat. Tvrdil jsem že jsem tím, kdo je napsán v mých papírech. Řekli mi, že když tvrdím že jsem Slovák, ať tedy sundám kalhoty, aby se přesvědčili, že nejsem Žid. Řekl jsem, že to je zbytečné, že jsem byl na operaci zánětu předkožky. Dostal jsem facku. Křičeli na mě, že žádný Slovák by u sebe tolik dokladů nenosil. Natož aby nosil operační osvědčení. V tom měli pravdu, velká chyba byla, že jsem neposlechl varování na bratislavské židovské obci, abych papíry nenosil nikdy pohromadě. Zmlátili mě a vlekli mě s ostatními vězni svázaného v řetězech přes Bratislavu. Zastavovali dopravu a vlekli nás ulicemi jako zvířata. Soucitnější lidé se zastavovali a podstrkovali nám čokoládu nebo pětikorunu. Tak jsem se dostal do vojenského vězení, do garňáku v Popradu.

Musel jsem odevzdal doklady, peněženku, hodinky, kapesní nůž a hřeben. Dozorce si mě prohlížel a zeptal se: „Ty jsi Žid, co? Tys nám tady akorát scházel!“ Ve skladišti jsem odevzdal sako, kalhoty, baloňák, prádlo, kravatu a polobotky. Vyfasoval jsem erární košili, dlouhé plátěné podvlékačky, letní plátěnou uniformu a tvrdá bagančata. Přidělili mi také plechovou misku a lžíci. Vedli mě dlouhatánskou ponurou chodbou s mokrými a plesnivými zdmi. Budova snad pochází z dob Rakousko-Uherské monarchie, od dob Marie Terezie [Marie Terezie (1717 – 1780): česká a uherská královna a rakouská vévodkyně od roku 1740. Jako manželka Františka I. Lotrinského řím. něm.císařovna (od 1745) – pozn. red.] se tu snad nic nezměnilo, ani se zde nevětralo – vzduch byl tíživý a zatuchlý. Pravé, nefalšované garnizónní vězení. Cela byla velká studená místnost s vysokým oknem, pochopitelně zamřížovaným. Podél obou stěn dlouhé lavice a mohutný neohoblovaný stůl. U další zdi slamníky přikryté dekami a v koutě nepřikrytý kýbl, který pekelně smrděl. Moji spoluvězně tvořili zloději, násilníci, dezertéři, nemocní – dohromady nás bylo na cele třicet mužů. Vězni hráli „maso“ – Cikán s holou zadnicí stál a musel uhodnout kdo ho praštil. Podle pravidel ho měli tlouct dlaněmi, ale měli něco podobného karabáči – Cikán strašně křičel bolestí.

K večeři jsem vyfasoval černou horkou kávu se sacharinem a studený hrách. Cikán mi radil, ať si hrách nasypu do kávy, alespoň si ho ohřeju – a navíc, v žaludku se to stejně smíchá. Po večerce jsme zalehli na slamníky. Bylo nás třicet, ale pokrývek bylo jen dvacet, takže jsme je museli umně složit, abychom byli přikrytí všichni. V noci to znamenalo, že když se jeden otočil, museli se spolu s ním otočit všichni, protože jinak bychom se pod deky všichni nevešli. Trvalo mi chvíli než jsem se tomu přizpůsobil. Dostal jsem pár pohlavků od spolunocležníků a pak jsem si zvykl. Po takové noci jsem ráno vstával polámaný a nevyspalý. Všude byly štěnice a vzduch se nedal dýchat kvůli otevřenému kýblu a hrachu, který jsme měli k večeři. Před snídaní jsem se vypravil do umývárny – podlouhlá špinavá místnost s několika kohoutky, z nichž jen čúrkem tekla ledová voda. Byla mi zima, podzim pod Tatrami je pořádně chladný. K snídani jsme dostávali krajíc chleba a cikorkový odvar s bromem. Po snídani jsme se bavili o jídle, každý líčil co má rád – knedlíky, slanina, klobásy, brambory, zelňačku, anebo halušky s brynzou. Pak se mlsně vzpomínalo na rum, slivovici anebo borovičku. Nakonec se mluvívalo o ženských: hrubě, chlípně a bez špetky studu.

Předvolali mě k soudu, aby mi sdělili, že jakožto vojenský dezertér z Šestého robotného práporu, který de facto zběhl z armády Slovenského státu v době války, si odsedím sedm měsíců těžkého žaláře, který budu mít zostřený dvakrát týdně půstem a tvrdým lůžkem. Odvolal jsem se. Předseda soudu mě upozornil, že pokud mé odvolání bude zamítnuto, nezapočítají mi do trestu dvouměsíční vyšetřovací vazbu. O to mi právě šlo – snažil jsem se ve vězení vydržet co nejdéle. Ačkoli to nebylo vůbec příjemné prostředí, stále to bylo lepší než být poslán transportem na nejistou budoucnost do koncentračního tábora. Dosáhl jsem svého: v Bratislavě mi trest prodloužili o dva měsíce – měl jsem před sebou tedy devět měsíců vězení, ovšem s jistotou, že devět měsíců jsem chráněn před transportem. Jelikož jsem vyfasoval více než půl roku, odvezla mě eskorta do bratislavského vězení. Spolu s ostatními chlapy jsem byl svázán řetězy, cesta se nekonečně vlekla.

Ústřední vojenská věznice v Bratislavě byla moderní několikapatrová budova. Na příjmu jsem opět vyfasoval plátěnou vybledlou vězeňskou uniformu bez knoflíků. Knoflíky z bezpečnostních důvodů odpárali proto, že je jeden vězeň upáral, snědl a museli ho odvézt do špitálu. Dlouhé kalhoty byly bez tkaničky, takže mi padaly. Vězeňská obuv byla zase bez řemínků. To proto, že na tkanicích a řemíncích svázaných dohromady se zase jiný vězeň oběsil. Dokonce mi vzali i brýle, zřejmě abych si skly nepodřezal žíly. Oholili mě břitvou a tupým strojkem – údajně opatření proti vším. Dostal jsem se do samovazby – cela byla pěkná, třikrát dva metry prostorná místnost. Betonová podlaha, zamřížované okno, malé štokrle, sklopené železné lůžko. Misku ani lžíci mi nedali, jelikož si s ní někdo onehdy podřezal zápěstí. Jídlo mi nosil vězeň v doprovodu strážného v hliníkovém ešusu. Dostal jsem dřevěnou lžíci, špenát, maso a vařící hovězí polévku, která celkem pěkně voněla. Dal jsem si ji vychladit do záchodku a těšil se, že se v klidu, a konečně jednou jako civilizovaný člověk, najím. Asi za pět minut, kdy jsem se chystal začít jíst polévku, se objevil znovu dozorce a zakřičel, ať všechno odevzdám. Odstrčil mne a obě ještě plné misky s jídlem mi odnesl. To jsem si zapamatoval a napříště do sebe házel horké brambory a hrdlo si spálil vařící polévkou. Jinak to nešlo, jinak bych byl zase celý den o hladu. Večeři jsme totiž nedostávali. V noci stále silně svítila ze stropu žárovka a každou chvíli mě špehýrkou ve dveřích mé cely sledovalo oko dozorce.

S ostatními vězni jsem se dorozumíval ťukáním na stěnu. Ptali se, jestli dostávám balíčky. Bohužel, neměl jsem od koho. Poradili mi, že mám nárok na četbu z knihovny a deku navíc. Když jsem se druhý den o četbu dozorci hlásil, odmítl mi ji dát. Důvod mi nesdělil. Klepal jsem se zimou a myslel jsem si, že mám horečku – druhou deku mi však také odmítli dát. Opět mi nesdělili proč, ačkoli na vše jsem měl podle vězeňského řádu nárok. Ohlásil jsem se ráno na ošetřovně, že mi není dobře a mám horečku. Doktor mi oznámil, že mi nic není, a poslal mě na procházku na dvorek, kde hlídali dozorci s pistolemi a pendreky. Na dvoře jsem slabostí omdlel. Dozorce mě zkopal a nutil dělat dřepy. Když jsem omdlel podruhé, zmlátil mě karabáčem, abych se probral. Večer na mě ťukal soused, abych si stěžoval na surové zacházení. Věděl jsem ale, že to nemá smysl – byl jsem totiž jediný Žid v celém vězení. Byl jsem nucen poslouchat nadávky jako „smradlavý Židák“ nebo „pijavice na těle slovenského národa“. Věznění bylo těžké, už jsem si nebyl jist, jestli to ve vězení ve zdraví přežiji. Vzpomněl jsem si na rady, které mi dávali spoluvězni v popradském garňáku. Nejdůležitější bylo dostat se do nemocnice. Jenomže dostat se do nemocnice nebylo lehké – člověk musel mít skutečně nějakou pořádnou chorobu, aby ho tam poslali. Vzpomněl jsem si jak kamarádi radili, abych si zašil do slamníku kus nedělního tlustého vepřového, počkal až zasmrádne, a potom ho na vyhladovělý žaludek sežral. Uženu si tak prý jisto jistě otravu žaludku nebo alespoň žloutenku. Už jsem opravdu dál nebyl schopen snášet šikanu debilních žalářníků v bratislavském vězení, tak jsem se rozhodl tento údajně zaručený recept vyzkoušet. Maso jsem si schoval a nechal řádně zasmrádnout. Aby byl účinek ještě lepší, dva dny před konzumací smrduté pochoutky jsem pro jistotu vůbec nic nejedl. Jenomže zřejmě proto, že jsem už byl tak vyhladovělý, tak se stalo, že jsem údajnou otravu strávil bez jakékoli újmy.

Už jsem začínal být zoufalý, když jsem si vzpomněl na jednu příhodu, kterou nám v popradském garňáku líčil Cikán Mižo. Vyprávěl, že když seděl potřetí v base, jeden jeho spoluvězeň se z vězení dostal do nemocnice s kapavkou. Hrozně jsme se mu smáli. Jak bychom asi měli sehnat v garňáku kapavku, když tu není jediná ženská? Mižo se nenechal zahanbit a tvrdil nám, že si ten chlap kapavku uhnal sám. Nevěřili jsme. Jak by si mohl uhnat kapavku sám? Mižo prohlásil, že mýdlem: „Udělal si z mýdla špuntík, vstrčil ho do ptáka, dva dny se zdržel chcaní, a třetí den mu opuchnul, zčernal a tekl jak Dunaj. Dozorce ho odlifroval do špitálu.“ Tahle příhoda se mi teď vybavila. Moc jsem tomu nevěřil, ale říkal jsem si, že si celou historku snad Mižo nemohl úplně vymyslet. Na takovou fabulaci byl příliš velký primitiv. Začal jsem proto zvažovat různá pro a proti podobného plánu. Rizika se mi zdála nepatrná. Kdyby to nevyšlo, dostanu nejspíš další kopance, hladovku nebo pár jiných kázeňských trestů. Nějaké to pálení v pohlavním údu mi připadalo jako nepatrný detail. Doufal jsem, že díky tomuto dětinskému experimentu dostanu aspoň do nemocnice. Byl jsem na cele sám, takže jsem přípravy ani operaci samotnou nemusel provádět nikomu na očích. Sice mě chodil špehýrkou ve dveřích kontrolovat každých patnáct minut dozorce, ale patnáctiminutové intervaly bohatě stačily na přípravu i realizaci celé akce. Vypadal jsem jako když zrovna vykovávám malou potřebu, jelikož jsem stál rozkročmo nad tureckým záchodem. Nemohl jsem proto budit žádné podezření. Všechno proběhlo navlas podle Cikánem líčeného receptu. Za čtyři dny ráno jsem se hlásil na ošetřovně. Přirození patřičně zčernalé, nateklé, a bez ustání kapající, mi bezvládně viselo z polospuštěných kalhot. Vězeňský doktor si prohlížel mé přirození a obhrouble vtipkoval: „Primitivové, hovada, prasata, ještě byste nakazili celou dívčí školu!“ Okamžitě mé problémy označil za akutní stav chronické kapavky zaviněné mikrokokem gonorrhoea. Nařídil urychlený převoz do vojenské nemocnice v Ružomberku na oddělení venerických chorob.

Na venerickém oddělení v Ružomberku mě čekal klid. Přivítali mě celkem vlídně, každopádně mě nikdo nešikanoval ani mi nenadával do špinavých Židáků. Čekala mě čistě povlečená postel, chápavé pohledy a ochota kolegů, kteří mi veřejně nabízeli čokoládu i cigarety. Dokonce, když ošetřovatel odešel, dostal jsem i lok z flašky ukryté pod matrací. Připadal jsem si jak v ráji na zemi. Druhý den si do zkumavky odebrali vzorek mého semene, poté jsem se mohl procházet nemocničním parkem. Ovšem idyla trvala jenom dva dny. Třetí den si mě totiž pozval ošetřující lékař – mladý, sympatický a inteligentně vypadající člověk. Povídá mi: „Řekněte mi, co si myslíte, že jsme ve vašem spermatu pod mikroskopem objevili?“ Bylo mi jasné, že moje dny v idylickém ovzduší špitálu jsou sečteny. Nicméně jsem rázně řekl: „Jasně že vím, přece kapavku!“ Doktor se usmál: „Našli jsme tam za dvě koruny vyfasované erární mýdlo. A teď laskavě sundejte kalhoty“ Prohlížel si pečlivě můj obavou scvrklý orgán. Chvíli se zrakem zastavil na obřízkové fazonce. Pak tiše povídá: „Vy jste Žid, že ano? Jak dlouho ještě máte sedět?“ Řekl jsem, že ještě pět měsíců. Doktor povídá: „To je dost. A pomohlo by vám, kdybychom si vás tu dva tři týdny nechali? Více vás tu mít nemůžeme, jelikož skutečná léčba kapavky déle netrvá. Pro jistotu ke mně budete dvakrát týdně chodit jakoby na kontrolu, aby to nebylo nápadné.“ Ze srdce jsem mu poděkoval. Ty tři týdny v ružomberském vojenském špitále jsou mojí nejpříjemnější vzpomínkou na šestileté trvání slovenského Tisova státu.

Pobyt v koncentračním táboře

Odseděl jsem si zbytek trestu a byl jsem odtransportován do tábora Sereď 12, odkud jsem byl poslán do Osvětimi. Živě si pamatuji na transport ze Serede do Osvětimi. Měli jsme před sebou dlouhou cestu, vlak se dal do pohybu namáhavě, vagón byl přecpaný, jen horko těžko se mi podařilo dostat se k okénku. Poté jsem s opět přes mnoho těl prodral na své výchozí místo u stěny. Vytáhl jsem z kapsy krabičku a škrtl zápalkou. Plamínek plápolavě osvítil vagón. Všude byla sláma a namačkaná těla lidí jak sardinky v krabičce. Možnost sedět mělo jen několik šťastných, ostatní stáli namačkaní. Byli tam staří i mladí, mladá matka kojící nemluvně. Podíval jsem se na souseda Oldu, kývli jsme na sebe na znamení, že čas uzrál. Olda ze svého batohu vytáhl bochník chleba, přelomil ho napůl a vytáhl z těsta dvě pilky a dláto. Nářadí nám v sereďském lágru zapekli pekaři a piešťanský rabín, který nám v lágru pomáhal při plánu útěku nám dal i nějaké peníze na cestu. Olda oslovil lidi ve vagónu s tím ať se ničeho nebojí, je noc, vlak jede pomalu, trať je neosvětlená, takže nikdo neuvidí, že pilkou vyvrtáme otvor do stěny a všichni se zachráníme. Mladá matka protestovala, měla strach o své malinké dítě, že se s ním na útěku nezachrání a přijdou oba o život. Olda všechny utěšoval, že peněz od rabína máme pro začátek dost pro každého, že se přeci nějak protlučeme, a že přeci útěk je každopádně lepší volba než to co nás na konci naší cesty čeká. Lidé oponovali, že je to velké riziko, válka může trvat ještě dlouho a svým útěkem můžeme ohrozit i ostatní příbuzné. Z přítmí se pojednou vynořila dlouhá vychrtlá postava, stařec říkal, že má ženu i děti v Osvětimi a chtěl by se s nimi ještě setkat. Dohodli jsme se na tom, že nikoho nenutíme, ať se přihlásí ten, kdo chce utéct. Přihlásili jsme se já, Olda, Michal a mladý pár – chlapec a děvče, kteří se drželi za ruce. Poté si přihlásila ještě paní ve středních letech a mladá maminka s miminkem.

Začali jsme pilkou vyřezávat otvor do stěny. Práce šla pomalu, do dubového dřeva se ocel pilky zařezávala jen pozvolna, milimetr po milimetru. Při práci jsme se my mladí střídali, snažili jsme se pracovat co nejrychleji, protože jsme nevěděli jak daleko je příští zastávka. Ruce bolely, ale práce postupovala pomalu a jistě. Najednou se ozval hlas: „Přestaňte, tohle nedovolím. Mám v bunkru ženu a dítě a nenechám se kvůli vám zastřelit. Chci se s nimi po válce setkat. Jestli nepřestanete, řeknu to.“ Byl to Markel, kterého Němci ustanovili velitelem vagónu. Olda svíral v ruce nůž a udělal krok směrem k Markelovi. Ostatní mu ustupovali z cesty. Markel klesl na kolena a prosil ať ho Olda nezabíjí, že má ženu a děti, dobrá, ať si děláme co chceme, že nic neřekne. Začali jsme tedy znovu pilovat stěnu. Najednou v dálce zazářila světla stanice, zaskřípaly brzdy – přijížděli jsme na nádraží do Žiliny. Otevřely se dveře, jakási ruka vstrčila dovnitř kýbl vody, hlas se shovívavě zeptal: „Alles in Ordnung?“ Byl to slušný člověk, polní četník z někdejšího Rakouska, kterému se teď říkalo Ostmark. Nebylo se tedy čeho bát. Když se nikdo z nás neozval, hlas řekl: „Na also, gute Nacht.“ Dveře se začaly pomalu se skřípěním zavírat. Vše vypadalo nadějně. V tom se však ozval z hloubi potemnělého vagónu hlas. Byl to Markel. „Herr Kommandant! Es ist nicht alles in Ordnung.“ Dveře se opět otevřely. Markel mu řekl, že jsou tu lidé, kteří chtějí utéct. Nechtěl prozradit kdo. Říkal jen, že byla tma, nic neviděl, ale slyšel šepot a zvuk pilky jak navrtává stěnu vagónu.

Najednou bylo kolem našeho vagónu plno, ostrý hvizd přerušil ticho noci, všude kolem samopaly. Nemluvně začalo hlasitě plakat, ostatním drkotaly strachem zuby. Museli jsme jeden po druhém vystupovat z vagónu i se svými skromnými zavazadly. Velitel transportu vešel dovnitř, prohlédl si navrtanou stěnu a uznale prohlásil, že jsme odvedli dobrou práci. Měl zřejmě příkaz z vyšších míst, že při transportu nemá vězně likvidovat, navíc střílení by v noci v Žilině vzbudilo nežádoucí rozruch. Řekl si asi, ať si s námi pošpiní ruce SS přímo na místě. Nařídil železničářům odpojit navrtaný vagón a odsunout ho na slepou kolej. Naložili nás do nového vagónu, modernějšího se zamřížovaným oknem a zasouvacími dveřmi na těžkou závoru. Umístili ho hned za vůz první třídy, v němž seděla ozbrojená eskorta. Dveře za námi zvřeli a my jsme uslyšeli zařinčení řetězu a zámku. Vlak se dal do pohybu, nejel už však třicítkou jako předtím, ale rychlost zvýšili na dvojnásobek, zezadu mu pomáhala druhá lokomotiva. Zastávky jsme už projížděli bez zastavení. Ve vagónu zavládlo naprosté ticho. Už nebyla tma, z obou stran nás osvětlovaly reflektory a další světlomety mířily na ostatní vagóny. Byli jsme na sebe namačkaní tak, že nebylo k hnutí. Ovšem v jednom koutě u stěny bylo místa dost – stála tam postava Markela s voskovou tváří.

Pamatuji si příjezd do Osvětimi, vyklopili nás z transportu, který zastavil na slepé koleji. Něco nešikovného jsem provedl, už přesně nevím co to bylo, dost hlasitě jsem nepozdravil nějakého esesáka nebo něco takového. Ten člověk mi vrazil strašnou facku, to ovšem nebylo to nejhorší – nejhorší bylo, že mi přitom upadly na zem brýle a rozbily se. Byl jsem z toho vyřízený, protože brýle jsem potřeboval. Pamatuji se, že mě utěšoval jeden starší vězeň, mohlo mu být něco mezi dvaceti a pětadvaceti lety, který už v lágru nějakou delší dobu byl. Moc mě utěšoval, byl na mě strašně milý, hladil mě a líbal mě. Až později jsem si všiml, že měl růžový trojúhelník, byl to homosexuál.

Selekce byla hned jak jsme přijeli. Vyklopili nás a pak to šlo rychle vlevo, vpravo, vlevo, vpravo, vlevo, vpravo, stále dokola. Proběhlo i standardní tetování. Esesácký přisluhovač mi vytetoval novou identitu, od této chvíle jsem byl „Häftling Nummer B-14219“. Dostal jsem se do tábora B, tedy Osvětimi – Birkenau, těsně do blízkosti bývalého cikánského tábora, který zlikvidovali. V Osvětimi bylo podzemní hnutí, ale já jsem tam přišel příliš pozdě a byl jsem v lágru příliš krátko na to, abych to zaregistroval. Navíc útěky, jako se například povedlo Rudolfu Vrbovi a Alfredu Wetzlerovi 13, ty byly dávno předtím než já jsem do lágru přišel. Podzemí zakládali bývalí francouzští zajatci, které Němci odtransportovali.

V Birkenau nás asi čtyřicet chlapů bydlelo na dřevěné ubikaci, spali jsme pod roztrhanou dekou. V zimě jsme si přitápěli malými kamínky. Můj běžný den v lágru vypadal asi tak, že jsme se ráno na ubikaci probudili a vyfasovali snídani, kterou tvořil takzvaný čaj, skrojek chleba, k tomu byla čajová lžička umělého medu nebo umělé marmelády. Tomu Němci říkali snídaně, s tímto mizerným přídělem jsme museli přes práci vydržet do oběda. Oběd představovala takzvaná „zupa“, což byl polský výraz pro německou Suppe, polévku. Vypadala jako vývar ze špinavých ponožek a také tak chutnala. Plavaly v ní kusy shnilých uvařených brambor, sem tam kousek kližky, a k tomu byl opět skrojek chleba. S tím jsme museli vydržet do večeře, což byl slabý téměř vodový čaj, lžička umělé marmelády a skrojek chleba. Myslím, že je zřejmé proč jsem vážil v té době čtyřicet pět kilo.

Jednoho večera na mě padla povinnost vyprázdnit kbelík s odpadky z naší ubytovny. Za baráky už dávno zapadlo slunko a soumrak pořádně zhoustl. Mířil jsem k rezavému barelu, do kterého jsem měl vysypat obsah našeho džberu, a všiml sem si napůl splasklého pytle opřeného o stěnu barabizny, které se říkalo „kuchyň“. Když jsem se už s prázdným kyblíkem vracel k naší ubikaci, byla už tma, nikdo mě nemohl vidět, tak jsem se rozhodl podívat na obsah pytle. Potěžkal jsem ho a zjistil, že v něm mohlo být tak deset kilo brambor, které vypadaly víceméně poživatelně. Po čtvrtroce stráveném v lágru jsem sice už neměl zrovna fyzickou kondici, ale popadl jsem pytel a po chvíli zápolení jsem si ho přehodil přes rameno. S kbelíkem v druhé ruce jsem opatrně šlapal k našemu baráku. Těšil jsem se jak spoluvězni budu jásat a jak mě pochválí za takový úlovek. Bylo to však předčasné, protože po chvíli se ke mně přiřítila tlupa asi patnáctiletých výrostků, povalili mě na zem, nacpali si bramborami kapsy svých hábitů a košil, a nechali mě potlučeného ležet na zemi. Byli to bezprizorní děti, které okupanti násilím odebrali jejich ze záškodnictví obviněným a pro výstrahu veřejně popraveným rodičům ze spálených vesnic na Ukrajině a v Rusku. Tyto děti pak obvinili z potulky a žebroty a dovlekli je do Birkenau. Nacpali je do baráků bývalého cikánského tábora, jehož obyvatele předtím zplynovali. Zvedl jsem se ze zabahněné půdy, třásl jsem se chladem. Byl jsem z toho tak zpitomělý, že jsem kromě prázdného kyblíku vlekl za sebou i zplihlý pytel. Na nebezpečí jsem nepomyslel, věděl jsem, že můj barák je za rohem, a že pytel se může hodit v nadcházející zimě jako přikrývka. Zpoza rohu se z ničeho nic objevil po zuby ozbrojený německý strážný. Ptal se co dělám venku. Vysvětlil jsem mu, že jsem byl vynést kbelík a pak jsem upadl, proto jsem tak zablácený. Zeptal se, na co mám ten pytel. Řekl jsem, že jsem ho našel ležet vedle sudu na odpadky. Vzal opatrně pytel do ruky a naneštěstí v něm zachrastily dvě opomenuté brambory. Chtěl vědět, co se stalo se zbytkem brambor. Snažil jsem se vysvětlit, že tam možná ještě nějaké byly, ale že mi při pádu asi vypadly. Začal křičet, že jak Židáky zná, určitě jsem je chtěl někde prodat, že mám jistě domluvený nějaký kšeft. Nařídil mi: „Vlevo vbok, deset kroků vpřed, zastavit stát, čelem vzad, zavřít oči!“ udělal jsem tedy vlevo vbok, odměřil deset kroků, udělal čelem vzad a opět stál tváří v tvář automatu. Jen poslední bod rozkazu jsem nesplnil – chtěl jsem vidět všechno, až do konce. Esesák se rozkročil, zamířil a vystřelil ránu. Byl to zlomek věčnosti. Stačil jsem zaslechnout výstřel, uvidět záblesk, ucítit palčivou bolest v tváři, a zjistit, že žiju. Esesák sklopil samopal, zamířil kužel baterky na můj obličej, zaklel a zařval „Hau ab!“ Byl jsem v šoku. Rozkaz jsem splnil. Podruhé už nevystřelil, ale pytel jsem pro jistotu nechal ležet na zemi. V baráku všichni chtěli vědět co se událo, byli vystrašeni výstřelem. Ošetřili mi ránu na krku, která jenom o kousek minula krční tepnu.

Pracoval jsem v komandu, které vycházelo mimo tábor a stavěli jsme takzvané chlévy. Tahal jsem dlouhá těžká břevna na ramenou. Jeden den se chlév postavil, druhý den jsme ho zbourali – takže tato naše „práce“ byla čistě a jenom vyslovená buzerace. Mně se z toho jak jsem nosil břevna udělaly vzadu na krku boláky, měl jsem avitaminózu, a dostal jsem se na ošetřovnu. Na ošetřovně pracoval jako velitel nějaký mladý německý doktor s válečným křížem. Také tam sloužil velice známý bývalý pražský židovský profesor, léčil mě několika druhy mastí, jelikož na rumištích sbíral různé byliny, ze kterých masti vlastnoručně vyráběl. Utěšoval mě, že se z ošetřovny do plynu nedostanu, obával jsem se totiž, že mě jako mrzáka, kterého nebudou potřebovat pošlou do plynu. Tento profesor se po válce do Československa nevrátil, odjel myslím do Ameriky. Měl totiž asi strach, protože v Osvětimi pomáhal Mengelemu při pokusech. Mengele ho k tomu zřejmě pod pohrůžkou donutil. Jinak to byl ale opravdu vážený a velice schopný odborník.

Poležet si pár dní na Krankenrevieru byl celkem příjemné, ošetřovna sice byla zamořena hmyzem, ale člověk věděl, že mu bezprostředně nehrozí krematorium. Bylo tu tepleji, polévka byla hustší a občas se v ní vedle obligátních slupek vyskytl i kousek nahnilého bramboru. Mohl jsem si odpočinout od strašlivé dřiny, od obrovských klád, které jsme dennodenně vláčeli na zádech. Mohl jsem se natáhnout pod nepříliš čistou potrhanou deku. Na vedlejším lůžku ležel musulman, živý kostlivec od kterého jsem nemohl odtrhnout oči, chudák neustále chrlil krev. Dostával náhražku morfia, protože pravé morfium dostávali jenom esesácké elity. V přítmí jsem rozeznal číslo na jeho předloktí – bylo třímístné, to znamená, že už musel být v lágru nejméně tři roky. Snažení profesora bylo bezmocné, z očí toho ubožáka koukala smrt. Exitus byl otázkou nejvíce několika hodin. Latinské slovo exitus mi uvízlo v paměti – na ošetřovně jsem ho poprvé slyšel od profesora. Teď už mi nezní tak strašidelně, ale tehdy, kdy ho profesor vyslovil před velitelem doktorů, mi vyrazil doslova studený pot na čele. V tom slově musí být cosi velmi vznešeného, neboť při něm ztichli dokonce i sami esesmani.

Večer chodil na ošetřovnu službukonající dozorce a přicházela doba zdravotní prohlídky. Německý lékař při ní obvykle prohlížel bosá chodidla pacientů, a když nebyla dokonale čistá, pacient nedostal večeři. Když se doktor přiblížil k mému lůžku, zpozoroval jsem, že je to nový doktor, kterého jsem neznal. Vystrčil jsem chodidla zpod deky. Něco se v tu ránu vykutálelo po hliněné podlaze. V duchu jsem si nadával jak jsem mohl být tak neopatrný. Úzkost mi svírala hrdlo. Na zem se totiž rozkutálelo několik mých šachových figurek, které jsem si uhnětl z chlebového těsta. Krátil jsem si tím čas na ošetřovně. Pochopitelně to ale bylo zakázané. Vůbec všechno v Birkenau bylo přísně zakázané. Esesácký doktor se shýbl a se zájmem si figurky prohlížel. Zeptal se jestli umím šachy hrát. Když jsem přikývl, chtěl vědět jestli hraju dobře. Nakonec řekl, že jestli mohu chodit, ať se obléknu a jdu s ním. Vešli jsme do jeho bytu. Jeho důstojnický sluha překvapeně koukal, že si nový doktor vede na pokoj kluka, navíc židovského heftlinga. Lékař vytáhl voskové plátno, rozvinul ho a vytáhl figurky. Vyzval mě abych se posadil a položil přede mě krabičku cigaret. Byly to egyptky se zlatým náustkem. Potáhl jsem z cigarety a zamotala se mi hlava, raději jsem cigaretu položil na okraj popelníku, abych neušpinil koberec. Partie začala. Rozehrál jsem velice dobře, ale celou dobu jsem si v duchu říkal, co se stane, pokud bych vyhrál. Doktor udělal špatný tah a hra byla od té chvíli rozhodnuta v můj prospěch. Říkal jsem si, že vypadá dobrácky, že v jeho očích je cosi lidského. Ale říkal jsem si, copak se neusmívali i jeho kolegové z partaje? Copak se neusmívali při selekcích? Copak se neusmívali dokonce i když posílali lidi po plynových komor? Teď už se doktor ani neusmíval. V jeho pohledu bylo něco mrazivého. Má význam ho dráždit? Nebylo by sice špatné ukázat mu jaký je packal, nebylo by zlé vychutnat si pocit vítězství, ukázat mu, že i bezvýznamný Židák může porazit příslušníka Herrenvolku. Jenomže věděl jsem, že takové vítězství by mohlo mít trpkou příchuť. A já jsem chtěl přežít. Udělal jsem tedy schválně spatný tah. Doktor si oddechl. Mohl jsem sice hru ještě zachránit, stáhnout věž do obrany, už jsem na ni dokonce sahal, ale na poslední chvíli jsem si to přece rozmyslel. Místo toho jsem táhl dámou a postavil ji tak, aby esesák mohl rozvinout šachový útok. Nechal jsem ho vyhrát. Byl potěšen a prohlásil, že to nebyla špatná partie. Nakonec mi dal něco zabaleného v novinovém papíře. Venku jsem balíček rozbalil. Byla v něm konzerva vepřového masa a desítka cigaret. Na ošetřovně jsem si vše schoval pod slamník. Po několika dnech mi skutečně, jak předvídal profesor, boláky zmizely a já jsem se uzdravil.

V Birkenau byl také Miklóš Feldmann, kterého jsem znal. Jeho rodiče provozovali v Michalovcích obchod s konfekcí. Hudební nadání jeho rodiče neměli, takže po kom jej zdědil Miklóš je záhada. Naučil se výtečně hrát na housle, koncertoval při židovských narozeninách, svatbách či jiných radostných i neradostných příležitostech. Do Birkenau ho přivezli v dobytčáku rok přede mnou. Když jsem ho tam potkal, bylo mu třicet šest let, tedy o třináct víc než mně. Vypadal zachovale a na rozdíl ode mě, který jsem nosil vězeňské hadry, on nosil vcelku slušné civilní kvádro. Samozřejmě měl všitý žlutý čtverec na zádech. Podivoval jsem se nad tím, a on mi sdělil, že za všechno vděčí svým houslím, které si vzal do transportu. Mengele, který miloval hudbu, mu je na rampě prozíravě ponechal. Od té doby Miklóš koncertoval esesákům a oficírům, hrál vše: od klasiky po Lili Marlen [Píseň Lili Marlen nazpívala Marlene Dietrich (1901 – 1992): vlastním jménem Maria Magdalene von Losch, německá herečka a šansoniérka – pozn. red.]. Všichni byli nadšeni a udělili mu hodnost – stal se z něj kápo. Ovšem nikdy nikomu neublížil, a vlastně to po něm ani nikdo nechtěl. Jeho jedinou povinností bylo muzicírovat. Za nějaký čas k němu přizvali dva heftlingy, aby Miklóšovo hraní obohatili o zpěv. Aby si esesáci zpestřili zábavu, vybrali je vskutku znamenitě: vypadali totiž jako Pat a Patachon [Pat a Patachon: dánské duo komiků němého filmu. Představitelem postavy Pat byl Carl Schenstrøm (1881–1942) a postavu Patachona ztvárnil Harald Madsen (1890–1949) – pozn. red.]. Vysoký a hubený Ojzer dělával kdysi ve Vilnu v synagoze kantora. Malý a zavalitý Lajb pocházel z jakéhosi polského štetlu. Tito dva zpěváci se dobře při zpěvu doplňovali, ale v civilu se moc v lásce neměli. Častovali se nadávkami, Lajb spílal Ojzerovi za to, že je zbožný a i v lágru dodržuje rituální předpisy a jí jen krajíček chleba a na kamínkách opečené brambory. Lajb volal na Ojzera, že je „mešuge“ [blázen] a „amhorec“ [nevzdělanec]. Ojzer zase na Lajba volal „šábesgój“ či „mamzer“. Esesáci je pro změnu častovali vtipy a hádankami typu: „Víte, vy Židáčci, proč jste odjakživa méněcenní? Protože z vás hned po narození kus odřízli!“ anebo: „Z Visly vytáhli sedláci mrtvolu nahé utopené ženy. Okamžitě jsme poznali, že je to Židovka. Jak jste to poznali? Smrděla!“ ale jinak se k nim pánové chovali poměrně slušně a ani je nebili.

Jednoho dne se Miklóš před publikem objevil sám, čekal kdy se objeví Lajb s Ojzerem. Ale oficíři se dožadovali písně o prostitutce, která se zamilovala do vojáka, oblíbeného šlágru švédsko-německého nacistického esa Zarah Leander [Leander Zarah (1907 – 1981): švédská herečka – pozn. red.]. Miklóš se odvážil zeptat, jestli nechtějí počkat na jeho kolegy, že se zpěvem píseň přeci jenom lépe vyzní. „Jen to zahraj sám, Paganini [Paganini Niccolo (1782 – 1840): italský houslista a skladatel – pozn. red.]. Odteď budeš mít vždycky sólo! Tví kamarádi vyletěli komínem. Byli potrestáni za to, že se chystali ukrást bochník erárního chleba.“ Miklóšovi vypadly housle z rukou a vytryskly mu slzy do očí. Němec ho utěšoval: „Nelituj, ten tvůj malý oblíbenec dopadl přece jen lépe.“ Miklóš vzkřísil poslední naději a zeptal se ho, jestli tedy aspoň malý Lajb zůstal naživu. Esesák se zachechtal: „To ne, ale ten dlouhán hořel mnohem dýl!“ Takový byl „humor“ v Birkenau. Virtuóz Miklóš Feldmann holocaust přežil, po válce emigroval do USA, kde zemřel.

V listopadu 1944 se po lágru roznesla zpráva, že se chystá evakuace tábora – šeptalo se o tom při stavbě chlévů, mluvilo se o tom polohlasně při setkáních na latríně i hlasitěji na baráku, nebylo to žádné tajemství, a náš Blockältester Willy tyto debaty toleroval. Ruská vojska byla už zatraceně blízko a kanonádu bylo, zatím sice jen občas a nejasně, slyšet dokonce při nástupech na apelplace. Navíc z tábora vyjíždělo denně podstatně víc těžkých náklaďáků s pečlivě zakrytými korbami než jindy. Jeden heftling, písař se Schreibstube, přinesl prý zaručenou informaci, že se v dohledné době chystá evakuace celého lágru z Osvětimi do Gleiwitzu 14. Tato zpráva vzbuzovala mezi vězni rozruch a obavy, bylo nám jasné, že nás nebudou stěhovat ani auty, ani po železnici, ale že v třeskuté zimě budeme muset šlapat bůhvíkolik desítek kilometrů v rozbitých botách a dřevácích a letních lágrových hadrech. Předtím byla ještě alibisticky zbourána dvě krematoria, což mělo oklamat onehdy očekávanou návštěvu Mezinárodního červeného kříže – mohli jsme tedy doufat, že nás hromadně nepostřílí, jelikož by to stálo moc práce a střeliva, a osiřelé pece poslední spalovny mrtvol by sotva stačily zamést stopy po masovém vraždění.

Do této atmosféry přišel nečekaný apel s překvapivým průběhem – místo rutinních buzerací na zmrzlém terénu přišla nezvyklá výzva Scharführera SS, aby se přihlásili všichni vězni do čtyřiceti let, kteří mají nějakou odbornou manuální kvalifikaci. První reakcí bylo všeobecné mlčení, pamatovali jsme si na podobné výzvy z minulosti, které končily čištěním latrín nebo úklidem esesáckých ubytoven. Pak ale skoro telepaticky převládla naděje, že by to pánové našich osudů – tváří v tvář přesunu zkušených řemeslníků z německých továren na ruskou frontu – mohli tentokrát myslet vážně. A tak se začaly nesměle zvedat první paže, mezi nimi i moje a kamaráda Honzy Buxbauma. Oba jsme totiž byli díky rasovým zákonům Tisova Slovenského státu zbaveni možnosti pokračovat ve studiu, a tak se z nás vynuceně stali „odborníci“, Honza se vyučil klempířem, já se učil zámečníkem. Přihlásilo se nás zhruba padesát. Když jsme se dozvěděli, že máme být skutečně na nákladních autech odvezeni do německé zbrojovky někde u Glewitzu, dohodli jsme se s Honzou pro všechny případy na možných modalitách útěku.

Jednoho listopadového podvečera všichni adepti motoristického přesunu vyfasovali půlkilovou masovou konzervu z vojenských zásob a bochník chleba o stejné hmotnosti. Dokonce nám každému svěřili plechovou lžíci a s německým smyslem pro detail přidali mrňavý otvírák konzerv. Jenom na pitnou vodu při vší své pečlivosti zapomněli. Anebo to zavinil nedostatek lahví? Bůh ví. Měli naspěch, dokonce ani nepřezkoušeli naši údajnou specializaci. Když se setmělo, přistavili dva nákladní automobily s korbami obepjatými těžkými nepromokavými plachtami. „Los, los“ – esesáci zleva a kápové zprava nás hnali žebříky vstříc nejisté budoucnosti. Vevnitř byly dlouhatánské dřevěné lavice po bočnicích automobilu. Rychle jsme se s Honzou domluvili, že nastoupíme mezi posledními až do druhého auta. Když jsme vylezli a usedli, ocitli jsme se tváří v tvář esesmanovi s ručním reflektorem a samopalem na klíně. Čekalo se pak ještě asi hodinu do úplné tmy a oba náklaďáky vyrazily na noční jízdu. Řidiči zapnuli pouze parkovací světla, jelikož se obávali průzkumníků ruských stíhaček. Kvůli mimikrám také náš hlídač zapínal svůj příruční reflektor pouze občas, tlumeně a na krátko. Po dlouhém čase kodrcavé jízdy nám svitla naděje – náš hlídač začal podřimovat. S napětím jsme sledovali jak se intervaly mezi esesákovým podřimováním prodlužují. Už jsme je mohli počítat na vteřiny. Konečně do mě Honza, který seděl těsně u kraje korby, strčil loktem a vyskočil. Já se vzápětí trošičku opatrněji spustil za ním. Zvuk našeho dopadu na zem sice v rachotu výfuku zanikl, ale přesto postačil k tomu, aby se náš hlídač definitivně probral. Okamžitě začal naslepo střílet a zapnul dokonce i světlomet. Zalehli jsme, abychom splynuli s nočním terénem. Esesák se asi obával že kdyby zastavil a začal prohledávat terén, rozutekli by se mu další vězni. Střelba po chvíli utichla a reflektor zhasnul. Útěk se nám tedy zatím zdařil.

Mohli jsme se vydat cestou zpátky, opačným směrem, odkud byla tlumeně slyšet dělostřelba. Neměli jsme ale ani mapu, ani kompas, neznali jsme terén, ani správný směr k cíli. Naším cílem bylo setkat se s předsunutými sovětskými tanky a průzkumníky, kteří podle salvy z děl, pušek a samopalů, nemohli být daleko. Při prvních krocích jsme zjistili, že jsme se ocitli na zmrzlém dosud nesklizeném poli pokrytém shnilými klasy obilí. Pole bylo porostlé vyšším plevelem, který nám ztěžoval chůzi, ovšem umožňoval opatrný pochod v noci a vleže víceméně nepřehlédnutelný úkryt za dne.

Tento stereotyp trval tři dny. Po nich byly naše vyfasované zásoby u konce, přestože jsme z nich ujídali opravdu jen poskrovnu a žízeň zaháněli olizováním jinovatky. Ani mrazivé noci nepřispívaly k obnově zbytku našich beztak skromných sil. Ale žádnému z nás přesto nenapadlo hledat pomoc v tušených zemědělských staveních v blízkém okolí. Pro takové pokušení byl virulentní antisemitismus polských sedláků a jejich aktivní podíl na protižidovských pogromech před válkou notoricky známý. Neméně varovné byly i zprávy z lágru, že právě sedláci vydávali Němcům židovské vězně, jimž se podařilo překonat překážky nabité vysokým napětím. Našli se ovšem i takoví, a byli to právě bigotní katolíci, kteří ukryli uprchlíky před likvidačními komandy esesáckých pronásledovatelů. Naštěstí jsme se v tomto případě mohli vyhnout aspoň tomuto dilematu. Na rozbřesku čtvrtého dne našeho útěku, za uplynulé tři noci jsme mohli ujít nejvýš několik desítek kilometrů, nás v našem bodlákovém azylu vylekalo varovné „Ruce vzhůru, nebo střelím!“ Náš úlek však naštěstí netrval dlouho, neboť nám bleskem došlo, že povel zazněl nikoli německy, ale v pro nás tak libozvučné ruštině. Stáli jsme otrhaní a zubožení tváří v tvář dvěma sovětským rozvědčíkům. Ti na nás sice mířili svými samopaly, ale přitom nevěřícně a hlavně nedůvěřivě zírali na naše dosud nevídané pruhované „uniformy“. Oba Rusové sice dosud neviděli žádného heftlinga, ale zato měl své zkušenosti s esesáckými lotry, převlečenými do všeho možného, selskými hazukami počínaje a vězeňskými mundůry konče. Proto také zprvu nevěřili ani našemu oblečení, ani naší ruštině a snaživému přízvuku, pochycenému spíš od sovětských spoluvězňů v lágru, než ve škamnech posledních dvou ročníků reálného gymnázia. Váhali dokonce i při pohledu na čísla vytetovaná na našich předloktích, a pátrali po jiném povinném esesáckém tetování krevní skupiny, i v našem podpaží. Teprve když je neobjevili a vlastnoručně si ohmatali naše vyhublé kostry, pověsili automaty na ramena, rozdělali ohníček, a nabídli nám chleba se špekem a svinutou šunku z načaté konzervy. Nechápali, jak můžeme odmítat takové dobroty, jichž sami měli nazbyt. Pochopili teprve tehdy, když jsme je přesvědčili, že tak tučné jídlo by nás po dlouhé lágrové dietě zabilo, a vzali zavděk jen suchým chlebem. Ale když jsme pod stejnou záminkou odmítli i stakan vodky, zvedli oba průzkumníci opět své zbraně, a pod bůhví zda vážně míněnou hrozbou zastřelení nás přinutili spolknout nutnou dávku jejich ohnivé vody. Jak to s námi v tu ránu zacloumalo, není snad třeba popisovat. Naštěstí nás podepřeli a klopýtající dovedli do poměrně nedalekého lesíka, kde stálo několik umně maskovaných tanků a kamionů. [s laskavým svolením Ladislava Porjese citováno z rukopisu dosud nepublikované knihy CENZUROVANÝ ŽIVOT:  Z paměti česko – slovensko –židovského reportéra]

Jakýsi šedovlasý velitel nás pozval do své zemljanky, nabídl nám čaj a suchary, tmavou cigaretu a bílý chléb a lehce stravitelný salám. Nabídl nám sice staré, ale pečlivě zalátané, a hlavně čisté vojenské košile. V zemljance jsme strávili noc, druhý den nás kapitán na naše přání nechal odvézt do náborového střediska prvního náhradního pluku tzv. Svobodovy armády 15 v Krosně. Šofér, usměvavý mladý seržant, nás naložil do vozidla neurčité značky. Na náš dotaz nám oznámil, že se jedná o mašinu sestavenou z různých dílů sesbíraných z havarovaných německých, sovětských a dokonce amerických strojů, které se válely podél silnic. Kupodivu nás toto vozidlo dovezlo na naše vytoužené místo. Kancelář budovy byla vyzdobena československou vlajkou, pohledná četařka nás odvedla k důstojníkovi náborového střediska. Důstojník vyslechl naše přání nosit uniformu Svobodovy armády, poslal nás ovšem na vyšetření do špitálu. Tam nás prohlédli, změřili tlak, natočili EKG, odebrali nám krev, dva týdny nás vykrmovali a poté opět předali náborovému středisku. Tam mi sdělili, že jsem ještě nedosáhl povinného „minima“ padesáti kilogramů, a proto zbraň do ruky ještě dostat nemohu. Když viděli jak jsem zklamaný, oděli mne alespoň do uniformy. Poté, co zjistili, že ovládám několik cizích jazyků, navíc jidiš, a ještě ruštinu, které jsem se naučil v lágrech, mne poslali do Krakova na spojeneckou americko – sovětsko – britskou vojenskou misi. Tam jsem coby překladatel a tlumočník při výsleších zajatých německých oficírů či dezorientovaných osvobozených vězňů sloužil následujících několik měsíců.

Sloužil jsem tedy na spojenecké vojenské komandatuře v Krakově. Stala se mi zde někdy v březnu roku 1945 zajímavá příhoda. Major Abramov se mě zeptal „Bist a Jid?“. Sedělo nás kolem stolu několik, otálel jsem s přiznáním, v hloubi mé duše ještě doznívaly zvěsti o zvěrstvech ve stalinských gulazích a ghettech na Ukrajině. Nebyl jsem si jist co je major Abramov zač, přesto jsem to risknul a přiznal jsem se, že jsem Žid. Ten se usmál, vytáhl ze šuplete plnou láhev a půlku dortu. Řekl: „Ještě jeden. Neboj se, já jsem taky jevrej.“ A podal mi stakan vodky. Besedovali jsme potom s majorem do pozdního večera, kdy spolu se svými kolegy odešel do kasáren zabraných po Němcích. Já jsem však byl mírně podroušený po takovém množství alkoholu, kterému jsem za válečná léta odvykl. Směřoval jsem do bývalé polské filiálky mezinárodní ženské organizace YWCA [Young Women's Christian Association – pozn. red.], kde jsem bydlel. Mám však odjakživa mizerný orientační smysl, takže jsem po hodině vrávorání špatně osvětlenými ulicemi Krakova zjistil, že jsem definitivně zabloudil. Svitla mi však naděje, zahlédl jsem proužek světla blikající okenní skulinkou jakéhosi sklepního obydlí. Zaklepal jsem na špatně utěsněné špinavé okénko.

V podzemí propukl mumraj, po dlouhé době se ozvaly šouravé kroky a o píď se otevřely sklepní dveře. Ve svitu svíčky se objevila vrásčitá tvář lemovaná plnovousem. Stařec mě vyslechl a pokynul mi dál. Uvnitř sklepa vypukl zmatek, bylo zde asi půl tuctu žen, mladých i starých, vychrtlých na kost a oděných do cárovitých zbytků vězeňských hábitů. Stařec se mi představil jako Šmul a řekl mi, že přes noc mám zůstat u něj, jelikož můj přístřešek je na opačném konci města. Ženy byly jeho dcery a známé, které zázrakem přežily holocaust v několika rozptýlených táborech. Dostal jsem nejlepší slamník, pohostil mne chlebem a česnekem, vylíčil jsem nu vlastní lágrovou anabázi a odebral se k spánku. Ráno mne probudilo cosi vlhkého na levé ruce. Rozespale jsem se otočil a spatřil jsem svého hostitele klečícího vedle mého slamníku a líbajícího moji ruku. Obořil jsem se na něj: „Co to vyvádíte, člověče, copak jsem ženská?!“ Šmul nehodlal pustit moji ruku a šeptal: „Neodhánějte mne pane, vy jste boží člověk a já vás snažně prosím o požehnání pro sebe i pro mou rodinu a přátele!“ Okřikl jsem ho proč se tak rouhá. „Ano, ano, byl to prst boží. Zatím co jste u mne spal, teroristi vyhodili vaši ubytovnu do povětří. Všichni co tam spali jsou mrtví. Jen vy sám jste zůstal naživu!“

Jak jsem již řekl, seznámil a spřátelil jsem se na krakovské komandatuře s ruským majorem Abramovem. Jeho žena s dcerkou zahynuly při barbarském bombardování Leningradu nacisty. Abramov mě zásoboval černou ruskou vojenskou čokoládou a papirosami. V dubnu 1945 mi pomohl nasednout na sovětský náklaďák směřující do Československa. Ten byl naložen barely s naftou a vyrážel směrem na Duklu 16. Pokoušel jsem se řidiče přesvědčit, že je bezpečnější jet přes jiný slovenský průsmyk – Lupkov. Šofér ale trval na tom, že rozkaz je rozkaz. Posadil mne na korbu mezi kovové sudy a přehodil přese mne špinavou vojenskou deku. Cesta byla téměř nesjízdná, výmol sledoval výmol a mnoho mělce zakopaných min. Na jednu z min jsme najeli, a ona vybuchla v okamžiku, kdy už jsme ji málem minuli. Byl jsem natlučený od barelů a jedna střepina mě zasáhla do zadní partie těla. Přesně a nezaobaleně řečeno: moje zadnice byla nějakou dobu k nepotřebě.

Duklou jsem tedy projel v uniformě poddůstojníka tzv. Svobodovy armády, ale ani jsem si nevystřelil. Byl jsem však raněn. Jako domnělého hrdinu mě v Košicích pověřili na předsednictvu první poválečné Gottwaldovy 17 vlády „významnou“ funkcí. Stal jsem se poradcem ministra zdravotnictví, generála-doktora Procházky 18. Ten byl sice čistokrevný árijec, ale pro jeho velký, poněkud netypický nos, ho přezdívali Porges. Jakýsi zlomyslný vtipálek pak rozšířil vtipnou průpovídku: „Porges si k sobě, jak jinak, vybral za pobočníka zrovna Porjese!“ Mé „hrdinství“ na Dukle mělo ještě vtipnou dohru šedesát let po válce. Roku 2005 při příležitosti výročí osvobození naší země jsem dostal domů poštou barevnou plaketu. Poslala mi ji Ústřední rada „svazu důstojníků a praporčíků“ armády ČR a udělila mi tím členství „za účast v bojích na Dukle při osvobozování Československa od nacistů“. Stal jsem se tedy hrdinou, a to jsem si, prosím, ani nevystřelil!

Po válce

Po několika měsících mě z Košic poslali na ideologickou výchovu do školy pro osvětové důstojníky v Turčianském Svätém Martině. Do školy se mnou chodili naši pozdější plukovníci a generálové – kteří byli později překvalifikováni na zrádce a politické vězně – jako byli například Koval, Kopold, Machač a řada dalších. Ubytování bylo chudé, spali jsme v nevytápěné tělocvičně na podlaze. Jednou jsem při vycházce po městě objevil a odhalil takřka profesního udavače slovenských Židů, JUDr. Milana Grantnera, který mě za války, když jsem žil na falešné árijské doklady, udal četníkům. Nešel však ani před soud. Tvrdil totiž, že o cyklonu-B [cyklon B: vysoce jedovatý insekticid, který nacisti používali na hromadné usmrcování Židů v koncentračních táborech – pozn. red.] v životě neslyšel, navíc měl doma dvě malé školou povinné děti. Jediný trest byl, že mu lidé pomalovali vrata garáže hákovými kříži.

Po skončení kurzu jsem se ze Svätého Martina přesunul k posádce v moravské Kroměříži na OBZ - Odbor branného zpravodajství. Tam jsem pomáhal odhalovat válečné zločince, kteří se ukryli do československých uniforem. První, koho jsem odhalil, byl Koloman Roško, který se navlékl do uniformy Svobodovy armády. Objevil jsem ho v hledišti na fotbalovém hřišti místní hanácké Slávie při utkání se Spartakem Hulín. Koloman Roško býval velitelem zvláštní židobijecké „Pohotovostní Hlinkovy gardy“ v Michalovcích, odkud pocházela moje nebožka maminka. Navíc byl také důstojníkem tzv. „rychlé divize“, která se po boku SS udatně činila na ukrajinské frontě. Tento dobytek, mimo jiné, zmlátil do bezvědomí a pak polomrtvou dovlekl na žebřiňák směřující k transportnímu shromaždišti na cestu do Osvětimi, moji 96 letou prababičku Minu Weissovou. Zloduch Roško byl sice rychlotribunálem po válce odsouzen, ale dopadl dobře – díky mafiózní protekci přeškolených fašistů si odpracoval pouhé dva roky v kamenolomu! Další mojí obětí byl četnický velitel Michal Zidor, který v západoslovenských Topolčanech rabiátsky seřazoval do zástupů místní i okolní Židy určené k transportu do plynových komor. Ani tomu se po odhalení nic nestalo. Přišel sice o uniformu a o hodnost, ale bývalí gardističtí kumpáni mu dopomohli k dobře placenému místu prokuristy v pivovaru.

Z Kroměříže jsem se přesunul do Litoměřic. Tam jsem se zejména účastnil honu na Hitlerovy osiřelé mládežníky, zvané „Wehrwolf“. Ti po nocích ilegálně přecházeli tehdy ještě spoře hlídané hranice, a podpalovali či vykrádali domy. S knoty a zápalnými zbraněmi terorizovali i zabíjeli místní občany – zejména starce, ženy a děti. Jednou jsme na nich vyzkoušeli metodu, kterou nás děsili esesáci v Osvětimi. Postavili jsme lapeného „wehrwolfa“ se zavázanýma očima ke zdi, jeden se za něj postavil a praštil ho latí do hlavy. Zatímco druhý současně vystřelil ze samopalu dávku do vzduchu. Wehrwolf se přitom domníval, že už je ve Valhale svých germánských hrdinů. Ve skutečnosti se mu nic nestalo, jenom se podělal do kalhot. V Litoměřicích byly tou dobou ještě dílčí posádky nejen Rusů, ale i Američanů. Při spojenecké tancovačce v místní sokolovně jednoho Američana ze žárlivosti kvůli nějaké mladé místní běhně postřelil ruský voják. Načež se ten blbec Rus přímo na parketu ještě střelil služebním naganem do vlastních prsou. Raněného amerického poručíka jsem vezl ve vypůjčeném gaziku do nemocnice. Naštěstí oba, Rus i Američan, přežili.

Abych pravdu řekl, měl už jsem vojenčiny plné zuby. Chtěl jsem začít vlastní život. Toužil jsem studovat na univerzitě germanistiku, což mi po maturitě kvůli norimberským zákonům bylo znemožněno. Mé žádosti o propuštění z armády bylo vyhověno. Odjel jsem do Prahy a stihl jsem se zapsat na filozofickou fakultu Karlovy univerzity. Měl jsem na sobě ještě uniformu, protože sehnat civilní šaty jsem ještě nestihl. Dostalo se mi ale ještě nechtěného rozloučení s armádou – dva dny po mém příjezdu do Prahy mě nečekaně a vlastně už nelegálně, povolali do jakési čestné jednotky, která měla předstoupit před činitele tehdejší vlády a strany. Přímo před naší jednotkou seděl na dřevěné tribunce ministr informací Václav Kopecký 19. Tehdy jsem nebyl ještě nahluchlý jako dnes, a tak jsem přesně slyšel co říká svému synkovi: „Vidíš Ivánku, to jsou naši hrdinové.“ Potom se ovšem zarazil, vstal, popošel, lépe si nás prohlédl, a povídá vedle stojícímu ministru vnitra Noskovi 20: „To zíráš, co? Zase samej Židák!“ Bohužel jsem podobné věty slýchal později mnohokrát.

Po válce jsem v Praze na shromáždění pořádaném Mezinárodním svazem studentstva v davu potkal svoji někdejší první lásku, Rivu Halperovou, kvůli které jsem dezertoval z Šestého robotného práporu ze Svätého Jura, abych se s ní oženil, a zachránil ji tak před transportem do Osvětimi. Zamávala na mě, hned jsem ji nepoznal. Byla hodně pohublá, v havraních vlasech jí prokvétaly stříbrné nitky, léta strávená v Osvětimi se na ní zřetelně podepsala. Objali jsme se a políbili. Zapsala se na Vysokou školu politických a sociálních nauk.
Měli jsme si o čem povídat. Bydlel jsem tehdy v podnájmu na Václavské ulici vedle Karlova náměstí, a zůstali jsme spolu do rána. Ale kromě úvodního polibku na studentské sešlosti mezi námi k žádné důvěrnosti nedošlo. Riva všechny mé pokusy, a že jich nebylo málo, rezolutně odmítla. Mluvila, slova se jí řinula proudem, ale já jsem oněměl hrůzou. Přežila Osvětim, byla jednou z desíti, jednou z toho jediného procenta z prvního transportu mladých slovenských Židovek, které zůstaly na živu. Ale za jakou cenu!
Zachránil ji Blockältester se zeleným trojúhelníkem, bývalý vrah, který ji, pannu, zvěrsky znásilnil a pak přihrál esesmanovi. „Ten mne povýšil na kápo v ženském lágru – pokračovala Riva, ale ještě před tím mne dal svým známým lékařem SS sterilizovat, abych nedej bůh neotěhotněla. A půjčoval mne dál svým kamarádům k sexuálním orgiím. Občas za to kápl dárek, nějaké to zachovalé dámské prádlo, bochník chleba, masová konzerva, nějaké keksy, minisáček kávy, nebo i desítka cigaret. Jídlem a kuřivem jsem podělila ženské na svém baráku, prádlo jsem si většinou oblékla sama. Já vím co si teď myslíš: myslíš si, že jsem kurva, že jsem hyena, že to prádlo stáhli z kterési vrstevnice, která pak vyletěla komínem. Ale řekni sám, bylo by snad bývalo lepší, kdyby je nosila kterási germánská Brunhilda. V Lebensbornu? Vždyť mi také holky na ubikaci fandily, i když bokem říkaly, že jsem obyčejná esesácká matrace.“ Abych se teda nezlobil, ale od té doby neměla žádný poměr a ani teď nemá na tělesný styk ani pomyšlení. „Pochop – vykřikla zoufale – jsem naprosto vyprahlá, tělesně i duševně!“ Ujišťovala mne, že jako kápo se vždy chovala slušně, má to také písemně od několika svých spoluvězeňkyň, ale přesto, pro jistotu, si změnila příjmení. Jmenuje se teď Holubová a studium nejspíš předčasně ukončí, chce se vystěhovat do USA, její strýc z matčiny strany jí už poslal afidavid. Otec jí zahynul v lágru, matka po odvlečení do Seredě na infarkt.

Pak jsem Rivu ztratil z očí a ani já jsem studium germanistiky nedokončil. Nemohl jsem se na studium řádně soustředit a tak jsem se po třech semestrech rozhodl pro novinářské povolání. Po krátkém působení v tzv. radioslužbě Rudého Práva 21 v Praze a po přechodných štacích v Košicích a v Bratislavě, jsem se stal vedoucím pražské redakce „Pravdy“ 22, odkud mne jako údajného sionistu a kosmopolitu v době procesu s Rudolfem Slánským a spol. 23 vyhodili. Po třech letech ponížení v roli hotelového vrátného mne Strana laskavě „rehabilitovala“ a poslala do rozhlasu. Tam jsem pracoval jako směnař ve zpravodajství, později jako komentátor a nakonec jako zahraniční korespondent. Nejprve jako „létající“ zpravodaj v socialistických, později i ve skandinávských zemích. Nejdéle pak jako stálý dopisovatel v Německu, zejména v tehdejší NDR a v západním Berlíně, ale občas i v Bonnu. Odtamtud jsem byl po sovětské okupaci v srpnu 1968 jakožto příznivec Dubčeka 24 už potřetí, tentokrát definitivně, existenčně zlikvidován.

Ještě než jsem byl natrvalo odvolán do Prahy, vyhozen z rozhlasu a pak, až do invalidního důchodu dělal pomocného skladníka, vypravili mně spřátelení kolegové ze západoberlínského letiště Tempelhof do Bělehradu. Měl jsem tam se známými ministry naší exilové vlády konzultovat otázku, co si máme za nové situace počít; zda se vrátit do šlamastiky domů, nebo zůstat v exilu. Náměstek předsedy vlády, „otec“ hospodářské reformy Ota Šik 25 mi navrhoval, abych ho doprovázel do emigrace ve Švýcarsku ve funkci jakéhosi osobního tajemníka, dnes by se patrně řeklo „public relations“ manažera. To jsem odmítl. Ministr zahraničních věcí naší exilové vlády profesor doktor Jiří Hájek 26 mi prozradil, že on sám, bez ohledu na jistotu postihu, se vrátí do Prahy, a radil mi, abych – když už mám rodinu doma – udělal totéž. V průběhu naší rozmluvy přišla řeč na otázku, jaký trest nás za naši „kontrarevoluční“ činnost čeká. Uvedl jsem svou zkušenost. „Když mne v době procesů v padesátých letech zlikvidovali poprvé, trvalo téměř tři roky, než mne ráčili rehabilitovat. Teď budou soudruzi na ÚV už jednou tak chytří, takže nás odstaví na takových pět šest let.“ Jiří Hájek, světa i domácích poměrů znalý odborník na mezinárodní i socialistické právo, měl na věc skeptičtější názor. „Kdepak – řekl – bude to trvat mnohem, mnohem déle.“ Ale proč?, oponoval jsem, vždyť jsme se ničeho protiprávního nedopustili?!“ Pan profesor jen smutně pokýval hlavou: „Právě proto!“

Když už jsem byl v Bělehradě, rozhodl jsem se navštívit i svého někdejšího „spolubojovníka“ ze 6. robotného práporu JUDr. Ladislava Katuščáka, ten zde vykonával funkci generálního konzula a pomáhal emigrantům z ČSSR radou i finanční pomocí seč mohl. Po návratu do Prahy byl rovněž vyhozen z ministerstva zahraničních věcí. Můj pobyt v jugoslávské metropoli mu byl avizován a on mne pozval k obědu i delšímu rozhovoru. „Málem jsem zapomněl – řekl mi – ale dnes dopoledne se u mne na tebe vyptávala jakási docela pohledná, elegantní Američanka. Prozradil jsem jí, že bydlíš v hotelu Metropol, doufám, že mi to nemáš za zlé. Řekla mi, že se jmenuje, L.K. zalistoval ve svém diáři – Reviva Haggling a je z New Yorku“. Nic mi to neříkalo.

Vrátil jsem se do Metropolky a recepční mi s klíčem a spikleneckým úsměvem odevzdal česky psaný vzkaz. „Přijdu večer v deset. Počkej na mne ve svém pokoji. Líbá Riva.“ Přesně v avizovanou hodinu se u mne objevila superelegantní dáma obtěžkaná šperky a norkovým přehozem, cigaretu v jantarové špičce v karmínových rtech, a i jinak zmalovaná až běda. Prostě mondéna. Valil jsem oči, na ulici bych ji vůbec nepoznal, a ani teď jsem ji nepoznával. Byla mi cizí nejen svým chováním a obličejem, ale i postavou. Kdysi útlá ňadra i pozadí měla vypasovaná, patrně plastikou. Z objemné kabaly z krokodýlí kůže vyndala láhev značkové whisky a dvě stříbrná štamprlata, mluvila se silným americkým přízvukem, a můj úžas odbyla slangovým „Co tak čumíš, jsem v balíku. Ten kostým je od Balenciagy.“

Když jsem se jí zeptal, jak mne vlastně našla, vytáhla z kabelky složený výstřižek z New York Times. Berlínský korespondent listu v něm s odvoláním na „obvykla spolehlivý zdroj“ oznamoval, že z letiště Tempelhof odletěl do Bělehradu, patrně s úmyslem emigrovat, zpravodaj pražského rozhlasu Mr. Ladislav Porjes. Nezmohl jsem se nejen na slovo, ale ani uvítací gesto. Po přípitku se mi Riva, teď vlastně už Reviva, beze slova vrhla kolem krku a zasypala mne polibky. Pak mi podala navoněný kapesníček, abych ze sebe utřel nános rtěnky, a už se z ní řinula slova líčení jejího nového příběhu. Nebyl zdaleka tak dramatický a drastický jako ten osvětimský, zato mnohem banálnější a nechutnější. Na jakémsi dobročinném plesu v New Yorku dělala hostesku a seznámila se s poněkud obstarožním a obtloustlým, již čtyřikrát rozvedeným milionářem. „Trochu jsem tomu pomohla a on se do mně zamiloval, prý na první pohled, dědek hnusná“, chlubila se zcela nepokrytě. „Známí mi řekli, že je těžkej pracháč, a tak jsem se od něj už na parketu nechala osahávat a pak u něj v apartmá znásilnit. Asi se mu to moc líbilo a tak se se mnou za týden oženil“, smála se cynicky. A pak se z Revivy vyvalila záplava čím dál nechutnějších podrobností. Z manžela se vyklubal nedoléčený syfilitik a zvrhlík, jehož rafinované sexuální choutky prý daleko předčily primitivní sviňačinky osvětimských esesáků. Jak mi to všechno, bez špetky studu líčila, začala se pomalu svlékat. A když jsem celý zkoprnělý couval, vrhla se na mne a s nestoudným smíchem objasňovala: „Neboj se, nejsem nakažená, bé-vé-er mám zcela negativní.“ Pak mi vysvětlila, že BWR je zkratka pro Bordet – Wassermannovu reakci, speciální test, kterým se zjišťuje, zda je pacient luesem nakažen nebo ne. Přes všechno ujišťování a naléhání jsem však pro změnu já na milostné hrátky se svou někdejší mladickou láskou neměl chuť ani odvahu. A neobjevil jsem ji v sobě ani když jsme noc trávili v jedné posteli.

Moje nechuť, a jak se v noci opakovaně přesvědčovala, i nemohoucnost však zřejmě nemohly Revivu odradit. Dokonce mi navrhovala, abych se s ní oženil. Když jsem se podivoval, že je přece vdaná, a objasnil jí, že sám jsem už přes deset let ženatý a otec dvou školou povinných dětí, mávla nad takovými malichernými argumenty rukou. „Rozvod je dnes přece pouhá rutinní záležitost – odůvodnila – ten můj trval jen tři hodiny. Soud uznal moje argumenty, že život se zvrhlým a navíc nedoléčeným syfilitikem je neúnosné riziko, a já na dědkovi vysoudila nejen rozvod, ale i přepychovou jachtu a odškodné půldruha milionu dolarů. Tak uznej, že jsem výhodná partie. A navíc jsem tě nikdy nepřestala milovat.“ A po chvilince odmlky přece jen poněkud zjihle dodala: „Tvoje chyba je, že ačkoliv máš jinak smysl pro humor, bereš přece jen život příliš vážně!“ Ještě jsme spolu na pokoji posnídali a políbili se na rozloučenou. Pak odešla. Když jsem si při odchodu z Bělehradu balil věci, našel jsem v kapičce svého pyžama pět složených bankovek. Pět set dolarů. O Rivě – Revivě jsem od té doby neslyšel. [s laskavým svolením Ladislava Porjese citováno z rukopisu dosud nepublikované knihy CENZUROVANÝ ŽIVOT: Z paměti česko – slovensko –židovského reportéra]

Studia germanistiky jsem po třech semestrech opustil, protože mě existenční problémy a válečné trauma připravilo o schopnost soustředění. Válečné zážitky se mi stále vracely. Trpěl jsem posttraumatickým syndromem. V noci jsem měl šílené sny a strašně jsem ze spaní křičel. Několik měsíců se mi vracel stále tentýž sen: utíkal jsem, chytili mě, strčili do propasti a stříleli po mně. Několik měsíců trvalo než jsem se této noční můry zbavil.

Začátkem června 1947 jsem se oženil s „gojte“ děvčetem, Vlastou, se kterou jsem se seznámil v Praze. Následovala mě do Michalovců, kde si ji moje babička, která v „bunkru“ přežila holocaust moc oblíbila. Na svatební cestu jsme se dostali až koncem září. Chtěli jsme někam k moři, ovšem v Michalovcích žádná cestovní kancelář nebyla. Proto jsme pro naše líbánky vzali zavděk pobytem v podtatranských lázních Lubochňa. Počasí bylo pěkné, okolní příroda krásná. Naši scenérii akorát trochu hyzdil pohled z okna naší ubytovny. Necelý kilometr od ní totiž na louce trůnil zrezivělý vrak sestřelené německé stíhačky. Nedopídil jsem se, zda tam zůstává kvůli liknavosti místního Národního výboru, anebo má být trvalým monumentem Slovenského národního povstání 27. Ale ať tomu bylo jakkoli, tento malý kaz nemohl narušit naše trvalé pocity okouzlení. Navíc jsem hned při první snídani objevil dvojici asi šedesátiletých seriózních pánů v bílých tričkách, dlouhých kalhotách, a hlavně s tenisovou raketou. Jeden z nich, hubený vysoký člověk mi byl povědomý. Osmělil jsem se a přišel jsem se pánům představit a optat se, jestli by si se mnou nezahráli amerického debla. Tlustší chlapík pronesl: „znal jsem v Turnově jednoho Mořice Porgese, pána mojžíšského vyznání, který vlastnil kšeft se střižním zbožím. Nevrátil se s rodinou z Osvětimi. Vidím, že i vy máte na předloktí číslo. Nebyl to náhodou váš příbuzný?“ Tlouštíkovy narážky mě popíchly: „Promiňte, ale já se odjakživa jmenuji Porjes, křestním jménem Ladislav, a nejsem kšeftman, ale novinář.“ Na to tlouštík: „Já se jmenuji Josef B. a jsem poslanec pražského parlamentu. Ale přesto, že máte v příjmení J místo G, snad jste rovněž izraelita, že ano?“ To mě nadzvedlo a řekl jsem: „Ale, ale, snad pan poslanec in privatum neráčí být navíc antisemitou?“ Poslanec zbrunátněl, povstal, ale zachoval dekorum: „Dovolte mi, mladý muži, abych vám na tuto insultaci odpověděl slovy T.G.Masaryka 28: Když přijímám Ježíše, nemohu být antisemitou!“ Usoudil jsem tedy, že bude zřejmě poslancem za lidovou stranu monsignora Šrámka 29. Druhý muž se po celou dobu našeho rozhovoru bavil. Poté vstal, podal mi ruku a řekl: „A já jsem pane kolego také novinář, mé jméno je Ferdinand Peroutka 30.“ To mi vyrazilo dech, v duchu jsem si nadával jak jsem mohl nepoznat legendárního žurnalistu, spisovatele a politologa Ferdinanda Peroutku. Řekl mi, že je mu mé jméno též povědomé, že ho zahlédl v Rudém Právu. Pochválil mi článek-reportáž z tenisového mistrovství republiky. Řekl doslova: „Nikdy předtím ani potom jsem ve sportovních rubrikách o tenisu nic lepšího a vtipnějšího nečetl. Pokud se dobře pamatuji, napsal jste, že tenista Jarda měl před tenistou Bernardem převahu nejen v servisu a volejích, ale i v délce a objemu paží i jiných údů, ha ha.“ Opáčil jsem mu trochu poťouchle: „Musel jsem se občas uchýlit k jinotajům, abych polechtal čtenářovu fantazii. Ostatně, spisovatelka Olga Scheinpflugová [Scheinpflugová Olga (1902 – 1968): česká herečka a spisovatelka. Manželka Karla Čapka – pozn. red.] také asi použila metodu průhledného jinotaje když o vás napsala, že máte báječně dlouhé nohy.“ Bál jsem se, jestli jsem to se svojí troufalostí vůči této novinářské legendě příliš nepřehnal, ale Ferdinand Peroutka se zdál být polichocen. Nakonec jsem si s oběma pány několikrát zahrál tenis a rozloučili jsme se jako přátelé. A džentlmen Ferdinand Peroutka pochválil moji paní tak, že se až červenala.

Novinářem

Novinářskou profesi jsem zahájil ještě za studií v Rudém Právu. Pracoval jsem zde od roku 1945 v tzv. Radioslužbě a občas jsem vypomáhal ve sportovní rubrice. V radioslužbě jsme poslouchali zahraniční rozhlas jako France Press, Reuters a všelijaké další. Přepisovali jsme zahraniční zpravodajství, které jsme z angličtiny, francouzštiny, němčiny či ruštiny překládali do češtiny. V té době jsem také studoval germanistiku na Filozofické fakultě Univerzity Karlovy. Vedoucí v redakci mi dával takové směny, že jsem nestíhal chodit na přednášky. Když jsem ho prosil, aby mi upravil pracovní dobu tak, abych mohl chodit do školy, řekl mi: „Komunistická strana nepotřebuje inteligenci!“ Z radioslužby mě vyhodili roku 1951 pro údajný sionismus 31. Pracoval jsem tedy jako pomocný noční vrátný a recepčního v hotelu Alcron na Václavském náměstí. Všichni ostatní kromě mě nosili uniformy, ale já jsem tu šaškárnu odmítl nosit! Nadiktoval jsem jim kolik umím jazyků a dostával jsem za každý zvlášť příplatky – ovšem to nebylo jen tak, povolali nějakého lektora, který mě vyzkoušel jestli opravdu jazyky umím. Mysleli si totiž, že si vymýšlím: nahlásil jsem že ovládám angličtinu, němčinu, francouzštinu, polštinu, španělštinu, maďarštinu, jidiš a pasivně hebrejštinu. Když zjistili, že vše ovládám, museli mi za každý jazyk připlatit asi šedesát korun měsíčně navíc. Poté jsem pracoval v Košicích ve „Východoslovenské Pravdě“, odkud mě vyhodili zase z „kádrových“ důvodů – jelikož můj tatínek býval v Žilině advokátem, a to se jevilo soudruhům jako příliš buržoazní povolání. Roku 1953 sice ještě éra všestranného boje proti sionismu v ČSSR neskončila, ale dostal jsem překvapivě pozvání na sekretariát ÚV KSČ. Přijal mě tajemník, který mi sdělil, že když se kácel les, létaly holt i třísky, ale teď že už nic nebrání tomu, abych znovu pracoval jako novinář. Nabídl mi práci v rozhlase. Zrovna zemřel soudruh Stalin, takže jsem simultánně tlumočil ruský komentář a obraz v televizi. Usoudili, že bych mohl i něco napsal. V době, kdy Nikita Chruščov 32 instaloval atomizované rakety na Kubě a Američané mobilizovali nukleární flotilu, jsem napsal cosi v tom smyslu, že snad obě strany najdou rozumnou cestu k mírovému řešení. Byl jsem kupodivu pochválen a převelen na práci komentátora do redakce mezinárodního života.

Pracoval jsem v rozhlase v redakci mezinárodního života, uběhl v poklidu nějaký ten rok a v Maďarsku se zrodila „kontrarevoluce“ 33. Jelikož jsem byl v pražském rádiu jediný, kdo ovládal maďarštinu, a jelikož rozhlas v Budapešti neměl žádného stálého zpravodaje, padla volba „válečného“ zpravodaje na mě. Moc lukrativní džob to nebyl, měl jsem navíc doma na pár měsíců nechat vyděšenou ženu se dvěma malými dcerkami, ale touha něco dokázat byla silnější. Tak jsem v říjnu 1956 nasedl v Praze do speciálního vojenského letounu. Z československé ambasády pro mě poslali automobil, který mě dovezl do cizineckého hotelu. Do podzimní nepohody jsem si s sebou vzal praktický kožený kabát. Moje zdánlivě tak praktické oblečení se však brzy mělo stát mým největším handicapem. Netušil jsem totiž, že kožeňáky byli jakýmsi stejnokrojem jinak civilně oděných příslušníků Maďarské tajné policie. Povstalci je samozřejmě nenáviděli, často je honili jako divou zvěř, chycené a svázané je naftou nebo benzinem polévali, a takto je věšeli hlavou dolů na stožáry pouličních luceren, aby se pomalu smažili na ohýncích, které pod lucernou rozdělali. A tak se stalo, že jsem vešel do hospody, kabát pověsil na věšák a plynnou maďarštinou bez jakéhokoli přízvuku jsem si objednal paprikáš a sklenku vína. V tu ránu se zvedli od vedlejšího stolu dva muži, zařvali: „Hejbni prdelí, ty kurvo!“ a vláčeli mě ven. Nechápal jsem o co jde, myslel jsem si, že jde o nejapný žert nebo o nepříjemný omyl. Naštěstí se mi je podařilo přesvědčit, aby zadrželi, a vytáhl jsem z kapsy svůj mezinárodní novinářský průkaz, kde naštěstí byla v několika jazycích popsána má identita mimořádného „válečného“ zpravodaje. Musím přiznat, že z násilníků se vyklubali dva gentlemani, objasnili mi svůj přehmat, že si mě spletli s tajným policistou. Dokonce mě nenechali zaplatit jídlo se slovy, že jsem jejich hostem. Se svým dobrodružstvím jsem se raději ženě nechlubil. Chudinka by asi zešílela strachy, kdyby se dozvěděla, že mě chtěli usmažit Maďaři! Pouze jsem ji požádal, aby mi poslala jiný kabát. Zalhal jsem jí, že se počasí nenadále zlepšilo a v mém koženém kabátě je mi horko.

Budapešť jsem zastihl značně pochroumanou sovětskými tanky. Maďarské události byly mnohonásobnou tragedií. Zničená infrastruktura, nemalé ztráty na životech i zbytcích iluzí o socialistickém systému. Vyvolaly exodus statisíců občanů, kteří s dětmi a malými zavazadly přešli do sousedního Rakouska, které jim ochotně otevřelo své hranice. Z Győru tak uprchlo celé osazenstvo tamější univerzity, včetně studentů, profesorů, rektora i pedela. Do ohně přililo i současné americko-anglicko-izraelské přepadení Egypta, který kromě toho, že podporoval arabské teroristy, porušil dohodu o svobodné plavbě suezským průplavem. To zadalo Moskvě záminku i propagační zdůvodnění pro ozbrojenou intervenci do vnitřních záležitostí Maďarska. Došlo k popravám civilních i vojenských vůdců obrodného procesu – ovšem neveřejně a mimo maďarské území: premiér Imre Nagy 34 a velitel budapešťské posádky generál Pál Maléter 35 byli zatčeni a dopraveni do rumunského Siónu, kde byli tajně popraveni. Demokratizační úsilí maďarské společnosti pod novým stranickým vedením Jánoše Kádára 36 zařadilo nuceně na delší dobu zpátečku. Po třech měsících své mise jsem se vrátil do Prahy. Na sekretariátu ÚV KSČ usoudili, že moje zpravodajství o maďarských událostech bylo málo bolševické a „přehnaně objektivistické“. Dalším důvodem mé perzekuce bylo nařčení, že jsem „kapitalista“: někdo si na mne vymyslel, že jsem prý v Košicích vlastnil se svým bratrem továrnu na košile. Režim už tehdy začínal být skutečně absurdní – jelikož jsem nikdy žádného brata neměl, byl jsem bohužel jedináček. A žádnou továrnu jsem nikdy nevlastnil, košile jsem si vždycky kupoval v konfekci.

V roce 1962 jsem vydal ve slovenštině svoji první knihu „Josele a tí ostatní“. Značně rozšířenou jsem ji vydal ještě česky v roce 2001. Arnošt Lustig 37 tehdy napsal: „Lacovy povídky jsou tak nabité dramatickým dějem, že každá z nich vydá na celý román.“ Rudolf Iltis [Iltis Rudolf (1899 – 1977): ústřední tajemník židovských náboženských obcí v ČSR. Vedoucí redaktor Věstníku židovských náboženských obcí – pozn. red.], šéfredaktor židovského Věstníku, se vyjádřil takto: „Co povídka, to nepřikrášlený výjev z novodobé antické tragédie evropského židovstva.“ Předseda Židovské obce v Bratislavě, etnolog Peter Salner mi tenkrát napsal recenzi, jejíž poslední slova zněla: „Vďaka, pán Porjes, za tuto smutnokrásnú knihu.“ Myslím, že poselství knihy se dá shrnout do talmudického pravidla: „Nesuď bližního svého, pokud jsi nebyl na jeho místě.“ Vzpomínám si, že po vydání knihy si mě pozval Karel Hoffmann 38, generální ředitel Československého rozhlasu, kde jsem jako komentátor pracoval. Vyčetl mi, jak jsem si mohl bez jeho vědomí a souhlasu dovolit vydat knihu s „takovým obsahem“. Dodal otráveně: „Vždyť teď budou všichni posluchači vědět, že jsi Žid!“

V září 1964 jsem kývl na nabídku Československého rozhlasu, a odjel jsem na čtyři roky do Berlína jako stálý zpravodaj a dopisovatel. Cítil jsem jako zadostiučinění, že mě soudruzi po letech perzekucí konečně uznali za hodného reprezentovat republiku v zahraničí. Měl jsem trochu obavy, jak se budu po pobytu v Osvětimi adaptovat mezi bývalými „nadlidmi“, vše ale dopadlo dobře. V Rostocku se na tzv. „Ostseewoche“ /Týden Baltského moře/ každoročně scházeli zahraniční korespondenti akreditovaní v NDR, kromě toho i obchodní zájemci a novináři z obou německých států, ze zemí RVHP i ze Západu. Politický lesk celému podniku dodávali vysocí političtí představitelé NDR, kteří za pečlivě zamčenými dveřmi přísně hlídaného „vládního“ hotelu mluvili se svými kapitalistickými partnery nikoli stranickou hantýrkou, ale úplně normálním obchodním jazykem. Vynahrazovali si to ovšem na veřejných setkáních s domácími i zahraničními novináři. Tam nás usilovně přesvědčovali o převaze NDR nejen nad Bonnem, ale i nad socialistickými spojenci.

V Lipsku jsem málem způsobil mezinárodní katastrofu! Stalo se to v březnu roku 1967 na Lipském veletrhu. Probíhaly zde celkem banální tiskové konference na kterých se NDR chlubila svými úspěchy na všech polích. Procházely se zde ne zrovna zajímavé návštěvy – ovšem jen do chvíle kdy mi jeden z činitelů Československé expozice důvěrně sdělil, že do našeho pavilonu zavítá ministerský předseda Walter Ulbricht 39, nejvyšší šéf východoněmeckého státu „dělníků a rolníků“. Tato zpráva způsobila v československé expozici rozruch. Zašel jsem za šéfem tiskového odboru ministerstva zahraničních věcí NDR Schwabem a zeptal se ho zda bych mohl s Walterem Ulbrichtem udělat interview. Rezolutně odmítl: „Soudruhu, to je naprosto vyloučené. Je to pouze soukromá návštěva.“ Pak se lekl, jak jsem se k informaci dostal. Neodpověděl jsem mu, jen jsem ho ubezpečil, že informaci nemám od nikoho z jeho podřízených. Asi za půl hodiny skutečně Ulbricht vkročil do československého pavilónu za doprovodu ochranky a nohsledů ze všech možných ministerstev. Ulbricht se začal sotva rozhlížet a já už jsem zmáčkl spoušť svého přes rameno přehozeného diktafonu a s napřaženým mikrofonem jsem vystartoval přímo k vzácnému hostovi. Okamžitě mě odstrčil jeden jeho ozbrojený ochránce a já jsem letěl zády ke zdi. Ovšem můj dvoumetrový spolupracovník se mnou vší silou mrštil zpátky. Zabrzdil jsem přímo před ministerským předsedou a zahlaholil jsem úvodní banální otázku: „Jakpak se panu předsedovi Státní rady československá expozice líbí?“ Ulbricht byl sice nečekaným extempore překvapen, ale dal signál ochrance, aby poodstoupila. Začal sice formálně, ale ochotně na můj dotaz odpovídat. Jeho monolog byl plný monotónních frází, z nichž se předseda probral teprve po mé následující otázce – co zamýšlí udělat pro zlepšení vzájemných vztahů NDR a ČSSR? „To je dobrá otázka a přichází právě včas. Zítra odlétám do Prahy, abychom se soudruhem Antonínem Novotným 40 společně analyzovali příčiny současné stagnace a nalezli cestu k ozdravení našich vztahů.“ Pak ještě pronesl několik vzletných vět o důležitosti a významu spolupráce obou našich zemí. Zdvořile jsem poděkoval za rozhovor, okamžitě jsem nasedl do svého služebního auta, a urychleně pádil do místního rozhlasového studia, abych tuto žhavou senzaci přetočil do Prahy. Bylo to totiž neslýchané a předčasné vyzrazení státního tajemství! Po dvou hodinách nepřítomnosti jsem se vrátil opět do našeho pavilonu. Tam mi známí řekli, že po mém odjezdu po mně vypukla strašná sháňka. Členové Ulbrichtovy ochranky, agenti tajné státní bezpečnosti „Stasi“, i úředníci z ministerstva zahraničí NDR mě zuřivě sháněli. Nakonec mě Němci konečně objevili – prosili a vzápětí výhružně žádali, abych jim inkriminovaný magnetofonový pásek vydal. Když se dozvěděli, že jsem ho z lipského studia už před hodinou přetočil do Prahy, tahali mne k telefonu, abych bleskově zavolal do pražského rádia, že rozhovor se v nejvyšším státním zájmu nesmí vysílat, jelikož se soudruh předseda podřekl, a že předčasné prozrazení jeho letu do Prahy by mohlo vážně ohrozit jeho bezpečnost. Musel jsem říci, že je mi líto, ale mé interview s Ulbrichtem se v pražském rádiu jako mimořádně žhavá aktualita již dvakrát vysílalo.

Stal jsem se také členem Pressevereinu – Klubu zahraničního tisku v západním Berlíně. Pro mne, jako cizince a novináře, byla jinak nepropustná berlínská zeď propustná dnem i nocí. Stačilo východoněmeckým pohraničníkům na kontrolním stanovišti přezdívaném „Checkpoint Charlie“ ukázat průkaz zahraničního zpravodaje a závory se zvedly. Na druhé straně mi západoberlínští hraničáři už jenom zasalutovali. Klub zahraničního tisku byl pro mě nejen zdrojem důležitých informací, ale také místem zajímavých setkání. Setkal jsem se například s pozdějšími spolkovými kancléři NSR Willy Brandtem 41 či Helmutem Schmidtem 42, který mi poskytl exkluzivní rozhovor. Členy Klubu zahraničního tisku byli nejen známí západní žurnalisté jako zpravodaj několika bonnských listů Alexander Korab, Peter Johnson z BBC, nebo dopisovatel pařížského Le Monde Jean-Paul Picaper. Ale také korespondenti ze socialistických zemí, kteří byli jako já akreditováni v obou částech Berlína. V západoberlínském „Verein der Auslandspresse“ /Klub zahraničního tisku/ bylo nepsaným pravidlem, že jeho rotujícím předsedou byl každoročně zvolen představitel některého západního média, zatímco místopředsedou býval zvolen korespondent ze socialistického tábora. Na jaře 1968 jsem byl při tajném hlasování většinou hlasů zvolen já. Mezi prvními kolegy, kteří mi přišli blahopřát, byli k mému úžasu představitelé SSR - korespondenti TASS a rádia Izvěstijí. Ovšem jeden korespondent ze sovětského tábora – zpravodaj ústředního orgánu ÚV KSS „Pravdy“ – mne okázale ignoroval. Byl totiž mým protikandidátem, neuspěl a prohru neunesl. Ovšem nezůstalo jen u této ignorace.

Druhý den po mém zvolení mne, manželku a dvě malé školou povinné dcery totiž v našem východoněmeckém bytě časně ráno vzbudilo nemilosrdné zvonění. Za dveřmi stáli představitelé naší ambasády, člen NKVD a posledním byl zmiňovaný dopisovatel sovětské „Pravdy“, kterého jsem při volbě porazil. Tvrdili, že má volba do funkce místopředsedy západoněmeckého Pressevereinu byla zmanipulovaná. Naléhali, abych se funkce vzdal. Doporučil jsem jim, aby si laskavě ověřili jak při volbě hlasovali korespondenti ze zemí RVHP. Kolegové ze SSR se mi totiž pochlubili, že jednomyslně hlasovali pro mě. Dále jsem jim řekl, aby si laskavě obešli všech asi třicet členů západoberlínského Klubu zahraničního tisku a zeptali se jich, jestli s revizí včerejší volby souhlasí. Nezvaní návštěvníci mě ještě chvíli přemlouvali, abych se funkce vzdal ve prospěch dopisovatele „Pravdy“, že je to vlastně moje soudružská internacionální povinnost. Když se jim to ale nepodařilo, bez větších pohrůžek odešli. V Československu totiž začínalo „pražské jaro“ – jak meteorologické, tak politické.

Z novinářské práce mě vyhodili počtvrté a tentokrát již definitivně, po okupaci v roce 1968 – odvolali mě z Německa z funkce zahraničního korespondenta. Nedlouho poté, na jaře 1969, mě vyhodili i z rádia jakožto „kontrarevolucionáře“ – vrátil jsem se totiž z cesty po pobaltských republikách s reportážemi, ve kterých tamější intelektuálové odsuzovali vstup vojsk Varšavské smlouvy do ČSSR. Pohár trpělivosti soudruhů tenkrát přetekl nadobro. Tentokrát se už nemluvilo o preventivních opatřeních vůči sionistům a kosmopolitům. Tentokrát šlo o definitivní vyřazení všech „nepřátel socialismu“ nejen z veřejného, ale i občanského života. Má osmnáctiletá novinářská kariéra skončila. Byla sice jen dočasnou, snad trochu delší pomlčkou mezi třemi fázemi mé rasové nebo politické diskriminace, pokud v tom byl vůbec nějaký rozdíl. To, co mě nyní čekalo, bylo neodvolatelnou tečkou za jakoukoli smysluplnou aktivní činností. V této době a i v následujících měsících jsem často slýchal nadávky a narážky na můj židovský původ. V éře „normalizace“ jsem střídal jedno zaměstnání za druhým. Nejprve jsem pracoval jako průvodce v Čedoku [Čedok: byl největším československým podnikem pro cestovní ruch. Založen v roce 1920 se sídlem v Praze. Název vznikl ze zkratky Československá dopravní kancelář – pozn. red.], ale tam jsem dlouho nevydržel a vyhodili mě. Pracoval jsem pak v Pražské informační službě, která byla svého času takovým azylem lidí, které odevšad vyhodili – zprostředkovávali nás do firem a podniků kde potřebovali schopné překladatele. Ovšem když se změnilo vedení, přišel tam nějaký Gottwaldovský kádr, který šmahem všechny vyházel. Dělal jsem také výběrčího automatů pro fotbalový klub Slávie Praha. Automaty, na kterých se hrály nějaké hry, byly v každé druhé hospodě. Já jsem hospody objížděl a vybíral z nich pětikoruny, které tam lidi naházeli. Vozil jsem mnohakilové pytle pětikorun a peníze jsem ukládal do banky na konto klubu Slávie Praha. Potom jsem nastoupil jako pomocný skladník v Družstvu mechaniků kancelářských strojů, a tajně jsem si přivydělával anonymními překlady. V Družstvu mechaniků kancelářských strojů byl mým šéfem ve skladu Tonda Petřina, také perzekvovaný novinář, se kterým jsem kdysi pracoval v Rudém Právu.Ve  funkci skladníka jsem víceméně v poklidu, při dvou malých dětech a manželce rovněž perzekvované kvůli mým kádrovým potížím, dožil značně skromného invalidního důchodu. Invalidního důchodu jsem se domohl poté, co jsem se víc než rok a půl léčil s rakovinou lymfatických uzlin, kdy jsem na tom byl bídně a chtělo se mi zemřít. Nakonec jsem nemoc zázrakem překonal. Bojoval jsem ještě se srdečními potížemi a s očními problémy s glaukomem.

Více jak čtyřicet pět let, od konce druhé světové války až do „sametové“ revoluce 43, se uveřejňovaly desítky článků o mezinárodní solidaritě bojovníků proti fašismu, o hrdinné účasti Rusů, Ukrajinců, Čechů, Poláků, Srbů, Francouzů, Rumunů, dokonce i Maďarů a pokrokových Němců, po boku Slováků v Národním povstání. Jen o jeho židovských účastnících nepadla ani zmínka. Přitom Slovenského národního povstání se se zbraní v ruce zúčastnilo 1566 Židů, jak nedávno zjistil historik Ladislav Lipscher. Pětina jich padla přímo v boji, podlehla zraněním anebo byla mučena fašisty. Historickým mezníkem ozbrojeného vystoupení mladých slovenských Židů byl začátek Národního povstání – 29. srpen 1944. Tehdy byli osvobozeni židovští vězni táborů Sereď, Nováky a Vyhne, určení k transportům do tábora „konečného řešení“.

Jsou tři země kde bych nedovedl žít. Jednou z nich je Německo. Čtyři roky jsem zde strávil coby korespondent, ale trvale bych zde žít nedovedl. Po válce mě trápila otázka, kterou jsem si vždy v duchu kladl, když jsem potkal nějakého Němce ve svém věku. Vždy jsem se neubránil otázce, co asi tento člověk dělal za války. Patnáct let po válce jsem se dokonce podíval do Osvětimi – Birkenau. Padla tam na mě tíseň a vynořily se vzpomínky. Nedovedu zapomenout. Na šoa nelze nikdy zapomenout – možná, že lze odpustit, ale nelze zapomenout na takové hrůzy. Souhlasím s Eliem Wieselem 44, který tvrdí, že v Birkenau vládne nesrovnatelné, hutné, zvláštní ticho. Druhou zemí, kde bych nedovedl žít jsou Spojené státy. Nikdy jsem nepřišel na chuť americkému způsobu života, jídlu ani kultuře. A třetí zemí je Izrael. Bude to znít asi cynicky, ale myslím, že na to mám právo: já jsem si za války Židů užil dost. Nejhorší zkušeností bylo vidět ortodoxní Židy v lágru, kteří se modlili, a pak jsem je viděl jak okrádají ostatní.

Při letošní chanuce se mi dostalo pocty – byl jsem vyzván k zapalování chanukové svíce, byl jsem jako sedmý v pořadí. Moc mě to potěšilo, byla to skutečně pocta. Přečetl jsem na shromáždění i text, který jsem si předtím doma sepsal. Já nejsem básník, vždy jsem byl novinář a pouze prozaik, ale narazil jsem na jeden citát hudebního skladatele Ludvíka van Beethovena [Beethoven, Ludwik van (1770 – 1827): německý skladatel. Jeden z nejvýznamnějších světových hudebníků – pozn. red.], a cosi mě napadlo. Takže jsem na chanukovém shromáždění přednesl toto:

„V rámci předsvátečního rozjímání jsem narazil na pozoruhodný výrok velkého Ludvíka van Beethovena na téma ‚co je láska?‘ Zde je géniův poněkud prozaický názor. ‚Láska znamená bezvýhradně se rozhodnout pro určitý typ nedokonalosti.‘ Poněkud neskromně jsem si dovolil konfrontovat tento výrok se svými vlastními zkušenostmi. Dokonce v rýmech, hle:
Tápal jsem v životě často a dlouze, od prohry k výhře, a od výhry k prohře. Až jsem se oženil. Však přes půl století co jsem spolu s touto toutéž dívkou. A to máme prosím dvě dcery a pět vnoučat k tomu, já věčný bloudil, nejsem si jist, v kterémže z obou extrémům, zda ve výhře či prohře, jsem vlastně nadosmrti zakotvil.“

Kdysi jsem se pokoušel psát básně mé ženě, jenže ona mě je tenkrát tak pomluvila, že se jí nelíbily, že byly hrozné. A tak jsem celých šedesát let co jsme se ženou spolu, žádnou báseň ze strachu před ní nenapsal. Tohle je vlastně první po šedesáti letech. Ale musím říct, že se to všem moc líbilo. Když tak přemýšlím o svém životě plném dramatických peripetií, plném útěků a tragédií, nakonec musím uznat, že přeci jenom se mnoho dobrých věcí podařilo. Podařilo se nám se ženou vychovat dvě slušné dcery. Starší Maja je překladatelkou a mladší Eva chemickou inženýrkou, učitelkou informatiky a lektorkou judaistiky. Máme pět vnoučat. Myslím, že můj humor zdědila alespoň jedna vnučka – krásná mladá blondýnka. Nosí tričko s nápisem na prsou: „Jsem přírodní blondýna. Mluvte, prosím, pomalu.“ Ta myslím zdědila po mně moji životní filosofii – nejdůležitější je nebrat život, a ani sám sebe, příliš vážně!

Glosář:

1 Tiso, Jozef (1887-1947)

Římsko-katolický kněz, protikomunistický politik. Tiso byl ideologický a politický představitel Hlinkovy slovenské lidové strany (HSĽS). Roku 1930 se stal jejím místopředsedou, roku 1938 jejím předsedou, 1938-39 poslancem a později prezidentem fašistického slovenského loutkového státu, který byl založen s německou podporou. Jeho politika přivedla Slovensko jako spojence do války proti Polsku a Sovětskému svazu. V roce 1947 byl shledán vinným z válečných zločinů, odsouzen k smrti a popraven. 

2 Slovenský stát (1939-1945)

Československo založené po rozpadu Rakousko-Uherska existovalo v této podobě do Mnichovské dohody z roku 1938. 6. října 1938 se Slovensko stalo autonomní republikou s Jozefem Tisem jako předsedou vlády. V důsledku slovenských snah o získání nezávislosti pražská vláda zavedla vojenské právo, Tisa sesadila na začátku března 1939 z jeho postu a nahradila ho Karolem Sidorem. Slovenské osobnosti obrátily na Hitlera, který toho využil jako záminky k přetvoření Čech, Moravy a Slezska v německý protektorát. 14. března 1939 slovenský zákonodárný orgán vyhlásil nezávislost Slovenska, která byla ve skutečnosti jen nominální, neboť Slovensko bylo výrazně kontrolováno nacistickým Německem.

3 Šestý pracovní prapor Židů

Šestý pracovní prapor byl tvořen armádními útvary, do kterých byli Židé odvedeni v letech 1939, 1940 a 1941. V roce 1942 již  Židé nebyli povoláváni do tohoto praporu, protože byli umístěni do prvních transportů.

4 Pražské jaro

období demokratických reforem v Československu, od ledna do srpna 1968. Reformní politici byli tajně zvoleni do vedoucích funkcí KSČ: Josef Smrkovský se stal předsedou národního shromáždění a Oldřich Černík předsedou vlády. Významnou osobou reforem byl Alexandr Dubček, generální tajemník ústředního výboru komunistické strany Československa (ÚV KSČ). V květnu 1968 ÚV KSČ přijal akční program, který vymezil novou cestu k socialismu a sliboval ekonomické a politické reformy. 21. března 1968 na setkání zástupců SSSR, Maďarska, Polska, Bulharska, NDR a Československa v Drážďanech bylo Československo upozorněno, že jeho směřování je nežádoucí. V noci 20. srpna 1968 sovětská vojska spolu s vojsky Varšavské smlouvy podnikly invazi do Československa. Následně byl podepsán Moskevský protokol, který ukončil demokratizační proces a byl zahájen normalizační proces.

5 Hlinkovy gardy

vojenské uskupení pod vedením radikálního křídla Hlinkovy slovenské lidové strany. Požadovali nezávislost Slovenska a fašizaci politického a veřejného života. Hlinkovy gardy mezi březnem a říjnem 1942 deportovaly (bez německé pomoci) 58 000 (podle jiných zdrojů 68 000) slovenských Židů.

6 Strana Šípových křížů

nejextrémnější maďarské fašistické hnutí v polovině 30. let. Byla to strana, kterou tvořilo několik skupin. Název však byl odvozen od frakce pod vedením Ference Szalasiho a Kalmana Hubaye. Tato strana měla za vzor nacistickou NSDAP.Jejím cílem bylo nejen vytvoření fašistického systému včetně sociálních reforem, ale i „řešení židovské otázky“.  Stranická uniforma se skládala ze zeleného trička, na kterém byl znak s šípovými kříži – maďarská verze svastiky. 15. října 1944 guvernér Horthy oznámil vystoupení Maďarska z války, ale Šípové kříže s vojenskou pomocí Němců převzaly moc. Vláda Šípových křížů nařídila všeobecnou mobilizaci a zavedla režim teroru. Šípové kříže byly zodpovědné za deportace a smrt deseti tisíců Židů. Poté, co sovětská armáda osvobodila Maďarsko v květnu 1945, byli Szalasi a ministři z Šípových křížů postaveni před soud a popraveni. 

7 První československá republika (1918-1938)

byla založena po rozpadu rakousko-uherské monarchie po první světové válce. Spojení českých zemí a Slovenska bylo oficiálně vyhlášeno v Praze roku 1918 a formálně uznáno smlouvou ze St. Germain roku 1919. Podkarpatská Rus byla připojena smlouvou z Trianonu roku 1920. Ústava z roku 1920 ustanovila poměrně centralizovaný stát a příliš neřešila problém národnostních menšin. To se však promítlo do vnitřního politického života, kterému naopak dominoval neustálý odpor národnostních menšin proti československé vládě.

8 Hlinkova slovenská lidová strana, HSLS

politická strana založená v roce 1918 jako Slovenská lidová strana, v roce 1925 již jako HSLS. Tato strana byla anti-komunisticky a anti-socialisticky orientovaná. Inklinovala ke katolicismu a požadovala slovenskou autonomii. Od roku 1938 zaujímala na Slovensku prominentní postavení a v roce 1939 zavedla autoritativní jednostranický režim. Její ideologie byla směsí klerikalismu, nacionalismu a fašismu. Předsedou strany byl Andrej Hlinka, po něm Jozef Tiso. HSLS založila dvě masové organizace - Hlinkovy gardy, jejich vzorem bylo německé Sturmabteilung, a Hlinkova mládež, jejíž vzorem bylo německé Hitlerjugend. Po osvobození Československa v roce 1945 byla strana zakázána a její nejvyšší představitelé byli postaveni před soud. 

9 Catlos, Ferdinand (1895 – 1972)

slovenský generál a politik. Během první světové války bojoval v rakousko-uherské armádě na ruské frontě. Vystudoval vojenskou akademii ve Francii. V březnu 1938 byl povýšen na generála prvního stupně slovenského státu a zároveň se stal ministrem národní obrany. Podílel se na činnosti slovenské armády během německo-polské války a také aktivně podporoval vyslání slovenských vojáků na východní frontu po roce 1941. V roce 1944 se pokusil kontaktovat odboj. Po osvobození byl postaven před soud v rámci retribučního dekretu a vězněn v letech 1945-48. Poté pracoval jako státní úředník v Martinu a zemřel v zapomnění.  

10 Wiesenthal Simon (1908 – 2005)

povoláním architekt. Kvůli svému židovskému původu byl vězněn v několika koncentračních táborech, které však přežil. Po válce se začal věnovat hledání nacistických zločinců. Podle samotného S. Wiesenthala pomohl dopadnout 1 100 válečných zločinců, včetně Adolfa Eichmanna, jehož úkolem bylo tzv. konečné řešení – vyhlazení Židů. Díky Wiesenthalovi byli dopadeni takoví lidé jako Franz Murer, známý jako řezník z Vilniusu, Hermine Braunstein, dozorkyně z koncentračního tábora Majdanek, a Franz Stangl, velitel Treblinky a  Sobiboru, a byli postaveni před soud.  

11 Buna

největší pobočka koncentračního tábora Osvětim, fungovala od roku 1942 do 1945. V Buně byli rovněž vězněni především vězni židovského původu z různých zemí (v roce 1944 zde bylo asi 10 000 vězňů). Významná část z nich zemřela v důsledku těžké otrocké práce, hladovění, surovému zacházení a popravám. V listopadu 1943 byl koncentrační tábor v Buně přeměněn v samostatnou administrativní jednotku označovanou Ovětim III. V lednu 1945 byli vězni nuceni nastoupit pochod smrti do Německa. Nemocní a slabí vězni byli v táboře ponecháni. Rudá armáda je osvobodila 27. ledna 1945.

12 Sereď

založen roku 1941 jako židovský pracovní tábor. Tábor fungoval až do vypuknutí slovenského povstání, kdy byl rozpuštěn. Na začátku září 1944 však byly jeho aktivity obnoveny a byly zahájeny deportace. Z důvodu deportací byl koncem září SS-Hauptsturmfuhrer Alois Brunner jmenován velitelem tánora. Brunner byl po dlouhou dobu kolega Adolfa Eichmanna a v roce 1943 organizoval deportace francouzských Židů. Podle svědků od září 1944 do března 1945 bylo vysláno 11 transportů zahrnujících 11 532 osob. Nejprve byly transporty posílány do koncentračního tábora v Osvětimi, později i do jiných táborů v Říši. Koncentrační tábor byl zlikvidován koncem 31. března 1945, kdy byl odeslán poslední evakuační transport do terezínského ghetta.

13 Útěk z Osvětimi (Vrba/Wetzler)

Rudolfovi Vrbovi (původním jménem Walter Rosenberg) se podařilo se svým kamarádem Alfredem Wetzlerem utéct z Osvětimi. 25. dubna 1944 podali v Žilině zprávu, tzv. Vrbova a Wetzlerova zpráva, o německých vyhlazovacích táborech Osvětimi a Březince, a v ní do detailu popsali strukturu tábora, způsob masového zabíjení a předali plán tábora s důležitými budovami, zařízeními a plynovými komorami. Rudolf Vrba rovněž vydal knihu vzpomínek “Utekl jsem z Osvětimi“.

14 Gliwice III

: vedlejší pracovní tábor Osvětimi, zřízen u průmyslové továrny, Gliwice Hutte, vyrábějící zbraně, munici a železniční součástky. Tábor fungoval od července 1944 do ledna 1945 a pracovalo v něm asi 600 vězňů.

15 Armáda generála Svobody

během 2. světové války generál Ludvík Svoboda (1895-1979) velel československým vojskům spadajícím pod sovětské vojenské vedení a podílel se na osvobozování východního Slovenska. Po válce se Svoboda stal ministrem obrany (1945-1950) a pak prezidentem Československa (1968-1975).

16 Dukla

název „Dukla“ je odvozeno od jména polského města Dukla, ležícího 16 km od slovenských státních hranic. Dukelský průsmyk představoval v minulosti nejdůležitější cestu skrze Karpatské hory. Od 8. září do 27. listopadu 1944 zde probíhaly boje a bylo zde zabito nebo zraněno 85 000 sovětských a 6 500 československých vojáků. Dukla představovala hlavní útok vůči německé obraně na polsko-československém území a zároveň cestu k osvobození Československa. Konečný průlom německé obrany nastal 6. října 1944. V době Československé socialistické republiky byl Den československé armády slaven právě 6. října. Dnes je tento den věnován vzpomínce na dukelské hrdiny. 

17 Gottwald, Klement (1896 – 1953)

původní profesí byl truhlář. V roce 1921 se stal jedním ze zakladatelů KSČ (Komunistická strana Československa). Od tohoto roku do roku 1926 byl funkcionářem KSČ na Slovensku. V letech 1926-29 stál v popředí snah o překonání vnitřní krize ve straně a prosazení bolševizace strany. V roce 1938 z rozhodnutí strany odešel do Moskvy, kde pracoval pro KSČ až do osvobození ČSR. Po válce 4. dubna 1945 byl jmenován místopředsedou vlády. Po vítězství KSČ ve volbách v roce 1946 se stal předsedou československé vlády a po abdikaci E. Beneše z úřadu prezidenta v roce 1948 se stal prezidentem.   

18 Procházka, Adolf (1900 – 1970)

československý právník a politik. V období 1945-48 jeden z vůdců Československé lidové strany, člen národního shromáždění a ministr zdravotnictví. V roce 1948 rezignoval a emigroval do USA. Od roku 1950 reprezentoval českou lidovou stranu v exilu v Křesťansko-demokratické unii střední Evropy a od roku 1953 až do své smrti byl předsedou komise této unie.

19 Kopecký, Václav (1897 – 1961)

československý komunistický politik a novinář. V letech 1938-45 působil v Moskvě jako člen vedení Československé komunistické strany v zahraničí. 1945-53 byl ministrem informací, 1953-54 ministrem kultury, od roku 1954 působil jako náměstek předsedy vlády. Byl také vedoucím ideologem komunistické strany, hlavní tvůrce komunistické kulturní politiky 40. a 50. let. Jako člen užšího vedení se podílel na vykonstruovaných procesech 50. let.   

20 Nosek, Václav (1892 – 1955)

od roku 1939 jeden z vedoucích členů komunistické emigrace. V letech 1945-53 byl ministrem vnitra, od roku 1953 ministrem práce.

21 Rudé Právo

deník vydávaný Komunistickou stranou Československa. Byl založen 1920 po rozkolu mezi sociálními demokraty a komunisty. Po sametové revoluci v roce 1989 se jeho zaměstnanci distancovali od Komunistické strany Československa a začali vydávat deník Právo.

22 Pravda

v minulosti byly tyto noviny slovenským ekvivalentem k sovětským novinám. Byly založeny 1945 (jiné slovenské noviny Pravda existující ještě předtím [v 1925-1932, 1944] byly zrušeny). Tyto noviny byly vydávané Komunistickou stranou Slovenska a jako takové se staly státem vlastněné. Po sametové revoluci se Pravda dočasně stala novinami vydávanými Sociálně demokratickou stranou, která byla nástupcem Komunistické strany Slovenska. Dnes jsou to moderní neutrální noviny a jedny z nejdůležitějších periodik na Slovensku. 

23 Slánského proces

V letech 1948-49 československá vláda spolu se Sovětským svazem podporovala myšlenku založení státu Izrael. Později se však Stalinův zájem obrátil na arabské státy a komunisté museli vyvrátit podezření, že podporovali Izrael dodávkami zbraní. Sovětské vedení oznámilo, že dodávky zbraní do Izraele byly akcí sionistů v Československu. Každý Žid v Československu byl automaticky považován za sionistu. Roku 1952 na základě vykonstruovaného procesu bylo 14 obžalovaných (z toho 11 byli Židé) spolu s Rudolfem Slánským, prvním tajemníkem komunistické strany, bylo uznáno vinnými. Poprava se konala 3. prosince 1952. Později komunistická strana připustila chyby při procesu a odsouzení byli rehabilitováni společensky i legálně v roce 1963.

24 Dubček, Alexander (1921-1992)

slovenský a československý politik a státník, hlavní postava reformního hnutí v ČSSR. V roce 1963 se stal generálním tajemníkem ÚV KSS. V roce 1968 získal funkci generálního tajemníka ÚVKSČ a otevřel tak cestu pro reformní skupiny v komunistické straně a společnosti. S jeho jménem jsou úzce spojeny události označované jako Pražské jaro. Po okupaci republiky vojsky SSSR a Varšavské smlouvy 21. srpna 1968 byl zatčen a odvezen do SSSR. Na žádost československých představitelů a pod tlakem československého a světového veřejného mínění byl pozván k jednáním mezi sovětskými a československými představiteli v Moskvě. Po dlouhém váhání také on podepsal tzv. Moskevský protokol, který stanovil podmínky a metody vyřešení situace, které však v podstatě znamenaly začátek konce Pražského jara.    

25 Šik, Ota (1919-2004)

v roce 1940 vstoupil do ilegální Komunistické strany Československa (KSČ), 1941-45 byl vězněn v koncentračním táboře Mauthausen. 1961-69 byl ředitelem ekonomického institutu ČSAV (Československá akademie věd), 1966-68 ředitelem Československé ekonomické asociace, 1962-69 členem ÚV KSČ. Po invazi v srpnu 1968 byl donucen opustit vládu a zůstal v zahraničí. V květnu 1969 byl vyloučen z ÚV KSČ, postupně mu byly odebrány všechny funkce a v roce 1970 také československé občanství. Od roku 1970 žil ve Švýcarsku, kde pracoval jako profesor na univerzitě v Baslu.   

26 Hájek, Jiří (1913 – 1993)

český právník, historik, diplomat a politik. 1948-69 byl členem ÚV KSČ, 1955-58 československým diplomatem ve Velké Británii, 1962-65 stálým reprezentantem ČSSR v OSN, 1965-67 ministrem vzdělání a kultury, 1968 ministrem zahraničních věcí. V srpnu 1968 protestoval v OSN proti sovětské invazi do Československa. Brzy poté byl odvolán ze své pozice a vyloučen z KSČ. V 70. a 80. letech patřil k vedoucím členům opozice komunistického režimu. V roce 1978 se stal mluvčím Charty 77, od roku 1988 byl předsedou Československé helsinské konference, 1990-92 poradce předsedy Federálního shromáždění, Alexandra Dubčeka.

27 Slovenské národní povstání

o Vánocích 1943 byla založena Slovenská národní rada sestávající z různých opozičních skupin (komunisté, sociální demokraté, agrárníci atd.). Jejich společným cílem bylo bojovat proti slovenskému fašistickému státu. Povstání vypuklo v Banské Bystřici, na středním Slovensku, 20. srpna 1944. 18. října Němci zahájili ofenzivu. Značná část pravidelné slovenské armády se přešla k povstalcům a přidala se k nim i sovětská armáda. Němcům se sice podařilo potlačit povstání a 27. října okupovali Banskou Bystřici, ale nebyli schopni zcela zastavit akce partyzánů.

28 Masaryk, Tomáš Garrigue (1850-1937)

československý politický vůdce, filosof a přední zakladatel První republiky. T.G.M. založil v roce 1900 Českou lidovou stranu, která usilovala o českou nezávislost v rámci rakousko-uherské monarchie, o ochranu menšin a jednotu Čechů a Slováků. Po rozpadu rakousko-uherské monarchie v roce 1918 se Masaryk stal prvním československým prezidentem. Znovu zvolen byl v roce 1920, 1927 a 1934. Mezi první rozhodnutí jeho vlády patřila rozsáhlá pozemková reforma. Masaryk rezignoval na prezidentský úřad v roce 1935 a jeho nástupcem se stal Edvard Beneš.

29 Šrámek, Jan (1870 – 1956)

československý politik a katolický kněz. V roce 1912 byl jmenován papežským monsignorem. 1914-38 byl členem Národního shromáždění, 1919-38 předsedou Československé lidové strany, 1921-22 ministr železnic, 1922-25 ministr zdravotnictví, 1925-26 ministr pošt, 1926-29 ministr sociální péče, 1929-38 ministr pro sjednocení zákonů a organizaci správy. Patřil k nejpřizpůsobivějším koaličním politikům (byl nazýván „ministr kompromisů“). 1940-45 byl předsedou československé exilové vlády v Londýně. 1945-48 se stal opět předsedou Československé lidové strany. V roce 1948 odstoupil a byl zatčen během neúspěšného pokusu o emigraci. Byl vězněn až do své smrt roku 1956.

30 Peroutka, Ferdinand (1895 – 1978)

novinář a politický komentátor liberální orientace. V roce 1948 odešel do exilu, 1951 – 61 byl prvním ředitelem radia Svobodná Evropa.

31 Sionismus

hnutí bránící a podporující ideu suverénního a nezávislého židovského státu a návrat židovského národa do domova svých předků, Eretz Israel – izraelské domovina. Dr. Theodor Herzel (1860-1904) vypracoval koncept politického sionismu. Ten byl ještě více rozpracován v traktátu „Židovský stát“ (Der Judenstaat, 1896) a byl podnětem ke konání prvního sionistického kongresu v Basileji (1897) a k založení Světové sionistické organizace (World Zionist Organization, WZO). WZO rozhodla o přijetí sionistického znaku a vlajky (Magen David), hymny (Hatikvah) a programu.

32 Chruščov, Nikita (1894-1971)

sovětský komunistický vůdce. Po Stalinově smrti v roce 1953 se stal prvním tajemníkem ÚV SSSR. V roce 1956, během 20. sjezdu strany Chruščev odsoudil Stalina a jeho metody. V říjnu 1964 byl zbaven všech funkcí a v roce 1966 byl vyloučen z ÚV komunistické strany.  

33 1956

23. října 1956 začala v Maďarsku revoluce proti komunistickému režimu. Revoluce začala demonstracemi studentů a pracujících v Budapešti a zničením Stalinovy obrovské sochy. Předsedou vlády byl jmenován umírněný komunistický představitel Imre Nagy, který slíbil reformy a demokratizaci. SSSR stáhl svá vojska umístěná v Maďarsku již od konce 2. světové války. Po prohlášení Nagyho, že Maďarsko vystoupí z Varšavského paktu a bude uskutečňovat politiku neutrality, se sovětská vojska do Maďarska vrátila a ukončila 4. listopadu povstání. Následovaly masové represe a zatýkání. Přibližně 200,000 Maďarů uprchlo ze země. Nagy a někteří jeho stoupenci byli popraveni. Do roku 1989 a pádu komunistického režimu byla revoluce z roku 1956 oficiálně považována za kontra-revoluci.

34 Nagy, Imre (1896 – 1958)

od roku 1920 byl členem Komunistické strany Maďarska. V letech 1928-30 pobýval jako politický uprchlík ve Vídni, 1930-44 v Moskvě. V letech 1944-55 byl členem parlamentu, 1944-45 ministrem zemědělství, 1945-46 ministrem vnitra, 1944-53 zastával různé stranické posty. 4. července 1953, po Stalinově smrti, byl zvolen ministerským předsedou. Od roku 1953 prosazoval ve funkci ministerského předsedy tzv. Červencový program strany: nechal propustit z vězení odpůrce režimu, rozpustit policejní samozvané soudy a ukončit vyhánění obyvatelstva, inicioval vyšetřování průběhu soudních řízení. 18. května 1955 byl odvolán z funkce ministerského předsedy, 3. prosince  1955 byl vyloučen ze strany. 24. října 1956 byl opět zvolen do funkce ministerského předsedy. 22. listopadu 1956 byl zatčen a umístěn do věznice Snagov v Rumunsku. V dubnu 1957 byl převezen do Budapešti, kde byl v tajném procesu odsouzen k trestu smrti. Trest byl vykonán 16. července 1958.  

35 Maleter, Pal (1917 – 1958)

V roce 1956 se připojil na stranu povstalců. 1956 byl jmenován ministrem obrany.  Byl odsouzen k trestu smrti v procesu s Imre Nagem.

36 Kádár, János (1912 - 1989)

komunistický politik, který se po revoluci 1956 v Maďarsku stal prvním tajemníkem strany (1956-1988) a předsedou vlády (1956-58, 1961-65). V době jeho působení v čele státu, v 60. a 70. letech, byl režim Maďarské lidové republiky nejliberálnějším v SSSR.

37 Lustig, Arnošt (1926-2011)

český spisovatel židovského původu, 1950-58 redaktor Československého rozhlasu 1961-68 scénáristou Československého filmu (Barrandov Praha). V roce 1968 emigroval, od roku 1972 přednášel film a literaturu na Americké universitě ve Washingtonu. 

38 Hoffman, Karel (nar

1924): 1959 – 67 byl ředitel Československého radia, 1967 – 68 ministr kultury a informací, 1969 – 71 ministr dopravy a 1971 – 89 člen předsednictva Ústředního výboru KSČ. Podílel se na přípravách sovětské okupace v srpnu 1968 a následně na procesu normalizace. V listopadu 1989 opustil politiku a v únoru 1990 byl vyloučen z KSČ.

39 Ulbricht Walter (1893 – 1973)

v letech 1949 – 71 byl předsedou východoněmecké Sjednocené socialistické strany Německa (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands, SED). Od roku 1960, tj. od úmrtí prezidenta Wilhelma Piecka, až do své smrti působil ve funkci předsedy Státní rady východního Německa.

40 Novotný, Antonín (1904 – 1975)

československý komunistický prezident. Během 2. světové války se účastnil ilegálních aktivit Komunistické strany Československa. V letech 1941-45 byl vězněn v koncentračním táboře Mauthausen. 1951 se  stal generálním tajemníkem ÚV KSČ a 19. listopadu 1957 prezidentem. 28. března 1968 byl donucen odstoupit a zcela opustit politický život.    

41 Brandt Willy

(1913 – 1992): byl německý sociálně demokratický politik, v letech 1969-74 působil ve funkci kancléře. V roce 1971 obdržel za svou práci v oblasti zlepšení vztahů mezi NDR, Polskem a SSSR (označovanou jako Ostpolitik) Nobelovu cenu míru. Po špionážním skandálu roku 1974 rezignoval na svou funkci kancléře.

42 Schmidt, Helmut Heinrich Waldemar (narozen 1918)

politik Sociálnědemokratické strany Německa. 1974-82 vykonával funkci německého kancléře. Postupně působil ve funkcích ministra obrany, ministra financí a hospodářství.

43 Sametová revoluce

známá též pod pojmem  “listopadové události” označující období mezi 17. listopadem a 29. prosincem 1989, které vyvrcholily v pád komunistického režimu. V listopadu vznikla hnutí Občanské fórum a Veřejnost proti násilí. 10. prosince byla vytvořena vláda Národního usmíření, která zahájila demokratické reformy. 29. prosince byl zvolen prezidentem Václav Havel. V červnu 1990 se konaly první demokratické volby od roku 1948.

44 Wiesel Eliezer (všeobecně znám jako Elie) (narozen 1928)

světově renomovaný prozaik, filozof, humanista a politický aktivista. Je autorem více než čtyřiceti knih. V roce 1986 získal Nobelovu cenu míru. Wiesel přednáší na univerzitě v Bostonu a předsedá Nadaci Ellieho Wiesela pro humanitu, kterou založil s manželkou. 

Ibi Krausz

Ibi Krausz
Budapest
Hungary
Interviewer: Dora Sardi
Date of interview: March 2002

Family background
Growing up
During the War
After the War
Glossary

Family background

My grandparents on my mother's side were Mihaly Kohn and Hermina Kohn. I don't remember my grandmother's maiden name. They were deported in 1944; my grandmother was 62 years old at that time, while my grandfather was five or six years older. Both of them were born in Gyulafiratot. They lived there for a long time, and when they were married and had two girls - one of them was my mother - they went to Gyor. They moved there because they didn't actually like life in the countryside, though their parents were villagers. I'm not sure, they might have had an inn, or maybe a grocery store, or something like that. But the interesting thing is that one of my grandfather's sisters fell in love with their driver, and married him - this was a family story. And she became a real peasant woman. My grandfather broke off all connection with her; not because she became a peasant women, but because she married a Gentile, although they weren't too religious. However, when they were old they made up with each other. As a child I always wondered what this peasant lady with a headscarf was doing amongst us. Well, and that's when they told me the story.

My grandmother was a housewife, while my grandfather was a livestock merchant. He traded in cattle or something like that. It worked like that - I only remember this from when they were in Gyor, and I was a bit bigger, because he was still doing it even then for a while - he bought from the peasants a huge amount of livestock or only a few animals and he resold them at a profit. He didn't frequent the markets; business was rather transacted in cafés. They appeared there on certain days, and I don't remember clearly whether he had a few men who went out to the markets, but I know he didn't go himself. My grandmother was a woman with a very beautiful face, but she had a terribly bad leg, and she had to go to Heviz [famous Hungarian spa] for curative treatment every year. She walked very little; she preferred to be at home all the time. Though there was a servant - the same one for decades - she ran the household as well. They were at home in the afternoon. At that time my grandfather was already at home, too, and I don't really know what they did. I was at their place at least once or twice a week, and my grandmother cooked many family dinners. They were wealthy middle class sort of people. There were some Christian families with whom my grandparents were on good terms, but they moved mostly in Jewish circles.

They were definitely Neolog 1. My grandmother used to light candles on Friday, but after that one could turn on the lights. My grandfather didn't pray at home, except on seder. He led the seder, but I remember that he always hurried the dinner. They didn't work on Yom Kippur and on the high holidays. Actually they ran a kosher household, but not too strictly. My grandfather bought the newspaper every evening; it was the Esti Kurir [Evening Courier]. They didn't really read books. There was a so-called girls' room at my maternal grandparents' house, which was my mother's and her sister's while they were at home, and they had some books there. But actually there weren't too many there either. My grandfather didn't really walk, because his legs hurt as well, and his daughter and the servant bought everything. He didn't really go out. Neither did my grandmother.

The Jewish temple in Gyor is like the one in Dohany Street, only that it's smaller - but it has two levels, an organ, and is equipped with everything; it's very nice. [The Dohany Street Synagogue is the largest synagogue in Europe. It was the symbol of Neolog Judaism before WWII.] My grandparents used to live opposite it. This wasn't a Jewish neighborhood. There was a place called Sziget [Gyor-Sziget] where the Jews lived - the very religious Jews.

My grandparents had a nice big house. There were rented apartments and there were stores downstairs, and a great deal of the rent remained for them. They lived there, too, in a nice three-bedroom apartment on the first floor. Two Jewish families rented apartments in their house, but the others weren't Jews. There was even one man who was an anti-Semite but they couldn't get rid of him. There were problems because of that because when the Germans came in 1944, he had my grandfather taken into custody by saying that my grandfather cursed the Germans, and the Gestapo took him into custody. At that time I was already a big girl, and I ran to our lawyer, trying to get him to do something. And he said that it was impossible to get him out of Gestapo custody. And then they let poor grandfather out, but he was awfully intimidated. At that time they were preparing for the deportation of Jews. And they deported the whole family.

My mother was called Margit Kohn. She was born in 1903. Her sister Kata was three years younger than her, I think. They attended elementary school there, in the village, and then they finished middle school in Gyor. Kata got married; her husband was called Sandor Salzer. They had a daughter. Her husband was a grocery wholesaler - in a very busy location as well. And he worked with his brother. It was a company with a well-established name. But later somehow it didn't do so well.

My grandparents on my father's side were called Jakab Keller and Berta Keller. I don't remember my grandmother's maiden name. My grandfather was deported as well, he must have been about 80 years old and grandmother about the same. I know that grandfather's family came from Gyongyos, but as for grandmother, I don't know. They lived in Gyor, had a little house in the middle of downtown; that was their home. There were two stores downstairs and an apartment. My grandfather was a basket-weaver and his workshop was in the house. He had one or two assistants, and there was a little store downstairs, where they sold baskets, traveling baskets, trunks, and small tables with the upper part made of wood. They made and sold things like that. They didn't live so incredibly well, but didn't have financial problems either. But they had to take care of every penny.

My grandmother was a housewife. She was very religious. The family observed every holiday and I think they lit candles on Friday. I don't remember whether they turned the lights on or not. They were more religious. My grandmother wore a wig, but my grandfather's head wasn't covered. They ran a kosher household; they took it really seriously. They also had a servant.

They had four boys and two girls. There was my father, Sandor; he was born in 1892 or 93. There was Pista, who was older than my father, and there were Lali and Zoli; who were considerably younger. Lali had a store in Gyor, Pista lived in Acs, and I don't know what he did. Actually, we kept in touch more with my father's sisters, but about his brothers I can't really say much. The girls were called Olga and Ila. Olga got married, she had two beautiful girls, and she didn't work. Her husband was a traveling agent for a very big cloth-store. Ila lived with the grandparents. She didn't get married. She had a love for many years, a doctor, but finally I think they separated, and she never married. She worked in a dressmaker's shop. She sewed very nicely. Every two or three weeks, I went with my mother and father to visit her for a couple of hours, but I also used to go to my aunt Ila in the dressmaker's shop; partly because I liked her and went happily, and partly because she made my clothes.

My father finished middle school 2, then he became a merchant. I don't know when he opened his store. I think it was when he got married to my mother; he had a wholesale haberdashery downtown - buttons, pullovers, hosiery, tights, it had everything like that. In the villages of Gyor- Sopron county there were stores of this kind, where people sold all sorts of things, and there was the so-called weekly market once or twice a week, when these merchants, who were very kind country folks, came in and bought a lot of things from my father. They had to assemble big bales. There were two assistants and an apprentice, and there was a traveling agent, too. They did the purchasing, but at the same time, if anybody came in and wanted to buy something, they still sold things. My father was in the store from morning until evening and my mother was there, too. She went in about midday or around 11 o'clock, and she was at the cash desk. It was a nice big store; there was a separate storage room, and my father had a little office. It was open on Sabbath; it was only closed on holidays. He had a few Jewish clients, who were all merchants. By the way, in Gyor 70-80% of the merchants were Jewish.

Growing up

My parents got married in 1919, I think, in the temple of Gyor. I was born in 1921. I would have liked to have a brother or sister, and later I kept on asking them, because one of my girlfriends had a brother and I envied her, why I didn't have one. But I don't know why, they didn't answer, I can't remember any more. After my birth at first we lived in my grandmother's house for a very short time; there was a little apartment next-door. Actually I only remember that we moved downtown. And there was for the first time a so-called co-tenancy with two rooms, I think. And later, after a few years we moved into a modern two-bedroom house with a hall, and we were there from then on. That was a rented house. My parents had a bedroom; actually I didn't have a separate room, it was just that the other room was furnished in such a way that I lived there, and at the same time it was a dining room. Besides these, there were the bathroom, kitchen and servant's room, because there were servants. The last one was there for a few years; she was there even when we had to move away from that apartment because they had already marked those houses where the Jews had to go [the so-called yellow-star houses] 3.

My father worked from morning to night. Once a week for entertainment, they went out: my mother went to a rummy game, while my father played some Hungarian card game. They used to go to a certain café, which still exists in Gyor, and they played cards there separately. Of course there was a cinema and theater in Gyor, but my father didn't frequent them. I used to go with my mother.

While I was a little girl, my grandparents, when they were in Heviz because of grandmother's leg, used to stay there for a month or six weeks, then they would bring me and my mother there at their own expense because my father never went anywhere. This was my summer holiday when I was a little girl. Very occasionally we went to Lake Balaton. There was a villa with rooms for rent, and my grandparents went there every year.

Generally my family were the kind of Jews that observed the high holidays: the dinner before Yom Kippur and the Kol Nidre was at my grandparents' place, we went to the synagogue, and actually, my mother and my aunt had permanent seats there. But other than that, we didn't observe much. We even ate the treyf, but to tell the truth, we weren't allowed to put it on a plate. We were allowed to eat ham, but only on a piece of paper. And we cooked only with goose fat; there was no pork fat. I know that my grandmother used to cook tasty fish-soup, but I don't know whether it was for the evening of the Kol Nidre. The next day, after the fasting, we went there and there was always very delicious ring-cake, cocoa, and chicken paprika afterwards. This was a kind of tradition, I think, in every Jewish house. We had chicken fricassee or something like that before the fast, and grapes and coffee. I remember that I used to gulp things down, up until the last moment, though I observed fasting only until midday. I don't observe fasting longer than midday even today. There was a Jewish butcher, I suppose my grandparents bought from him, but I'm not sure. But there was a very good butcher downtown, which we frequented, I know that. We always bought the cold cuts there, and the meat, too, I suppose.

There were no Zionists in our family. Gyor had a chief rabbi, Dr. Emil Grosz, who was a very famous scholar; he was a great Zionist, and he organized the youth. He didn't agitate in the synagogue, at least I didn't hear him, but the truth is that we went there only on high holidays. He held lectures, which we attended; not about Zionism, of course, but everybody knew he was a committed Zionist. But it was alien to me as well, I mean Zionism.

I never denied my Jewishness, and I never thought about converting. Though my best friend, who now lives in Brazil, converted because she thought she would escape that way. It didn't work, of course.

I attended a Jewish elementary school, which was near the temple. It was a big building, really serious, with four classes. And I finished the four years of elementary education there. There were at least 25 pupils in the class, boys and girls together. They taught Jewish history; otherwise I think it was the same as other schools. They taught us to read Hebrew, but I've already forgotten it. We used to go to the synagogue once a week, on Sabbath. When I was already in high school, it was obligatory to go on the afternoon of Sabbath. We had the summer holidays just as in other schools, and on Jewish holidays we had extra holidays.

There was only one high school in Gyor, which was called Count Albert Aponyi High School. It was a very beautiful building, and in my opinion, it's still one of the most beautiful buildings in Gyor today. There were eight classes. It was a completely Christian school, but many of us, Jewish girls, attended it. The difference was that everyone had their own religion class separately. We also had a religion teacher, he was called Jozsef Ullman, and he was awfully severe. We had to read in Hebrew, but he mostly taught Jewish history, which was quite interesting. There were maybe eight or nine Jews in class. There was a team spirit among the Jewish girls, but I had some Christian girlfriends, as well. These weren't close relationships, but we were on good terms with each other. We had to learn a lot in high school because there were languages as well - German and French. Besides that I had private English classes. I remained on good terms with my private teacher for French and German, who was also Jewish, until her death. She lived in London later, I also visited her there, and when my son went to England for a long period of time, she was a great support for him. There must have been anti-Semite girls in high school, but there was no violence or remarks or things like that, I don't remember any such things.

Then I transferred to higher commercial school after four years of high school. Because my parents thought - and they were right - that in the future it would be much more useful to have learnt something practical as well. My best friend stayed in high school, but we remained very close to each other, and then another transferred to higher commercial school, and then a third one too, so several of us transferred. It was four years of study there, too.

We were regular cinema-goers and went to the theater a lot. We played tennis and went rowing. Of course, I was a good swimmer because the swimming pool in Gyor was very nice and we visited it all summer long. There was a club at which there were lots of Jews, though it wasn't a Jewish club. We attended a dance-school, and they held a dance-school ball at the end of the course. Then I was in a long white tulle dress, it was lovely. I was quite good-looking as a young girl and had many suitors. And I enjoyed these dance-parties so much. I love to dance. I went there with my girlfriends regularly.

I learned to be a milliner after school. Jewish girls had to learn some trade as well. At that time, the fact that young Jews couldn't hold serious jobs began to cast its shadow on us. I learned that trade and after I finished I came to Budapest for three months; there was a millinery in Vaci Street called Vilma Gergely, which was very elegant and distinguished; Mrs. Horthy [the wife of the Regent of Hungary, Miklos Horthy] 4 used to shop there, amongst others. They engaged me but without pay. My parents were rather well off, and I didn't really care about being paid or not. This was actually a kind of summer holiday. I have no idea who placed me there, but I worked there for three months, and lived with my aunt, my mother's cousin. I was only a salesgirl because there was a madam as my superior- this was a very elegant place. Vilma Gergely went abroad a great deal; she was a very elegant woman. Later she had a store in Vienna, because they left Hungary. At the same time a girlfriend of mine, who now lives in Brazil, also came to Budapest for three months, and learned to sew. She came for a tailoring course; the tailor was called Narvai, and his salon had a very good name, too. And at that time we used to go out a lot and we had a big circle of friends.

Then I went back to Gyor. However, I used to go to Budapest a lot, because I had a cousin, a boy from Ujpest and there was a large Jewish circle in Ujpest and among other people one of my good girlfriends used to go to this circle because my cousin was courting her. She introduced me to them, and actually I was part of that group, too. And then I also used to go to my father's store to help. At that time my mother didn't go there very often. But I didn't work myself to death. I attended classes as well - because I was learning English, French and German the whole time. But in fact I didn't work in such a way as to earn a lot of money. I got married rather early.

My first husband was Geza Szabados. He Magyarized his name from Schlesinger. They lived in Sopron. Geza was 20 years older than me; he was born in 1902. Gyor is a small town, and he had a transportation company somewhere downtown, where I used to go a lot because my aunt lived just opposite it. And I had many suitors at that time. My parents, when they knew I had Christian suitors, didn't say anything because they were mostly nice enough. As for my husband, it was like this: he greeted me, I greeted him, and once when I walked by, he came over, and we started to talk. And that was the beginning of the great love, which lasted a year and a half.

During the War

We got married in February 1944 and lived together for three weeks. The wedding was in Gyor, in the synagogue, but it was winter, and the beautiful great temple wasn't open. There was a little synagogue near it, and we held it there - in modest circumstances, according to today's standards because we decided to get married very suddenly. My poor parents liked him very much because he was a very kind, smart and tender-hearted man, but they didn't want this marriage because of the twenty-year age difference, plus the child. But I was deeply in love and rather forceful, so we got married and then went to the big hotel on Margaret Island [in Budapest], where we spent our eight-day honeymoon. We went home, and after a few days he got called up. He had a little apartment, and we lived there. It was rather problematic because there was Panni as well, my husband's little girl from his previous marriage. We bought another apartment in a brand new house, although we didn't move there because he received his summons in the meantime. He was called to forced labor service in Ersekujvar. I was only able to visit him once, on exactly the same day that the Germans came to Hungary: 19th March 1944 5. And I never saw him again after that. He wrote a few letters, and then they took him somewhere, while here the whole deportation story began.

They also designated the building where my father's parents lived, as a place where people [Jews] could go, and we went there, too. They deported my husband, but his daughter, Panni, moved there with us. So, the three of us lived there with three other people. His daughter was 13 years old when they took us there. My first husband wrote her a long letter telling her to come to Budapest [to her mother's] or go to her grandparents'. On 13th April [1944], while we were still living in our apartment, there was bombing in Gyor; they bombed the Gyor Carriage and Wagon Works, and we had to go down to the cellar. That correspondence was after this, and Panni wrote back that she'd rather die with me in the cellar than go to her mother or grandparents. And that's how Panni was deported with me. She survived, because she was lucky enough to be a very well developed child, and they didn't gas her. They took us to Auschwitz, and when they separated us for different tasks they assigned me, being very thin, to the hardest work, while she went to the factory. But my best friend, who is now in Brazil, went to the factory with her, and she stayed at that factory, as well.

We went to the house of my father's grandparents about the end of April, if I remember correctly. We spent about two weeks in that house. We had to go to the ghetto at the beginning of May. The ghetto was in Gyor-Sziget where lots of religious Jews lived. It happened at that time that the Christians from there got the Jewish houses from downtown, while the Jews moved into their houses. We could take there clothes, food, everything a person could carry. In the ghetto we lived 15 people in a two-bedroom and kitchen apartment: my grandparents, my parents, a sister of my grandmother with her son, and Evi, my mother's niece, and her parents.

Since my husband had a transportation company, I received a special permit, so I could go into town from 10am to 2pm. And then I could do the shopping, for what was available. It was written in many places, 'We don't serve Jews!' But there were places where they served us, and there were acquaintances that apparently felt pity for us.

In Gyor there were the so-called barracks, which consisted of wooden houses, where the dregs of society lived, the disreputable moochers. And they took them from there, and moved them into the empty Jewish houses, and they took us there from the ghetto. They took us across town group by group, the policemen and the gendarmes driving us along. And naturally the people were standing on the sidewalk, and there were some who felt pity for us, and there were some that clapped their hands with joy, saying, 'At least they take the stinking Jews to a suitable place.' And then we were there in horrible circumstances. But I wish we could have stayed there until the end, because at least the family was together there. A Jewish council, and Jewish police and suchlike, were appointed. We were there only for a few days, but we already had to sleep on the floor there. And one fine day they announced that those whose husbands were in forced labor service could stay; the others would be taken to work. My husband was in forced labor service but I didn't stay. And of course they didn't say that after two days they would deport those who remained, as well. But I went with my parents and grandparents and Panni and the friends who were there.

This was June 1944, and the final destination, about which we didn't have the vaguest idea, was Auschwitz. When we arrived - under terrible conditions, there were 80-90 of us in a wagon, the whole family together, grandparents, my mother and father, etc. - they welcomed us to Auschwitz in the well-known way and drove us, 'Los, los!' [Go, go!]. Behind the fence, we saw those terrible close-cropped women - because we thought that it couldn't happen to us - and the poor souls shouted to us, 'Give us everything you have, they'll take it away from you anyway!' And the poor women asked mostly for food just the way we would, a day later. They drove us forward; there was no chance to give them anything, and then there was the well-known 'bath', one section gas, one section bath, the shaving, completely naked, our things thrown together. It's interesting that our shoes were the only things we found [after the procedure]. They threw us each a dress; I got one that didn't fit me. It was lucky that my first husband's daughter, Panni, was a very well developed, tall and pretty girl, and she got a big dress. We exchanged clothes immediately.

We spent six weeks in Auschwitz. There was no one else with us from the family. Supposedly they took my father to some mine - distant acquaintances told me this, but I don't know for sure. They separated us at the wagon, and he disappeared. Mengele sentenced me to 'life', but they took my poor mother - who, although quite young at 42, had grey hair and was plump - immediately to the gas. The Polish and Slovak women who were there from about 1940 knew Hungarian well and they kept shouting to us, 'We built Auschwitz for you!' because when they were brought there, there had only been bare ground. They suffered a lot, many of them died, and those who remained were completely under the influence of the Germans, and they were often even worse than the Germans, even though they were Jews. When on the third or fourth day a terrible smoke was coming out of the gas chamber, they shouted, 'Do you know where your parents are? They're flying up there.' So we knew there was a gas chamber there.

I trusted my father very much; and they took him to forced labor service where he supposedly died, in terrible circumstances, because he never came back. My father was 52 years old. They selected us again after six weeks. They said they were going to take us to work, but then we no longer believed in anything because we knew what was happening in the baths. They took us to the baths two or three more times, but we didn't know whether we would be gassed or take a shower for real. We spent six weeks there in terrible conditions. Then they divided us into three groups. They put me among the strongest, I don't know why, as I was so thin. I tried to sneak to the group where Panni and my best friend were, but an ugly Polish Jewish woman saw me - one of the capos, who always walked with a dog-whip,- and she struck a blow on my naked back saying, 'Tsurik, tsurik.' [Yiddish: 'back, back'.]

So I got to Bremen, while they went to a factory where they made munitions and hell knows what else for the war effort. We didn't know where they would take us; after two or three days of traveling we arrived in Bremen, and then they told us we would be rubble-removers. The Americans bombed Bremen dreadfully. They took us to a place where everything was still smoking, the apples and pears were 'baked' on the trees; we picked them and ate 'baked' pears. We were in much more acceptable conditions because we lived in a former SS Lager [camp], where we were six people to a room, on bunk beds; there was a long table in the middle, an iron stove, and we could wash every week. Actually we got food in the morning; a little piece of bread with a black slop they called coffee; in the evening we got our usual soup and a piece of bread - about 300 grams of bread for the whole day - and a little margarine. That was what we got for the whole day. There were many POWs, ranging from French to English, and everyone had an ID mark in order to distinguish them; but they walked around free, whereas we had the big yellow stars on our back. We had two kinds of guards: SS guards and Wehrmacht guards; and when we went with the Wehrmacht guards, after a few weeks, when we began to get our bearings, two or three of us made ourselves scarce in order to get some food. After a bombing, it happened that we went down into a cellar - it must have been some butcher's cellar - and we found a big ham, white pudding and black pudding. It was sensational, and we took them back to the workplace. I was with my niece at that time and I shared it with her, and we had food for a few days. When we were woken in the morning at dawn, around 3 or 4 o'clock, they counted us twenty-five times a day, the SS soldiers woke us up saying, 'Los! Los!' and we had to get up quickly, while the Wehrmacht guards woke us with this, almost polite, expression, 'Aufstehen, meine Damen!' [Ladies, get up.] And there were two Wehrmacht soldiers who always brought the news and solaced us many times saying that it wouldn't last long any more.

We spent seven to eight months there. We had to walk about 20 kilometers daily; there were occasions when they took us by lorry; they put us in an open lorry, and we reeled to and fro, because the driver drove so fast; it also happened that they took us by train sometimes. When the Americans got close to Bremen, they evacuated us to Bergen-Belsen, which was the horror of horrors, and I never get tired of saying that Auschwitz was a health resort compared to Bergen-Belsen. In Auschwitz there was order and organization, while here was chaos, and the Germans were frightfully evil at that time because they knew they were lost. We got there in relatively good shape, although we had walked a lot on the road, and there was an SS woman who drove us into a barn and wanted to set it on fire, but a Wehrmacht guard didn't let her do it. So we got there in terrible circumstances but in relatively good physical condition.

Those people who were there were living dead; they moved on all fours because they couldn't stand up, and we wound up in the same condition. We were there for two weeks, and then we were liberated. But during those two weeks many people died around me, we were in poor health, and during the last couple of days I could hardly get on my feet, myself. They didn't feed us; sometimes they gave us a cauldron of something watery. In the neighboring block there were Ukrainians who were bigger anti-Semites than the Germans; they knocked over the cauldron, so as the stinking Jews couldn't eat. We slept on the bare floor, just like in Auschwitz, all together. And at dawn, when they woke us up, we had to pull out the dead, but one couldn't tell who was dead and who wasn't because we all looked like living dead. We were liberated on 15th April 1945 by the English. Though they liberated us, they didn't have any understanding, any consideration at all. Looking back at those times I understand them because they were soldiers at war, but they treated us, at the beginning, as if we were enemies too; those few living dead who were there.

I had an aunt who was liberated from Kanitz; this was a cute little village, and the Jewish women threw the Germans out of their houses and homes and occupied it with the help of the Americans. Every family got a room, for example my aunt's family lived in a beautiful two-storied villa - this was the villa of the local banker. My aunt found out that I was in Bergen-Belsen, and she sent a military jeep with the local Jewish woman commander. They found me, and I was ready to go immediately. I wanted to take my niece with me, too, but she didn't want to come. I don't know why, maybe she thought that she would get home earlier from there. As for me, I didn't care about anything but getting to a place with relatively normal conditions because we were still living in tents, and I was between life and death, suffering from typhoid, with a fever of 40 degrees, at the toilet night and day. And when I got better I felt a terrible hunger and we didn't get enough food from the English.

Then I had to get to Kanitz; there I slept in a bed with an eiderdown, took a bath - I took a bath in a bathtub for the first time in eleven months, it was a wonderful thing - and they waited for me with a normal dinner because they cooked themselves. They got the raw foodstuffs from the Americans and everybody cooked there. This was around May-June, and I came home in the middle of October. I came home because the brother of one of my girlfriends came for her, and he said, 'I'll get you home, too.' As he was with my first husband, and they had been liberated, he told me, 'By the time we arrive your husband will be at home.' Well, we got home, but my husband had disappeared. After the liberation the Russians took them for a little forced labor, 'malenky robot' 6, and he was never found. He had been in forced labor service with my second husband; they took him, too, and he was out in a camp in the Soviet Union for a year. He was among the first to come home, and he told me that my first husband had had some boil on his hand, and as the train took them towards the Soviet Union, there was an outer camp in Romania where the train stopped, and my first husband told the soldier that he needed to be examined by a doctor. They let him get down to find a doctor, and then he disappeared.

After the War

When we came home completely alone, I went to a friend of mine, with whom I had gone to Auschwitz, because I knew I had nobody, but she lived at somebody else's place as well, and we lived here and there in Gyor for a year. My poor husband had had a transportation company and I worked there, so I had no financial problems. His partner was very kind, he told me to go there - he didn't say that half of it was mine, but that he would give me something.

Then I met my second husband in Gyor. In fact, I had known him before the war. His name was Karoly Krausz. He was born in 1903. The fact that he was the last man who was with my first husband, and he could tell me about him, put us in touch with each other; and we got together somehow. He was alone, and I was, too. He had been married as well, had two beautiful daughters, who were very pretty and smart. At that time they didn't admit Jewish girls in high school anymore [because of the numerus clausus in Hungary] 7, but one of his girls was so intelligent that the teachers of the Jewish school went with a delegation to the high school headmaster, saying that this girl must be admitted. She already spoke English at that time, though she was only ten years old. And they did admit her. But she never started it because we were deported in June, and that was when she finished elementary school. His wife died, and his two beautiful daughters, too. So, we started life again, together. I had never liked Gyor, and after that I particularly disliked it, because so many horrible things had happened to us, yet we remained stuck there. My second husband finished higher commercial school as well, and after the war he was the chief accountant at a big county company, and before the war he had been a manager in a relatively well- known mill, the Back mill, which belonged to a baron.

We got married in 1947. It was a civil marriage. We were on very good terms with the chief rabbi of Gyor, who later became chief rabbi in Vienna. I was 8-months pregnant and he often came to us. Once he came and I made some dinner - however, he ate only kosher, and we had no kosher food, but he ate it; he was religious, but he set little store by this - and then two couples who were friends of ours were there, and he held the marriage ceremony. So, we were blessed by a rabbi too, though at his request, because neither of us insisted on it. My first wedding was a religious one, too, but in very modest circumstances - because it was in February 1944. My son Andras was born in 1948, and Peter in 1949. Then I stayed home with them for years and didn't work.

In September 1952 I felt that I needed to leave the house. We had a domestic help. We were on very good terms with the deputy manager of the local OTP Bank [the Hungarian National Savings Bank], we were old friends, and he invited me to work three months at the OTP. And the three months turned into 25 years, and I retired to my pension from there. This was my only serious job: I was an internal auditor. In the meantime the children went to school; in those days, there were times when there was nobody to be with them, there was no domestic help, and they were quite independent at that time. There was a sort of school daycare; they ate there, they had a key and in the afternoon they came home.

During the Revolution in 1956 8 we thought a lot about leaving Hungary, we almost started, too, but my husband didn't want to; he said he was old and wouldn't start a new life. The children were little. I don't know if we did the right thing or not. We didn't go. Gyor was a passageway, many of our acquaintances left; they got on the bus in Gyor and got off in Vienna. The chief rabbi, with whom we were on very good terms, was already there, and he sent us a message telling us to come, that he would arrange everything. I needed only a push, but I didn't have the courage to take my chances because there were the two little children. We didn't join any party. This caused us no problems; my husband was a leftist, I'm a leftist myself, and since he held a leading post they tried to persuade us many times to join the Communist Party, but he didn't do it.

My elder son is an engineer, he finished technological university in Germany, while the younger one finished the University of Economics in Budapest; but both of them have several diplomas, and speak foreign languages. Peter has been in Switzerland for ten years. He has four daughters: the eldest is a 3rd-year law student, the 20-year-old attends the Academy of Fine Arts; and there are the twins who attend high school. His wife is a lawyer; she is from Budapest and comes home every month because she has an office here in Pozsonyi Street. Andras works at a German company, which makes sanitary articles and porcelain. He's an economic consultant there. He lives here in Budapest, and has two daughters.

The boys are called Krausz, their children too; none of them changed their name. My poor husband and I would have liked very much for them to have Magyarized their names before graduation, but no. They said that if the name Krausz was good enough for father, then it was good enough for them, too. Both of them were raised as Jews. At that time it was very fashionable that the parents kept this a secret, because they thought it would be better that way, but this wasn't for us; they knew it from the first moment we could tell them. They frequented religious instruction for a while in Gyor, but then it stopped. So, they knew they were Jews, but they weren't religious; neither were we, which I still regret, thinking that I should have been a little bit more religious.

We observed the high holidays, the Yom Kippur, when we went to the synagogue and made a dinner as well. My poor husband observed the fast all day long; I observed it only until the maskir. My sons acknowledged that. We always observed the seder. Before the war there were many more seders because we were at one set of grandparents', and then at the other set, on the two evenings. After the war only close friends gathered, and that's how we observed the seder. Then this started to falter, which I regret very much. I regret that I didn't bring up my children to be religious, to have some religiousness inside them. They are very good Jews, but they aren't religious. They always considered themselves Jews; both of them are worried about Israel, both of them have been there. Their wives are Jewish. Thank God they met these girls, but none of them are really religious. But both Andras and Peter are very self-conscious Jews. Their daughters aren't religious either. Yet one of the twins in Switzerland is learning Yiddish. They are in a Reform community. There's a rabbi with a beautiful voice, and he gathers the youth there. And one of them likes it so much that she is learning Yiddish. And she's there at every religious occasion. The other twin doesn't go at all. The one who is 20 years old goes there as well - from time to time, not regularly. The eldest doesn't go. It's interesting how it worked out.

We have had a few very good Christian acquaintances, too that we like but one feels comfortable if one can talk about anything. And with these Christian friends or acquaintances one has to keep certain limits. I think that my children and grandchildren feel the same.

We lived in Gyor until January 1977. My husband was already a pensioner and I had just retired; and my sons got married here, and my sons and daughters- in-law insisted on us coming to Budapest as well; thank God, because I couldn't have gone through it all alone. The poor soul lay in bed for a year and a half, though he had been an awfully strapping fellow. He ran rings round his sons even when he was 70 years old. As he was a sportsman, he did everything, including skiing, which was a big deal at that time. My husband died in 1983. After his death we took my husband to Gyor because he wished, as his father is buried there, to be buried in the same grave.

I used to have an Israeli partner for nine years. Originally he lived in Gyor, too; we got to know each other when we were at school. His father sent him to Israel in 1939, but his family disappeared in the Holocaust, too. He got married there and had a son. His wife died in 1983, just like my husband. The next year he came to Budapest. We hadn't kept in touch at all. I didn't even know what he looked like. He visited me, then we got together somehow, in the spring of 1984. We met again that same year, and from that time on we lived together as partners for nine years. He wanted to marry me, but I wouldn't marry him. I said I wouldn't leave my family here; he would have liked me to go to Israel permanently. He was here for, let's say, eight months of the year, then we traveled for a month, I was in Israel for two months, and for a month we were apart from each other. It was a very pleasant relationship because he was a well-traveled person, and I had traveled before, but with him, I visited many places in Israel. However, I always longed for home.

My poor husband desperately longed for Israel but he never got to go there. I longed for Israel too, but I never thought that I would live there more than two years. I became really used to it, and I liked it, but there was always some fear in me. If for example, we went to Tel Aviv by bus, and an Arab got on by chance, or if we went for a coffee on the beach and there was an Arab at the next table, I was always scared. He said there was nothing to fear because those people were Israelis. Then it proved to be true how much one had to be scared. My partner had heart problems and said he would go home. He did, and after nine years, the relationship broke off and he died two or three years later. I still like Israel very much, and Jerusalem is my 'Liebling' [favorite].

My children and my grandchildren come to me often. Unfortunately I don't have any great-grandchildren yet. The world has changed a lot: girls study first, then they continue studying and they only settle down to have a family after that. On holidays the whole family gathers at my place and it's always me who does the cooking. We sit at the big table, there's always enough space for everybody. At the moment, thank God, everything's fine, at least it looks like it. And that's very important for me. I go out from time to time, I have three friends and we play cards every Saturday, always at someone else's place. I love this very much. Of course, all three of them are Jewish and we also talk a lot about things. I'm happy and I don't feel that I should have done something differently in the course of my life.

Glossary

1 Neolog Jewry

Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into two (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network. The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions.

2 Middle school

This type of school was attended by pupils between the ages of 10 and 14 (which corresponds in age to the lower secondary school). As opposed to secondary school, here the emphasis was on modern and practical subjects. Thus, beside the regular classes, such as literature, maths, natural sciences, history, etc., modern languages (mostly German, but to a lesser extent also French and English), accounting and economics were taught. While secondary school prepared children to enter university, middle school provided its graduates with the type of knowledge, which helped them find a job in offices, banks, etc as clerks, accountants, secretaries, or to manage their own business or shop.

3 Yellow star houses

The system of exclusively Jewish houses, which acted as a form of hostage taking, was introduced by Hungarian authorities in Budapest in June 1944. The authorities believed that if they concentrated all the Jews of Budapest in the ghetto, the Allies would not attack it, but if they placed such houses all over Budapest, especially near important public buildings it was a kind of guarantee. Jews were only allowed to leave such houses for two hours a day to buy supplies and such.

4 Horthy, Miklos (1868-1957)

Regent of Hungary from 1920 to 1944. Relying on the conservative plutocrats and the great landowners and Christian middle classes, he maintained a right-wing regime in interwar Hungary. In foreign policy he tried to attain the revision of the Trianon peace treaty - on the basis of which two thirds of Hungary's territory were seceded after WWI - which led to Hungary entering WWII as an ally of Germany and Italy. When the Germans occupied Hungary in March 1944, Horthy was forced to appoint as Prime Minister the former ambassador of Hungary in Berlin, who organized the deportations of Hungarian Jews. On 15th October 1944 Horthy announced on the radio that he would ask the Allied Powers for truce. The leader of the extreme right-wing fascist Arrow Cross Party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, took over power. Horthy was detained in Germany and was later liberated by American troops. He moved to Portugal in 1949 and died there in 1957.

5 19th March 1944

Hungary was occupied by the German forces on this day. Nazi Germany decided to take this step because it considered the reluctance of the Hungarian government to carry out the 'final solution of the Jewish question' and deport the Jewish population of Hungary to concentration camps as evidence of Hungary's determination to join forces with the Western Allies. By the time of the German occupation, close to 63,000 Jews (8% of the Jewish population) had already fallen victim to the persecution. On the German side special responsibility for Jewish affairs was assigned to Edmund Veesenmayer, the newly appointed minister and Reich plenipotentiary, and to Otto Winkelmann, higher SS and police leader and Himmler's representative in Hungary.

6 Malenky robot

When the Soviet troops liberated Hungary from the Germans and the Hungarian Nazis in April 1945, they as the victorious army, took many Hungarians to the Soviet Union to work as compensation for the war losses and damages they had caused on the side of the Nazis. Some people came back after a couple of years, some after many years, others never.

7 Numerus clausus in Hungary

The general meaning of the term is restriction of admission to secondary school or university for economic and/or political reasons. The Numerus Clausus Act passed in Hungary in 1920 was the first anti-Jewish law in Europe. It regulated the admission of students to higher educational institutions by stating that aside from the applicants' national loyalty and moral reliability, their origin had to be taken into account as well. The number of students of the various ethnic and national minorities had to correspond to their proportion in the population of Hungary. After the introduction of this act the number of students of Jewish origin at Hungarian universities declined dramatically.

8 1956

It designates the Revolution, which started on 23rd October 1956 against Soviet rule and the communists in Hungary. It was started by student and worker demonstrations in Budapest during which Stalin's gigantic statue was destroyed. Moderate communist leader Imre Nagy was appointed as prime minister and he promised reform and democratization. The Soviet Union withdrew its troops which had been stationed in Hungary since the end of World War II, but they returned after Nagy's announcement that Hungary would pull out of the Warsaw Pact to pursue a policy of neutrality. The Soviet army put an end to the rising on 4th November and mass repression and arrests started. About 200,000 Hungarians fled from the country. Nagy and a number of his supporters were executed. Until 1989, the fall of the communist regime, the Revolution of 1956 was officially considered a counter-revolution.

Janina Duda

Interviewer: Marta Cobel–Tokarska
Date of interview: September 2004 – January 2005

Ms. Duda lives alone, in a large apartment in Mokotow, an elegant district of Warsaw. She is a very energetic person, but quite reserved. When I met with her several times, I had a feeling she was not being completely open with me. She did not want to talk about some of the facts in her life, while she described others in a very vague manner. Although Ms. Duda has an excellent memory (especially for names), her story is sometimes unclear, her sentences are unfinished.

My grandfather, my mother’s father, Noter Lapidus, was a well known person in Bialystok [200 km east of Warsaw]. He lived on Fabryczna Street 5. His apartment was quite large. He worked in the Tryling company. It’s a textile company. I don’t know what he did exactly, but until the end of his life he received 5 zloty a month. The owners of this Tryling company were probably Grandfather’s distant family. And they took on this obligation to send him money. It wasn’t very much. Practically nothing. Before the war, for example, a teacher or a policeman used to make about 180 zloty a month. And this was 5 zloty a month… It was nothing.

The Lapidus family was a very well known family in Bialystok, a bourgeois-intelligentsia family. Many physicians, members of free professions [that is, they graduated, had higher education]. There were no special signs of piety at Grandfather’s house. I only remember a large portrait, or rather a collection of photographs: Grandfather and all his children. And a portrait, you could have hung it in some nobleman’s house, it would have fit there perfectly. They observed traditions, the basic religious forms, but there were no visible signs. They all dressed normally.

Grandfather was married to a woman from the Kanel family. I remember the early 1920s when, as a little child, I was sitting on my father’s shoulders and I witnessed the death of my grandmother, whom I don’t remember, I don’t even know what her name was. But I do remember that Grandmother was a malicious old woman, she hated my mother, like a typical mother-in-law. And what was my mother to do? She simply hated Grandmother.

I didn’t know Grandfather’s siblings, but I did know Grandmother’s. She had a brother, who was a wealthy man, he operated a textile company, textile warehouses. This was in downtown Bialystok; on the corner of Sienkiewicza Street next to Bialka [Biala river]. And this was the only brother. I don’t remember what his name was. Grandmother’s brother’s son was a pediatrician, his wife was an optometrist, and they had a daughter named Natasza.

Natasza’s brother-in-law survived the war, he lives in Warsaw until this day… I mean he used to live there, because I doubt he’s still alive. I have his name, Zlatin Szymanski. We met in Warsaw once, he visited me, we talked. I asked him how he managed to survive and he said that he left the ghetto in Bialystok 1 and went to the countryside and survived, just like that. He spoke perfect Polish, he didn’t wear sidelocks, he was a completely secular person. However, his entire family died.

In 1933 when I was in Bialystok – Grandfather was still alive – I always had to drink some vodka with him. He died several years later, before the war. He lived to be 94 years. A fantastic guy. He said he married Grandmother, because the match had been made, but he was in love with a different woman, he liked the other one more, but then the kids were born… Grandpa was such a great guy!

My other grandmother, Father’s mother, was Sara Perelmut. Her maiden name was Bortner. I remember Grandmother wore a wig. She wrote beautifully in Russian. [Editor’s note: On lands under Russian partition 2 the local residents used, depending on their nationality, Polish, Yiddish and Ukrainian; knowledge of Russian was also common.] These Jewish families paid a lot of attention to education. It’s a Jewish trait, after all. When you talk about Jews, you say they’re clever, talented, intelligent – it is so, but, after all, that’s two thousand years of learning. A habit of learning. And you can see that pays off, from generation to generation. I didn’t know Grandfather Perelmut. I know nothing about him. Not even his first name…

One part of the Bortner family lived in Warsaw and the second part in Lodz [130 km south west of Warsaw]. One of these Bortner cousins from Warsaw was in the Red Army, he fought in the Stalingrad battle 3; he later returned home [to Poland] as an officer. He changed his last name to Tagori. He was a lieutenant colonel and got married in Lublin to a Polish woman, Zosia, a very pretty girl. In 1948 he left for Israel with his wife, as part of Haganah 3, ‘the fight for Israel.’ These are interesting things, how people’s fates become twisted. He took part in the battle for Haifa. He sent me, in Hebrew, of course, so I can’t read it, a story about his heroic deeds [published in 1954 in the newspaper ’Ha-Mekaped’ in Israel].

They later left Israel and broke up. He went to Paris. Although he was a musician, a saxophonist, a composer, in the military, there he switched to construction work, renovations, because that was very profitable. And he made it. He bought a castle near Nice and the title of baron. He married a French woman, Denise. They had two children. But he’s dead by now.  

Father’s name was Lejb, Lejb Perelmut. I don’t know when he was born. And the same with Mother, I don’t know. You can see what Father looked like in the photographs: mustache, blond hair, he was an ordinary man, he dressed normally.

My first childhood memories are of Fabryczna 35 in Bialystok, the four-room apartment on the 1st floor. It was a detached house, but one room was taken up by a large weaving loom, where Father worked at home. My toys were rags from that weaving loom. Later, Father became an accountant. How this happened, I don’t know. He wrote beautifully, he kept books normally. Anyway, the tax police would go around and check if you weren’t cheating in your accounting. I remember Father got busted once and had to give a bribe.

I remember that, as a child, when I was being naughty, Father wanted to beat me with a towel. And in Bialystok there was this garden in front of the house, with flowers and lilacs. There was a Persian lilac, very dark, it was a tree. When my Father chased me, I’d climb up on that tree. There was a seat there, so I’d sit, dangle my legs and just wave at Father. Or I’d hide under the bed, so he wouldn’t be able to catch me. And I remember this one time, I must have been very small then, when Father carried me home from Grandfather’s house. I remember that. I sat on his shoulders and he carried me. Oh, God, Father was such a good man as well.

Mother’s first name was Estera, her maiden name was Lapidus. Estera, but at home, among family, she was called Esfir, from Russian 5. Mother stayed at home, she was a housewife. She was a very intelligent, wise woman. When I remember my adolescence and my behavior and Mother’s calmness among all this, she never reproached me, I’m at a loss for words about her wisdom. Because I know what I did and how I stirred things up. She was very tolerant. I don’t know how she could have been so tolerant to me. I wouldn’t have been able to be like that.

In some ways I resemble my mother, my nose, hair color – Mother was also a dark blonde. Father was almost white, he had very fair hair and I don’t know how it was that my sister Dina was red haired. Mother attended a Russian gymnasium [lyceum], I don’t know if she ever graduated. And she was a bit involved in political activity in her youth. Once she told me how she even transported guns from Warsaw to Bialystok in her youth. [Editor’s note: the sister of Mrs. Duda’s mother, Bluma, was involved in a Russian revolutionary group, it is possible that Mrs. Duda’s mother helped her.]

Yes, mother was a bit different from the rest of the family. She was also very considerate to Father. Once, this was already in Lublin [in the 1930s], Father was nervous, he had lost his job, there were bankruptcies and he’d sometimes raise his voice at Mother… And I remember I’d say to her, ‘Mommy, why don’t you talk back to Father?’ And she’d say, ‘And who is this poor Jew supposed to talk to?’ So – I am the wife, I have to understand him and help him in this situation. Father and Mother died in Bialystok – during the Holocaust. I don’t know if they died of hunger, or how else. 

Mother had many siblings. First her sister Bluma, whom, of course, I never knew. I was named Bluma after her. [Editor’s note: One of the most common practices is to name a child to honor a relative. Sephardic Jews name their children freely after both living and deceased relatives. However, Ashkenazim rarely name children after living relatives.] In 1905, after the revolution 6 she was dragged out of her home, Grandfather’s apartment, Fabryczna 5. And they shot her in front of the house.

One brother studied painting in Petersburg. I don’t know what his name was. There was one more Lapidus brother. He was married to a widow of a Siberian [a man deported by authorities to Siberia], he was the father of a son named Moszek and he had a stepson, whose last name was Lubnicki. This Lubnicki later became a professor and taught philosophy at Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin.

Then there were also the sisters, Berta [Jewish name] or Basia [Russian name] and Emma Domeradzka, and then Anna Wolfson. That’s the one at whose house I stayed in Bialystok [in 1935] and who helped me. And one more sister: Zlata [Russian name] or Zina [Jewish name]. Her last name, after she got married, was Mroczkowska. Those were all the sisters.

Father’s family came from Brest [200 km east of Warsaw]. They were more of a working class family. They all worked in the textile industry. In 1920, when there was a revolutionary committee in Bialystok [cf. Polish-Soviet War (1919-21)] 7 the three of them, two of Father’s sisters and the youngest brother left for Russia with the Red Army [in 1920]. This youngest brother’s name was Filip. He died in the battle of Kursk 8 in 1941. His son Aron lived in Minsk, in Belarus.

My aunts, father’s sisters were Genowefa, Fela, Ania and Mania. Mania married Naum Pinski. Ania’s husband was Natan Lapidus. Natan also fought the Germans, as a senior lieutenant. He fought like the entire family did. None of them are alive. I met them in 1941, when Belarus was under Russian [Soviet] occupation. That was when Father went to see his family, whom he hadn’t seen for so many years. He was the oldest. And I also went there, to Russia [the Soviet Union], right before the war. And that was when I met one aunt, the second one, both are dead now, and my uncle Filip, who was in love with the Soviet Union. They all worked.

There were no losses in the family, because of Stalin’s regime [nobody died during the Holocaust]. And he explained to me that he had a job, that he appreciated how they cared for workers, how they cared for people. When I got there, the first thing he did was show me Lenin, there in that mausoleum [Red Square, Moscow, the present stone mausoleum was built in 1929-1930, architect: A.V.Shchusev], then we went to see the Soviet officer’s house, which was a very beautiful building [Editor’s note: probably this building is a simple lodging house for state officers]. And he showed me Moscow.

The oldest of Father’s sisters, Genowefa, whom my father married off, gave her a dowry, well, Genowefa and her husband died in the Holocaust.

And Father had one more sister. That was yet another branch of our family in Lublin. This sister’s name was Fela. Fela married a Goldberg. And my father had the brother in Bialystok, who was a weaver, he was very poor. But I wasn’t in touch with them: with Aunt Fela or this uncle from Bialystok. I was simply young, full of myself, and so on. I was closer to Mother’s family, because of the age of the children, my cousins. But all the family of my Mother died. I don’t know, I guess they didn’t have any support of friends from Polish families.

After the war, in the 1990s, a meeting was organized on the occasion of the anniversary of the creation of the Bialystok ghetto and I went there. And I have to admit that most of the Jews present there survived thanks to the help of Polish peasants, among whom they practically used to live and were only moved by the Germans during the occupation to the ghetto in Bialystok. And when it came to life or death, they chose to run away back to those villages and they managed to survive there. But I didn’t meet any natives of Bialystok. They simply didn’t have any contacts with the countryside.

I don’t remember Father ever going somewhere to pray in Bialystok. Perhaps he did… sometimes he used to pray at home, he’d put on a white tallit and he’d put on teffilin. And in Lublin, because we lived in a house where there were many Jews, sometimes there’d be prayer meetings in our apartment. Some ten men would get together and pray together. Father felt very honored when this prayer meeting took place in his apartment. That was when we, the kids, were put in the kitchen and, to spite the adults, we’d buy ourselves pieces of sausage [pork] on Yom Kippur, as a sign of protest, because young people are always rebelling. And if Father used to go to a synagogue, if he had a tefillin or whether he just carried something else under his arm, I don’t know, I simply didn’t pay much attention to those things then.

The first time I saw a synagogue was in Warsaw, the reconstructed Nozyk synagogue 9. I simply never went to synagogues before that time. Perhaps because less attention was paid to the religious education of women. [Editor’s note: it is improbable that lack of Mrs. Duda’s religious education was due to generally less attention paid to the religious education of women. Mostly it depended on Mrs. Duda’s family’s decision, but it is also possible that she simply doesn’t remember well.] It was enough for a woman to behave appropriately, be a good wife, mother, and that was it, wasn’t it? But in that family circle there was complete separation of religion, religious behavior from normal [everyday] life.

And Mother’s family was also, in a sense, assimilated. All the sisters, although they had Jewish names, used different names in everyday life. They were very Russified. Perhaps because they attended Russian schools. This community was different from those Hasidim 10, with sidelocks, deep in prayer, dancing etc. Those were secular people, who abided by the rules of their religion, but other than that, it has to be said, they assimilated.

But I do have to say that candles were lit on Friday, mother prayed over the candles. I remember it as if it was today, I have an excellent visual memory: the table, a white tablecloth, candlesticks, candles. Easter [Pesach] holidays were the same. There was seder, so I said, ‘Ba ladem alisztama halajla haze’ [‘Mah nishtana ha-lailah ha-zeh mi-kol ha-leilot?’: ‘Why is this night  different from other nights?’, first question at seder], because there were three girls in our family and the youngest one was too small. [Editor’s note: the four questions are traditionally asked by the youngest child.] Mother made cake for the holidays and I licked the bowls clean. This was in the period when Father worked, there was money at home, so Mother baked cakes for holidays… Yes, all holidays. We celebrated all of them at home.

I was Mother’s oldest child. I was born in 1918, in Bialystok. But I was really the middle child at home because Father was a widower. His first wife died during childbirth. So I had an older stepsister, Fania. I didn’t know about this for a long time, until I was seventeen, because Mother didn’t tell us that Fania wasn’t her daughter. Fania was eight years older than I, so she was born in 1910. And Dina, the youngest, was born in 1926. I was there when she was born, I handed the towel to the doctor. She was born at home. Doctor Sokolowski attended the birth; he was my mother’s cousin, from the Kanel family. 

My sister Fania graduated from gymnasium, she passed her final exam at Szperowa’s in Lublin. And Dina – we called her Dinka – attended Druskin’s gymnasium in Bialystok. Then Fania got married. Her sweetheart, Gorzyczanski, left somewhere and she married his friend – Mosze Rojtman. She had a daughter. When my parents left for Bialystok in 1937, she and her husband moved into their apartment in Lublin. Later, I got them to come to Bialystok. They all died, like the entire family, in Bialystok, in the ghetto.

Bialystok was a half-Jewish town. Industry was mostly in Jewish hands, although I have to say that Mr. Komorowski [Mrs. Duda actually means Ryszard Kaczorowski (born 1919): Polish politician, after WWII emigrated to Great Britain. 1986-1989 minister of national affairs in the Polish government in exile; 1989-1991 President of the Republic of Poland in exile; cf. president-in-exile 11] was a former accountant in one of the factories in Bialystok. I knew many Jewish workers, I remember these Bialystok factories, the rags would stink so you could smell it from a long distance… because since the middle of the 19th century Bialystok specialized in the production of materials from rags, from wastes. There were piles of waste in front of the factories, the workers sorted them and then they would be processed. These products were later sent to Far East markets, Manchuria, so even to China.

Our apartment on Fabryczna Street 35 was close to Grandfather Lapidus’s apartment. Some Germans, the Schmidts and the Stebbes, lived nearby. There was this boy, Hans Schmidt, we all played together. My parents told me that during World War I, Germans gave the Schmidts flour for baking bread and the Schmidts gave that flour to their neighbors, it didn’t matter to them if they were Jewish or Polish, they gave it to everyone. There were Russian children there, Polish and Tatar children, a real hotchpotch. Grandma Sara Perelmut, father’s mother, lived on Ciepla Street, in a kind of garret. And a Tatar family lived on the first floor. So they celebrated Friday, because the holy day of the Muslims is Friday. And Grandmother, of course, celebrated Saturday. So, in one word, there was this conglomerate of faiths, cultures, but it didn’t matter for the kids. All the kids played together and I really didn’t feel strange in that crowd of kids. 

I’d like to say a few good words about the owners of the house where we lived in Bialystok. They were from the local gentry of Podlasie, the Rozycki family. I remember how once, when I was sick with measles or some other childhood illness, this Mr. Rozycki took some apples from the garden and gave them to Mother, so I’d have something to eat when I was sick. My parents told me that when Haller came to Bialystok with his army 12 and they were looking for Jews, this Rozycki hid all his Jewish tenants in his basement and hung crosses in their apartments. He saved them from disgrace, because you can’t say what would have happened, death or disgrace.

And the neighbors, I remember, later on there was the Cukier family... They left for Italy [before the war]. They lived on the second floor. And right next door there was a Polish family, the family of a Latin teacher, who was also, I think, an employee of the political police. And there was this girl there, Wanda Strzelecka. I visited all these local manors with her [relatives of the Strzelecki family, who lived in the countryside], because we played together and grew up together.

When we moved to Lublin with my parents it was 1928 or 1929. We moved, because Father got a job there. They gave him a store to run in Lublin with textiles from Bialystok. He’d share this with another man, his name was Brawerman. So my parents packed us and took us to Lublin.

In Lublin we lived in a very poor area, Jewish-Polish, no, Polish-Jewish, next to the Castle. [Editor’s note: The block of streets at the base of the castle hill, which before 1939 was the center of the Jewish district, was pulled down by the Germans after the liquidation of the Lublin ghetto in 1942. In the castle a prison was located until 1954.] There were many Poles in the house where I lived. Policemen, with whom I was great friends; when they arrested me [in 1937], then my neighbor would bring me apples and rolls, hiding them under his coat.

We lived in Szif’s [the owner of the tenement house, a Jew] house, the address was Lubartowska 61, corner of Unicka, on the 3rd floor. We had a nice apartment, two rooms and a kitchen, arranged one behind another. I remember, there was a cupboard there. An antique, early 19th century cupboard, with these twisted little pillars, but the woodworms would eat it up. When Mother was getting married she got it from her grandparents, as part of her dowry. It was my job to varnish it for the Easter [Pesach] holidays and clog up those holes from the woodworms, to save the cupboard. The caretaker, who sometimes came round, used to say to my mother, ‘Mrs. Perelmut, this cupboard is just like at Pilsudski’s 13!’

And in that house there was just one privy in the backyard. It was something horrible. In the winter, when everything was frozen up, you could stand it, but in the summertime it was just horrid. Another thing, there were lots of cockroaches there. In our kitchen there was a chest, where the servant would have slept in normal [wealthier] houses. And in these other houses, like ours, we stored potatoes for the winter in these chests.

Wood was used for cooking in the kitchen, because it was a wood stove, not some electric or gas stove, a normal stove for wood and coal, which I had to carry from the basement very often. And from time to time, each week, a huge pot of water would be boiled to blanch everything because of the insects. It was difficult to avoid them, because it was a large house, so when the bugs survived in one apartment, they would pass through some holes in the walls. These houses were made of bricks and there were also many [bugs] in those bricks. When it came to bedbugs, they could somehow be combated, it was easier, but I remember that in the kitchen it was just horrid. And we got used to it. You’d blanch with boiling water, sweep the bugs, burn them and that was it.

Lublin was a whole different world. In Bialystok you wouldn’t feel the pressure of religion, there was freedom. But Lublin had a different atmosphere, one I wasn’t used to. It was there that I saw for the first time these, as they are called in Poland, ‘chalats’ [Hasidim]. I walked around in my high school cap, with a large visor and they pointed at me in the street. Pointed at me with their fingers, because I was wearing that cap. A girl? With such a visor? I didn’t see that at all in Bialystok. All the rules were observed in Bialystok, it was kosher, there was boiling, blanching, different pots [for dairy and for meat], everything was observed. But they wouldn’t overdo it. And in Lublin it was different.

I started going to school when I was six years old. The school was Gutman’s gymnasium [lyceum] in Bialystok. I even remember how we exercised standing on the desks. And one girl peed on that desk, she couldn’t stand it, we were laughing so hard. This school system looked like this then [in the 1920s]: a sub-elementary level, then elementary, then eight grades of gymnasium and the 8th one was the one when you took final exams. So there were ten years of schooling in total before the final exams. Then, in the 1930s, this system was changed, but it’s hard for me to say what it looked like later. So when we came to Lublin there was this issue of what to do with my education. I was then ten or eleven years old. It was in the middle of the school year, so probably I’d have to repeat a grade, I don’t remember which one, 2nd or 3rd grade of gymnasium. 

Well, and you’d have to pay for that. So it was decided that I’d go to a public school. And I went to a school, whose principal was Mrs. Mandelkernowa. It was a very good school, on Lubartowska Street. When I graduated from this school I went to a humanities gymnasium in Lublin. It was also a gymnasium, where nothing was taught about Jewry. There were public gymnasia in Lublin, government officials, officers sent their children there. Wealthier people, who could afford to pay, rather wealthy. Jews also attended these gymnasia, but there were very few. These were also private gymnasia, Polish ones, and many Jews attended them, for example Czarniecka’s gymnasium or Arciszowa’s gymnasium for girls, Staszic for boys. And there were two Jewish gymnasia [in Lublin]: Szperowa’s, where my sister went, and the humanities gymnasium which was operated by some Jewish association, it wasn’t a private school, so it was less expensive.

I studied a lot of Latin then, a lot of history, the standards were indeed quite high. I also took French then. It was an obligatory foreign language and, I have to say, these basics which I learned at school were very solid, I can still speak French fluently. But I didn’t get my diploma then. Father was unemployed, you then had to pay for tutors, to be well prepared for the finals. So I decided: I can’t take the finals, because I don’t have enough money. I told Mother and Father. Especially Father was very saddened. He used to say, ‘My children, my daughters, what can I leave you but an education.’ At that time you wouldn’t say ‘Dad’, but ‘Papa’. So I would answer, ‘Papa, but all I do is sit on the other side of the door [the pupil that could not participate in the lessons without paying tuition sat in the hallway, on the other side of the classroom door, where she could at least hear the lessons], you have to pay for everything and you don’t have the money for that.’ And I explained, ‘I will still have time to study if I want to.’ And I did go to university after the war, without any problems.

But then, instead of taking the finals, I went to Bialystok, to my aunt Anna Wolfson. I stayed with Grandfather, my aunt paid for my schooling, 300 zloty [probably for a semester; 300 zloty was in this time the rent for a good three bedroom apartment in Lodz] I learned corsetry. I’d come back after work, I was maybe 15 then, and my aunt would serve me dinner. There was a white napkin, a white plate, knife, fork, all very nice. And then I went back to Lublin.

And at the same time [when Mrs. Duda was still attending gymnasium] Father sent me to the neighbor’s to study Hebrew. Why? Father wasn’t a Hasid, he wasn’t Orthodox, he was a normal secular person and he thought that a girl should primarily study. And you could only study in a normal [secular] school. But he wanted me to know some Hebrew, so he sent me to these lessons. This family really influenced my fate, and my sister’s too. This was the Gorzyczanski family; he wore a ‘chalat,’ but he was a teacher; a very delicate, cultured man. Well, I took Hebrew lessons for about two years.

Unfortunately, all that I still have in my head are the first words [letters] of the alphabet. Some words I remember, because I spoke Yiddish at home. There are many Hebrew words in this German dialect [Yiddish] which I learned and I remember them very well. But when I was in Israel, I couldn’t understand a word they were saying, so I am full of respect for all my friends who left and taught themselves [Hebrew]. But later, when I was learning German, I had to cut myself off from this dialect [Yiddish], because otherwise I would have never been able to learn German.

Since the very beginning, since I was a little girl, I was very interested in sports. Perhaps I had a lot of energy and needed an outlet? There was no way to let this energy out at home, in those two rooms, so I joined the Ha-Koach sports club in Lublin. This club was a part of Maccabi 14, a large Jewish sports organization. I played volleyball, basketball, did some discus throwing, shot put, but I was too short for that, I was only 1 meter 60 tall. I mean then, at that time, I was somewhat in the middle, now I’d be a midget compared to girls like Otylia [Otylia Jedrzejczak, Polish Olympic champion in swimming in 2004], who is 1 meter 85. Anyway, nowadays sport has a different character. Then, it was purely amateur. I played ping-pong. I would sometimes leave for practice, get half a loaf of bread from somewhere and a bag of apples, eat that from morning until night and spend the entire day on the field… In 1936 I went to a sports camp organized by Maccabi.

This period meant a lot to me. I had an outlet for my energy; secondly, I had fun, I liked sports, I liked games. We’d meet on the Unia playing field in Lublin. It was a sports club. There was also the Strzelec sports club. I remember a volleyball match with the Unia girls. And the boys, Poles from Unia, threw us high up in the air, because they were so glad we showed those girls who were so stuck up. There were no differences then [between Jewish and Polish youth]. I had an admirer, he belonged to a corporation [Corporations] 15 – at KUL [Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski, ‘Catholic University of Lublin’]. He had two friends; all three of them wore corporation caps. When I went out with one of them, then my friends would be amazed – how could I? With a boy from a corporation?

And this corporation boy came to Ha-Koach with me, played ping-pong with me, we went dancing at the Jewish students’ club on Lubartowska Street in Lublin. So these divisions [contemporary separation of the pre-war Jewish and Polish worlds] that some people want to create now artificially, didn’t really exist. Although there was anti-Semitism, without a doubt – but how should I put it, I didn’t even feel it. We’d often go swimming in the Wieprz [river near Lublin]. There was Maniek Wojcicki, he was a boxer, also a buddy of mine; he died in Majdanek 16. I remember how he once jumped into a very muddy pond to bring me some lilies… There was another friend, Zygmunt Krolak, he went off to serve in the military, in the navy, and he died, in the navy. This corporation boy, Henryk Zajaczkowski, he also died in Majdanek. Yes, these are all memories of my youth, really very… beautiful.

I also had a fiancé, an official one, because his father and my father had already arranged our wedding, but it was love. He was one of the handsomest, most beautiful Jewish boys in Lublin, Wiktor Szwed. His mother wasn’t very keen on me becoming her daughter-in-law, because I was a poor girl. But his daddy thought that I could earn money, work, and he liked me.

Wiktor practiced sports at Ha-Koach as well and I remember this funny story. Our friend, his last name was Wojcik, had a weaving loom at home. And he made some textiles. And we ordered bathing suits from him. He made them for us on his weaving machine. The swimming pool on Czechowskie lake was opened in Lublin at that time. When we jumped into the water, his underwear, excuse my language, stretched all the way down to his knees, because it was made from some poor yarn…

In the summer we would not go on vacation together. Father would send Mother and my little sister near Lublin, in the direction of Lubartow, there was a large village called Niemce there. And I stayed at home. I couldn’t even cook potatoes. This boyfriend of mine, Wiktor, used to cook potatoes for me. I didn’t know if I was supposed to add salt or sugar. But it so happened that in 1937 I had to break off the engagement, because I ended up in jail myself and I didn’t know what would happen later. His parents really wanted him to marry rich, because they had a glove workshop and they weren’t doing very well. I understood the situation and, through Mother, I passed the news to him that he was free.

And how did it happen that I ended up in jail? Long story. When I was twelve, in Lublin, I was influenced by others to join this Zionist organization Hashomer Haleumi 17. It was supposedly a religious organization, but I didn’t feel it. But the family of this Hebrew teacher, Gorzyczanski, they influenced me, especially their daughter Malka. So I dropped out of Hashomer Haleumi and I became involved with communist youth. Why? Mother made some food and took me with her to Ruska Street, to some old, sick people who lived there, sleeping in holes in the ground. This shocked me. So I thought: these dreams of our own state, kibbutzim, that’s a beautiful thing. But who will help these people from day to day? This system has to be changed.

This was a basic problem: should we look for a future for the [Jewish] nation in Palestine, even though there was no talk then of getting land there to form this state. Even as young people we knew this was necessary, but there were no possibilities, it was a utopia then. So I liked the fact that here we could all change our fate. And that was what attracted me, not some Marx. [Marx, Karl (1818-1883), German philosopher, economist and revolutionary. The system of beliefs he created was the basis of the ideology of socialist and communist parties.] All I knew about Marx was that he had a beard. Really, you do have to be a complete idiot to convince young, 17 or 18-year-olds that they’re Marxists. It’s just some idea of social justice. The fact that I went to school hungry, that I sat on the other side of the door, because my tuition wasn’t paid… All that influenced me. This is why I became involved with communist youth and then with socialist youth in Lublin, with TUR [Towarzystwo Uniwersytetu Robotniczego] 18. And these last few years before the war, between 1935 and 1937, I was very active in TUR. When they told me to distribute leaflets, that’s what I did and… nothing more.

I met fantastic, young working class people in TUR, especially from 1 Maja Street. A group of students from KUL directed TUR at that time. There was Feliks Baranowski, later the ambassador of Poland in Germany, in the GDR, the minister of education, Jozef Kwiecinski, who was in Anders’ Army 19, sailed on a battleship and drowned when he was leaving Iran for England. There was Stanislaw Krzykala, after the war a professor of history at Maria Curie-Sklodowska University. Is it strange that there were students from a Catholic university in a leftist organization? Well, but there was only one university in Lublin – the Catholic University of Lublin.

There were different student groups there. There were student corporations influenced both by Sanacja 20 and ‘endecja’ [Endeks] 21 and socialist groups. TUR was a group of socialist students, mostly sons and daughters of railroad workers from Lublin. When we organized some events, for example ‘no more war,’ we were afraid that police agents would spy on us. So the mothers of these students made sure strangers wouldn’t come up to us.

Communist youth and TUR were very close in Lublin. They took advantage of the fact that TUR was legal. I remember the pavement-makers’ strike. The trade union of pavement-makers had a place, where they had a ping-pong table. Felek [short for Feliks] Baranowski and I played ping-pong there, but I used to go there with a pan of food for the pavement-makers. We brought food for those who were on strike. I also remember how, during 1st May demonstrations, students from the most radical corporation waited for us, for the TUR demonstration, with clubs, ready to beat us. So we brought clubs as well, to fight back. There were many Jews in TUR. There weren’t any problems. We were all Polish citizens. That’s how it was in TUR in Lublin.

And I was accused in the trial of TUR in Lublin. Accused of communism. They were playing a bigger game, the supervisor of the school district Mr. Lewicki and the Polish authorities, which were becoming pro-fascist after 1935. He was connected with the supporters of Pilsudski, with Sanacja and also had PPS 22 roots. So his daughter, Wanda Lewicka, was accused of communism. So what this was all about, speaking in plain terms, harassing this Lewicki and his family. 

When TUR was dissolved, PPS protested – you have no right! So TUR was reopened, but the entire board was put in jail, including some of the young people who could be accused of communism. And this is how I ended up in the so-called ‘Trial of 40’ in Lublin [one of the numerous so-called show trials]. To make this trial more communist, they dragged in from Bereza Kartuska [presently in Belarus, 300 km east of Warsaw] where in 1934 the Polish government created an isolation camp for prisoners, primarily political, Franciszek Jozwiak, pseudonym Witold, who was the chief of staff of the AL 23 during the war and later the commander of militia.

I have to say that this entire indictment, at least to the extent that it concerned me, was not true. All the accusations were fictitious. They just took three boys, Okonowski, Durakiewicz and one more guy and they signed a declaration; they signed everything that the police gave them. This is how the indictment was drafted and there wasn’t a word of truth in it. And there were sentences. I finally got four years, just like others from TUR. [Mrs. Duda was in jail from 1937 until the day of the commencement of WWII, 1st September 1939.]

Before they put me in jail, there was a trial. I have one funny story to tell that describes what it looked like. Right before my arrest there was supposed to be a sports competition in Lodz. And I was sent out there. All I had with me was a blouse, two pairs of shorts and tennis shoes. I think it was a volleyball match. So I got to Lodz, went to my aunt’s and it turned out there was no match. Suddenly, my aunt received a letter that the police were looking for me. And I didn’t have anything more to do there, so I went to Bialystok although my family lived in Lublin. And that’s where they arrested me.

A childhood friend, Kola [short for Mikolaj], was an undercover cop. When he saw me he said, ‘What the hell are you doing here?’ At the trial one of the charges was that I ran away in a hurry, because I only took some underwear and a blouse. That’s what it was like. Now people say that the UBP 24 did this or that – well, there has never been a police force that would have clean hands and would be able to say ‘we are all right.’

God, there was also a charge in the indictment that in 1936, when they announced an amnesty for political prisoners, I organized a party for those who were freed. I, an 18-year-old girl. At my neighbor’s. This man committed suicide! Because he was a White Guard 25 supporter and he didn’t have a passport. But because there was this charge that something had happened at his place, he was afraid for his family and he killed himself.

When I was arrested my parents were devastated. But I think they knew it could happen. I was too disobedient, too free-spirited and this leftist atmosphere among working class and lower bourgeoisie young people, this bond between Poles and Jews in Lublin had to bring some effects. I think Father started working then, in 1937. Because it was cold in jail, he bought me some warm shoes for railroad workers, felt with leather. They brought them to me, so I’d be warm and wouldn’t get ill. I really cried then, because I was so moved.

Father didn’t want to have anything to do with communism. He would have preferred for me to join a Zionist group…  Anyway, I had an admirer at that time; his name was Josl Laks. And in 1935 he left for Israel. At that time a lot of Zionist youth left for Israel [then Palestine]. There is a Russian song ‘khodit parim na zakadye vozlye doma moyevo,’ – ‘a boy walks around my house at sunset.’ And he walked around my house. I didn’t want him. Because I didn’t want to leave. I didn’t feel a bond with all that [with Jewry]. I left Jewry and joined TUR and that was my community. After the war, when I was in Israel, my friend Estera Klawir and her husband Lang Lejben told me that this boy came back to Poland in 1939 looking for me, he wanted to convince me to leave with him. He died in Lublin, in Majdanek, together with his parents.

I was in one cell with Maryska Wozniak and with Birowna, who was a very well known leftist activist, a legal clerk, her father had a law firm. Anyway, how can you talk about politics when, in that cell, we organized a contest for who had the best legs. Birowna won and I got second place. Or, when I led exercises for everyone, the guards would peep to see how the girls are exercising…

That’s how it was in the prison in Lublin. And in 1938 they took us to Fordon, near Bydgoszcz [420 km north west of Lublin]. That was the Central Women’s Prison. In 1939 the Ukrainian nationalists were taken out of there, further into Poland, and the communists and some of the criminals stayed in Fordon. When the war broke out 26, they didn’t open the door, the staff ran away… And they wanted to hand us over to the Germans. [Editor’s note: the area of Bydgoszcz was annexed by Germany, separated from the remaining Polish lands and Germanized.] Consciously or not, I can’t say, I don’t know for sure. On 1st September, it was a Friday, a bomb fell on the prison. The girls who were on the 4th floor panicked.

We asked Zdankowska, who was the chief of the prison, to move them downstairs and the woman told us, ‘When they drop bombs, then it’s going to be worse upstairs, but if there’s gas, then you’re going to have it worse downstairs.’ I was in the basement. One of the guards opened the door for us, we helped others and that’s how we got out. They had a cell for minors there, 15-17 years of age, so-called communists. They knew about as much about communism as I did, they were just fighting for a Ukrainian or Belarusian school. Or for land that they took away from them, in Volhynia, in Podolye [in 1921 Poland gained western Volhynia, eastern Volhynia and eastern Podolye belonged to Soviet Ukraine.] And there was a door with metal fixtures there, so we had to move some bricks. When we got out, a bomb fell and the wall collapsed.

People from the military units suggested that we should join them. But the Germans were close by. And we, with our stupid biographies… and stupid people who would have turned us in to the Germans at once… There were twelve girls in our group; the oldest one was Maria Kaminska, who became the president of Samopomoc Chlopska 27 after the war. So she was our leader, but I was the one who had to take care of all the outside contacts. Because I had a good appearance, Aryan, I spoke Polish perfectly and all the others were either Jews or Ukrainians, who didn’t know Polish. So there I was. And that’s how ‘Janina’ was born. And that’s how it stayed.

This year, 1939, was a horrible one. As you traveled from west to east – dead horses, human bodies, mooing cows that hadn’t been milked, destroyed houses, fallen trees, crying people and us, in the middle of everything, without food, in prison ‘kabats’ [‘jacket’, word of Hungarian origin]. When we reached a country estate and asked for milk, bread, potatoes, they gave it all to us. The squire gave it to us. But he separated us from his people, the farm-hands. And what were we in for? We said – for strikes. Well, what were we to say, for communism? He separated us immediately anyway.

On 15th September [1939] I reached Warsaw, via Bielany. There was heavy gunfire. We found attorney Duracz, Maria must have had his address. [Duracz, Teodor Franciszek (1883-1943): attorney, communist activist, member of PPS and KPP, until 1938 he defended people accused in famous political trials, co-founder of PPR, murdered by the Germans.] And they housed us at his legal clerk’s apartment and we slept on the floor. There was this Stefania Sempolowska and she gave us 2 zloty each, so we’d have some money. [Sempolowska, Stefania (1870-1944): social activist, publicist, pedagogue, writer. One of the leading figures of Polish intelligentsia, activist of the leftist teachers’ movement, editor of magazines, author of many books.]

I started looking for my family, the Bortners. So I went to Tlomackie Street and there was a note on the door, which said to look for them on Nowolipki. And I went there. It was the 4th floor, an old woman and a young one. They didn’t know anything, perhaps I misread the address, but they said, ‘please stay,’ because they were afraid to be alone. They gave me a coat, they gave me some shoes. Well, it was mid-September. And two more weeks of bombings and you had to eat something.

It’s good that someone gave me a piece of horse meat, cut out of a horse that was shot on the street and these ladies gave me some bread… You can’t even imagine what Warsaw was like during those bombings. I was walking down Miodowa Street to get some water from the Vistula River and everything was burning all around me, the [Royal] Castle was burning, fires everywhere.

The last night before the surrender, we were sitting in a basement, bombs were falling everywhere, non stop, this house was shaking non stop and what you were dreaming of was that, if you’re supposed to die, then it should happen quickly, so you don’t suffer. And then, the next morning, it all died down, the surrender of Warsaw [28th September 1939]. I left the city to go to Bialystok. A friend of mine, his name was Szwarc, or Weiser, walked with me… because he said, ‘You know, it will be easier for me to be on the road and more difficult for a girl.’

So I finally made it home. My parents were back in Bialystok, on Kupiecka 7. This was a house almost next to the gate of the ghetto, from the side of Lipowa Avenue. I stayed with my parent and my younger sister, Dina. My older sister Fania, who got married, was living in Lublin, in our old apartment on Lubartowska 61.

In 1939, when the Russian army came in [cf. Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact] 28, it is said that the Jews were happy 29. This was understandable. Why? Because everyone has dignity. And no one wants to feel worse than others. If the Germans had entered then, if the Germans had taken over Bialystok, the fate of those Jews would have been shortened by two years. [The ghetto in Bialystok was closed on 1st August 1941]. That’s one thing. And people knew about it. Second thing. The Russians didn’t persecute Jews because they were Jews. Of course, there are many Jews, stupid Jews, who evaluate those deportations, jails, like that. This is nonsense. If there were so many nations, different tribes, people weren’t arrested because they were Jews or something else, they were arrested because they were enemies and couldn’t be trusted. So this wasn’t from a nationalistic perspective, but because of class animosity, distrust of people. With regards to Jews, they were treated like everyone else. For example, I, when I started working in Bialystok in 1939, I started feeling human.  

I worked in sports. I have the fondest memories of this sports period. I was the vice-president of the Bialystok branch of the Spartak club. I was deeply involved in sports, because I was a competitor. I competed in bicycle racing, I was even the runner-up regional champion. I was practically the regional champion, because the winner was a girl from Leningrad or Moscow. That’s youth and young people; it’s hard to talk about politics. I organized clubs in the region, we used to go to Hrodna [100 km north east of Bialystok, today Belarus] to start clubs there. And that was where I met my first husband. I always had his photographs with me when I was in the partisan troops. He was the best soccer player, left striker, Janek, that is Jankiel Baran.

He was a very well known athlete – he was one of the best soccer players in all of Belarus. I only lived with him for a month. I didn’t want to have a rabbinical wedding, so I only had a civil wedding and I announced it to my parents. Father was outraged, but I only said that, Father can believe whatever he wants to believe, but he can’t force me to do it. I explained that a married couple is a social unit, that this has nothing to do with faith. But my family somehow got involved, somehow they arranged it and organized a wedding for me. And this was a month before the war [the war between Germany and the Soviet Union, which broke out on June 22nd 1941] 30.

Because I had been convicted in the past, I could argue with the authorities about why my father couldn’t get a job. He was an accountant. And Father was over 50 years old then. I went, I think, to the secretary [of the committee – part of the Soviet authorities in Bialystok] and I said, ‘Why in the hell can’t Father get a job?’ ‘Because, you know, older people…’ And I said, ‘What, are they supposed to die? He’s a professional.’ And I won. He got a job.

In addition to being vice-president, I was also a gymnastics instructor. Spartak was a club formed and subsidized by a cooperative and I had lots of these artisans’ workshops, small factories, where I went and led gymnastics exercises for 15 minutes, during a break at work. And then they told me to go to the Komsomol 31 to work. First, I was in charge of culture and education. I worked in a tile factory in Antoniuk [a district of Bialystok]. Cultural issues, newspapers and other things, some meetings, field trips, all in all, that kind of work. And then they told me to work in the regional committee, this was the Committee of the Bialystok region, Molotov’s region. This was mostly work with children, we even organized some dancing, performances at my sister Dina’s school. What is said now about ideological indoctrination… as far as I remember, what we did was interest these young people in field trips, drama, reading etc. 

We didn’t expect the war. Several boys and girls went to Lublin across the border and brought my sister Fania with her husband and child back to me. And they stayed with us. It was a very difficult period, because the winter was hard, there was nothing we could use for heating the house. It was a three-room apartment, two large rooms and one small one you had to pass through to get to the other ones. My room was above the entrance to the house, it wasn’t heated. Father worked as an accountant. Mother stayed at home, my younger sister was at school and the older sister and brother-in-law worked.

And then there was the night when the first bombs fell on Bialystok. Because I had survived 1939 walking from Bydgoszcz to Warsaw and then to Bialystok I immediately understood this was no drill, no lightning, but bombs. So I quickly gathered all the tenants on the 1st floor. I took my bicycle, because I rode like mad then, I had an excellent bicycle, semi-racing bicycle that I competed on, wooden rims… I went to the party secretary. He was sitting up there, he lived in the attic of a wooden house. I shouted to him, ‘War!’ and he replied, ‘Are you crazy?’ But I was right, it turned out it was a war.

And then I had to go to this ‘rajkom’ [regional committee] to pack all the documents [probably documents of the Soviet authorities, which could not fall into the hands of Germans]. All this is lost now, all my data is in that office. I was there with a friend, Lida Kowalewska. And the Germans were close by. They told me to go east. I offered to my entire family to get on the trucks and go. Father and mother said: ‘We are old and we won’t move anymore.’ So I took my sister Fania with her family, my sister Dina, I put them all on a truck with other Belarusians and I chased after them on my bicycle. 

The road was clogged up with cannons, tanks, people and I managed to ride for some 15-20 kilometers on that bike and I didn’t have the strength to go any further. I threw the bike on the road, I saw some soldier pick it up, and I also got on that truck, but they were bombing the road, so we had to get off. At some point the truck left and I was in some small wood next to the road with all of them. My sister was holding the baby, 18 months old; there was my brother-in-law and my little sister. I didn’t have the courage to tell them, ‘We are walking east.’ Because how could you walk with such a crowd of people and a baby? How could I take on responsibility for someone’s life? After all, we weren’t expecting the Holocaust then. We were expecting the worst, but not the Holocaust. That’s why I decided to walk them home.

We returned. Meanwhile, Fania’s husband, who was near-sighted, lost his glasses somewhere, he got lost and died. We were told that he died, because the Germans caught him and shot him, because we never saw him again. I walked Fania, the baby and my little sister home. The road wasn’t easy, not easy. The Germans didn’t come to Bialystok for another week. Meanwhile, people were robbing stores, taking blankets, materials from factory warehouses, everything that the textile industry in Bialystok produced. My husband and his brother were taken for military training, as conscripts, because there were two military training grounds near Bialystok. One day his brother came back and my husband didn’t. He told me, ‘Don’t wait, he’s dead.’ And that’s how I was left alone.

I moved in with my in-laws. One day when I was just going there, the Germans entered Bialystok. They came in on the main street, Sienkiewicza, and I was on a side street where my in-laws lived. And I only looked, I stood there, hid myself. They drove in on motorcycles, shooting, they had machine guns on the handlebars and they were shooting from the motorcycles. I quickly jumped into the house, went upstairs. Biala Street or Zamenhoffa, because that’s where Zamenhoff 32 was born once, that’s where their house was, a wooden one, I still remember it. The Gestapo headquarters was nearby. Then a huge cloud of smoke and the Germans quickly rushed into the Jewish district, they knew where to go.

They locked up over 1,000 Jews in the synagogue and burned them alive. [Editor’s note: On June 27th 1941 the Germans burned alive 2,000 Jews from Bialystok in the Great Synagogue on Boznicza Street 14]. And they burned the houses, which were there. Father’s brother lived there, he was a bit off the norm [that is, mentally disturbed]. His son was a weaver, his children, they all worked in the textile industry in Bialystok. And after they lost their house they came to us.

I have to say a few words about my father-in-law, old Baran. His daughter, so my sister-in-law, a beautiful blonde, worked as a waitress in ‘Soldatenheim’ [German: ‘Soldiers’ club’], or in the canteen. Every day she brought back a pot of soup. And I can say one thing, my father-in-law never ate a spoon of soup until I had had some of it. And I remember one day Mother came, her lips were purple with hunger, and she got food. He wouldn’t eat himself, he gave food to Mother… 

The Gestapo, or Wehrmacht 33, barged in once and took my brother-in law, who had returned from the army. Mother came and said, ‘Listen, the Germans want ransom and then they’ll let these people go.’ There were 2,000 young Jews there. ‘Should I – I have one gold chain, only one – should I give that?’ So I said, ‘Mom, I can’t say, at home you’ve got Father, sisters, granddaughter, the family of this brother-in-law, Chaim and children, decide, I can’t.’ As it turned out, the Germans put everything they got in their pockets and shot the Jews. This was the first week, or the first ten days of this war.

When the Germans entered the city, I recalled an event from childhood: I was playing hopscotch in the backyard and someone came and asked about the owners, the Rozycki family. And I showed them and told them. Mr. Rozycki then told this to my parents and said that they noticed the little girl, so outgoing and asked about her. ‘And she’s Jewish?’ They were surprised! Because I’m not very Jewish in my appearance. Really.

So once, already after the Germans had come, I met some buddies of mine who worked in that tile factory in Antoniuk, Wacek Dziejma, Marian Wolniewicz and some others, on the street. And Marian told me, ‘Listen Janina, you’re still having doubts, run off to the countryside, you’ll wait out the war and that’s it, look at yourself, don’t stay in Bialystok.’ So I thought that perhaps I really should leave the town. With my past I’d be the first one to go to the Gestapo and the family would suffer. And how much help could I be anyway? Just one more mouth to feed and there was no food in the house.

Meanwhile, a friend of my sister Dina, Grzegorz Lewi, was looking for me. He was graduating from gymnasium at that time, he was several years younger than I. We had a deal that we would leave Bialystok together. Grzegorz came looking for me, because he wanted to go. He only had a mother, his father was dead. My parents didn’t want to tell him where I was, but Dina knew him, so she said, ‘Listen Grzegorz, Janina is there and there.’ So that’s when we [with Grzegorz] decided to go. I had a piece of sausage and bread, butter that I was supposed to take to my husband, because it was a Sunday and it was left over in the house. And in the house, apart from what I was supposed to take to Janek, there was just this one bag with buckwheat groats. There was nothing more. We left, Mother even gave me her sweater, and we went east. 

We got to Bielsk [Podlaski] [150 km east of Warsaw], where my husband’s family lived, they gave us some food, but we had to go on. We both decided to change names in Bielsk. Grzegorz found some Soviet identification card of a Ukrainian, he corrected the date of birth, put in his photograph, this was amateur work, but somehow during the war it was enough. So he became Ivan Carycynski, born in Stanislavyv.

In Bielsk Podlaski we spent the night at a woman’s house, the notary’s wife. Her husband wasn’t home. She gave us a room, some straw, a sheet. There was a large orchard there. And because it was summertime we filled up on fruit. And, what’s interesting, I went to the mayor of the city, he was a senator [that is, the officials working there addressed him as ‘Mr. Senator’]. Erdman, I remember this name. So I asked him for an identity card and hid my Soviet one. He asked for my name, I gave my chosen last name, Zurek, and he asked them to put on my identity card ‘born in Vawkavysk’ [300 km east of Warsaw, today Belarus].

Why in Vawkavysk? Because they had no identity cards there. What I mean is that in 1939 Soviet officials issued identity cards, but only to people who were born in a given town. But they wouldn’t issue identity cards to refugees from central or western Poland. That was because they claimed they didn’t know them and they would have to be checked. If they wanted to live in the interior of Russia, they could do so, but they were afraid to have them near the border. They thought they might be spies or something. So if I said I was from Bialystok, they would say, ‘Dear child, but where’s your passport?’

And so I said Vawkavysk, because Vawkavysk was burned down during the first military activities… I listed an area where there was no [documentation] and they could control me however long they wanted to and they still wouldn’t find anything. You have to be clever, when your life’s at stake. I said we were going to Stanislavyv, to my fiancé’s family and it’s very difficult to get anywhere without an identity card in wartime. The official didn’t want to issue anything, but Erdman told him to. So I now honor the ashes of those people who were so wise and decent then.

So this is how we ended up, after a long march, in Polyeskaya Nizina [about 400 km south east of Warsaw, today Ukraine]. Then we reached this small town in – Vysotsk [Rivne, Ukraine]. There was a fully Ukrainian government there, not Soviet. [Editor’s note: After 22nd June Ukraine was also taken over by the Germans, who were supported by Ukrainian nationalists, hoping for help in forming an independent state.]

We went there, because they told us there was fighting near Malin. We were hoping to find a military unit, because, quite simply – we just wanted to fight. And we found this Vysotsk. Grzegorz was very courageous. He was a tall boy, dark blond, his hair was parted, he had a mustache, he was a very aristocratic child. Yes, it was easy to trust him, he was very confident, brave and I owe my life to him.

We found the mayor of this city, or rather the district chief, who was also the pope, I mean the Eastern or Greek-Orthodox priest. We later killed him. Well, it wasn’t us, but some others [partisans]. The Germans installed him as the district chief of this region in Vysotsk. And why was he killed? Well, he was all in all a kind person, but this kindness was directed more at Germans than at local people. What was he good at? He tried to solve conflicts, he tried to create the best possible conditions for people, but at he same time he didn’t tell us that they were killing Jews. He allowed the Ukrainian police to come at night with the Germans and liquidate the entire ghetto. And the partisans couldn’t forgive him that. I say about him – weak man.

His name was Thorevsky. When he looked at this document, which said that Grzegorz was Ukrainian, he employed us in a grain warehouse. He gave us housing with some Jews, a nice room, a bed, everything. And it was so funny, because they wanted to find out if we, by chance, weren’t Jewish. They kept talking and talking, and we – nothing. After the war someone once asked me if I had been an actress. And yes, at that time I was playing a role. We made friends there with a group of Ukrainians, communists, very decent people. They brought the previous manager of the grain warehouse to us, a peasant from the village, and he taught us how to run this warehouse. Everything was going well.  

It was funny, these Jews had a cow. The Germans ordered them to give it away. This cow was signed over to us, so I once took this cow to the bull, but the bull didn’t want her, so I had to take her there again, but then she didn’t want him… Oh, such strange things.

As a grain warehouse manager I used to visit this administrator, a German, who was always very elegant to me, very sophisticated, he almost kissed my hand. I laugh now, really… it would have been different if he had known that I was Jewish. But not all Germans were like that then. There was one German man from the group of military policemen, older people, and he would come to these Jewish people, because he could communicate with them. Someone reported on him and he was transferred to the front, to a punitive battalion.

Once, in December 1941, one of my friends, Polahovich [a Ukrainian], who was working in the city government, told me, ‘Listen, there is a mass for capturing Moscow, you’re a German government employee, because you work in the grain warehouse. You have to go…’ He told me I had to go, because all the local government employees were going. But why did the government employees have to go? Because the role of the church is to keep a check on people and here the pope was the district chief. And there was also confession, so they could count on finding something out. So I went to the Orthodox church, but because I didn’t know what the liturgy looked like, I watched the president of the cooperative, Mr. Dunchych, who was walking in front of me. He had a Jewish lover; he managed to save her, but the child had to die… And I watched how he made the sign of the cross three times in front of each icon. I did the same as he did, confession as well, I went through everything, just like I was expected to.

And a ghetto was created in Vysotsk. We moved out from our Jews and lived maybe 100 meters from that ghetto. When 1942 came, the liquidation of the ghetto started. One night, dogs barking, noise, shouting, shots. They surrounded the ghetto. Someone watched this happening and told me: there were pits dug in the ground, they all stood naked on the edge of these pits, because their belongings would be sent to the Reich and then one physician shouted to the Germans – ‘you will be held responsible for this and so will your descendants.’ They shot them all anyway.

I mean, a few people were saved because many men had their women in the countryside, Ukrainians. They had children with them and these women would come to their husbands hiding in the grain warehouse and bring them food. I also know that a woman from a very rich Jewish family from Lodz, Eiger, survived. I never met her again. I don’t know if she was later in the partisan forces. I don’t know, I can’t say.

And we were looking for partisans; there were already rumors in the area that we really wanted to join them. I have never told anyone about this period, this is really new. The chief of police was there, from the White Guard. Once, when we were going to the second warehouse in the woods near Svaritsevichi, we were hoping to find the partisans along the way. And this chief of police invited us for vodka and some food and he says, ‘So, are we going to meet with partisans?’ That’s what it looked like.

So we finally decided to give it all up, our situation was unstable and we wanted to join the partisan troops. So we decided to go into the woods, to go east. And this peasant, his last name was Shchur, who was once the manager of the warehouse, took me to a woman from the village of Ozery, who had a Jewish husband or friend. I stayed with her for one night and she went to get Grzegorz herself and walked him to that place. I had some baked chickens which my friend, Pogorzewiczowa, made for me. We were helped the most by the researchers of the Holy Scriptures – some sect [probably Jehovah’s Witnesses]. They were deeply religious people, whose faith obligates them to help others. They led us from one village to another. 

The Gestapo looked for us in the first house, because we burned all the documents from the warehouse and all the grain, with Shchur’s help, was taken by the peasants. This Shchur was later tortured by the Germans, beaten, but he didn’t tell them anything. The peasants, when they got their grain, didn’t say anything of course. The Germans never got the grain and all the documents were burned. Such an act of sabotage was death for us. So they were looking for us. They sent out arrest warrants and the Gestapo.

We were in the barn and the peasant was in the house. The peasant slipped out and he led us through mud to another village. These villages were so-called ‘chutory’ [old Polish word], settlements where each house is surrounded by an entire estate. This was all in Palyeskaya Nizina. But nobody knew we were Jewish. They only knew that the Gestapo was looking for us for sabotage, for the grain warehouse. Perhaps they suspected it, I don’t know. We had these backpacks with all our things: the Jews with whom we had stayed in Vysotsk gave us some rags, sheets, such things. We had a deal that if they survived, we would give everything back to them. This Jewess told me that if her child ran away to me, I would manage to somehow save him. I wanted to tell her – the blind leading the blind. But there were such situations.  

And so, selling these things along the way, we reached a Polish village. We entered a house, the name of the peasant was Bronislaw Kotwicki, and we wanted to sell him something. ‘Where are you from?’ ‘From Rokytne, from the glassworks.’ He replied, ‘No, you’re Jews, but I will help you, I won’t hand you over to the Germans.’ So I thought, all or nothing, and said – ‘Yes, we are Jewish.’ And he said, ‘But I will help you.’ He gave us food, allowed us to wash ourselves and led us to the woods, where he had a hut, that was well hidden. He had 80 log hives [natural bee hive in the trunk of a tree, the shelter of wild bees] with honey. He brought us water, milk, honey and bread for three weeks. That’s true. A man, who had never before seen us in his life, kept us in his hut in the woods for three weeks; he brought us bread and honey, because he didn’t have anything else. As long as he could. How could I say a bad word about Poles as a nation?

After three weeks, he wasn’t there. We didn’t have a drop of water for three days, because I couldn’t drink from the canal, I vomited. Hunger. We didn’t know what was happening, we had to get out, because we would have died of hunger. And so we went back to the village, to him. And we asked, why? ‘Mister, those were Lithuanian szaulis [from the Lithuanian word ‘šaulis’, meaning ‘shooter’ – Lithuanian soldier serving the Nazi occupants between 1940-1945], they were combing the forests, looking for partisans and runaways. They didn’t find you, but I can’t keep you any longer. I don’t have anything.’

We went to another peasant, we sold some of these things, we washed, spent the night and then walked on. I told him, ‘If the partisans show up, please let us know.’ He said, ‘There were several of them here, but I don’t believe them. They’d kill the boy, have their way with you and then kill you, I don’t believe them.’ That’s what this peasant told us, a man who possibly could not read or write; a Pole from the Polish village of Kupel, in the area of Rokytne, north of Sarny.

We kept walking, we found a forester’s hut. A Pole, Marian Surowiec, with his wife Gienia and a small boy, six or seven years old, was inside. We didn’t tell him we were Jewish. It turned out he didn’t love Jews very much, but he let us stay. He knew the Gestapo was looking for us, but he didn’t know we were Jewish. We stayed with him for several weeks. First of all, we bribed the ‘soltys’ [elected chair of a village council]. We had some Jewish coverlets hidden, we got them from those Jews in Vysotsk, we gave them to the ‘soltys.’ He just said, ‘Live here if you want to’ and that was it. The first night we were there several partisans came round. They said they were going on a mission, so they couldn’t take us with them but they said they would come to get us on their way back. They didn’t come. 

When we were staying at the forester’s hut, we started to make a living by sewing. We’d make pants from plain peasants’ cloth. This had to be done with a thick round needle and a linen thread. Grzegorz taught himself to tan leather and oak bark and we had our hands full. Marian and I would sew on the floor, because he had some old army pants, we laid them down on the floor and cut the fabric like that.

Meanwhile, after several weeks, this was the end of October 1942, a Ukrainian peasant came in the morning, driving a cart, and shouted, ‘The Red Army is coming!’ it turned out that large partisan forces had come from the interior of Ukraine, moving to western Ukraine. Of course, we went to the command straight away and asked to join. And they accepted us.

[Editor’s note: Mrs. Duda refused to talk about her wartime fate after joining the Red Army. Her friend, Grzegorz Lewi, died on 9th February 1943 in Khrapun.]

I described the period of the war when I was a civilian and the partisan forces that’s... I was in a partisan unit, I was sent to a unit in the village of Kupel [50 km north of Rivne, about 400 km south east of Warsaw, today Ukraine]. The war ended in this area in 1944. I joined the army and I was transferred to Poland, dropped with a parachute.

And after the war? Well, different things happened, but mostly I worked. I kept moving around Poland, following my husband, Teodor Duda.

Some people can be quite mad when it comes to the ministry of security. I am walking with a woman, a Jew from Lublin, who was saved by my friends from TUR and she says, ‘You know, this hospital is ubecki.’ [Editor’s note: Ubecki: Polish, adjective formed from the abbreviation UB – Ministry of Security, slang name for the Security Office (UB) – the secret police] And after all, excuse my language, her butt was saved. I worked in the ministry of security, so many people were helped. I worked in that police. But does that mean my conscience isn’t clear?

At this moment, a friend of mine [from the ministry of security], a Pole, has a case in court; and he’s eighty years old. After the war, Jews were returning from Russia and they caught them there in the Rzeszow district [300 km south east of Warsaw] and murdered some of them. And he wanted to save them [the Jews], so he punched one of those assailants in the face. He’s got a court case now, because it doesn’t expire, that he harassed veterans. And are they veterans because they were murdering Jews?

I attended university after the war, I became a civilian again, I worked for many years in foreign commerce, which was the profession I was educated for, because I graduated from School of Foreign Service. And later, because I was receiving a pension for the years I spent in the army, I became a contract employee in the tourism industry, I only stopped working as a tour guide in 1990. Because I passed exams in three languages – German, French and Russian; and that’s it.

After the war I didn’t find anyone from my close family. I searched at the Jewish Historical Institute 34 and I came upon the name of a cousin who had been to a camp [probably in evacuation] in Russia, in Komi. But when he came back, he didn’t suspect that anyone from the family was alive, so he didn’t look for us. He later went to the States [USA], where he had some family, but because the name Goldberg is so popular in the United States it would be difficult to find them. I didn’t have any precise data. He was the son of Fela, my father’s sister, I’ve already talked about her. Before the war their family lived in Dratowo near Lublin. Their last name was Goldberg and they had a lake there. Perhaps this will reach someone there, won’t it?

Later, I found some family from Father’s side in Moscow, two aunts [Mania and Ania] and an uncle [Natan Pinski]. But they’re dead now. However, Aron, Uncle Filip’s son, lived in Minsk, in Belarus. He changed his name to Arkadij after the war; he went to law school and was sent off to Minsk to the army. After he retired, because he was born in 1922, he also worked as a legal advisor. There is a niece in Canada, a daughter of that cousin; I also had some distant cousins in Israel. I don’t know if that cousin [Arkadij’s daughter] is still alive, she became a bit strange after her husband died.

And one of those Bortners, I’ve talked about him as well, also survived [the one who changed his name to Tagori]. His son from his first marriage, Maciek, also got married to a Polish woman and lives in Paris. Lech Walesa 35 was the godfather of his child. Maciek’s mother, Zofia, remarried. Her second husband was a man who was active in Solidarnosc 36 and personally knew Lech Walesa. Ms. Funny stories, aren’t they? And my closest cousin lives in Lodz, but she married a Pole, like all of us did, and her family is completely Polish. Her son even got married in a church… that’s the end, as they put it, that’s complete assimilation, quite simply.

I had an exceptional husband, Teodor, who was completely free from any kind of nationalism. In 1968 [Anti-Zionist campaign in Poland] 37 he suggested to me – let’s leave. I told him, ‘No, my place is here.’ And in 1968, in the office, in the company where I was working, in international commerce, one of the men had just returned from the Far East when the Israeli war [Six-Day-War] 38 was going on and he talked about what was happening there. They threw him out of the party [Polish United Workers’ Party] and they told me, ‘You have to repeat what he said.’ I really didn’t remember and, even if I did, I wouldn’t have said it.

I hate informers, although I understand that sometimes you need to use them, but not in this case. I voted against his expulsion from the party. So I was reprimanded. It was only a reprimand, because I had been a partisan and the chief of my district was Korczynski, so they were scared to do anything more. But they later asked me in the district party headquarters if I felt I had been harmed. So I just told them one thing, ‘You know what, I worked in the ministry of security, I understand they have to use informers there, but you in the party structures?’ That really is what I told them. So I didn’t leave and wasn’t planning on leaving. Just like that.

I would like to say a few words about my second husband. My husband, Teodor Duda, was from a village called Czesniki [250 km south east of Warsaw] near Zamosc, from a large family of the Eastern Orthodox faith. He was born in 1914, on 25th November. He himself couldn’t say if he was Polish or Ukrainian. Because there was no [national] consciousness in the countryside yet. He studied, he attended elementary school. They were very poor, because 2 hectares of land for eleven people is not much. There was one pair of shoes for several boys, so they would take turns going to school. The oldest brother, Mieczyslaw, who served in the Polish Army, married rich and he helped my husband very much, so that he could study. Mieczyslaw lived in Komorow, a village near Zamosc.

When he was 17, Teodor got involved with the Communist Union of Polish Youth 39, he was sentenced to three years in jail. And he spent those three years in jail. When he came back, he was, as it was said – a professional communist activist. He was sent to prison again, this time for eight years and he got out during the war, in 1939. He went to the Soviet Union and he happily approached the border patrol, telling them that he, a communist, was going to his, how would you put it, spiritual homeland. So they sent him to a labor camp for three years. He was somewhere up in the Ural, then they settled him in Kazakhstan, he found his way to the army from there, but not to Anders, to Berling [cf. The 1st Kosciuszko Infantry Division] 40.

So this is how we met in the Polish partisan headquarters, I had been in the Soviet partisan forces, I was staff officer of the Grunwald brigade, which was supposed to cross the River Bug. And this is how the two of us got together. After the war, he was an officer, a senior officer of the ministry of defense. We got married officially in 1946. What do I think of him? I have to say that when I look at the people around us, I think – God, if there were only more idealistic people like him, then all changes would happen differently. Apart from his ideology, he was a very decent man, very kind and that was probably the greatest luck I had in life. We spent 42 years together.

My husband wasn’t nationalistic at all. For him, everyone was a human being first. I even have to say that at first he would brag to his friends about having a Jewish wife. I told him: ‘Fiedia – this is how we called him in Russian – stop it, you never know who you’re dealing with.’ I simply pointed it out to him that he shouldn’t trust everyone like that. Anyway, I think I couldn’t have had it better than with him. Such was my happiness. But we didn’t have children. I was pregnant, but I had to terminate: it wasn’t a time for having babies [in 1941]. I walked from Vysotsk to Stolin, had the procedure and went back on foot, 30 kilometers. I fell ill and somehow… I couldn’t have children later.

I went to Israel after the war, several times. Here [in Poland] Jews, especially those who survived the occupation, have an inferiority complex, because you just can’t not have it, you can’t. The fact that Toeplitz [Krzysztof Teodor Toeplitz, contemporary writer and journalist] now published ‘The Saga of the Toeplitz Family’ [Saga rodziny Toeplitzów], this also proves the existence of the inferiority complex. Or so I think. There, people don’t have that. They are the masters of their own country. The issues of Palestine, Arabs, those were also political games of all these Arab sheikhs. When this territory was being divided, the Arabs could have created their own country then, but they didn’t let them. Because they were being used in these games with Israel, England, etc.

But I can say one thing: what they turned this desert into, it is just amazing. I stayed with my friend, whom I used to work with, in Bat Yam, a city south of Tel Aviv. The seashore there is very high, precipitous; when I was there the first time they were putting dirt there, planting plants and putting in these tubes. Every 25 cm, that’s what I calculated, there was a hole, they would pour water in that hole and it went straight to the root [patented Israeli irrigation system]. I was there several years later and the entire seashore was blooming, lush vegetation, lots of flowers, the entire area was nicely developed. That’s just something you don’t see anywhere else.

I also visited a kibbutz. It is true that the people who set these up were very ideological, but these kibbutzim were not communes. Yes, people worked together, but they had everything they needed and they studied, whoever wanted to leave, could leave, etc.

Apart from that, it’s a country like any other, people like everywhere, except there is a difference between European Jews and African, Asian Jews, difference between Sephardi 41 and Ashkenazi Jews. And there are lots of them there. When I was once staying with this friend of mine, it was the Easter [Pesach] holidays. And she says, ‘Come, I’ll show you a synagogue of Abyssinian [Ethiopian] Jews.’ And there was this woman walking there, an Abyssinian – what a beauty she was! European features, because they don’t have African features, but black as tar, such a beautiful face, full figure; it turned out she had four or five children, she was walking to meet her husband, who was a curator in the museum. And the clothing of these Abyssinian Jews…

When it comes to politics, there is a large difference with regards to their attitude to political issues. Firstly, social-democrats and socialists there are mostly Europeans and these most backward ones, the religious ones, are the African and Asian Jews. It was said here all the time that you can communicate in Polish in Israel. But that’s not true, not true. When I was taking a tram or bus and I asked something in Polish, no one answered, in German – no one, in French – yes; there were many Jews from Morocco and they understood French.

When someone mentions szmalcownicy 42, criminals from Jedwabne 43 or others, I understand that, I know, but you can’t look at any nation from the point of view of perversions, which exist in every society. Myself, I am very critical of the role of Jewish militia in ghettoes [cf. Jewish police] 44. I understand it was necessary to maintain some order, but these people betrayed others to save themselves and their families. Why am I supposed to evaluate them differently than people who for 1,500 years were under the pressure of the anti-Semitic activity of the church?

I respect Golda Tencer very much [actress of the Jewish Theater, singer, president of the Shalom Foundation]; intelligent woman, energetic. I respect Szurmiej [Szymon Szurmiej, director, actor and president of the Jewish Theater since 1969], he is someone. There were some disagreements and other issues there in the meantime; also they are more into Yiddish and I have distanced myself from that, I can’t go back and throw away decades of my life. I say this, because there were different kinds of Jewish people. Traditional Jews were a whole different world for me. I couldn’t understand that world. Because I was in circles where you read Russian and Polish literature; my generation went to Polish schools, gymnasia. There were no lectures, no study of Jewish religion, culture or tradition.

Did I want to break away from Jewishness? No. When I came to the partisan unit, I gave them my name, last name, everything. But my current name, the one I have since 1939, is mine, because I chose it. And this is how it stayed my entire life. I don’t have anything more to say about Jewishness.

Glossary:

1 Bialystok ghetto

It was set up following the German invasion of the city (26th July 1941), also for Jews from surrounding towns, some 40,000 people in total. In February 1943, during the first liquidation campaign, when around 10,000 people were sent to Treblinka, an attempt at resistance was undertaken. On 16th August 1943, during the final liquidation of the ghetto, an uprising broke out, led by M. Tenenbaum and D. Moszkowicz (who both committed suicide following the failure of the uprising). Within 5 days all the inhabitants of the ghetto were taken away, some to Treblinka and some to Majdanek.

2 Partitions of Poland (1772-1795)

Three divisions of the Polish lands, in 1772, 1793 and 1795 by the neighboring powers: Russia, Austria and Prussia. Under the first partition Russia occupied the lands east of the Dzwina, Drua and Dnieper, a total of 92,000 km2 and a population of 1.3 million. Austria took the southern part of the Cracow and Sandomierz provinces, the Oswiecim and Zator principalities, the Ruthenian province (except for the Chelm lands) and part of the Belz province, a total of 83,000 km2 and a population of 2.6 million. Prussia annexed Warmia, the Pomerania, Malbork and Chelmno provinces (except for Gdansk and Torun) and the lands along the Notec river and Goplo lake, altogether 36,000 km2 and 580,000 souls. The second partition was carried out by Prussia and Russia. Prussia occupied the Poznan, Kalisz, Gniezno, Sieradz, Leczyca, Inowroclaw, Brzesc Kujawski and Plock provinces, the Dobrzyn lands, parts of the Rawa and Masovia provinces, and Torun and Gdansk, a total of 58,000 km2 and over a million inhabitants. Russia took the Ukrainian and Belarus lands east of the Druja-Pinsk-Zbrucz line, altogether 280,000 km2 and 3 million inhabitants. Under the third partition Russia obtained the rest of the Lithuanian, Belarus and Ukrainian lands east of the Bug and the Nemirov-Grodno line, a total area of 120,000 km2 and 1.2 million inhabitants. The Prussians took the remainder of Podlasie and Mazovia, Warsaw, and parts of Samogitia and Malopolska, 55,000 km2 and a population of 1 million. Austria annexed Cracow and the part of Malopolska between the Pilica, Vistula and Bug, and part of Podlasie and Masovia, a total surface area of 47,000 km2 and a population of 1.2 million.

3 Stalingrad Battle

17th July 1942 - 2nd February 1943. The South-Western and Don Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad. On 19th and 20th November 1942 the Soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330,000 people) and eliminated them. On 31st January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91,000 people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

4 Haganah (Hebrew

‘Defense’): Jewish armed organization formed in 1920 in Palestine and grew rapidly during the Arab uprisings (1936-39). Haganah also organized illegal immigration of Jews to Palestine. In 1941 illegal stormtroops were created, which after World War II fought against the army and the British Police in Palestine. In 1948-1949 Haganah soldiers were trained in Poland and Czechoslovakia.

5 Common name

Russified or Russian first names used by Jews in everyday life and adopted in official documents. The Russification of first names was one of the manifestations of the assimilation of Russian Jews at the turn of the 19th and 20th century. In some cases only the spelling and pronunciation of Jewish names was russified (e.g. Isaac instead of Yitskhak; Boris instead of Borukh), while in other cases traditional Jewish names were replaced by similarly sounding Russian names (e.g. Eugenia instead of Ghita; Yury instead of Yuda). When state anti-Semitism intensified in the USSR at the end of the 1940s, most Jewish parents stopped giving their children traditional Jewish names to avoid discrimination.

6 1905 Russian Revolution

Erupted during the Russo-Japanese War of 1904-05, and was sparked off by a massacre of St. Petersburg workers taking their petitions to the Tsar (Bloody Sunday). The massacre provoked disgust and protest strikes throughout the country: between January and March 1905 over 800,000 people participated in them. Following Russia's defeat in its war with Japan, armed insurrections broke out in the army and the navy (the most publicized in June 1905 aboard the battleship Potemkin). In 1906 a wave of pogroms swept through Russia, directed against Jews and Armenians. The main unrest in 1906 (involving over a million people in the cities, some 2,600 villages and virtually the entire Baltic fleet and some of the land army) was incited by the dissolution of the First State Duma in July. The dissolution of the Second State Duma in June 1907 is considered the definitive end to the revolution.

7 Polish-Soviet War (1919-21)

Between Poland and Soviet Russia. It began with the Red Army marching on Belarus and Lithuania; in December 1918 it took Minsk, and on 5th January 1919 it drove divisions of the Lithuanian and Belarusian defense armies out of Vilnius. The Soviets' aim was to install revolutionary governments in these lands, while the Polish side had two territorial programs for them: incorporative (the annexation of Belarus and part of Ukraine to Poland) and federating (the creation of a system of nation states sympathetic to Poland). The war was waged on the territory of what is today Lithuania, Belarus, Ukraine and Poland (west to the Vistula). Armed combat ceased on 18th October 1920 and the peace treaty was signed on 18th March 1921 in Riga. The outcome of the 1919-1920 war was the incorporation into Poland of Lithuania's Vilnius region, Belarus' Grodno region, and Western Ukraine.

8 Kursk battle

The greatest tank battle in the history of World War II, which began on 5th July 1943 and ended eight days later. The biggest tank fight, involving almost 1,200 tanks and mobile cannon units on both sides, took place in Prokhorovka on 12th July and ended with the defeat of the German tank unit.

9 Nozyk Synagogue

The only synagogue in Warsaw not destroyed during World War II or shortly afterwards. Built at the beginning of the 20th century from a foundation set up by a couple called Nozyk, it serves the Warsaw Jewish Community as a prayer house today. The Nozyk Synagogue is near Grzybowskiego Square, where the majority of Warsaw’s Jewish organizations and institutions are situated.

10 Hasid

Follower of the Hasidic movement, a Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18th century that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God's presence was in all of one's surroundings and that one should serve God in one's every deed and word. The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York, London, Israel and Antwerp.

11 President of the Republic of Poland in exile

The office of the President of the Polish state was transferred abroad on 17th September 1939, during German and Soviet occupation of the country. Until July 1945 the president in exile was officially recognized by most ally countries and other states. The seats of the government were: Paris, Angers (after November 1939), and London (after June 1940). The office of president was held by: I. Moscicki, W. Raczkiewicz, A. Zalewski, S. Ostrowski, E. Raczynski, K. Sabbat, R. Kaczorowski. In December 1990 Kaczorowski handed over the insignia of power to the newly elected president of the Republic of Poland, Lech Walesa.

12 Jozef Haller’s troops

During World War I Jozef Haller fought in Pilsudski's legions. In 1916 he was appointed commander-in-chief of the 2nd Brigade of Polish Legions, which in February 1918 broke through the Austro-Russian front and joined up with the II Polish Corpus in Ukraine. In August 1918 Haller went to Paris. The Polish National Committee operating in France appointed him commander-in-chief of the Polish Army in France (the 'Blue Army'). In April 1919 Gen. Haller led his troops back to Poland to take part in the fight for Poland's sovereignty and independence. He commanded first the Galician front, then the south-western front and finally the Pomeranian front. During the Polish-Bolshevik War, in 1920, he became a member of the National Defense Council and Inspector General of the Volunteer Army and commander-in-chief of the North-Eastern front. After the war he was nominated General Inspector of Artillery. During the chaos that ensued after Poland regained its independence and in the battles over the borders in 1918-1921, the soldiers of Haller's army were responsible for many campaigns directed against the Jews. They incited pogroms and persecution in the towns and villages they entered.

13 Pilsudski, Jozef (1867-1935)

Polish activist in the independence cause, politician, statesman, marshal. With regard to the cause of Polish independence he represented the pro-Austrian current, which believed that the Polish state would be reconstructed with the assistance of Austria-Hungary. When Poland regained its independence in January 1919, he was elected Head of State by the Legislative Sejm. In March 1920 he was nominated marshal, and until December 1922 he held the positions of Head of State and Commander-in-Chief of the Polish Army. After the murder of the president, Gabriel Narutowicz, he resigned from all his posts and withdrew from politics. He returned in 1926 in a political coup. He refused the presidency offered to him, and in the new government held the posts of war minister and general inspector of the armed forces. He was prime minister twice, from 1926-1928 and in 1930. He worked to create a system of national security by concluding bilateral non-aggression pacts with the USSR (1932) and Germany (1934). He sought opportunities to conclude firm alliances with France and Britain. In 1932, owing to his deteriorating health, Pilsudski resigned from his functions. He was buried in the Crypt of Honor in the Wawel Cathedral of the Royal Castle in Cracow.

14 Maccabi World Union

International Jewish sports organization whose origins go back to the end of the 19th century. A growing number of young Eastern European Jews involved in Zionism felt that one essential prerequisite of the establishment of a national home in Palestine was the improvement of the physical condition and training of ghetto youth. In order to achieve this, gymnastics clubs were founded in many Eastern and Central European countries, which later came to be called Maccabi. The movement soon spread to more countries in Europe and to Palestine. The World Maccabi Union was formed in 1921. In less than two decades its membership was estimated at 200,000 with branches located in most countries of Europe and in Palestine, Australia, South America, South Africa, etc.

15 Corporations

Elite student organizations stemming from Germany [similar to fraternities].The first Polish corporation was founded in 1828.They became popular in the 1920s and 1930s, when over 100 were set up. In the 1930s over 2,000 students were members, or 7% of ethnic Polish male students. Jews and women were not admitted. The aim of the corporations was to play an educational, self-developmental role, to foster patriotism, and to teach the principles of honor and friendship. Meetings included readings and lectures, and the corporations played sport. The professed apoliticism of the corporations was a fiction. Several players fought for influence in the Polish Union of Academic Corporations - the Union of Pan-Polish Youth (Zwiazek Mlodziezy Wszechpolskiej), the Nationalist-Radical Camp (Oboz Narodowo-Radykalny), and the Camp for a Great Poland (Oboz Wielkiej Polski). Before the war most corporations were of an extreme right-wing ilk. This also included anti-Semitic attitudes. Students in corporate colors participated in anti-government campaigns and hit squads, resorted to physical violence against Jews, and supported the "lecture-theater ghettos" at universities and the idea of the numerus nullus, a ban on Jews studying.

16 Majdanek concentration camp

Situated five kilometers from the city center of Lublin, Poland, originally established as a labor camp in October 1941. It was officially called Prisoner of War Camp of the Waffen-SS Lublin until 16th February 1943, when the name was changed to Concentration Camp of the Waffen-SS Lublin. Unlike most other Nazi death camps, Majdanek, located in a completely open field, was not hidden from view. About 130,000 Jews were deported there during 1942-43 as part of the 'Final Solution.'. Initially there were two gas chambers housed in a wooden building, which were later replaced by gas chambers in a brick building. The estimated number of deaths is 360,000, including Jews, Soviets POWs and Poles. The camp was liquidated in July 1944, but by the time the Red Army arrived the camp was only partially destroyed. Although approximately 1,000 inmates were executed on a death march, the Red Army found thousand of prisoners still in the camp, an evidence of the mass murder that had occurred in Majdanek.

17 Hashomer Haleumi

Rightist Zionist scout organization. The first Hashomer Haleumi troop was established in Warsaw in 1927, and others were subsequently founded in Pinsk, Cracow, Lwow and other towns.

18 Workers' University Society Youth Movement (OMTUR)

Socialist youth organization linked to the Polish Socialist Party (PPS). Established in 1926, it organized cultural and sporting events, and acted against clericalism and anti-Semitism. It brought together young people from all walks of life. In 1932 it had some 6,500 members in 85 towns and cities. In the 1930s OMTUR activists underwent political radicalization and began cooperating with a radical peasant communist movement. Reactivated in 1944, in 1948 it numbered around 100,000 members. After the war it ran clubs, libraries and sports clubs. In July 1948 OMTUR was incorporated into the Union of Polish Youth (ZMP).

19 Anders’ Army

The Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, subsequently the Polish Army in the East, known as Anders' Army: an operations unit of the Polish Armed Forces formed pursuant to the Polish-Soviet Pact of 30th July 1941 and the military agreement of 14th July 1941. It comprised Polish citizens who had been deported into the heart of the USSR: soldiers imprisoned in 1939-41 and civilians amnestied in 1941 (some 1.25-1.6m people, including a recruitment base of 100,000-150,000). The commander-in-chief of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR was General Wladyslaw Anders. The army never reached its full quota (in February 1942 it numbered 48,000, and in March 1942 around 66,000). In terms of operations it was answerable to the Supreme Command of the Red Army, and in terms of organization and personnel to the Supreme Commander, General Wladyslaw Sikorski and the Polish government in exile. In March-April 1942 part of the Army (with Stalin's consent) was sent to Iran (33,000 soldiers and approx. 10,000 civilians). The final evacuation took place in August-September 1942 pursuant to Soviet-British agreements concluded in July 1942 (it was the aim of General Anders and the British powers to withdraw Polish forces from the USSR); some 114,000 people, including 25,000 civilians (over 13,000 children) left the Soviet Union. The units that had been evacuated were merged with the Polish Army in the Middle East to form the Polish Army in the East, commanded by Anders.

20 Sanacja

Sanacja was a coalition political movement in Poland in the interwar years. It was created in 1926 by Józef Pilsudski. It was a wide movement created to support 'moral sanitation' of the society and the politics in Poland prior to and after the May coup d'état of 1926. Named after the Latin word for sanitation (sanatio), the movement was formed primarily by former military officers disgusted with the corrupt nature of Polish politics. It represented a coalition of members from the right, the left, and centrists. Its main focus was to eliminate corruption within Poland and to minimize inflation.

21 Endeks

Name formed from the initials of a right-wing party active in Poland during the inter-war period (ND - 'en-de'). Narodowa Demokracja [National Democracy] was founded by Roman Dmowski. Its members and supporters, known as 'Endeks,' often held anti-Semitic views.

22 Polish Socialist Party (PPS)

Founded in 1892, its reach extended throughout the Kingdom of Poland and abroad, and it proclaimed slogans advocating the reclamation by Poland of its sovereignty. It was a party that comprised many currents and had room for activists of varied views and from a range of social backgrounds. During the revolutionary period in 1905-07 it was one of the key political forces; it directed strikes, organized labor unions, and conducted armed campaigns. It was also during this period that it developed into a party of mass reach (towards the end of 1906 it had some 55,000 members). After 1918 the PPS came out in support of the parliamentary system, and advocated the need to ensure that Poland guaranteed freedom and civil rights, division of the churches (religious communities) and the state, and territorial and cultural autonomy for ethnic minorities; and it defended the rights of hired laborers. The PPS supported the policy of the head of state, Jozef Pilsudski. It had seats in the first government of the Republic, but from 1921 was in opposition. In 1918-30 the main opponents of the PPS were the National Democrats [ND] and the communist movement. In the 1930s the state authorities' repression of PPS activists and the reduced activity of working-class and intellectual political circles eroded the power of the PPS (in 1933 it numbered barely 15,000 members) and caused the radicalization of some of its leaders and party members. During World War II the PPS was formally dissolved, and some of its leaders created the Polish Socialist Party - Liberty, Equality, Independence (PPS-WRN), which was a member of the coalition supporting the Polish government in exile and the institutions of the Polish Underground State. In 1946-48 many members of PPS-WRN left the country or were arrested and sentenced in political trials. In December 1948 PPS activists collaborating with the PPR consented to the two parties merging on the PPR's terms. In 1987 the PPS resumed its activities. The party currently numbers a few thousand members.

23 People’s Army (Armia Ludowa, AL)

Polish military organization with a left-wing political bent, founded on 1st January 1944 by renaming the People's Guard (set up in 1942). It was the armed wing of the PPR (Polish Workers' Party), and acted against the German forces and was pro-Soviet. At the beginning of 1944 it numbered 6,000-8,000 people and by July 1944 some 30,000. By comparison the partisan forces numbered 6,000 in July 1944. The People's Army directed the brunt of its efforts towards destroying German lines of communication, in particular behind the German-Soviet front. Divisions of the People's Army also participated in the Warsaw Uprising. In July 1944 the Polish Armed Forces (WP, Wojsko Polskie) were created from the People's Army and the Polish Army in the USSR.

24 Office for Public Security, UBP

Popularly known as the UB, officially established to protect the interests of national security, but in fact served as a body whose function was to stamp out all forms of resistance during the establishment and entrenchment of communist power in Poland. The UB was founded in 1944. Branches of the UBP were set up immediately after the occupation by the Red Army of the Polish lands west of the Bug. The first UBP functionaries were communist activists trained by the NKVD, and former soldiers of the People's Army and members of the Polish Workers' Party (PPR). In many cases they were also collaborationists from the period of German occupation and criminals. The senior officials were NKVD officers. The primary tasks of the UBP were to crush all underground organizations with a western orientation. In 1956 the Security Service was formed and many former officers of the UBP were transferred.

25 White Guards

A counter-revolutionary gang led by General Denikin, famous for their brigandry and anti-Semitic acts all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.

26 German Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

27 CZS Samopomoc Chlopska

Central Union of Cooperatives - Peasant Mutual Aid, rural cooperative organization founded in 1948, bringing together voivodship and district unions and local cooperatives. An institution connected with the centrally planned economic system. It was disbanded in 1990.

28 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non-aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

29 Jews welcoming the Red Army

Poles often accuse the Jews of enthusiastically welcoming the Soviet occupiers, treating it as treason against the Polish state. In reality welcoming committees were formed not only by Jews, but also by Poles, Lithuanians, Ukrainians, and Belarusians. Some Jews active in left-wing organizations took literally the slogans promising that Soviet rule would bring equality, liberty and justice. Of course not all Jews were uncritical with regard to Soviet promises. Older people remembered the Russian pogroms of the Tsarist period (before the 1917 revolution), the wealthy feared for their property, and religious people were afraid of repression. But information relayed back by those who had fled to central and western provinces of the ruthless treatment of the Jews by the Germans made the Jews pleased at the halt of the German advance eastward.

30 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

31 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

32 Zamenhoff Ludwik (1859–1917)

The creator of Esperanto, the most successful of the artificial languages. Born in Bialystok, an oculist by profession, a devoted Zionist, and a polyglot himself he started working on the international language as a high school student and completed it by 1878. The aim of his Esperantist movement was to foster fraternity among the nations. His aspirations grew to create the universal world religion as well that he would call Hillelism, in honor of Rabbi Hillel, the great rabbi of the 1st century. The Esperantist movement has proven to be successful, people have learned and widely used his language, both spoken and written, in great number ever since.

33 Wehrmacht (German Armed Forces)

Between 1935 and 1945, Wehrmacht was the official name of the German Army, which consisted of land, naval and air forces. Apart from the soldiers of the Wehrmacht, the members of the Waffen-SS also participated in actions during WWII. The Waffen-SS grew out of the paramilitary SS (Schutzstaffel = 'protective echelon') established by Hitler as a personal bodyguard in 1925. Placed under the Wehrmacht, however, the Waffen-SS participated in battles from 1939. Its elite units committed massacres at Oradour, Malmedy, Le Paradis and elsewhere.

34 The Jewish Historical Institute [Zydowski Instytut Historyczny (ZIH)]

Warsaw-based academic institution devoted to researching the history and culture of Polish Jews. Founded in 1947 from the Central Jewish Historical Committee, an arm of the Central Committee for Polish Jews. ZIH houses an archive center and library whose stocks include the books salvaged from the libraries of the Templum Synagogue and the Institute of Judaistica, and the documents comprising the Ringelblum Archive. ZIH also has exhibition rooms where its collection of liturgical items and Jewish painting are on display, and an exhibition dedicated to the Warsaw ghetto. Initially the institute devoted its research activities solely to the Holocaust, but over the last dozen or so years it has broadened the scope of its historical and cultural work. In 1993 ZIH was brought under the auspices of the Polish Ministry of Culture and National Heritage. It publishes the Jewish Historical Institute Quarterly.

35 Walesa, Lech (b

1943): Leader of the Solidarity movement, politician, Nobel-prize winner. Originally he was an electrician in the Gdansk shipyard and became a main organizer of strikes there that gradually grew to be nation-wide and greatly influenced Polish politics in the 1980s. Co-founder of the Solidarity (Solidarnost) trade union in 1980, representing the workers (and later much of the Polish society) against the communist nomenclature. He was one of the promoters of the thorough reconstruction of the Polish political and economic system, the creation of a sovereign democratic state with a market economy. In 1983 he received the Nobel Peace Prize. From 1990-1995 he was president of the Republic of Poland.

36 'Solidarnosc' Production Co-operatives

An association established in 1946 to co-ordinate the work of production plants run by legally functioning Jewish parties. It also provided re-qualification and training for employees, including repatriates. In 1949 there were 200 Jewish co-operatives operating within the 'Solidarnosc' organization in Poland. They operated until 1968 (with a break from 1950-1956).

37 Anti-Zionist campaign in Poland

From 1962-1967 a campaign got underway to sack Jews employed in the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the army and the central administration. The background to this anti-Semitic campaign was the involvement of the Socialist Bloc countries on the Arab side in the Middle East conflict, in connection with which Moscow ordered purges in state institutions. On 19th June 1967 at a trade union congress the then First Secretary of the Polish United Workers' Party [PZPR], Wladyslaw Gomulka, accused the Jews of a lack of loyalty to the state and of publicly demonstrating their enthusiasm for Israel's victory in the Six-Day-War. This address marked the start of purges among journalists and creative professions. Poland also severed diplomatic relations with Israel. On 8th March 1968 there was a protest at Warsaw University. The Ministry of Internal Affairs responded by launching a press campaign and organizing mass demonstrations in factories and workplaces during which 'Zionists' and 'trouble-makers' were indicted and anti-Semitic and anti-intelligentsia slogans shouted. After the events of March, purges were also staged in all state institutions, from factories to universities, on criteria of nationality and race. 'Family liability' was also introduced (e.g. with respect to people whose spouses were Jewish). Jews were forced to emigrate. From 1968-1971 15,000-30,000 people left Poland. They were stripped of their citizenship and right of return.

38 Six-Day-War

(Hebrew: Milhemet Sheshet Hayamim), also known as the 1967 Arab-Israeli War, Six Days War, or June War, was fought between Israel and its Arab neighbors Egypt, Jordan, and Syria. It began when Israel launched a preemptive war on its Arab neighbors; by its end Israel controlled the Gaza Strip, the Sinai Peninsula, the West Bank, and the Golan Heights. The results of the war affect the geopolitics of the region to this day.

39 Communist Union of Polish Youth (KZMP)

Until 1930 the Union of Communist Youth in Poland. Founded in March 1922 as a branch of the Communist Youth International. From the end of 1923 its structure included also the Communist Youth Union of Western Belarus and the Communist Youth Union of Western Ukraine (as autonomous regional organizations). Its activities included politics, culture and education, and sport. In 1936 it initiated the publication of a declaration of the rights of the young generation in Poland (whose postulates included an equal start in life for all, democratic rights, and the guarantee of work, peace and universal education). The salient activists in the organization included B. Berman, A. Kowalski, A. Lampe, A. Lipski. In 1933 the organization had some 15,000 members, many of whom were Jews and peasants. The KZMP was disbanded in 1938.

40 The 1st Kosciuszko Infantry Division

Tactical grouping formed in the USSR from May 1943. The victory at Stalingrad and the gradual assumption of the strategic initiative by the Red Army strengthened Stalin's position in the anti-fascist coalition and enabled him to exert increasing influence on the issue of Poland. In April 1943, following the public announcement by the Germans of their discovery of mass graves at Katyn, Stalin broke off diplomatic relations with the Polish government in exile and using the Poles in the USSR, began openly to build up a political base (the Union of Polish Patriots) and an army: the 1st Kosciuszko Infantry Division numbered some 11,000 soldiers and was commanded first by General Zygmunt Berling (1943-44), and subsequently by the Soviet General Bewziuk (1944-45). In August 1943 the division was incorporated into the 1st Corps of the Polish Armed Forces in the USSR, and from March 1944 was part of the Polish Army in the USSR. The 1st Division fought at Lenino on 12-13 October 1943, and in Praga in September 1944. In January 1945 it marched into Warsaw, and in April-May 1945 it took part in the capture of Berlin. After the war it became part of the Polish Army.

41 Sephardi Jewry

(Hebrew for 'Spanish') Jews of Spanish and Portuguese origin. Their ancestors settled down in North Africa, the Ottoman Empire, South America, Italy and the Netherlands after they had been driven out from the Iberian peninsula at the end of the 15th century. About 250,000 Jews left Spain and Portugal on this occasion. A distant group among Sephardi refugees were the Crypto-Jews (Marranos), who converted to Christianity under the pressure of the Inquisition but at the first occasion reassumed their Jewish identity. Sephardi preserved their community identity; they speak Ladino language in their communities up until today. The Jewish nation is formed by two main groups: the Ashkenazi and the Sephardi group which differ in habits, liturgy their relation toward Kabala, pronunciation as well in their philosophy.

42 Szmalcownik

Polish slang word from the period of the German occupation (derived from the German word 'Schmalz', meaning lard), referring to a person blackmailing and denouncing Jews in hiding. Szmalcowniks operated in all larger cities, in particular following the liquidation of the ghettos, when Jews who had evaded deportation attempted to survive in hiding. In Warsaw they often formed organized groups that prowled around the ghetto exists. They picked out their victims by subtle signs (e.g. lowered, frightened eyes, timid behavior), eccentric clothing (e.g. the lack of the fur collar so widespread at the time, or wearing winter clothes in summer), way of speaking, etc. Victims so selected were threatened with denunciation to the Germans; blackmail could be an isolated event or be repeated until the victim's financial resources ran out. The Polish underground attempted to combat the szmalcowniks but in vain. To this day the crimes of the szmalcowniks are not entirely investigated and accounted for.

43 Jedwabne

Town in north-eastern Poland. On 10th July 1941 900 Jews were burned alive there. Until recently the official historiography maintained that the Germans were the perpetrators of this act. In 2000, however, Tomasz Gross published a book called 'Neighbors,' in which he indicted Poles as the perpetrators of the Jedwabne massacre. This book sparked off a discussion that embroiled academics, politicians and the media alike. The case was also investigated by the Institute for National Remembrance. This was the second such serious debate on Polish involvement in the extermination of the Jews. The Jedwabne debate attempted to establish the number of Jews murdered, to define the nature of the incident (pogrom or Holocaust), and to point out the direct perpetrators and initiators of the crime.

44 Jewish police

Carrying out their will the German authorities appointed a Jewish police in the ghettos. Besides maintaining order in general in the territory of the ghetto the Jewish police was also responsible for guarding the ghetto gates. During liquidation campaigns most of them collaborated with the Nazis; in the Warsaw ghetto each policeman had to supply at least five people to the Umschlagplatz every day. The reason for joining the Jewish police, first of all, was based on the false promises of the Germans that policemen and their families would be saved. In the Warsaw ghetto the Jewish police was headed by Jakub Szerynski; during the 'Grossaktion' (the main liquidation campaign in the summer of 1942), the Jewish Fighting Organization issued a death warrant on him, and he was to be executed on 20th August 1942 by Izrael Kanal. The attack failed, Szerynski was only wounded, and in January 1943 he committed suicide.
 

Rachel Persitz

Rachel Persitz
Kiev
Ukraine
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: September 2002

My grandmother and grandfather on my mother's side, Haim Lagotskiy and Riva Lagotskaya, lived in the small town of Chernobyl, Kiev province, in the 1860s. The town had Ukrainian and Jewish inhabitants. There were 30 or 40 Jewish families. They were craftsmen and tradesmen: shoemakers, tinsmiths, carpenters, and so on. There was a synagogue and a cheder in town. My grandmother got married at 16. Their older daughter, Rohl, was born around 1884 when my grandmother was 18 years old. Then there came the sons Meyr, Zisl and Gersh and the daughters Bella, my mother, and Zlata.

My grandfather's family was very poor. My grandfather was a worker. He could build a brick house, construct a stove; and he was a good joiner and carpenter. He worked for richer people: merchants, the bourgeois and landlords. He was extremely honest and decent. Once he was replacing floors and discovered a treasure of jewelry and ancient golden coins. He immediately called the master showing him what he had found. The master thanked my grandfather and generously gave him one golden coin. He was very happy about the treasure and about my grandfather's honesty. My grandmother couldn't forget this incident for a few years and said, 'You should have taken a few coins, look how poor we are!' My grandfather replied, 'How could I lie to my poretz [lord in Yiddish]?'

My grandmother Riva was a housewife. Her children worked from their early childhood. The boys were helping their father and later studied to be shoemakers. The girls helped Riva about the house. They had a garden and a kitchen garden and kept livestock. They lived in a small house with a thatched roof. I remember this house well. There was a stove in the center of it. There were two rooms and a small kitchen. There were dried herbs and bunches of onions on the walls. There was a cellar to store potatoes and other food for winter. The furniture in the house was plain: tables, chairs, beds and a big wooden wardrobe. There were a few religious books in the house. The boys received elementary religious education. They went to cheder. Later they all became shoemakers.

My grandparents were very religious. Every morning my grandfather put on his tallit and tefillin and prayed, pronouncing strange words, as I recall. [The interviewee is talking about prayers in Hebrew.] He never worked on Saturdays, even if his employer wasn't very happy about it. They observed the Sabbath. My grandmother always tried to cook something delicious, even during the hard years of the Civil War [1918-1921]. Sometimes we just had plain potato pancakes, but they were so good. They celebrated all religious holidays: Pesach, Rosh Hashanah and Chanukkah.

My mother's older brother, Meyr, born in 1885, and his wife, Haya, lived in Chernobyl. His older son, Shaya, perished at the front during World War II. His second son, Zyunia, returned from the war as an invalid and died in 1954. Meyr, his wife and their two daughters were in Kustanai in evacuation. Meyr and Haya died in the middle of the 1960s. Their daughters, Sonia and Zhenia, live in Israel.

My mother's brother Zisl was born in 1887. During the war Zisl, his wife Rosa and their two daughters, Lisa and Sarah, evacuated to the Northern Caucasus. I don't know exactly what happened to them there - whether they perished in occupation or starved to death. They never returned from evacuation. Zisl's older son Zyunia was at the front and was awarded the 'Order of the Red Star'. He died in Israel in 1996.

My mother's younger brother Gershl was born in 1889. Before the beginning of the Great Patriotic War 1 he lived in Kiev with his wife Sorl, their daughters, Rosa and Eva, and their son Zyunia. Gershl was a shoemaker in Podol 2. When the war began only Eva and her two sons managed to go into evacuation. Gershl, his wife Sorl and Zyunia stayed in Kiev. Zyunia had tuberculosis and Gershl was afraid to move him. Rosa and her two children also stayed. They were all killed in Babi Yar 3. Eva and her sons returned to Kiev from evacuation. She worked in a bakery before the 1970s. She died in the middle of the 1990s. Her son Mark lives in Israel.

My mother's older sister Rohl died in an unknown epidemic before the Great Patriotic War. Her daughters Sonia, Zina and Basia live in Israel. We didn't keep in touch with them, so I don't have any information about them.

My mother's sister Zlata became a widow during World War II. Her husband perished at the front. He was a tailor before the war. They lived in Chernobyl. During the war Zlata and her son Zyunia were in evacuation. In the early 1970s Zlata, her son and his family moved to America. She died there shortly afterwards. Zyunia lives in Philadelphia now.

My mother, Bella Lagotskaya was born in 1892. She didn't get any education. She lived in Chernobyl with her parents and helped her mother with the housekeeping and gardening. When my mother turned 18 she left her parents' house. My grandfather Haim was very ill and couldn't provide for his big family any longer. His sons and his older daughter Rohl were living separately already, and my mother decided to go to Kiev. She became a seamstress in a tailor's shop, owned by Abram Persitz, the older brother of my father, Moshe Persitz.

I know hardly anything about my grandfather on my father's side, Samuel Persitz. I only know that he and my grandmother Riva lived in Simferopol, Crimea. My grandfather died before the revolution of 1917. My grandmother came to Kiev once, but I don't remember her.

I knew my father's brothers very well though. They all received religious education, finished cheder and were religious people. They didn't serve in the tsarist army. The service term was 25 years. Perhaps, they didn't go to the army because of their religious beliefs, or because they just didn't want to go. They bribed the authorities and were relieved from service.

My father's older brother Abram was born around 1880. Abram was married to a Jewish woman called Riva. He was a wealthy man before the revolution. He lived in a beautiful big apartment. His tailor's shop was still open during the NEP 4, but was expropriated later. Also, two other families got accommodation in Abram's apartment. This all had a dramatic impact on my uncle. He fell ill and died from a heart attack sometime in 1925. Abram had three sons: Mikhail, Boris and Shlema. His older sons graduated from the Kiev Polytechnic Institute and became engineers. His younger son, Shlema, studied at a technical college. During the war they were all in evacuation and returned to Kiev afterwards. Shlema died shortly after the war, and Mikhail and Boris died in the middle of the 1980s.

My father's other brother, Lazar, was born in 1885. Before the revolution of 1917 he lived with his family in a Siberian town, where he married a Jewish woman. He moved to Kiev in the early 1920s and lived with his brother Abram. Lazar was a tailor and made women's clothes. Lazar was in evacuation during the war, and then he returned to Kiev. He died in the early 1960s. Lazar's older daughter Lisa lives in Germany. His younger daughter Sonia died. Lazar's son Iosif was an engineer. In the late 1920s Iosif was sent to England by train, and he lived there several years. Later he lived and worked in Moscow, and now he lives in America.

My father was the same age as my mother. He was born in 1892. He lived with his older brother Abram and worked in his shop. He met my mother in this shop in 1910. My mother worked in the same shop and rented a room in Abram's house. They fell in love with each other.

My parents got married in 1911. They had a traditional Jewish wedding, although it was only a small one. The bride and bridegroom stood under the chuppah at the synagogue in Schekavitskaya street [this synagogue is still there]. There was a rabbi, and the closest relatives and friends were there. Abram paid for my mother's wedding gown and the rings. He covered all the other expenses for the wedding, too. This was all his support for the young couple. He probably wasn't very happy about Moshe marrying a poor girl whose parents didn't give her any dowry.

In the beginning my parents rented a small room in Podol 3. In 1912, after my older sister Genia was born, they moved to a small apartment. I was born there on 22nd July 1915. Our apartment was on the first floor of a three-storied building, owned by Karolina Korotkevich, a Polish woman. Karolina occupied a big three-bedroom apartment in the building. She owned a few houses in Podol. She was an older woman and had an executive manager to resolve all issues. They were small and shabby apartments that were rented by people with low income.

In the bigger room of our apartment there was an ancient wardrobe, a carved cupboard, a table and chairs, a sofa and a couch, where my sister and I were sleeping. In my parents' bedroom there were two beds. This furniture belonged to Karolina, but my father bought it from her piece by piece. There was a big stove in the kitchen. My mother cooked on it and baked bread. There was also a huge table there. My father worked at it. The Singer sewing machine was also there. After Abram lost his shop my father began to work at home. He became a highly professional ladies' tailor. He had many clients. My mother was helping my father with the ironing, lining and basting the parts together. I still have an image of it in my head: my father and mother working in the kitchen under the light of a kerosene lamp. We only got electricity in the middle of the 1920s. After the revolution the Soviet power dispossessed our landlady and forced her to move out of her apartment. The big family of a Bolshevik called Mikhailov moved into her apartment. Old Karolina got a small apartment in another street. Our apartment became state property.

During the revolution and the Civil War, when the power in Kiev was switching from the Reds 5, the Whites 6 and Denikin units 7 to military units of Simon Petliura 8, there were many pogroms in town. My mother took my sister and me to our grandmother Riva and grandfather Haim in Chernobyl. There were also bandits in Chernobyl, and we had to hide either in the attic or in the cellar of our grandparents' house. My sister was older and aware of the fearful reality. I didn't understand why we had to sit in the cellar when there were beautiful fields, woods and the Pripiat River outside. We stayed in Chernobyl for almost a year. When the Soviet power was established in Kiev we returned to Kiev. My grandfather Haim died in the early 1920s. My grandmother Riva visited us in Kiev several times when my mother was still alive. When the war began, and my mother's brothers, Meyr and Zisl, were preparing for evacuation, they decided to leave my grandmother behind. They didn't think that anybody would harm an old woman. She stayed in Chernobyl and was shot by the fascists in October 1941 along with other Jews in town.

My parents, and especially my father, were very religious. On Saturdays and on holidays my father went to the synagogue in Schekavitskaya Street while my mother and I waited for him at home. Every day he put on his tallit and prayed. On Friday my mother made a festive dinner for Saturday: stuffed fish, chicken broth and challah. In the evening we changed our clothes and got together at the table watching my mother light candles and my father say a prayer. My parents didn't work on Saturday. In the evening we all sat at the table to celebrate Sabbath. We also celebrated all Jewish holidays. I remember my parents buying matzah and bringing it home in big baskets, covered with white cloth. We also had special Pesach dishes that mother took out before the holiday. Mother also did a general clean-up of the house before the holiday. She cleaned the windows and hung fancy linen curtains. She covered the table with white crocheted starched tablecloth. My mother did everything herself and managed fine - we never had any help for the housekeeping.

My mother believed that Pesach was the most important Jewish holiday. She cooked the best food: fish, chicken, chicken broth with dumplings, rich stew and lots of pastries. There were dishes made from matzah on the table and sweet kosher wine that my father bought in the Jewish kosher store. My father conducted the seder telling us about the exodus of Jews from Egypt, about their journey across the desert under the guidance of Moses. My father used to hide a small piece of matzah, and my sister and I had to find it. We celebrated Rosh Hashanah, Purim and Chanukkah. My parents fasted on Yom Kippur. Sometimes we got invitations from Uncle Abram. When we grew up he took to liking my sister and me. He only had sons, and he always wanted to have a daughter. At Chanukkah Abram always invited us, gave my sister and me some money and treated us to candy and chocolates.

I began to study at a Russian school when I was 8, although there was a Jewish school in our neighborhood. Genia also studied at this school. Our parents always wanted us to get a higher education, and all higher educational institutions were Russian. Therefore we studied at the Russian school to avoid language problems in the future. There were Russian, Ukrainian, Polish and Jewish children at school. My classmates were very nice. We didn't care about nationality. We also had teachers of different nationalities. We were taught by our parents and teachers that all people were equal. My favorite subject was history. I also liked Ukrainian literature. Our teacher was Olga Kosach, the sister of a great Ukrainian poetess, Lesia Ukrainka 9. She told us a lot about Lesia and her attitude towards people. She had many friends of various nationalities. Olga was my favorite teacher.

I became a Young Octobrist 10, and a pioneer when I was in 4th grade. We were admitted to the pioneers in Kreschatik in the center of Kiev, near the monument of Karl Marx. My father and mother supported all our hobbies. My mother made me a fancy white blouse and a blue skirt on the occasion of my admission to the pioneers. We went to parades on 1st of May and October Revolution Day 11. My parents didn't celebrate state holidays. They followed the Jewish traditions and celebrated Jewish holidays. But they didn't have anything against our enthusiastic attitude towards the ideas of communism. We respected and understood the fact that our parents celebrated Jewish holidays. However, we secretly believed them to be retrogrades in their faith.

In winter 1931 my mother fell ill. She had a weak heart, but she tried to ignore it. But that time she was taken to hospital. She died of an infarction soon afterwards. My mother was taken from the morgue of the hospital to the cemetery, and no Jewish rituals were observed. But the rabbi said the last prayer over her grave. The cemetery was a few kilometers from town, and we walked all the way. My father was crying and grieving, but after a few months he brought another Jewish woman into the house and married her. My stepmother's name was Sorl, and she was the complete opposite of my mother. She was wicked and greedy. My sister Genia finished a course in something, I forget what it was exactly, and got a job as a secretary at the Kievenergo company. Genia was straightforward and tough when she was young, and she said that she couldn't stay at home with our stepmother. Genia moved to our mother's younger sister, Zlata. I stayed with my father because I felt sorry for him. He always tried to give me some money or food, but he always tried to do it so that my stepmother wouldn't notice.

In 1931 I finished 7th grade and went to work at the garment factory. I was a laborer. In 1933 there was a famine 12 in Ukraine, caused by the Bolsheviks. The situation in Kiev was a bit better than in other Ukrainian towns and villages, and many people came here looking for jobs and food. In the mornings, on my way to work, I often saw people sitting or lying in a park. It was hard to say whether they were dead or alive. At that time Sorl stopped giving me any food, although I gave my father part of my wages. I often went to Aunt Zlata for dinner. She cooked delicious meals, even in those hard times.

In autumn 1934 I entered the Rabfak 13, a school for young working people, at Kiev State University to finish my secondary education. In order to enter a higher educational institution I needed to complete my secondary education. During the day I worked at the garment factory in Podol, and in the evening I went to school, which was located in the city center near the university. I finished school and entered the Faculty of History at Kiev State University in 1937. There was no anti-Semitism back then. I passed all exams and was admitted.

I liked to study. I quit work and received a small stipend. My father divorced Sorl. Genia married Bencion Obomelik, an engineer. He was her colleague. She moved in with her husband. My father worked, I received a stipend, and we could manage all right. I had many friends at university. We didn't care about nationality. We just didn't think about it. We celebrated Soviet holidays and went to the cinema or theater together. I became a Komsomol 14 member.

I studied ancient history, the Middle Ages and contemporary history at the university. I was always fond of history. We spent much time studying Marx, Engels and Lenin. We also studied works by Stalin about the building of communism in our country and the advantages of communist society. I spent much time at the central library. Once the librarian gave me Lenin's 'Letter to the Congress' in which he criticized Stalin, his rudeness and ruthlessness, and recommended not to elect him General Secretary of the Party. She probably gave me this work by mistake. This was sensitive information at the time and only became known to the public after the denunciation of the cult of Stalin [at the Twentieth Congress of the Soviet Communist Party] 15. This work implanted strong doubts in the official propaganda of Stalin, stating that he was a follower of Lenin's ideas and his integral friend. I kept my doubts to myself. It wasn't safe to share such ideas at the time. It was in 1937 when arrests of leading party and government officials began. [The interviewee is referring to the Great Terror.] 16 The authorities also arrested common people. One word or joke was enough to make accusations against innocent people.

We read in newspapers and heard on the radio about the arrests of political leaders. We, Komsomol members, had ultimate trust in the Soviet power, but we were shocked and didn't know what to believe anymore. We thought that it was true if newspapers wrote about such things, because we thought the Soviet power wouldn't lie to its people. Our university lecturers also suffered from repression. At some time we even had a visiting lecturer from Moscow to teach us, because there were no specialists left at the university. Yanolskiy, a history teacher, another history teacher, both Jews, a geography teacher and many others were arrested. They were accused of the distortion of the guidelines of the party and the government, betrayal of communist ideas and God knows what other sins. These were all talented teachers and honest and true party members. Some of them came back, others vanished in Stalin's camps.

There was an old history teacher called Konstantin Shtefa. He was German and a communist. In 1938 he was arrested and kept behind prison bars for two or three months. He was released later, but he didn't return to the university. During the war Shtefa lived under occupation. He became editor of the newspaper Kievlianin 17, which was a speaking-tube of the fascists. Shtefa disclosed his anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic self. He condemned the 'zhydy-and-Bolshevik' power, and appealed to Kievites to support Germans and report on Jews, Bolsheviks and partisans. When the Germans were retreating Shtefa left with them. He moved to America. He died there in 1958. Shtefa's son was arrested after the war. He didn't agree with his father's views. He spent ten years in prison camps. He was released and rehabilitated later. He got married in Middle Asia and moved to Germany recently. I know all this from my neighbors. They had known this family.

In 1941 I did my last year at university. On 22nd June I went to university to take my final exam. I remember walking in the streets in the morning when all of a sudden I had a premonition of something terrible to happen. I didn't know that Hitler attacked the Soviet Union, but I walked enjoying the sights of Kiev, thinking that it could all be destroyed because a war was inevitable. When I came to the university building, everybody was listening to the speech of Molotov 18 on the radio. We passed our final exams, but we didn't receive our diplomas. Instead we obtained certificates of graduation from university. I obtained my diploma on the basis of this certificate when I returned to Kiev after the war.

My sister's husband, Bencion, was summoned to the army on the second day of the war. Genia and I decided that we had to evacuate, and Genia received a boat ticket for the evacuation of all members of her family. My father didn't want to leave. He was convinced that the Germans were civilized people and weren't going to do Jews any harm. He ignored whatever my sister and I told him and stayed in Kiev. Kiev was bombed, and we dug up a shelter in the yard where we could hide during air raids.

At the beginning of July we boarded the boat and sailed down the Dnieper River. There was my sister Genia, I, my Aunt Zlata and her son, and my three cousins: Sonia, Zina and Basia, the daughters of Aunt Rohl. Zina and Basia were single, and Sonia's husband was at the front. Sonia's little son was also traveling with us. In Dnepropetrovsk we changed for a train heading to Krasnodarskiy region. We were traveling under terrible conditions - in freight railcars for coal transportation. Genia had brought her and her husband's clothes, and when the train stopped we got off to exchange clothes for food. We reached our destination and settled down in Nefyodovka village, in Krasnodarskiy region [about 1,500 km from Kiev]. I didn't want to stay there. There was no school in Nefyodovka, and I didn't have work. Genia and I went to Timashovskaya village. I worked for a few weeks at the local school. Aunt Zlata and her sisters stayed in Nefyodovka. When the Germans began to approach Krasnodar, they moved on to the Caucasus and settled down in Baku.

When we were in Timashovkaya we received a letter from my father. He wrote to us that Genia's husband Bencion Obomelik perished in the first weeks of the war, during the defense of Kiev. My father regretted that he hadn't gone with us.

Genia and I managed to leave Krasnodar when the Germans were very close. We stayed at the railway station several days and nights until we could get on a train. At the end of October 1941 we reached Chimkent in Kazakhstan. I was sent to work in one of the villages in South Kazakhstan. I worked there for a few weeks until I was summoned to the regional education department where they told me that I was to be replaced by a Kazakh teacher. I was sent to the Russian village of Pervomayskoye. Genia and I stayed in this village until 1944. Life was very hard. We didn't have anything to sell and were starving. I had a very small salary, and Genia worked at the collective farm receiving some cards that couldn't be exchanged for anything. Genia went to the mill where she could get some grain wastes. We made bread from them. Later we got a plot of land to grow vegetables. It saved us. We were fighting to survive during evacuation and didn't have any possibility to observe Jewish traditions.

In 1944 we decided to return to Kiev. It was necessary to receive a residence permit 19 for Kiev to go there. It was the period of the beginning of anti-Semitism, and Genia and I couldn't obtain any permit. We left for Kiev without any permit.

Our neighbors told us how my father perished. When Kiev was occupied by the fascists, Sorl's sisters, Lisa and Ania, came to him. They thought it would be easier for them to live through the occupation if they were together. On 29th September, when all Jews from Kiev were taken to Babi Yar, my father, Lisa and Ania stayed at home. They decided to hide, but the wife of an old Bolshevik, Mikhailov, one of their neighbors, reported on them. At the beginning of October 1941 the police came to take them to Babi Yar.

There were other people living in our apartment. Veterans of the war and widows of those who perished at the front had a priority in getting accommodations, so I understood that I shouldn't expect to get an apartment soon. Genia couldn't prove that her husband had perished at the front. My father had a death notification but it vanished, of course. Genia got a job at the company where she had worked before the war and received a room at the hostel. We couldn't prove that we were from Kiev and couldn't obtain a residence permit. Genia got registered at the hostel. I obtained a residence permit to reside with the daughter of my father's brother Lazar.

In 1944, when we returned to Kiev, I went to work at a Russian secondary school in the center of the city. I was a history teacher at this school for 30 years. In 1946 I married Abram Zeltser. We met at the polyclinic when he came to visit a dentist. He was a Jew and a war invalid. I wanted my sister to sort out her personal life and wanted to move out. Abram was a very ill and selfish man, and our marriage lasted less than a year. We divorced in 1947, and I returned to my sister in the hostel. I didn't see him again. He died in the early 1950s. Genia stayed single and we lived together.

In 1948 Genia received a room in a communal apartment. In the middle of the 1950s she managed to obtain the certificate that said that her husband had perished at the front, and we received a small apartment.

The first years after the war were extremely difficult. It was as difficult as in evacuation. I didn't even have clothes for work. Kievenergo, the company where my sister was working, received humanitarian aid from the USA, and I got a coat. Life was slowly improving. We didn't earn much, but we managed somehow.

Life was very difficult in the late 1940s and early 1950s, the period of anti-Semitic campaigns: the Doctors' Plot 20 and the struggle against anti-Semitism. Everywhere - on the radio, in newspapers, on public transport and in stores - Jews were abused. Many of them lost their jobs and had to leave Kiev. Our collective at school was very good, and I didn't face any abuse at work. We had a very good director, and his deputy was a very nice intellectual, too. We had to discuss the current documents issued by the Party at party meetings at school, but it was a mere formality. I didn't become a party member. It was a verbal requirement of the officials that history teachers had to be communists. I didn't want to become a communist, because I believed that communists and Stalin caused our country lots of troubles. They couldn't force me to become a party member and I had excellent performance records, so the authorities just left me alone.

In 1953 Stalin died. People around were crying and so was I. We were crying out of fear of the future. The 20th Congress denunciated the cult of Stalin. We [history teachers] were kind of at a loss. We didn't know what we were supposed to tell the students. Later we attended workshops and had school programs changed, allowing us to speak about what Stalinism was like openly. We spoke half-truths about the crimes of Stalin and about the lack of principles of his companions, but we never had any doubts about the correctness of the idea of communism. We were telling children that they were the happiest children living in the best country in the world, in the country of socialism, when children in capitalist countries were starving and dying from hard work.

I remember very well the vacuum accumulated around Jews during the Six-Day- War 21 war in Israel. There were six Jewish teachers in our school, and we discussed the situation in Israel silently behind closed doors and with phone receivers removed from the phones for security reasons. One of our colleagues had a sister in Israel that had lived there since the 1920s. She told us emigration to Israel was allowed. I tried to convince my sister to move to Israel, but she was a party member and a convinced communist. She was against emigration and believed that there could be nothing better than our communist motherland.

When Aunt Zlata and her son were leaving for Israel she condemned them and didn't even say good-bye to them. When our cousins Sonia, Basia and Zina were leaving for Israel Genia met with them in a park in Kiev. She was afraid that she could be seen by somebody and that they would report her to the party organization, because this might mean that she sympathized with them and supported them. At that time, one could be fired or expelled from the Party for that. My sister was afraid that she might be suspected of not being faithful to the ideals of communism.

Genia was a very active communist and secretary of the party organization. She dedicated her life to meetings, parades and so on. It didn't even occur to her that life might be different, that we were young and one could get married and have a family. Genia and I never got married again. We often went to the cinema and theater. Sometimes we went to sanatoriums and recreation homes. We celebrated Soviet holidays and went to parades. We have always been atheists. But, in the memory of our parents, we tried to remember Jewish holidays. I recall how, after the war, we stood in line to buy matzah at some private bakery. We kept observing Jewish traditions whenever we had the opportunity. We did it secretly. If somebody from Genia's party unit or my school had found out, we would have been fired or arrested. We couldn't celebrate Sabbath, because it was a working day at school. We've always fasted on Yom Kippur, remembering our relatives.

There is no anti-Semitism on a state level in independent Ukraine. We have all conditions for a renaissance of the Jewish nation. We are old people now. Genia is very ill. She is confined to bed, and as thin as a mummy. She's like a vegetable now.

Hesed provides great assistance to us. We get food packages and parcels. Besides, a nurse attends to my sister every day. I read Jewish newspapers and watch the Yahad program 22 on TV. I can say that I'm happy to see the Jewish way of life restored in Ukraine. I wish it weren't so late for my sister and me.

Glossary

1 Great Patriotic War

On 22 June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War.

2 Podol

The lower section of Kiev. It has always been viewed as the Jewish region of Kiev. In tsarist Russia Jews were only allowed to live in Podol, which was the poorest part of the city. Before World War II 90% of the Jews of Kiev lived there.

3 Babi Yar

Babi Yar is the site of the first mass shooting of Jews that was carried out openly by fascists. On 29th and 30th September 1941 33,771 Jews were shot there by a special SS unit and Ukrainian militia men. During the Nazi occupation of Kiev between 1941 and 1943 over a 100,000 people were killed in Babi Yar, most of whom were Jewish. The Germans tried in vain to efface the traces of the mass grave in August 1943 and the Soviet public learnt about mass murder after World War II.

4 NEP

The so-called New Economic Policy of the Soviet authorities was launched by Lenin in 1921. It meant that private business was allowed on a small scale in order to save the country ruined by the October Revolution and the Civil War. They allowed priority development of private capital and entrepreneurship. The NEP was gradually abandoned in the 1920s with the introduction of the planned economy.

5 Reds

Red (Soviet) Army supporting the Soviet authorities.

6 White Guards

A counter-revolutionary gang led by General Denikin, famous for their brigandry and anti-Semitic acts all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.

7 Denikin, Anton Ivanovich (1872-1947)

White Army general. During the Civil War he fought against the Red Army in the South of Ukraine.

8 Petliura, Simon (1879-1926)

Ukrainian politician, member of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Working Party, one of the leaders of Centralnaya Rada (Central Council), the national government of Ukraine (1917-1918). Military units under his command killed Jews during the Civil War in Ukraine. In the Soviet-Polish war he was on the side of Poland; in 1920 he emigrated. He was killed in Paris by the Jewish nationalist Schwarzbard in revenge for the pogroms against Jews in Ukraine.

9 Ukrainka, Lesia (1871-1913)

Ukrainian poet and dramatist. Ukrainka spent most of her life abroad struggling to recuperate from tuberculosis. Her principal plays, using themes from Western and classical literature, include Cassandra (1908) and In the Desert (1909). The Forest Song (1912) is her dramatic poem based on Slavic mythology.

10 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

11 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

12 Famine in Ukraine

In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

13 Rabfak

Educational institutions for young people without secondary education, specifically established by the Soviet power.

14 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

15 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

16 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

17 Kievlianin

This newspaper was published by Germans during their occupation of Kiev from 1941-1943.

18 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

19 Residence permit

The Soviet authorities restricted freedom of travel within the USSR through the residence permit and kept everybody's whereabouts under control. Every individual in the USSR needed residential registration; this was a stamp in the passport giving the permanent address of the individual. It was impossible to find a job, or even to travel within the country, without such a stamp. In order to register at somebody else's apartment one had to be a close relative and if each resident of the apartment had at least 8 square meters to themselves.

20 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

21 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on June 5th, 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

22 Yahad program

Weekly Jewish program on Ukrainian national television.

Amalia Laufer

Amalia Laufer
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya
Date of interview: November 2002

Amalia Laufer lives in an old Jewish neighborhood of Chernovtsy where the ghetto was located during the war. Her house is small and shabby. There is a small room and a kitchen that also serves as a dining room. There is a bed, a table, two chairs and a wardrobe. Amalia lives alone and has a cat. She usually does not communicate with strangers, so I was introduced to her by a volunteer from Hesed, who visits her. Amalia is a short thin woman with thick black hair. She has polyarthritis and hardly ever leaves her home. There is a candle stand on the table. She lights candles on Sabbath. She keeps her mother's prayer book open on the table. Her mother had this book with her when they came to the ghetto. During our conversation Amalia switches to Yiddish. She quotes the Torah and mentions biblical stories when recalling episodes from her life.

My family history 
Growing up 
During the War 
After the War 
Glossary

My family history

My father's parents lived in Kabaki village, Kosov district, Stanislav province, Poland [today in Belarus]. I have very little information about my father's parents. My grandfather, Duvid Laufer, and my grandmother, Mariam, died before World War I. They were farmers. They were doing all right, I believe, and they were religious, like all other Jewish families in smaller towns and villages.

My father, Leizer Laufer, had three older brothers. They were born in Kabaki. I never met them. They moved to America after their parents died. My father wasn't really good at writing and didn't correspond with his brothers. I don't know anything about their life in America. My mother said they were nice people. My father was born in the winter of 1892. He told me that his mother gave birth to him on Chanukkah hoping that his life would be like a holiday. But one's dreams don't always come true.

My mother, Reizl Laufer [nee Gofer], was born in Vizhnitsa, a big Ukrainian village on the bank of the Prut River. Vizhnitsa is a village of timber floaters. Timber floated down the river and the men from Vizhnitsa were pulling it to the bank to take it to a timber cutting and drying facility. The timber was stored until it got sold to merchants. Vizhnitsa is located on the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains, and its inhabitants kept sheep. My mother's father, Haim Gofer, owned a small food store. My grandmother, Haya, helped him in the shop. My mother was born in 1894. She had four sisters. My grandparents hired a teacher from cheder for their children to teach them to read and write. I only saw my grandfather and grandmother once. My grandfather died in 1923 and my grandmother in 1930. My parents and my older brothers went to my grandfather's funeral, but when my grandmother died my mother couldn't go to her funeral because she had to stay with us.

My mother and father were introduced to one another by matchmakers. This was a customary approach to marriages back then. There were no divorces at that time because families discussed all the details in advance, and young people didn't expect any surprises. Love came later and was based on care and respect. I believe love means care for and respect of one another and one's children. My mother came from a traditional religious family. She was raised to believe in God, her family observed all traditions, and she was taught to honor and respect all Jewish laws. My parents had a Jewish wedding - my mother wouldn't have got married without a chuppah. After the wedding my mother moved to Kabaki.

Kabaki was a Ukrainian village. There weren't many Jews there and no synagogue or cheder in the village. About seven kilometers away was Kuty village whose inhabitants were Jews in their majority. There was a synagogue and a cheder in this village. In Kabaki there were only ten Jewish families. Two families had stores. One of the owners was called Simkhe-Yan Zukerman. There was also a tailor and a shoemaker. Haim Dudinskiy, a blacksmith, lived nearby. He was a tall and strong man. His three sons were as strong as their father. They also worked in their father's forge. Whenever I was passing by their house I heard them hammering away. The rest of the Jewish families were farmers. There were no conflicts between Jews, Poles and Ukrainians. There were no pogroms 1 in the village. The Jews of Kabaki only went to the synagogue in Kuty on big Jewish holidays. They also had their poultry slaughtered by a shochet in Kuty. There were kosher stores in Kuty, but for most of the time the Jews of Kabaki koshered their utensils and food themselves and prayed at home.

Growing up

My parents had seven children: three sons and four daughters. I was the youngest and my mother called me 'my little finger'. My oldest brother, Mayer, was born in 1913, Moshe-Leib in 1914, and Joseph, my youngest brother, in 1916. My sister Mariam, named after my father's mother, was born in 1917, Reisia in 1919, and Amalia in 1920. Amalia died in infancy though. I was born in 1921 and was given her name.

My mother always wore a long dark skirt, shirt and shawl. According to Jewish tradition she cut her hair after she got married. My father had a long beard and wore a yarmulka. My parents were very religious. My father prayed at home on weekdays. On big holidays he went to the synagogue in Kuty with my mother. They spoke Yiddish at home and Ukrainian and Polish with the neighbors. My father and mother were very kind.

We lived in a small wooden house, plastered and whitewashed on the outside. Most of the houses in Kabaki had thatched roofs, but our house had a tin- roof. There was one big bedroom for my parents and the girls. The sons slept in a small room without a stove. There was also a kitchen with a big stove and a stove bench. In cold winters we spent long hours on this bench. The stove was stoked with wood. Wood was expensive and my parents bought enough to cook. In fall we [children] were collecting brushwood in the forest to fill up the wooden shed in our yard. This brushwood was left from wood cutting activities that stopped in winter, so we tried to get as much brushwood as possible during the fall.

My father dug a well in the yard. There was an orchard near the house with apple, pear and plum trees. In the backyard there was a stove to cook in summer. There was also a chicken yard. My mother kept chickens, geese and ducks. There was a pond near the village where all our neighbors took ducks and geese, and they stayed there all day long. We had a cow. From early spring to late fall it was tended in the village herd. Families tended cows in turns. My older brothers, when they were old enough, also tended the village cows. In winter our cow was in a cowshed, and we had to store enough hay to feed it. My father rented a hayfield. In summer we went to mow grass once every two or three weeks. We dried it and stored it in the big attic of the shed. The hay lasted as food for the cow in winter and we had milk, butter, sour cream and cheese for both the family and to sell. My mother sold dairy products to her clients. The schoolteacher was one of my mother's clients. She said that Ukrainian farmers added water to milk and that my mother never cheated like that. People knew that my mother was an honest and decent woman.

We had two hectares of land that my father inherited from his father. We worked on this land since we were small children. My mother never begged for anything. She bought what she needed, but she never begged. She used to say that charity began at home. We took grain to the mill in the village to have it ground into flour.

We grew potatoes, corn, rye and wheat, working from dusk till dawn. We did the weeding of the field. That way we managed to do the farming ourselves. It was only during the harvest season that my parents hired employees and paid them with potatoes and wheat. My mother made rye-bread, sufficient to last for a week. When she took freshly made bread from the oven she sprayed every loaf with water, covered it with a white napkin and took it to the storeroom. It stayed fresh for a whole week.

We were a traditional religious family. My parents observed all Jewish traditions and raised us religious. On Friday my mother made challah. On Friday mornings she got up to start making dough for the challah and dumplings. She made gefilte fish, chicken broth and boiled chicken for Sabbath. She also cooked cholent, stew with potatoes, beans and carrots in a ceramic pot. She capped the pot with dough and put it in the oven to keep the food warm for Saturday. It was not allowed to light a fire in the stove on Saturday. My mother also made a big bowl of pancakes, and we ate them with milk. On Friday evenings we got together for a prayer. My father recited a blessing on the holy Saturday, the children and the food. My mother lit Saturday candles and said a prayer over them, then we sat down for a festive dinner. We didn't work on Saturday. On big Jewish holidays, such as Pesach, Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah, we went to the synagogue in Kuty. I remember my mother carrying me when I was small. On Saturday Jewish families got together in a minyan to pray.

We didn't have much pastime. We had to work about the house and in the field from morning to night, but sometimes in the evenings in winter our parents told us biblical stories and Jewish legends.

My brothers didn't go to cheder. My mother taught them to read and write. She taught us Yiddish and Hebrew. She also knew Polish and German. Her parents had hired a teacher for her when she was young. She learned a lot from her teachers and her parents, was very intelligent and a very good teacher.

In 1927 our father fell ill and died within a few days. There was no hospital in the village. My father was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Kuty because there was no Jewish cemetery in our village. My mother and father had six children and now she was all alone to raise us. Life became more difficult, but she taught us never to beg for anything. She used to say that if God took away our breadwinner He would help us. On weekdays we had boiled potatoes and mamaliga [corn flour meal], rye-bread and malai [pudding from rye and corn flour]. We also had apples, pears and plums. We never stole fruit from orchards like other children did. We had our cow and my mother sold milk and butter. She didn't keep any butter for us, because she needed the money to buy clothes and shoes.

There was a Polish elementary school in the village. It was free of charge, and children of all nationalities could study there, but if they wanted to continue their education they had to pay. We went to this school. We studied all subjects in Polish. We spoke fluent Polish and German. My mother always told us to wear clean and decent clothes to schools. She bought shirts and blouses at the store for us to wear to school. She didn't give us any food to have at school, so we didn't eat anything until evening. Later we were provided with free lunch at school. It wasn't kosher food, but we had no choice - having some food was better than having no food at all, and my mother was glad that her children weren't starving.

My mother always followed the kashrut. She even had different pieces of cloth to wash utensils for dairy and meat products. She also had different casseroles and pots for dairy and meat products and we had to be careful to use the right utensils. She was very strict about it. When we ate a slice of bread and a piece of meat we had to wait at least six hours before we could have some milk. When we had milk we could have meat about 10-15 minutes after rinsing the mouth. My mother made potato dumplings with meat. She bought 300 grams of meat from peasants at the market. Meat was rather expensive at that time, like it is at present. She sprinkled meat with salt, left it for an hour and then dipped it into water for half an hour to make it kosher. After that she boiled and ground it and divided it between the children. Everybody had enough and we never argued about food.

Before Pesach she took all her kitchenware to the attic and brought down fancy utensils and tableware. She knew all rules. She made gefilte fish, chicken and stuffed duck or goose. We did a general cleanup of the house before Pesach so that not a single breadcrumb was left in the house. The whole family sat at the table. After my father died my older brother Mayer conducted the seder. He turned 13 years old and came of age according to Jewish tradition.

My mother had a poultry yard. She sold eggs and geese. She usually kept one goose for the family for Pesach and other holidays. She also left a bucket full of eggs for holidays. She made dumplings from eggs and matzah, pancakes and sponge cakes from matzah meal at Pesach. We also had cream and milk on holidays.

Gershl Raizman, a farmer in the village, had a separate room with a stove to bake matzah, and all Jewish families helped each other to make it for Pesach. We needed a lot of matzah for our big family considering that we weren't allowed to eat any bread during the holiday. My mother cooked a lot of food for Pesach. She used to say that she wanted her children to have enough food and not to beg for anything on a holiday.

We fasted on Yom Kippur and before Rosh Hashanah from the age of 5. We didn't go to the synagogue because it was so far away from our house, but we prayed at home. Nobody worked on this day. Before Yom Kippur we went to the cemetery where my father was buried, and my brothers recited the Kaddish.

There was an entertainment center in the village where young people got together in the evenings, but my mother didn't allow us to go where the goyim [non-Jews] went. She told us to study, do our homework and clean the house. She kept us busy to keep us away from the center.

My three brothers moved to Buenos Aires in 1932. My mother accepted their decision. She wanted her children to be happy and was hoping that they would have a better life in a different country. They borrowed some money from a farmer in our village, later they sent the amount to my mother and she gave it back to the farmer. They learned to drive a car and became drivers. They married Jewish girls and had children. We corresponded until 1940, but the contact stopped due to the war.

When my sisters grew up matchmakers began to come to our house. Once the father of a son came to my mother and asked for her consent to his son marrying Mariam. He was a Polish man from Rivno. He promised her to build a big house for the young couple in Kabaki. My mother refused and said that while she was alive her daughters would never marry anyone but Jewish men. She told him that she didn't want her daughters to hear things like, 'You damn zhydovka [kike], don't go to the synagogue, go to the Catholic church', from their husbands. So, the man left.

Later a Jewish man from Zhabiye village in Kolomyya, not far from where we lived, proposed to Mariam. He had a house and kept sheep. He was two years older than Mariam. My mother and sister liked him. Mariam and her fiancé had a Jewish wedding with a chuppah in Kabaki. There weren't many guests at the wedding, just close relatives and friends. The rabbi said a prayer, the bride and bridegroom sipped wine from a wine glass, broke the glass and signed the ketubbah. There were tables laid in the yard of the synagogue for men and women. They danced and sang. When the party was over Mariam moved to her husband in Zhabiye village. Zhabiye was a Ukrainian village. There were farmers and cattle breeders in it. There were several Jewish families. It was only a small village so there was no synagogue, only a small prayer house.

I finished my 4th year at elementary school in 1933. There was no work in the village for me. I could have become a housemaid for a richer family, but my mother didn't want me to. She thought that there was enough work to do at home. Our schoolteacher liked me. She told my mother that I needed to continue my education in town, but my mother hated the thought. She believed that for a girl it was most important to get into a successful marriage and be a good housewife. She thought that I had sufficient education to live my life in our village. She couldn't imagine a different life for a girl. She said that she would teach me everything I needed to know about life. Reisia also stayed at home. We worked in the garden and about the house and there was more than enough to do.

During the War

Germany attacked Poland in 1939, but the war was still far away from us. Three families of Jewish refugees came to the village. They went to live with richer Jewish families that had bigger houses. These refugees told people what Hitler was doing to Jews. We were horrified, but we were hoping that Hitler wouldn't reach us. In 1940 the Soviet army came to Poland and the country was divided. A bigger part of the Carpathians, Belarus and Zakarpatiye became a part of the USSR. The Soviet power came to Kabaki and took land away from the richer families. We weren't rich and thus weren't arrested for this reason, but the authorities expropriated half of the plot of land we had. We had one hectare left. Our place became part of Ukraine, and we were ordered to speak Ukrainian. Many local farmers resisted the Soviet power. Young people escaped to the woods and joined partisan units, but the Soviets pursued them and killed them like wild animals.

At the beginning of June 1941 my three brothers came to visit us. Their families stayed in Buenos Aires, because it was too expensive to take them on the trip. They brought us gifts: dresses, sweaters and cardigans. They brought a big flowered shawl for my mother and thin stockings and high- healed shoes for us. We had never seen anything like it before. My brothers had changed a lot since the time they left Kabaki. They were wearing suits and ties. They brought pictures of their wives and children. They had Jewish wives, but my brothers became very estranged from religion. They observed very few traditions and only went to the synagogue on holidays. They liked their new life and were planning to take us to Buenos Aires when they could.

On 22nd June 1941 the Great Patriotic War 2 began. My brothers went to visit Mariam and her husband in Zhabiye before the Germans approached Kabaki. Mariam and her husband invited them to celebrate Sabbath with them. We were expecting them back on Sunday afternoon. We woke up early to start making dinner when we heard shooting. Our Ukrainian neighbor, who respected my mother a lot, stormed into our house to tell her that the Germans were in the village and killing Jews. We hid in her hayloft and stayed there until the next morning. In the morning her husband came and told us that the Germans were killing families who gave shelter to Jews. They had already killed a villager whose housemaid was a Jewish girl and burnt his house. The man apologized for not being able to hide us any longer. He was afraid for his family and the baby in the cradle. He also told us that the Germans had burnt down the synagogue in Kuty. When the Jews in Kuty got to know that the Germans were in the village they went to the synagogue to pray to God to rescue them. The Germans locked the door from the outside, poured gasoline onto it and set it on fire. All people inside perished.

We went home. The door to our house was open. We went in and saw my three brothers in blood on the floor. They had all been killed. My mother couldn't contact their families. We didn't even bury them. On the next day the Germans ordered the Jews to come to the square for registration. My mother and Reisia decided to stay and hide in the attic of the shed. They tried to convince me to stay at home, but I just couldn't disobey the order. All Jews came to the square. The Germans were taking them away and shooting them in groups. When there were only a few Jews left I said in Yiddish, 'Kill me so that I don't have to see how you kill all my loved ones'. Their commanding officer replied in German and I understood what he said, 'I can't'. He put his hands on my shoulders, turned me around and pushed me slightly in the direction of the street. I went home. 50 or 60 people were killed that day, and I was the only survivor of the tragedy.

People told us that the Germans killed my sister Mariam and her 11-month- old son in Zhabiye. A German soldier grabbed the baby and hit his head on a tree and shot my sister. She was 23. Her husband returned to the village a few days later and was shot, too. The Germans shot all the Jews in Zhabiye.

We had to leave Kabaki. We packed some clothes and a little food and left the village at night. On the road local young men stopped us, took away our luggage and threatened that they would call the Germans if we didn't give it to them. We had no food left. Early in the morning we came to a neighboring village, and a villager invited us into his house. His wife gave us some meat and mamaliga. We didn't eat the meat, because she said it was pork. The villager took us to a chapel and told us to stay there until dark. His wife gave my mother a small pillow. When it got dark he told us to go to the wood and promised to bring us some food. We didn't really believe him, but he did bring us food. He said that he knew who we were. He knew that we were Jews from a neighboring village, that we had survived miraculously and that we were no tramps but had our house and livestock. He wanted to help us. He told us to move at night to be on the safe side. My mother thanked him for his help and said that God would bless him for his courage.

I don't know how many nights we walked. In the daytime we were hiding in the woods fearing that the Germans or the Romanians might find us. Later I found out that we walked over 100 kilometers. We reached the Jewish neighborhood in Chernovtsy. We came to the old Jewish hospital and saw candles burning inside one of the houses. It was Saturday. We knocked on the door and asked the hosts to let us in. There was a ghetto in Chernovtsy, but outsiders weren't allowed to go there. The newcomers were sent back to where they came from to be shot there. The Jewish woman that opened the door said that she was afraid to let us in because they were ordered to let nobody in on the penalty of death. She had small children and was afraid for them, but then she took pity and let us in for a short while.

Our hostess was from Tarnov, Poland. She didn't have any food for us. She was very poor. But at least she had a house to live while we had left behind everything that we had owned. My sister went to the Jewish community, but they told her that they had nothing to give to us. The rabbi gave her a little money out of his own pocket. We were starved, but alive.

We had been staying in the ghetto for about two months when our hostess told us that the Germans were going to raid the ghetto and check everybody's documents. She asked us to leave her house. Her husband worked at the laundry in the ghetto. He took us to the laundry. He hid my sister and mother in the laundry, and I was waiting outside when policemen approached me and asked my name. He gave me a sign to remain silent and told them that I was a deaf and dumb girl from the village and came to ask for a piece of bread. He said he knew me and that I wasn't a Jew. They left.

Then a Jew from the synagogue said that he knew an empty house. He said we could settle there, but the community couldn't help us with food. We cleaned a room and it became our lodging. My mother didn't work in Chernovtsy. She was very sickly after what she had to go through. My sister and I went to work. I became a housemaid for a local Jewish woman. I washed the floors, cleaned her apartment, fetched water and did her laundry. There was an old people's home nearby, and I washed floors there, too. I was given a meal there, but I didn't eat it. I took the food to my mother. My mother asked me whether I had had something to eat, and I assured her that I did, when in truth I felt nauseous from hunger.

My sister also worked in the old people's home. There were no other jobs. Jews had to wear the star of David on the sleeve and chest. I looked like a Ukrainian girl and nobody took me for a Jew, so I didn't wear the star. When my mistress saw that I didn't have a star of David on my sleeve she asked me how I went outside without it. And I replied that God helped me. I said that I believed in God and that the place for the star of David was in the synagogue, not on a sleeve. My mistress gave me her old clothes, because I didn't have any. Her husband had a good job and provided well for his family. My mistress treated me to a meal every now and then and made sure that I ate it in her presence. But I returned each day to the ghetto to my mother and my sister. My mother was spending her days sitting in the room waiting for my sister and me to bring her some food. She was very weak and couldn't work. My sister was earning very little money, and I was their only hope and support. Life was very hard.

At some point, Jews were sent to Transnistria 3. By the beginning of the war there were 90,000 Jews in Chernovtsy. Before the Soviets came to power in 1940 there were several synagogues, yeshivot, cheders, Jewish theaters and clubs and the population of the town knew Yiddish. The Germans and the Romanians brought 60,000 Jews to the old Jewish neighborhood in Chernovtsy which had about 5,000 Jewish inhabitants before the war. It was stuffed and overcrowded with people. There were two or more families in the smallest rooms in this neighborhood, houses and entrances to houses were stuffed with people. People even lived in the streets. 90,000 Jews were taken to Transnistria. Only 10,000 survived. 16,000 Jews remained in Chernovtsy.

Marian Popovich, the mayor of the town, wrote a letter to the Romanian king in Bucharest explaining to him that there weren't enough people left in Chernovtsy to do all the work required to support the infrastructure of the town. He saved many Jews from extermination and deportation to Transnistria. Israel awarded him the title of the 'Righteous Among the Nation' posthumously. In 1943 the deportation of Jews stopped. The mayor issued certificates to the 16,000 Jews, who were left in Chernovtsy, stating that they weren't subject to deportation to Transnistria. Gendarmes let them alone during raids and richer people paid bribes for their freedom. We were sort of lucky to get to this ghetto. In other ghettos there were mass shootings of the inmates, whereas we managed to survive.

We didn't observe any Jewish traditions or celebrate holidays during the war - life was too hard, and the only thing we concentrated on was to save our lives. My mother used to pray quietly for her deceased sons in the corner.

After the War

In 1944 my employer left for America and offered me to go with her. She told me that she knew what the Soviet regime was like. She lived under the Soviet power and was afraid of arrests and deportation to Siberia 4. She said that Stalin was no better than Hitler. I told her that I couldn't leave my mother, that if I went there would be nobody left to give her food. Now I sometimes think - why did God pay me back with problems and bad luck for my kindness? I was a caring and decent daughter.

The Soviet army came to Bukovina in 1944. I went to work in the neuropathologist office as a cleaning woman for two years. We were very poor. My sister came to my work place once and said that she wouldn't agree to work there. She probably thought it was humiliating to be a cleaning woman. Besides, it was very hard work for a miserable salary. I replied that one has to take a job when it's available to be able to buy at least a piece of bread. Later I fell ill with pneumonia and got to hospital. When somebody brought me a piece of mamaliga and a glass of milk my nurse stole this food from me. People were hungry, even in the hospital. The doctors didn't believe I would survive, but I said that I would if such was God's will. One Jew from the synagogue brought me oranges and said to me that I was a righteous woman and God would help me. I survived. I went to the synagogue to thank that man.

My sister Reisia moved to Palestine in 1946. My mother was very sickly and I couldn't leave her. Besides, I would have been afraid to go to a place I knew nothing about. We had no information about Palestine or what it was like there. Reisia became an accountant there. She got married and had a son. She corresponded with us for a couple of years, but then she stopped writing. She had her own life and wasn't really interested in ours. Besides, I worked and didn't have much time left for writing letters. Reisia died in Israel in 1982.

I worked at the down and feather factory in Chernovtsy for 35 years. Our director, Fridman, was an old Jewish man. He lives in Germany ow. I was a laborer and stuffed pillows with down and feathers. I was the only Jewish woman at the factory. It was very hard work. Male employees teased me and laughed at me calling me 'this greedy zhydovka [kike] who doesn't drink or smoke and wants to earn all the money'. I got so tired of this word 'zhydovka' that now I try to stay away from the goyim [non-Jews]. I stuffed 1,000 pillows per day when the standard number was only 300. I started work at 6 a.m. and stayed at work after-hours. I tried to earn as much as I could. I had to provide for my mother, who needed care and medication. I had a bite for lunch and got back to work when all other employees were taking their lunch break. I was awarded a medal 'For remarkable performance' and my portrait was on the Board of Honor. I also received other awards and the management was satisfied with my work. I never went on sick leave.

In 1947 there was a famine. I could only afford to buy some food for my mother whereas I was starving. My mother and I celebrated Jewish holidays. On Yom Kippur we went to the synagogue to pray. We mentioned all our dear ones in our prayers. On Rosh Hashanah we always put an apple with sugar on the table. We didn't follow the kashrut because there were no kosher stores where we lived. I had to work on Saturdays. My mother told me that it wasn't a sin. However hungry we were, we never ate bread on Pesach. My mother received a little bit of matzah at the synagogue. Even when we only had a piece of matzah on Pesach, it was enough for us to feel the spirit of Pesach. I never celebrated Soviet holidays. We have our Jewish holidays to celebrate. I didn't have any friends. I didn't have time for friends because I had to work.

I met Simhe Gruber, my future husband, at the factory. He was the son of a poor Jewish shoemaker from Telkhov, in the Carpathians. He was born in 1920 and finished a Russian lower secondary school. He worked as a mechanic at a plant. We got married in 1953. We just had a civil ceremony. We didn't have money for a wedding party. Shortly after I got married my mother died. She was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Chernovtsy. I followed my mother's will to have a traditional Jewish funeral.

We lived in the same house in the old Jewish neighborhood where we had settled down in the ghetto during the war. This is where I still live now. Our son, Leonid, was born in 1955. He was named after my father, Leizer, the initial letters of their names are the same. We spoke Yiddish at home and Russian everywhere else, so Leonid knew both languages. When my son was about one year old, I found out that my husband was seeing an accountant from our factory. I divorced him. When he saw me at the factory he pretended we didn't know each other. He didn't want to see our son. I have no information about him. I don't even know whether he's still alive.

After the divorce I took on my maiden name again, but my son kept his father's surname, Gruber. There was nobody to help me raise my son, and there were no kindergartens in our neighborhood. I tied him to the leg of the table to be on the safe side and went to work. When I returned home from work he clutched to me and begged me to stay at home. But I had to go to work to provide for him. I worked all day long, and he stayed at home alone.

I tried to raise my son religious. I taught him Hebrew and spoke Yiddish with him. I told him about the religion and traditions of our people. We didn't celebrate holidays. I had to go to work on holidays if they fell on weekdays, but I told my son about them. We always had a piece of matzah on holidays [Pesach], but we also ate bread.

Leonid finished a Russian secondary school and entered a trade school. He had Jewish, Russian and Ukrainian friends. He was a pioneer and a member of the Komsomol 5 league like any other Soviet child. He went in for sports. In summer he went swimming with his friends, they played football and went to discotheques. He became a welder and got a job at a construction site. He was highly valued at his work. He married a nice Jewish girl from Chernovtsy. They have two children: Semyon and Anna. In 1990 he moved to America with his family promising to take me there as soon as they had settled down. More than ten years have passed since then. My son has a good job in America, but he doesn't need me. I'm alone.

Such is my destiny. My son has his own life. He doesn't write to me, and I don't know how he is doing. I don't ask anything of him. I don't want him to support me, I only want him to tell me about his life, his family and his children, but he doesn't. My grandchildren don't write to me either. His friends told me that I have a great-granddaughter in America. I wish for Leonid to be in good health and happy with his children and grandchildren.

I'm living my life trying to make the best of it. My mother and father lived their lives like that. I have a miserable pension and don't receive any allowances for my stay in the ghetto. The authorities told me that my stay there was unofficial. I need money to pay for the house and utilities. I need to think about tomorrow. There's nobody else to take care of me. However, I don't understand Jews that move to Germany. The Germans killed my family. Let God punish them. I believe that the Germans would kill innocent Jews again if there was a war.

I'm a religious Jewish woman. I celebrate Sabbath. On Friday evenings I light candles. I know all the prayers by heart. I live according to God's rule. I don't do any work on Saturdays. God said that the seventh day is a day of rest. I try to do all work on weekdays. On Friday afternoon my time comes to stand before God because I have to give this time to him. I know all the commandments and most of the Torah by heart. I get challah in Hesed. I fast on Yom Kippur and before Rosh Hashanah. On the 2nd day of these holidays I sit at the table after the evening star appears in the sky. I can't go to the synagogue - I can't walk. I get meals delivered from Hesed and am grateful to them. They also bring me medication. Thank God I have enough to eat.

Glossary

1 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

2 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War.

3 Transnistria

Area between the rivers Dnestr and Bug, and the Black Sea. It was ruled by the Romanians and during World War II it was used as a huge ghetto to which Jews from Bukovina and Moldavia were deported.

4 Forced deportation to Siberia

Stalin introduced the deportation of Middle Asian people, like the Crimean Tatars and the Chechens, to Siberia. Without warning, people were thrown out of their houses and into vehicles at night. The majority of them died on the way of starvation, cold and illnesses.

5 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

Jacob Mikhailov

Jacob Mikhailov is a tall and lean, grey-haired man with bright blue eyes and with a crew-cut framing bald head. Jacob is very sociable and hilarious. He enjoys joking and laughing. He was willing to share a lot about his life, and the life of his family with me. He lives with his wife Elena in a two-room apartment in a building constructed in the 1970s in the city of Moscow. Elena takes credit for an impeccably clean and cozy apartment. There are a lot of books in the apartment. Jacob and Elena are avid readers. They like to share opinions of the books they read. Every day their only grandchild Artyom, the most important family member, comes to see them. Jacob loves his grandson very much and pays a lot of attention to him.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Marriage life and children

Recent years

Glossary 

My family background

I know little about my father's family. I never met my paternal kin. My father didn't talk much about them either. My father, Mark Vengrovich [he later changed his surname to Mikhailov because of communist ideology], was born in 1897 in Warsaw. It was the territory of the [tsarist] Russian empire at that time. As father told me grandfather was a merchant of Guild I 1, a very wealthy man. They lived in the center of Warsaw. I also know that my father had a younger brother named Genrich. When my father left home, Genrich was in his junior year at a lyceum. When I was in my teens I remember that my father got a message from Genrich saying, 'Still alive and kicking.' That's it. No news came from Genrich after this time.

Father went to trade school in Warsaw, but didn't finish it. My father was fond of communist ideas, and he left home when he was 16. He stopped being in touch with his family then. He went to Russia, and never came back to Warsaw. I practically don't know anything about my father's prenuptial life. Father adhered to revolutionary ideas, and then became a member of the Communist Party. The party was banned, so its members took alias known to other party comrades. My father's party alias was Mikhailov. Then his surname was changed to Mikhailov as well. This name was written in the documents. In February 1917, when the Provisional Government 2 was in power, my father was imprisoned for revolutionary activity [during the Russian Revolution of 1917] 3. Before getting married my father lived in Kharkov [in today's Ukraine, 440 km from Kiev]. I don't know how he happened to get to Kharkov from Moscow.

My mother's family lived in Chernigov [180 km from Kiev], a beautiful ancient city in north-western Ukraine. Chernigov seemed small to me. It's difficult for me to describe how I perceived the city in my childhood. I used to stay with my grandparents for the whole summer. I went to the forest with other children. We also went to the rivers, played in my grandmother's house. I didn't see that much of the city. I remember the greenery of the city. I was six the last time I was in Chernigov, before the war. I'm certain there was a Jewish cemetery in Chernigov, which is still there. There might have been several synagogues. But I wasn't interested in that in my childhood. As an adult I went to Chernigov with my daughter, and it was a totally different city: modern, with multi-storied buildings, not looking the way it did in my childhood. [Editor's note: in Chernigov the Jewish population numbered more than 14,000 in the 1910s and app. 10,000 in 1926 (30 percent of the total population). The last synagogue was closed down by the authorities in 1959. In 1970 the Jewish population of Chernigov was estimated at 4,000.]

My maternal grandfather, Abram Nitsberg, was born in Chernigov in the 1850s. Grandmother Sophia Nitsberg was also born in Chernigov. I don't know exactly when she was born nor do I know her maiden name. All I know is that she was ten years younger than my grandfather. Grandmother's Jewish name was Sarah. But the grandchildren called her Sonya. Grandfather was a stubby man of medium height. He had a long beard. He wore a black silken kippah on his head. Grandmother was short and buxom. She wore traditional Jewish clothes: long black skirts and dark long-sleeved blouses. She wore a black kerchief on her head, and during solemn occasions she wore a black lace shawl. Grandmother was very kind; her eyes radiated kindness. Probably all grannies are kind, but mine seemed to be the kindest.

Grandfather worked in a sort of work association. He sold fish. I don't know what his job was like; all I know is that he didn't own the business. Grandmother was a housewife. My grandparents had a cow. They also had a kitchen garden and planted vegetables there to feed the family. They lived well and didn't starve. Grandmother contrived to feed her many children. I knew all my mother's brothers and sisters, but two. I know when my mother and her eldest brother were born. The difference in years between the brothers and sisters wasn't big - approximately two years. My mother's eldest brother, Noy Nitsberg, was born in 1879. I don't know the second's brother name. The third brother's name was Jacob. Then Solomon and Naum were born. In 1899 my mother Maria whose Jewish name was Miriam was born. Then Mikhail and Revekka followed. The youngest one, Revekka, was born in 1906, when grandmother was about 50. Grandmother was ashamed of her belated motherhood, and sometimes used to say that Revekka was her granddaughter, one of her son's daughters. Her sons were married at that time and had their own children.

I don't know for sure, but I think my maternal grandparents must have been religious. It couldn't have been otherwise at that time. Grandfather paid a lot of attention to the secular education of his children. My mother finished a full course at Chernigov lyceum, and I think she wasn't the only one who got educated in the lyceum. All children knew Yiddish, which was their mother tongue, but they also were proficient in Russian and spoke foreign languages. The children didn't get primary Jewish education.

Noy, my mother's eldest brother, was a pharmacist. He had his own pharmacy in Chernigov before the revolution of 1917. Then it was nationalized and he worked as a pharmacist in the state apothecary. He was married, and his only daughter moved to Moscow after the revolution. When he grew old and sick, his daughter took him to her place. He died in 1949 in Moscow.

My mother's second brother left for the USA in 1905. My mother told me that he married an American woman there, who gave birth to two children. They must have stopped writing to each other after the revolution of 1917 as the new regime disapproved of having relatives abroad, moreover corresponding with them. [It was dangerous to keep in touch with relatives abroad] 4 My uncle was an artist. I think his children became musicians, at least one of them. My mother told me that her brother was a good artist, who painted a lot of pictures. When he was asked to sell a picture, he said it wasn't for sale. He made the paintings for himself. He didn't sell any of his pictures. I don't know what he lived on in America.

I never met my mother's third brother, Jacob either. I was named after him, and know about him from my mother. Jacob was very gifted in anything he tried to do. Adolescent Jacob was drafted into the army during World War I. He was captured by the Austrians. His captivity probably wasn't so bad since he even managed to send his picture from there. When he came back from captivity, Jacob became a revolutionary. He took part in the revolution, then in the Civil War 5. Before being drafted Jacob was in love with a girl from Chernigov. Jacob exerted his every effort for the revolution. In 1918 the Soviet regime assigned Jacob Nitsberg the first party secretary in Chernigov. He perished accidentally in 1919. It was found out that White Guards 6 were planning to blast the bridge across the Dnepr. Jacob was to divulge that plot. One of the plotters - Jacob's lyceum comrade, a White Guard - shot at Jacob and killed him. When he was arrested he said, 'I couldn't have acted otherwise. Even if I hadn't killed Jacob, I would have been killed as a White Guard.'

One of the streets in Chernigov was named after Jacob Nitsberg. In 1950 it was renamed, it seems after Kirov, but I don't know the present name of this street. Probably the municipal authorities thought it to be indecent for the streets to be given Jewish names. When I grew up, I decided to find Jacob's grave no matter what. When my daughter left school, we went to Chernigov and found out from the old residents where Jacob was buried. We walked along the Jewish cemetery and found his grave and the tomb. It should still be there now.

Uncle Solomon lived in Chernigov and worked with the Ispolkom 7. Solomon's wife was named Basya. They had three daughters. I remember my mother's next brother, Naum, the way he looked and the way he talked. He was an officer, but I don't know where he served. He lived in Chernigov. He had two daughters and a son.

I knew the youngest siblings, Mikhail and Revekka very well. Mikhail worked with the NKVD 8 for many years. He left the organization before the war and began working for a construction company. Galina, Mikhail's wife was from Leningrad. She had two children, a daughter and a son. They lived in Kharkov before 1936 and when Kiev became the capital of Ukraine they moved to Kiev. [Editor's note: before 1934 Kharkov was the capital of the Ukrainian Soviet Socialist Republic, in 1934 the Government of the USSR decided to move the capital to Kiev. All governmental structures moved to Kiev as well]. During the Great Patriotic War 9 Mikhail was drafted into the army, and his family was evacuated to Central Asia. During the defense of Kiev, Mikhail happened to be in the siege, and when he broke through he went to the partisans' squad. He perished there, and the circumstances remain unrevealed. When Galina and her children came back from evacuation to Kiev and got to know the news about Mikhail, she moved back to her hometown, Leningrad. Their children still live there.

The youngest in the family, Revekka, lived with her family in Kharkov. Her husband, Pavel Lev, was the closest relative to me. He treated me very well and we bonded. Revekka and Pavel had an only daughter, who was very feeble. Revekka was a housewife, paying utmost attention to her daughter and husband. The daughter died before the war. When the Great Patriotic War was unleashed Pavel went to the front. Revekka was evacuated. Pavel went through the war and stayed in the army for a while. Revekka stayed with us in Moscow at that time. When Pavel came back from the army, we tried to talk them into staying in Moscow with us, but Pavel was longing to get back to Kharkov. In the end, he left. Revekka died in Kharkov in 1976. Pavel didn't live long afterwards. I cared for Revekka and Pavel very much. I used to visit them almost every year. Then I came to their funeral, which was secular. They were buried in a city cemetery. The last time I was in Kharkov four years ago, I went to their graves.

My mother didn't tell me whether there were Jewish pogroms in Chernigov before the revolution [see Pogroms in Ukraine] 10. Their family house was located on the street where Chernigov's vice-governor lived, so it was serene and quiet there. With the outbreak of the Civil War, the whole family was to move to Sarapul [today Udmurtia, Russia, about 1,800 km from Chernigov]. At that time Chernigov was plundered by Gangs 11, Denikin 12 troops, sometimes Jews were killed. My mother caught typhus fever in Sarapul; it was hard for her to convalesce. Then, the family returned to Chernigov. Mother finished the lyceum with distinction, and wanted to go on with her education. She left for Kharkov and entered the Medical Institute. Father studied at the Institute of State Economy; he graduated from it in 1924.

My parents met in Kharkov. I don't know the details of how they met. They got married in 1921. Of course, it wasn't a traditional Jewish wedding as they were convinced communists. I think they didn't have any wedding, just a mere registration. My mother was in her second year, when I was born. My mother went to her parents in Chernigov before delivery, and spent a couple of months there after parturition. I was born in Chernigov on 19th June 1925. My mother had to quit her studies after she returned to Kharkov. 

Growing up

Even though our family stayed in Kharkov only until 1930, I remember our house very well. It was a U-shaped five-storied brick house with a front yard. It seemed huge to me at that time. The house is still there. There was the Kharkov Opera Theater next to our house. We could hear the opera performances as if we were in the hall. Then, the opera theatre was moved to another building, and was taken over by the Russian drama theater. We lived on the fifth floor of the communal apartment 13. There was a common kitchen, toilet and bathroom. There was centralized gas, sewage and running water. We had two rooms. There were five more families in our apartment. I don't remember all of them. I recall a woman, who lived next door. Her name was Marusya, she was Russian. Her daughter was my coeval. There was also a Jew, Hanna, who worked with the NKVD.

One room was taken by my parents, the other room was mine. I don't remember how the rooms were furnished. I can only recall my father's oaken desk, which has been kept until now, and the bookshelves with the books. There weren't a lot of books. That was mostly father's specialist literature. Father worked in the chemical industry. He wasn't an ordinary worker.

My parents spoke only Russian at home. If they wanted to conceal something from me, they would exchange a couple of Yiddish phrases at times. I wasn't very good at Yiddish. Father also spoke good Polish. Our neighbor was a Pole, and my father was always happy to communicate with her in her mother tongue.

I spent the whole summer in Chernigov with my grandmother. All grandchildren were brought together. Mother's sister Revekka also used to come there with her husband and daughter to spend the summer. They were happy times. Grandmother cooked. Pavel and Revekka played with the children. We went for strolls to the forest, the beach, and performed puppet shows. The elder read fairy-tales to the younger ones. Sometimes my uncle took all boys angling. We left at dawn, and came back for breakfast. All grown-ups spoke Russian with the children. The house was spacious and there was enough room for everybody. It was a two-storied brick house with a basement. Mother's brother Solomon was the host. His family was on the first floor, grandmother took the second floor. The basement was taken by tenants. There was a fountain in the yard in front of the house. It was probably the only fountain in Chernigov at that time. There was a beautiful orchard behind the house. There was a variety of fruits there.

When I was in Chernigov with my daughter looking for Jacob's grave, I was shown the street where my grandfather had lived. Strange as it may be, I found grandfather's house surrounded by new multi-storied buildings. I entered the yard and recollected everything: the place where pen and coop were, the summer kitchen etc. The orchard had turned into a jungle, teeming with weeds. It was fall, and there were big piles of apples and pears under the trees. I wanted to get in and ask the new hosts to see the place that had been dear to me since childhood, but nobody was in. I picked up an apple and enjoyed its familiar fragrance.

There are certain scraps of my childhood in my memory. I remember my grandmother to cook cherry jam in a huge copper basin. I reached to pick a cherry and scalded my arm heavily. I was taken to the doctor and I remember how he praised me for not making a sound during the treatment of the wound and bandaging. I remember how Grandfather used to send me to the bakery for challah, and I removed the crunchy crust and ate it on the way home. Maybe grandfather got so mad because the challah was meant for Sabbath. I don't remember my grandparents to celebrate Sabbath at home; frankly speaking, I preferred to spend time with my cousins rather than with the adults. Once, my grandfather gave me a pocket watch. I was keen to know why the hands were moving, so I dismantled the watch into tiny pieces. Grandfather scolded me, but my grandmother stood up for me. She picked up all the parts and took them to the watchmaker, and they were put together again. Grandmother forgave her grandchildren entirely no matter what we did. We were very rarely punished. I remember how I lolled out my tongue in front of my grandmother. Late at night, after Uncle Solomon came back from work, he flogged me for lolling out my tongue. Such little incidents were not in the way for my love for my relatives. I always kept in touch, called and sometimes came for a visit.

Once, my grandparents came to Kharkov to see us. They spent a week and left. All of us talked them into staying longer, but grandmother didn't want to leave her household for a long time. I was six, when I visited my grandparents for the last time. I came to them from Moscow before schooling.

In 1929 my father was transferred to the Ministry of Chemical Industry in Moscow. My father left by himself. My mother and I followed him after he had been given the apartment in Moscow. The apartment was located on Krasnoprudnaya Street. We had a two-room apartment with all modern conveniences. It was a separate apartment, which was a rare thing back in those times. Most of the people continued living in communal apartments. My father's apartment was on the 3rd floor, but we changed it for the 5th floor as one of the residents asked for it because it was hard for him to climb the stairs. My father wasn't against it. He thought he wasn't entitled for a better living than others. Later, in 1935 my father was offered a four-room apartment in the center of Moscow, on Ananyevskiy Lane. Father tried to persuade mother's brother Mikhail to move to Moscow. Mikhail didn't want to move, so Father turned down the apartment saying that there was no use in such a big apartment for us.

When we moved to Moscow, my mother started working. She worked for some company for a while, and then she was offered the position of an economist in the planning department of the Ministry of Foreign Trade. Mother worked there until her retirement. She was loved and respected. No matter that my mother was offered to join the party for a number of occasions, she refused it saying that she was apolitical. We were well- off. My pre-war childhood and adolescence were the best period of my life.

I was closer to my mother than to my father. She was an open-hearted and benevolent person. I always felt her love. Father was different. He also was very decent and honest, but he was constantly busy and he couldn't find time for me. Mother also was very busy. Before the war, I saw my parents once a week, on Sunday. They went to work two hours after I left for school. When I left, they were asleep. When they came back, I was asleep. Nevertheless, I think my parents taught me a lot, and influenced my mettle. One could interminably reiterate that you should be decent, honest and fair, but without setting one's own example all that nurturing would be futile. My parents should be given credit for all good things I have as they taught me with their good example to follow.

Of course I wasn't on my own. From the time I left for Moscow in 1939 I had a nanny. Her name was Vera. She came from a village in either Poltava or Chernigov oblast. She wasn't just a nanny, she was also a housekeeper. She was a very close person to us, a member of our family. She went to see her kin, caught a cold and died. My parents went to her funeral. It was hard for us to get over Vera's death. We commemorated her for a long time. My parents were never arrogant towards people inferior to them. My father had a car with a personal driver, and there wasn't a single time that the driver wouldn't eat with us if we were having a meal. We knew everything about our family, and he knew about our things in the house. My parents taught me to treat people this way.

In 1935 my grandmother was afflicted with pneumonia and passed away. She was about 75. Then my brother Solomon died after her. Grandmother and Solomon were buried in the Jewish cemetery in Chernigov. After Grandmother's death, my grandfather stayed with Solomon's family. Basya, Solomon's wife took care of him. In 1939, my grandfather had a cervical hip fracture. He was quite senile, aged about 90. The fracture was very complicated, and there was no hope that the bones would knit together. Grandfather was bedridden for a year. Basya and three of her daughters looked after him. In 1940 my grandfather passed away. He was buried next to Grandmother. I cannot tell for sure, but I think the funeral wasn't in accordance with the Jewish rites, as my grandparents were atheists.

In 1932 I entered pre-school. At the age of seven I went to a pre- school class. At that time pupils were only accepted to the first grade of secondary school from the age of eight, but at schools there were classes of preschool preparation. We were taught the alphabet and rudimentary figures and other things to get ready for the first grade. I cannot say that I was a good student. I was very fidgety and was often summoned to the principal's office with other boys. We were not hooligans, but often frolicking. None of the school subjects were my favorites. Though, there was a time in the fifth or the six grade when my friend and I went to the literary circle held by our literature teacher. But I reckoned on that: we could have poor marks during lessons, and then both of us could compose some poem and would be given good marks for the quarter. I was mostly attracted to football during school time. I'm still keen on it. I was in the fifth grade when I appeared in the stadium for the first time, and I have been fond of football since then. I tried not to miss the matches of my favorite football teams. Now, I am not that big of a fan any more. I think nowadays football is a travesty. Back in those times people played for the sake of the game and love of football, deriving pleasure from scoring a goal. Now money is the pivot.

I was in the first grade when I was accepted to the Octiabriata [Young Octobrist] 14, then I became a pioneer [see All-Union pioneer organization] 15. I wasn't a Komsomol 16 member in school, though. When the Great Patriotic War was unleashed I finished the eighth grade, and I was not eligible for the Komsomol yet.

There were a few Jewish children in my class. We didn't feel any difference between Jews and non-Jews. Both teachers and classmates had the same attitude towards different nationalities. Anyway, I never came across any collisions.

Mother wanted me to know a foreign language. A German lady who had stayed in Russia for a long time, taught me German. Our classes lasted for several years and I was pretty good at German. By the way, as soon as the war started, she was fired and nobody knew what happened to her next. She was most likely unhappy.

In 1933 Hitler came to power in Germany. I was too little to be interested in that. I was politically aware after I became a pioneer. Pioneers were interested in the events in Germany, discussed at our meetings, and condemned fascism. Anti-fascist movies such as 'Professor Mamlock' 17 were shown in the cinemas. We saw this movie for several times, read the articles about the atrocities of the fascists. Of course, we thought fascism to be a crime.

We had a clear understanding of what fascism was when the war in Spain [Spanish Civil War] 18 was unleashed. It goes without saying, that all of us were on the Republicans' side. War chronicles were shown in the movie theaters at that time. Spanish orphans, whose parents were killed in the war, were brought from Spain. We desperately envied adults who were able to be volunteers at war. An adopted Spanish boy of my age lived in our house. I made friends with him. We remained friends as adults. All of us hated fascism and detested Hitler. I don't know how it was with the grown-ups, but we, the children, couldn't comprehend how a peace treaty, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact 19, could possibly be concluded with Hitler. I remember the arrival of Ribbentrop in Moscow. My mother said surprisingly that his face was pleasant.

In 1936 arrests commenced [during the Great Terror] 20. My father was deputy head of the leading committee and he testified to that. He used to get back from work and tell us about new appointments of other people to leading positions. I knew that it meant the former leaders' imprisonment. I don't know what my father was thinking at that moment; maybe he was hoping that it wouldn't touch him. There was a time when my father worked with Polina Zhemchuzhina, Molotov's 21 wife. Once I used to come to my father's work and heard him talking to Zhemchuzhina. My father introduced me to her. She patted me on my shoulder and gave me two big oranges.

I was shocked by the arrests of enemies of the people 22, such eminent militaries as Yakir 23 and others. They were idols for us, the boys. My mother had known the family of Turovskiy, deputy commander of Kharkov, since childhood. They were born in Chernigov, and Turovskiy lived there for a while. Once my mother took me to the cinema to see a documentary on military maneuvers, and Turovskiy was in that movie. Then, after a while, he turned out to be an enemy of the people. I couldn't believe the things published in the press, and I couldn't comprehend how it could have occurred. It didn't make any sense to me. I tried to talk to my father regarding that. He also used to say, 'I cannot understand how people who went through exile, civil war and prisons all of a sudden turn out to be the enemies.'

We had such talks; neither my friends nor I ever took it personally. Some of my schoolmates' parents were 'enemies of the people.' They kept on studying at school, and their teachers treated them the same way they had before, without making them reject their parents and condemn them. Only later I understood that it was the teachers' merit. [Editor's note: in the USSR it was characteristic for teachers to be ideological workers, and their job was to identify and besmirch the children of enemies of the people, making them publicly reject their parents, who were unwanted by the regime. If it didn't happen in this case it was the teachers' merit.]

During the war

In 1939 Hitler attacked Poland and our troops were mobilized there [see Invasion of Poland] 24. My aunt's husband Pavel was drafted into the army and dispatched to Poland. Fortunately he had been demobilized before the Finnish campaign started [see Soviet-Finnish War] 25. I remember my uncle's tales about the war in Poland. During the Polish war and the 'liberation' of Western Ukraine there weren't even enough rifles for all the soldiers. There was one rifle for several people. There were no battles though. Our army had to be more careful with the Polish than with the Germans, who came to a certain point and stopped. The part of Poland where our troops came was very antagonistic against our army and they were vindictive towards the Polish division. There were cases when a Soviet soldier came to the barbers for shaving and was killed with a razor blade.

We were brought up with propaganda. We were raised with movies as 'Esli Zavtra Voyna' [If War Comes Tomorrow, USSR 1938] and such like. We were convinced if somebody dared to attack our country, he would be defeated and there would be little blood-shed on foreign territory. Frankly speaking, I wouldn't have imagined that such a powerful state could be attacked. I couldn't even think that Germany would attack the USSR after the Molotov-Ribbentrop pact had been signed. Of course, such propaganda was a mere profanation and duping, but only later on I came to understand that.

On Sunday, 22nd June 1941 our family was about to move to a dacha 26. But in the morning my father was given a call and told that the driver had lingered on and should postpone moving until next week. I was happy to hear that as my friends were going to Sokolniki stadium to play football. I joined them. When we got to Sokolniki we saw a throng of people clustered by the loud-speaker. We stopped and were told that a paramount important message from the government was about to be announced. We listened to Molotov's speech, who said that treacherous Germany had attacked the USSR. We went back home. All day long we were discussing when our troops would be crossing the border. People outside had likewise talks. The next day we would ask each other with hope whether our troops had crossed the border. There was no information on the radio for a while, only optimistic promises that the enemy wouldn't cross our territory. Only a few days later we found out that Minsk had been captured by the Germans. They didn't even say a thing about the battles with the enemy on this territory. Then, when the Germans were deep in the country, for thousands of kilometers, there was nothing to say, but, 'After severe fighting our soldiers had to retreat from such and such city ...'

At the beginning of 1941 father was transferred to the Ministry of Coal Industry, which was evacuated to Molotov [today Perm, 1,250 km from Moscow] in June 1941. Moscow wasn't bombed at that time. Bombing started in August. Mother left her job, and the three of us were evacuated. We traveled in a crammed freight car for five days. There was provision in Moscow shops still, so we took some food with us. It was possible to buy things at the stations. We were lodged in a private house in Molotov. The hosts gave us a six-square meter room for the three of us. First there was some food in Molotov, and we ate at a canteen. About a month later the food cards [see Card system] 27 were implemented.

Then mother's sister Revekka came back from Kharkov. She was first evacuated to Novosibirsk [about 3,000 km from Moscow] and stayed with her husband's brother. Her husband Pavel was at the front. Revekka stayed with us for a while and then left for Novosibirsk. I went to the ninth grade of the local school. Mother worked in some office. In half a year my father was called to Moscow. My mother and I stayed in Molotov until July. Mother wanted me to finish the ninth grade. There were battles for Moscow and we were constantly listening in round-ups. I didn't even admit a thought that the Germans might take Moscow. I was sure that our army wouldn't give up Moscow, and it happened so. We lived from one round-up of the Soviet information bureau to another.

When my father came back to Moscow, there were some people in our apartment. In a year by court ruling our apartment was given back to us, and in July 1942 my mother and I came back home. The director first didn't want to let my mother go home. He gave in after receiving a governmental telegram signed by the deputy minister of foreign trade with the request to let my mother go to work in Moscow. Mother regained her work in the Ministry of Foreign Trade. I went to the tenth grade in September. I wanted to go to the army as a volunteer that is why I had an independent tenth-grade course for two months and passed my exams pre-term. In November 1942 I was issued a certificate of ten-year compulsory education.

Our life in Moscow during war times considerably differed from the pre- war period. Mass air raids stopped, and bombing was occasional. The Germans were thrown out of Moscow. There were air-raid shelters in Moscow, but some people were used to bombings and didn't leave their apartments during bombing. Many houses were demolished during the siege of Moscow, but our district wasn't devastated at all. Of course, we were hungry, but we managed somehow. It was more difficult to get over the cold. Central heating was turned off and the winter was severe. One room was locked, and the other was heated by a self-made stove. It was heated with anything we could possibly find: furniture, boards and branches I was looking for on the streets and in the parks.

In December 1942 I was drafted into the army. I hadn't reached the drafting age of 18; I was 17 at that time. We were brought together by groups in the military office. My group was sent to Yaroslavl [about 200 km from Moscow] to the gun school. I was sent back home as they told me there that I wouldn't go through the examination commission. I celebrated the New Year of 1943 at home in Moscow. I was summoned to the military enlistment office a couple of months later and was sent to the military engineering school near Moscow. I was told by the physical evaluation board that I was fit for the troop duty, but not for the military school. The doctor asked what school I was supposed to enter and I told him military engineering. The doctor must have thought that it was some kind of a technical school and came to the conclusion that I was healthy.

I recall the time spent in the military school as a nightmare. We were trained even harder than in any other military schools. As a matter of fact, the training looked more like a teasing. There were two platoons. The first consisted of males with unfinished higher education, and the second platoon was comprised of boys with secondary education. I was in the second platoon. Calling our commanders martinets would be an understatement. Platoon commander Glukhov, the former front-line soldier, having been awarded, was a malicious person, though straightforward and not mean. Our division commander, who had earlier been involved in prosecution, was a real sadist. If the attendee was given extra duty for misdemeanor, he didn't give him work, he was waiting for everybody to fall asleep, and then woke up the penalized lad giving him an assignment to clean floors or toilets. What he enjoyed the most was to wake up the entire platoon at night, tell everybody to align outside and make them running to the assault course. There was no need in that; he just had fun teasing us. We couldn't stand up for ourselves. Then, approximately one year before our leaving to the front they were scared the reckoning was coming for our teasing. But they were removed three month in advance. We didn't even know the reason for their dismissal. They were taken over by the school leavers. I was in the school for a year and two months. It was a large training period considering war time. As we were to become combat engineers we were trained very thoroughly. The commander used to say that the sapper would make a mistake only once and we were taught not to make any errors.

I was given the rank of a junior lieutenant after I finished school. I was sent to the 1st Ukrainian front. Shortly after my arrival I was sent to the combat engineering squad and assigned the commander of the combat engineers' platoon. The previous commander was in hospital, and I stood in for him. In couple of months I got a higher rank - lieutenant. Then the previous commander came back from hospital, and I was transferred to the 5th paratroopers' regiment of the 2nd guard airborne division. I was there until my first wound.

Combat engineers were responsible for mine planting and mine clearance. I was supposed to join the reconnoiters, as the intelligence didn't head out anywhere without a combat engineer because the fields were planted with mines. The combat engineer was to go first and set up the route in the mine field for the reconnoiters and others. When tanks were to attack, combat engineers were supposed to check the route for them. Of course, we didn't have time to clear the whole mine field. Combat engineers moved in front of the tanks, cleared mines, and then the tanks followed the combat engineers.

Mines were buried, but they could be seen. Of course the tankers couldn't see them as the distance was too big. Sometimes they had a hunch where the mine was, even though they didn't see the mine. Anti- personnel conventional mines could be condoned as they wouldn't destroy tanks, while antitank mines would blast a tank that is why it was mandatory to clear those types of mines. [Editor's note: Originally developed in World War II, the PMD-6 antipersonnel mine is a rudimentary pressure-activated blast device in a wooden box. As wood rots, the mine mechanism may shift, and the device often sets itself off or becomes inoperative.]

Our task was also to maintain a caution crossing. There were special well-equipped squads with bateaus for this mission. But we lacked such squads and caution crossing was provided by ordinary combat engineering troops with expedient means. Once we had to ford across the river Latoritsa in Western Ukraine. Our squad approached the river. We couldn't approach the bank as the Germans launched a severe gun attack. The regiment commander gave an order to ford the river at night under the cover of darkness. I remembered what we were taught in school. We got long boards and bound them together with rope and wire and then brought them to the river in carts as soon as it got dark. We had a raft with the length of 70-80 meters. We also prepared long six-meter rods to push off from the bottom. I and five more people got on the raft and tried to veer it across the river with the help of the rod. But the rods were too short and didn't reach the bottom. The river wasn't very wide, about 50 meters, but it was deep, deeper than eight meters. The river stream pulled the raft along, and we had to pull against. We were lucky that the wind direction didn't allow the Germans to hear the splashes coming from us.

My watch showed 4am. The dawn was before soon, and the Germans would just shoot us down. I saw the commander on the bank waving his hands and making signs to veer the raft. What were we to do? It was December and our raft was getting covered with ice. Surprisingly enough I didn't even think about the fact that I didn't know how to swim. One slip and I would be in the water sinking like a stone. We couldn't reach the bottom with the rods. The only way out was to swim to the bank and get the rope tied to the raft. One of the soldiers undressed and swam in the freezing cold December water. He swam for two meters and had a cramp. Another soldier followed him. We tied him up with the rope for him to get on the raft if he had to. We were lucky. The soldier reached the bank. As soon as they hauled on the rope from the bank, the raft was veered across the river and the entire squadron crossed the river, landed at the other bank and succeeded in attacking the Germans.

I was lucky not be wounded at war no matter that I was in the skirmishes. I really considered myself a fortune minion, who couldn't possibly be wounded. I don't know why but I was convinced of that. The first time I was wounded was in Hungary in 1944. We came to a hamlet after receiving the message from the headquarters that it was occupied by our troops. I went halfway on the tank turret, and then I got off to check whether there were any mines getting a hold of the tank weapon. Then all of a sudden shooting was coming from that hamlet. It turned out that it was occupied by Germans. The tanks turned around and retreated; I was close to the tanks. But I couldn't move forward way too far as a mine fragment hit my head. I was unconscious for a while. When I came around I saw a local Hungarian woman sitting by me. She tore a piece from her chemise and bandaged my head. I was hospitalized with that wound. Then I came to the understanding that I could be wounded, not killed.

I was sent to the 7th air-borne regiment of the 2nd guard airborne division after I was discharged from hospital. The combat engineering commander perished and I was assigned new platoon commander and stayed there until the end of the war.

I didn't join the Party while in the army. The political instructor used to annoy me with requests to join the Party after I had become officer and platoon commander. I declined saying that I wasn't a Komsomol member, and besides at the age of 19 wasn't eligible to be a party member. In the end I was pushed to become a Komsomol member.

It was mandatory to take any city on the eve of some Soviet holiday. It was common practice no matter that the situation wasn't auspicious for that. It should have been the time of respite, but we had the order to liberate any city at any cost. It meant thousands of casualties just for reporting to the supreme, e.g. 'Comrade Stalin, to commemorate the anniversary of the great October Socialist Revolution Kiev has been liberated.' I remember how in 1944 an article appeared in Pravda [one of the most popular communist papers in the USSR, issued from 1912 till now, with the circulation exceeding eight million copies during the Soviet period] saying that in severe battles the troops of the 4th Ukrainian front took the passenger terminal and the town of Chop [Zakarpatska, Ukraine]. Yes, Chop was taken but it couldn't be retained as the Germans put on more pressure. Then there were more casualties in attempts to liberate Chop.

I went to reconnoiter many times. Then I was involved not only in combat engineering but also in reconnoitering. I recall one case. I was sent to reconnoiter with a group of people and I was told that we should cross the front line. I wasn't told who these people were. When I came back to the squad I was told that those people were German anti- fascists who had come through the front line to their military divisions to propagate against Hitler. I thought their mission to be very hard. They could have been killed at once if not disposed to the Gestapo. Then I understood that Germans and fascists were two different things. There were Germans who fought against Hitler.

I was wounded the second time in Poland, not far from Poznan, in the direction of the river Oder. It happened in March, 1945. The altitude by the Oder was 936 as marked on the maps. First the altitude was taken by us, and then it was taken by the Germans after our retreat. There were few people and the personnel wasn't replenished no matter that our commandment was constantly asking for it. The general headquarters cabled the following: 'Finish the war with the means you've got without awaiting replenishment.' We had more equipment than men and more officers than soldiers percentage-wise. Soldiers weren't that willing to attack as they knew the war was coming to an end, and they didn't want to die. Combat engineers also tried to escape jeopardous assignment obviating the risk.

Combat engineers didn't have to assault, but we couldn't condone the orders. Gun soldiers who were to defend the headquarters were under my command. These were several combat engineers and infantry men. We reached an altitude in the evening and it was getting dark. All approaches to the altitude were lined with the corpses of our soldiers, who had made the attempt before us. But we had to act no matter what. I tried to convince the soldiers to attack. But nobody moved. Everybody wanted to live. Frankly speaking, I had to kick and shove them so they could get up. Then the words came - 'For the Motherland! For Stalin!' - and we attacked. A fragment reached an arch of my gun and the spent bullet broke my finger. Then the fragment pierced my leg. In the ardor of the battle I felt no pain. Only later I felt that I couldn't walk, and my leg pulled back. When the altitude was captured, I told the commander over the phone that the order had been fulfilled and asked for a permit to be hospitalized. Luckily the bone wasn't touched and I wasn't sent to the rear regiment. I stayed in the hospital for three weeks and then I returned to my regiment.

When we arrived in Germany, the hunt for trophies began. We could enter any devastated German house and take anything we wished. I couldn't even think of anything like that, but the older soldiers, especially the rustic ones, were seeking what might be in need. I recall that one of the elderly village guys found a 50-meter roll of silk. He wrapped himself up in that silk and walked around. I suggested that he should put that silk in the cart as nobody would take it anyway, but he didn't give in. He found his life very precious since he found that trophy. When we were having lunch, he went to the basement so as not to be killed in an accidental skirmish. Strange as it may be, he was the only one to die during a skirmish: the vault collapsed in the basement where he was hiding.

Most of us didn't hate the Germans. In battle it's different: an extermination of the vicious foes. We were calm towards captives and civilians. There were no people around who hankered for the death of the families of German soldiers. I had to participate in cross- examinations of the Germans because I spoke pretty good German. None of the captives recognized that he was a military. Some said they were barbers, others were builders; they named any profession that came to their mind. We treated captives in a good way. I remember that captured Germans slept along with our soldiers in the basement, and the weapons were close by. None of the Germans made an attempt to get a hold of a weapon. Captives were fed together with us. I saw the columns of captured Germans lead by two elderly soldiers. It was hard for one of them to carry a gun as it was heavy, so he put it on the shoulder of a captive. The Germans didn't try to escape or disarm the sentinel. They understood that the war was over, and they wanted to remain alive.

There was no anti-Semitism at the front. Nobody was interested what nationality the comrades were. There were other criteria: would your comrade give you a hand when you are in a quagmire, would he defend you from a skirmish or would he share rusk and water with you? There were Russians, Ukrainians, Georgians and Moldovans [also see Moldova] 28 among my front-line friends. There was no national feud.

For my friends and I the war was over not on 9th, but on 12th May 1945. The commandment was apprised that the German squad under the command of colonel-general Sherner was trying to break through to the Americans. Our front was to block their way. Part of our gun-machine battalion captured some hamlet, located 40 kilometers south-east of Berlin. We didn't take part in the liberation of that hamlet. Our squad, headed by the operational squad of the regiment, walked across the field and blocked the road. There were knolls ahead of us and shooting started from there. There must have been a spotter there, who spotted the fire. The shells were blasted behind us, then in front of us. I understood that we had come into a plug as they say in artillery.

There were three more soldiers with me. The shell landed right between us. I fell down after the blast. I was in a jersey and the cotton wool was erased by the shell fragment and my back was scolded. The map case was thrown away by the blast. The other three soldiers were killed. They perished on 12th May 1945. The regiment commander told me to submit a report for those killed in the last battle to be posthumously awarded and for their relatives to be apprised of that. One of those soldiers was my friend Vladimir Bishnar, a handsome good-humored Moldovan, only two years older than me. I couldn't write to his family, just couldn't stand the thought. I wanted to go to Moldova after demobilization and tell his family what a remarkable man Vladimir had been and how he had perished and my witnessing it. One thing is to write a letter, going to see them was a different thing. I didn't manage to do that. I kept my map case like the apple of my eye as it contained the addresses and pictures, and it was stolen during my trip on the train. There was nothing I regretted more in my life. That is why I couldn't meet up with Vladimir's family.

During the war I was awarded with the Order of the Red Star 29 and the Medal for Valor 30. Besides I got many medals for the defense and liberation of many cities. I was awarded with an Order of the Great Patriotic War 31, 1st Class, for my last battle on 12th May 1945.

After Khrushchev's 32 speech at the Twentieth Party Congress 33 covering Stalin's trespassing I brooded on how great Stalin's role was in defeating Germany. Alas, my thoughts were very wistful. Even now we don't know for sure how many casualties we had in that war. It is known that the Germans had nine million casualties. [Editor's note: regarding different resources, battle casualties of the USSR were between 8,6 and 13,6 million soldiers, of Germany between 3,45 and 4,75 million soldiers. Total military casualties of World War II in Europe number between 27 and 55 million people.] Germans are very punctilious, they consider everything. We still don't know the exact figure; all we know is that it considerably exceeded the casualties of the Germans. It should have been vice versa. They were assaulters, who were supposed to lose more than the defenders. People say that 30 million soldiers perished. But this figure is unrealistic. There were so many unburied soldiers. At present people are still finding human bones when they dig in the kitchen garden. Our state doesn't look into the issue of their burial or collecting data about them, some other people are doing that.

I consider it to be amoral for the state to treat people who defended the country, the way it does. During the defense of Kiev in 1941 the Germans captured three armies, 600,000 people. There is a story line about the Stalingrad battle 34 and 330 captured Germans, and there is nothing said about those 600,000. Our army was decapitated during terrible pre-war repressions. When they talk about genius commanders, who won the war I don't agree. Of course, they played their part, but the victory was gained at the expense of the soldiers, millions of their lives. There was nobody at the head of command at the beginning of the war. Junior officers became regiment commanders. Their careers were made during the war.

When Stalin understood that the war was to turn a different course, he released the remaining commanders from the Gulag 35 e.g. Rokossovskiy 36, and appointed them as commanders. Those who became generals and marshals by the end of the war began the war as lieutenants and captains. Having believed that Germany would be our ally, Stalin started to rearm the army at the end of 1940. When the Germans attacked, our army was in the middle of rearmament. Many of the large military plants were on the territory, occupied by the Germans. Only in 1942 weapon production was launched at the evacuated plants, e.g. Ukraine. Production was also implemented in new places, but it was a time-consuming process. Then arms, tanks and jets were produced in Ural and Siberia. Before, the ammunition consisted of rifles and guns dating back to World War I. [Editor's note: it took more than a year to move the plants from the center of the USSR to the East in order to launch production of new armament. Prior to the year 1942 the Soviet Army was armed with the kind of weapons and machines which were used in World War I.] 

After the war

I still remained in the army for another year after the war was over. I was dispatched to Western Ukraine. Banderovtsi gangs [see Bandera] 37 were in full swing at that time, and many military officers were sent there to fight against those gangs. We had the battle experience which the graduates of the military schools didn't acquire. The front-line experience was very important as the situation back in those times appeared belligerent. In a year the division commander called me and suggested I should stay in the army as a career officer. I said that I wanted to continue studying. The commander said that he understood me and sent me to the physical examination board. I still keep the old certificate of the medical board, where it was stated that I was banned from military service. I showed that certificate and I was qualified restrictedly fit. So, I had the chance to be demobilized. Otherwise, I would have had to stay in the army.

I came back home. I forgot everything I had learnt in school. I entered the preparatory faculty of the Moscow Mechanics Institute, which became the engineering physics institute. I entered the institute the following year. Though there were some problems. I was given a considerably lower mark for the entrance exam in mathematics. I still was accepted, in another department though. I submitted the documents for the engineering and physics department and I was accepted to the instrument making department, where the competition was lower.

When I was a sophomore student I bumped into the mathematics teacher who had taken my entrance exam. He came up to me and apologized for giving me a lower mark. I was so taken aback that the only thing I could say was that I was OK studying at another faculty and regretted nothing. I cannot say for sure, but I think that case referred to anti- Semitism, I don't have any other explanation for it. Anti-Semitism wasn't displayed during the years of my studies, though I knew it existed. A different attitude towards Jews could be felt after the war. Anti-Semitism was streamlined with the commencement of cosmopolitan processes in 1948 [see campaign against 'cosmopolitans'] 38. At that time I thought that the process was against certain scientists and cultural activist, not against Jews in general.

I think my parents felt the jeopardy of what was going on. My mother worked at the Ministry of Foreign Trade and she was offered to work in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. When she told my father about it he said that she should flatly refuse although the offered salary and position were better. My parents' job was connected with secretive and sensitive materials. Every time they were supposed to fill in certain forms to get access to these materials. During the war and for some time after the war, my father worked in the Ministry of Defense Industry and Armament, and then he was transferred to the Ministry of Heavy Industry. He worked there until his retirement. Once my mother filled in a certain section in the form regarding her relatives living abroad and wrote that her elder brother had lived in the USA since 1905. The head of the special department called her in and told her to rewrite the form without mentioning a word about her brother. It shows that they treated her in a good way and that she was appreciated. When she was to be awarded with the 'Medal for Distinctive Service' in 1948, she was the only one whose name was crossed out from the list of nominees. She was given a medal instead of this order. [Editor's note: the 'Medal for Distinctive Service' was established by the Decree of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the USSR on 27th December 1938 for awarding those workers, collective farmers and officers who showed distinctive and exceptional results at work, who advanced development of science, technology, culture.]

In December 1952 I graduated from the institute. Father didn't retire, though he was severely ill. He needed my help. Apart from working for the Ministry of Construction, he was also a member of the municipal party committee, which was a rather high position. According to my mandatory job assignment 39 I was to go to the Ministry of Defense Industry and Armament. My father, previously employed there, called the secretary of the party committee of the ministry. I don't know the subject of their conversation; I assume my father was asking him to help me stay in Moscow. But nothing came of it. Then my father resorted to the deputy minister of the Ministry of Construction of Heavy Industry Enterprises, who called the deputy minister of defense industry and armament. But it didn't work out either.

There was no stopping my father. He had an appointment with the minister of construction of heavy industry enterprises, Reiser, one of the few Jewish ministers, and it brought no result either. [Reiser, David Yakovlevich (1904-1962): Russian-born state activist of Jewish origin. In 1953 he was the deputy minister, later minister of the USSR construction ministry.] I was sent to the closed institute of defense industry and armament in Izhevsk, located 1,000 kilometers from Moscow. I had stayed there for a year, then there was a decree of the plenum of the central committee of the party regarding 'Strengthening of agriculture' and I was offered to go to a kolkhoz 40.

The issue was very serious. I came to the instructor of the central committee of the party. I explained that I would be useless in the agricultural industry with my education in instrument building and no experience in rustic living and with agricultural machinery. The instructor listened to me very carefully and totally agreed with me. She wasn't the one who could have issued a resolution, so she called the secretary of the regional committee of the party in Izhevsk for him to decide on the spot. I had an appointment with him when I got back to Izhevsk. He was aware that agriculture wouldn't suffer a loss without me, but he unofficially recommended me to go. I was sent to a village in Izhevsk district and appointed chief engineer of the tractor station. I didn't know anything about agricultural equipment, but I had organizational skills, other issues were taken care of by the chief mechanic. I bought and established the necessary equipment, and I provided them with building materials, but I didn't have to maintain this equipment, for this purpose there was a mechanic. So I didn't have to have a thorough knowledge in production. There was a forestry nearby, and I got acquainted with the mechanic. He told me that his nephew was to graduate from the institute soon and his mandatory job assignment was to be in Kazakhstan. I suggested that his nephew should be appointed for my position as his relatives were there. He wrote to his nephew and got a positive reply. The nephew came, I told him about the functions of the chief engineer and we both went to the regional committee of the party. I introduced my successor to the secretary, and he signed my resignation letter. In 1954 I returned to Izhevsk to my previous position. In 1957 I left for Moscow, my home.

In January 1953, when I was in Izhevsk, the Doctors' Plot 41 commenced. Of course, I didn't believe the things written in the articles. I couldn't envisage a doctor, who had been treating the top circles of the government for many years, to poison people. It was a libel. Many people believed that. There were some of my acquaintances who believed that Jews would be able to commit anything, including the assassination of Stalin. There were some younger people who considered Stalin to be a criminal, who should have been exterminated a long time ago. Such talks were very hazardous at that time. We were lucky that there wasn't an NKVD stooge among us, and that we weren't arrested. Common people unconditionally believed everything they broadcast on the radio or things written in the newspapers. People refused to go to the Jewish doctors in the polyclinics. Anti-Semitism was acerbated. The street in Chernigov named after my mother's brother Jacob Nitsberg was renamed at that time. Soon, to commemorate a certain anniversary, my mother received a letter saying that she was invited to Chernigov to take the floor and talk about her brother. My mother knew that the street had been renamed. She didn't even answer the letter and said she didn't want anything to do with those people.

On 5th March 1953 Stalin passed away. It was both a shock and a tribulation for me. My mother reiterated one and the same line in her letters after Stalin's death: 'How are we to live without Stalin now?' I had no such thoughts.

I remembered the Twentieth Party Congress, where Nikita Khrushchev divulged crimes committed by Stalin. I believed Khrushchev at once. I still think a new page in history was turned, removing the old one full of terror. It wasn't accepted by everybody. My father didn't know what happened at the party congress as he was in hospital. When he was discharged from the hospital, he went to the central party committee and read a publicly closed letter with Khrushchev's speech. My father was so astounded that he stayed in bed for a few days feeling unwell. Father saw things happening around him and he wasn't so gullible not to understand what was going on. After perestroika 42 they started publishing the list of people who had been shot [see Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union] 43, where I found many familiar names, former employees of my father. He might have stuck to the opinion of the majority that Stalin's surrounding was to blame, not Stalin himself. There are many people nowadays who disbelieve the repressions, the fact that millions of innocent people had been shot and exiled to the Gulag. Mother told me that after the exoneration many people came back to the ministry. When my mother asked her former employee who was falsely convicted and imprisoned for 14 years, what had happened to him in the Gulag, he told her to ask no questions. I can only imagine what horror he had to go through if he didn't want to recall things.

After the Twentieth Party Congress I was sure that our life would dramatically change for the better. Of course, certain things changed. We didn't have to fear repressions. One could speak his mind; anti- Semitism slightly faded in every day life, though it remained on the state level. When I came back to Moscow in 1957, I wasn't able to find a job. My name was Russian, and I didn't look very Jewish. When I came to the human resources department I was offered a job, and after I filled in my nationality in line #5 [see Item 5] 44 I was apprised immediately that the position wasn't vacant any more, and that they'd just forgotten about it.

I took pains to be employed by the construction bureau of the non- ferrous metals plant Tsvetmetavtomatika. Then I was assisted in the transfer to the scientific and research institute of heating appliances. My non-Jewish surname complicated my life. Very often I was offered interesting and more lucrative jobs, and when they saw the line with my nationality, they backed off. Once my mother told me that there would be a new committee by the Ministry of Foreign Trade and there were vacancies. She kept me informed and told me to go there for an appointment. I was received by the deputy head of the committee of the Ministry of Radio Industry. He told me about the field to be involved in, and what I would have to do, and then asked me a question, 'Is there anything bothering you?' He must have noticed my tension and then asked me another question, 'Are you Russian?' I replied, 'No.' Then an explicit question followed, 'Are you a Jew?' - 'Yes.' And the last question was, 'Is it indicated in the form?' Then he told me that such issues could be tackled only by his boss. Then he added that I would have another appointment, and that the position had been taken. Things were very clear to me, and I never went back there.

Marriage life and children

I was married late, in 1961. I met my future wife, Elena Fanstein, at my friend's place. Elena was younger than me. She was born in December 1933 in a town outside Moscow called Noginsk. Elena's father, Emmanuel Fanstein, was chief accountant of the powder plant in the city of Roshal. Elena's mother, Basya Fanstein [nee Ostrovskaya] was a housewife. There were three children in the family: the elder son, Valentin, born in 1929, Elena and the junior, Leonid, born in 1939. At the beginning of 1941 Elena's father was arrested. There was an arson at the powder plant, probably caused by technological malfunction, but the whole management of the plant was charged with arson and sent to the Gulag according to article #58 of the criminal code. [According to this article any action directed against upheaval, shattering and weakening of the power of the working and peasant class should be punished.]

During the war Elena's family was evacuated to the town of Yaloutorovsk, Tumen oblast [about 1,800 km from Moscow]. It was a very hard time for them. Elena's parents lived in the town of Rouzhin, Zhytomyr province. Her grandmother died before the war and her grandfather, Shalom Ostrovskiy, objected to evacuation and was shot by fascists along with other Jews of Rouzhin in 1941. Then Elena's elder brother was taken to Moscow by his relatives, and they assisted him in entering a vocational school. After the evacuation Basya moved to Moscow with the two younger children. Elena's father was pardoned in 1945, but he couldn't join his family as he lived in exile for a while. However, he surreptitiously visited them in Moscow. Then he came to Moscow and found a job connected with business trips. Frequent trips gave him an opportunity not to attend political classes and general meetings.

Elena finished school and entered the engineering and economic institute. After graduation she stayed in Moscow and had a mandatory job assignment to a design institute to work as an economist. Her elder brother tried to enter Moscow University [M. V. Lomonosov Moscow State University, the best university in the Soviet Union, also well-known abroad for its high level of education and research], but it was unrealistic for a Jew to enter such an institution. He graduated from the polytechnic institute and worked as a researcher in the scientific and research institute. Elena's younger brother made an attempt to enter the institute of military translators, and didn't succeed. The following year he entered the textile industry institute and then worked as an engineer. Elena's elder brother's wife gave birth to a girl in 1959. Their daughter was named Marina. Leonid, the younger brother, had three daughters: Elena born in the first marriage in 1961, and another Elena, born in 1970, and Alla, born in 1976, in the second marriage. Both brothers lived in Moscow. Valentin died in 1994. Leonid immigrated to the USA in the 1980s with his family. They have a happy life in San Francisco.

Our wedding was ordinary. We got registered in the marriage registration office and had a wedding party in the evening with our kin and friends. We lived with my parents. Father died a few months after our wedding. He was buried in the city cemetery. Of course, the funeral was secular as my father had been an atheist and a party member. He kept on reiterating why I didn't join the Party and wondered if I hadn't changed my mind.

When my father was still alive he asked the local authorities to give him another apartment. Our apartment was on the fifth floor and there was no elevator. It was hard for my parents to walk upstairs. Father was offered other apartments, but those were worse than ours. After my father's death we were given an apartment in the residential area of Moscow. The house was located not very far from the metro, and there was an elevator. Of course, that apartment wasn't equal to ours, but we agreed to it, because of the elevator. We still live in that apartment.

In 1963 our only daughter, Victoria, was born. Elena kept on working. Mother was retired at that time and helped us raising our daughter. Victoria grew up like other Soviet children. She went to school, joined the Oktyabryata, the pioneers and the Komsomol. My mother spent most time with her. My wife and I worked hard and were pressed for time. We tried to spend the weekend with our daughter. We went for a stroll, to the theater and the circus. My mother died in 1981, the year when Victoria finished school. We buried her next to my father in the city cemetery.

After school Victoria entered the Moscow State Medical Academy of Veterinary and Bioengineering named after Skryabin. She got married during her last year of studies. I don't want to talk about her husband, as those recollections are hurting. Victoria's last name remained unchanged after she got married, but her son, born in 1988, was given the surname of his father: Bogachev. When my three-year-old grandson was asked in the kindergarten, 'Who is your dad?' he replied, 'Grandpa.' Victoria stayed in Moscow after her graduation. It was difficult for her to find a job, but her friends gave her a hand.

When our grandson, Artyom, was born, Elena retired so that she could help our daughter. I tried to spend my spare time with Artyom. The boy needed to have a masculine upbringing because he wasn't very fortunate with his father... Of course, Grandpa couldn't be the father, but I tried my best for my grandson not to feel that he was forsaken by his father. I love Artyom very much and I think he loves me, too. Probably I didn't raise him properly. I brought him up the way my parents did. My grandson is different from his coevals. He knows a lot about the Great Patriotic War from my tales and from many books he read. My daughter didn't have an easy life as we brought her up way too intelligent for nowadays - not pushy. Artyom is like that as well. What can we do? Would it be better if we raised a mean person who would do anything to achieve the stated goal? His life would be difficult. I know it from my own experience. Because I'm the same, and I'm not going to change. I didn't betray, did no harm to anybody. I have a clean conscience with myself and with my kin. That's the most important. My grandson is with me, sharing my principles. Once, my grandson and I were walking together, and one woman said to my grandson that he was lucky to have such a grandfather. I replied that I was a happy grandfather for having such a wonderful grandson. Now Artyom is 16. He is in the tenth grade. In a year he will have to choose his profession. I hope he will be happy.

I had trouble in my life for telling the truth all the time. Many people disapproved of it. If I heard about things impartial I always stood up for justice to prevail. I couldn't ask for myself, but if others needed my help I fought tooth and nail. Of course, there were a lot of ill-wishers because of that. Now, to crown it all I can say: no matter that I haven't achieved anything in life, my conscience is clean. I did no malice, and was not envious. My mother takes credit for that. It was she who taught me those things. There is a certain moral boundary that I will never step over. Any decent person is a friend for me, I cut indecent ones dead, I just don't communicate with them. I can understand and forgive many things, but not betrayal.

We used to celebrate birthdays of our family members and Soviet Holidays - 1st May, 7th November [October Revolution Day] 45, Soviet Army Day 46, New Year's Eve, but the most festive occasion for us was 9th May, Victory Day 47. The whole family goes to the Grave of Unknown Soldier, where we meet with front-line soldiers. My grandson has attended since the age of three. The rest of the holidays were just mere days-off - an occasion to get together with friends and have fun. We danced, sang, and enjoyed having a chat with dear people. Neither Elena nor I thought of the gist of the holiday. 

Recent years

In the 1970s mass immigration of Jews to Israel started. I sympathized with those who wanted to immigrate. I helped my friends, who were on the verge to change their lives. I didn't want to leave, though my wife craved for it and even insisted on our immigration. At that time her younger brother left; and Elena thought he was right as he did it for the sake of the future of his children. Many people didn't understand why a well-off person gave up an apartment, a car, work and left the country for uncertainty. I didn't have a wish like that. I think my upbringing was the reason for it. Besides, my mother was flatly against immigration, and I didn't want her to stay by herself.

I was very keen on the things going on in Israel. I followed the news in Israel and was interested in the life of this country. Israeli people are worth respecting and admiring. They made the country flourishing, achieving the highest level in medicine and science. This small country surrounded by adversaries, has a good defense system against assaulters. In 1967 the Six-Day-War 48 was unleashed, and then in 1973 there was the Yom Kippur War 49. The term 'Israeli military clique' appeared in our press, and I disapproved of it. Common people sympathized with the Israeli struggle. They understood that it wasn't Israel that unleashed war and admired its blitz victory in that massacre.

At the end of the 1980s Mikhail Gorbachev 50, General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party Central Committee announced perestroika. I didn't take him seriously, thought him to be a prattler, who couldn't even answer questions properly. Of course, we felt certain fruits of perestroika. Liberty was obtained. We were able to get previously banned literature. Libel in the press was over. Any person could go abroad without an approval from the regional party committee, and we could also invite foreigners. We were bereft of those rights during Soviet times. Now we had the opportunity to profess any religion we wanted. Synagogues and churches opened up. During Soviet times there was only the constitution and that was it. After the first year perestroika began to decline to a certain extent. I understand that the former party nomenclature tried to clutch at the past and put a spoke in the wheel. Preposterous things were going on - elite vineyards were exterminated in the Crimea under the pretext of struggle for teetotalism. Certain campaigns commenced and then were done away with very rapidly. Then it happened so that in Moscow products started vanishing from the stores like during the war times. Food cards were introduced. Then there was an outbreak of unemployment. People of retirement age were fired. All those things brought the breakup of the great and powerful state of the USSR [1991].

I was not to be fired. In 1990, I decided to retire, when I turned 65. I wanted to spend more time with my grandson, and start enjoying my life. I have been offered to come back to work for five years since my retirement. The management talked me into it in the year 1995. I am still working.

After the breakup of the USSR my life has been getting better gradually. Of course, we have a hard living nowadays, and I'm worried about the future of my grandson. What a nuisance, our country having defeated Germany in World War II, is considerably lacking behind in many spheres. Those people who fought against Germany receive compensation from Germany, but not from their country.

I think that young people are supposed to know their history and the history of the most terrible war in particular, as well as the storyline of the extermination of an imminent global fascist dictatorship. There is a railway college in Moscow where one of the regiments of our division was formed during the war. Now it is a museum of our division. I have been attending it for many years and held speeches on 'Classes of Valor.' For the first time I went there with the chairman of the war veteran council, a former party activist. When he took the floor, I noticed that people weren't listening to him and paid no attention. He was talking of the things that could be read in any textbook, so the story was thin for them. Then I took the floor with the stories about my front-line experience, the same I told my grandson, and they displayed an interest. I understand that they were aged 15-16, and I was a little bit older when I went to the front. I understand them, their problems, even though I'm an elderly man. I went there for many years, but now there are no classes of valor in their curriculum.

During perestroika the [Moscow] Council of the Jewish War Veterans 51 was founded in Moscow. I became its member. It was about 15 years ago. I have been the presidium member of this council for many years, and worked in the group of assistance to the needy. I paid a lot of attention to seeking those who needed help. Then, when I came back home, I rejected that position. I cannot just be there and do nothing. I had no time for that.

The first time I came to the synagogue was also during perestroika. There was only one synagogue for the entire city of Moscow after the war. The most ancient synagogue, and the only acting synagogue during the Soviet regime, was located in the heart of Moscow, on Spasoglinichevskiy Lane. The synagogue was ceremoniously opened in 1989. Now it is called 'Sinagoga na gorke' ['Synagogue on the hill' in Russian]. Then another one was restored at Malaya Bronzy. I've been very aloof from religion all my life. It was the way I was brought up by my parents and it was too late for me to be re-nurtured. I got to know our rabbi. He is a very interesting man and we both enjoy each other's company. We don't broach religious subjects, there are other common topics we find. We used to attend concerts of Jewish songs, but then it got more difficult for me to go because of my health problems.

Recently a new Jewish public center has been built. Many interesting people come there, including journalists and writers. I was there once, and I like it very much. We also have a Jewish charitable organization, Hama [Hesed] 52, which is very helpful to people. Unfortunately our Jews enjoy receiving more than giving. When I worked for the Council of the Jewish War Veterans, there was one entrepreneur from Pyatigorsk, who organized our trip to Israel. He paid for our round trip, and we had to take care of the accommodation. I've always dreamt of going to Israel. My daughter gave me the money and also informed her acquaintances that I would stay with them. I didn't have a foreign passport, and I was enrolled in the last group to have time to process the necessary documents. I was the head of the third group, where we selected people who were involved in the work of the council. But there were people who had nothing to do with the council and asked me to send them to Israel just because they had some relatives there. We tried to explain our selection process but heard their indignation in return. I understand that all bread is not baked in one oven. But why are there so many mercantile people among the Israeli? By the way, I didn't manage to go to Israel, some of the members in the second group refused going to the airport by electric train and wanted the sponsor to cover taxi expenses. The sponsor was so perturbed that he said he would do nothing from now on. Our group had Israeli visas, when we were apprised that our trip had been cancelled. So, I didn't go to Israel in the end.

I would like to live long enough to see Russia a civilized European country. I would be happy not to see things overshadowing our country. I would like my grandson to find himself in his life after he finishes school. I would like that useless blood-shed in Chechnya [see Chechen War] 53 to be over. Nobody knows what for somebody's grandchildren perish. And the most important is for our children and grandchildren to know about war only from tales of such veterans as I am. 

Glossary:

1 Guild I

In tsarist Russia merchants belonged to Guild I, II or III. Merchants of Guild I were allowed to trade with foreign merchants, while the others were allowed to trade only within Russia.

2 Provisional Government

Russian government formed after the February Revolution of 1917. The majority of its members were originally liberal deputies of the State Duma. The Provisional Government also had some socialist members, and after a series of political crises the number of socialist ministers increased. The goal of the Provisional Government was to turn Russia into a parliamentary democracy, with broad political liberties, general and equal elections, a multi-party system and equal rights for all citizens. The Provisional Government, however, was unable to solve the country's key problems, namely the withdrawal from World War I, agricultural and food problems and national issues. It was overthrown by the Bolsheviks in November 1917.

3 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

4 Keep in touch with relatives abroad

The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his/her relatives abroad and charge him/her with espionage, send them to concentration camp or even sentence them to death.

5 Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

6 White Guards

A counter-revolutionary gang led by General Denikin, famous for their brigandry and anti-Semitic acts all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.

7 Ispolkom

After the tsar's abdication (March, 1917), power passed to a Provisional Government appointed by a temporary committee of the Duma, which proposed to share power to some extent with councils of workers and soldiers known as 'soviets'. Following a brief and chaotic period of fairly democratic procedures, a mixed body of socialist intellectuals known as the Ispolkom secured the right to 'represent' the soviets. The democratic credentials of the soviets were highly imperfect to begin with: peasants - the overwhelming majority of the Russian population - had virtually no say, and soldiers were grossly over-represented. The Ispolkom's assumption of power turned this highly imperfect democracy into an intellectuals' oligarchy.

8 NKVD

People's Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

9 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o'clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

10 Pogroms in Ukraine

In the 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

11 Gangs

During the Russian Civil War there were all kinds of gangs in the Ukraine. Their members came from all the classes of former Russia, but most of them were peasants. Their leaders used political slogans to dress their criminal acts. These gangs were anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.

12 Denikin, Anton Ivanovich (1872-1947)

White Army general. During the Russian Civil War he fought against the Red Army in the South of Ukraine.

13 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning 'excess' living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

14 Young Octobrist

In Russian Oktyabrenok, or 'pre-pioneer', designates Soviet children of seven years or over preparing for entry into the pioneer organization.

15 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

16 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

17 Professor Mamlock

This 1937 Soviet feature is considered the first dramatic film on the subject of Nazi anti-Semitism ever made, and the first to tell Americans that Nazis were killing Jews. Hailed in New York, and banned in Chicago, it was adapted by the German playwright Friedrich Wolf - a friend of Bertolt Brecht - from his own play, and co- directed by Herbert Rappaport, assistant to German director G.W. Pabst. The story centers on the persecution of a great German surgeon, his son's sympathy and subsequent leadership of the underground communists, and a rival's sleazy tactics to expel Mamlock from his clinic.

18 Spanish Civil War (1936-39)

A civil war in Spain, which lasted from July 1936 to April 1939, between rebels known as Nacionales and the Spanish Republican government and its supporters. The leftist government of the Spanish Republic was besieged by nationalist forces headed by General Franco, who was backed by Nazi Germany and fascist Italy. Though it had Spanish nationalist ideals as the central cause, the war was closely watched around the world mainly as the first major military contest between left-wing forces and the increasingly powerful and heavily armed fascists. The number of people killed in the war has been long disputed ranging between 500,000 and a million.

19 Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact

Non-aggression pact between Germany and the Soviet Union, which became known under the name of Molotov- Ribbentrop Pact. Engaged in a border war with Japan in the Far East and fearing the German advance in the west, the Soviet government began secret negotiations for a non-aggression pact with Germany in 1939. In August 1939 it suddenly announced the conclusion of a Soviet-German agreement of friendship and non-aggression. The Pact contained a secret clause providing for the partition of Poland and for Soviet and German spheres of influence in Eastern Europe.

20 Great Terror (1934-1938)

During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

21 Molotov, V

P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

22 Enemy of the people

Soviet official term; euphemism used for real or assumed political opposition.

23 Yakir

One of the founders of the Communist Party in Ukraine. In 1938 he was arrested and executed.

24 Invasion of Poland

The German attack of Poland on 1st September 1939 is widely considered the date in the West for the start of World War II. After having gained both Austria and the Bohemian and Moravian parts of Czechoslovakia, Hitler was confident that he could acquire Poland without having to fight Britain and France. (To eliminate the possibility of the Soviet Union fighting if Poland were attacked, Hitler made a pact with the Soviet Union, the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact.) On the morning of 1st September 1939, German troops entered Poland. The German air attack hit so quickly that most of Poland's air force was destroyed while still on the ground. To hinder Polish mobilization, the Germans bombed bridges and roads. Groups of marching soldiers were machine-gunned from the air, and they also aimed at civilians. On 1st September, the beginning of the attack, Great Britain and France sent Hitler an ultimatum - withdraw German forces from Poland or Great Britain and France would go to war against Germany. On 3rd September, with Germany's forces penetrating deeper into Poland, Great Britain and France both declared war on Germany.

25 Soviet-Finnish War (1939-40)

The Soviet Union attacked Finland on 30 November 1939 to seize the Karelian Isthmus. The Red Army was halted at the so-called Mannengeim line. The League of Nations expelled the USSR from its ranks. In February-March 1940 the Red Army broke through the Mannengeim line and reached Vyborg. In March 1940 a peace treaty was signed in Moscow, by which the Karelian Isthmus, and some other areas, became part of the Soviet Union.

26 Dacha

country house, consisting of small huts and little plots of lands. The Soviet authorities came to the decision to allow this activity to the Soviet people to support themselves. The majority of urban citizens grow vegetables and fruit in their small gardens to make preserves for winter.

27 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

28 Moldova

Historic region between the Eastern Carpathians, the Dniester River and the Black Sea, also a contemporary state, bordering with Romania and Ukraine. Moldova was first mentioned after the end of the Mongol invasion in 14th century scripts as Eastern marquisate of the Hungarian Kingdom. For a long time, the Principality of Moldova was tributary of either Poland or Hungary until the Ottoman Empire took possession of it in 1512. The Sultans ruled Moldova indirectly by appointing the Prince of Moldova to govern the vassal principality. These were Moldovan boyars until the early 18th century and Greek (Phanariot) ones after. In 1812 Tsar Alexander I occupied the eastern part of Moldova (between the Prut and the Dniester river and the Black Sea) and attached it to its Empire under the name of Bessarabia. In 1859 the remaining part of Moldova merged with Wallachia. In 1862 the new country was called Romania, which was finally internationally recognized at the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. Bessarabia united with Romania after World War I, and was recaptured by the Soviet Union in 1940. The Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic gained independence after the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and is now called Moldovan Republic (Republica Moldova).

29 Order of the Red Star

Established in 1930, it was awarded for achievements in the defense of the motherland, the promotion of military science and the development of military equipments, and for courage in battle. The Order of the Red Star has been awarded over 4,000,000 times.

30 Medal for Valor

established on 17th October 1938, it was awarded for 'personal courage and valor in the defense of the Motherland and the execution of military duty involving a risk to life'. The award consists of a 38mm silver medal with the inscription 'For Valor' in the center and 'USSR' at the bottom in red enamel. The inscription is separated by the image of a Soviet battle tank. At the top of the award are three Soviet fighter planes. The medal suspends from a gray pentagonal ribbon with a 2mm blue strip on each edge. It has been awarded over 4,500,000 times.

31 Order of the Great Patriotic War

1st Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for skillful command of their units in action. 2nd Class: established 20th May 1942, awarded to officers and enlisted men of the armed forces and security troops and to partisans, irrespective of rank, for lesser personal valor in action.

32 Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971)

Soviet communist leader. After Stalin's death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

33 Twentieth Party Congress

At the Twentieth Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956 Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership.

34 Stalingrad Battle

17th July 1942 - 2nd February 1943. The South- Western and Don Fronts stopped the advance of German armies in the vicinity of Stalingrad. On 19th and 20th November 1942 the Soviet troops undertook an offensive and encircled 22 German divisions (330,000 people) and eliminated them. On 31st January 1943 the remains of the 6th German army headed by General Field Marshal Paulus surrendered (91,000 people). The victory in the Stalingrad battle was of huge political, strategic and international significance.

35 Gulag

The Soviet system of forced labor camps in the remote regions of Siberia and the Far North, which was first established in 1919. However, it was not until the early 1930s that there was a significant number of inmates in the camps. By 1934 the Gulag, or the Main Directorate for Corrective Labor Camps, then under the Cheka's successor organization the NKVD, had several million inmates. The prisoners included murderers, thieves, and other common criminals, along with political and religious dissenters. The Gulag camps made significant contributions to the Soviet economy during the rule of Stalin. Conditions in the camps were extremely harsh. After Stalin died in 1953, the population of the camps was reduced significantly, and conditions for the inmates improved somewhat.

36 Rokossovskiy, Konstantin Konstantinovich (1896-1968)

Marshal of the Soviet Union (1944), Hero of the Soviet Union (twice in 1944, 1945). Born into the family of a railroad man in Velikiye Luki. In October 1917 he joined the Red Army. During the Great Patriotic War he was Army Commander in the Moscow battle, commander of the Bryansk and Don fronts (Stalingrad battle), Central, Belarussian, 1st and 2nd Belarussian fronts (Vistula\Oder and Berlin operations). From 1945-49 chief commander of the northern group of armed forces. From 1949-56 Minister of National Defense and deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers of the PRP. From 1956-57 and 1958-62 Deputy Minister of Defense of the USSR.

37 Bandera, Stepan (1919-1959)

Politician and ideologue of the Ukrainian nationalist movement, who fought for the Ukrainian cause against both Poland and the Soviet Union. He attained high positions in the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN): he was chief of propaganda (1931) and, later, head of the national executive in Galicia (1933). He was hoping to establish an independent Ukrainian state with Nazi backing. After Germany attacked the Soviet Union, the OUN announced the establishment of an independent government of Ukraine in Lvov on 30th June 1941. About one week later the Germans disbanded this government and arrested the members. Bandera was taken to Sachsenhausen prison where he remained until the end of the war. He was assassinated by a Soviet agent in Munich in 1959. 38 Campaign against 'cosmopolitans': The campaign against 'cosmopolitans', i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. 'Cosmopolitans' writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American 'imperialism'. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors' Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin's death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against 'cosmopolitans'.

39 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

40 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

41 Doctors' Plot

The Doctors' Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin's reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

42 Perestroika (Russian for restructuring)

Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

43 Rehabilitation in the Soviet Union

Many people who had been arrested, disappeared or killed during the Stalinist era were rehabilitated after the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956, where Khrushchev publicly debunked the cult of Stalin and lifted the veil of secrecy from what had happened in the USSR during Stalin's leadership. It was only after the official rehabilitation that people learnt for the first time what had happened to their relatives as information on arrested people had not been disclosed before.

44 Item 5

This was the nationality factor, which was included on all job application forms, Jews, who were considered a separate nationality in the Soviet Union, were not favored in this respect from the end of World War WII until the late 1980s.

45 October Revolution Day

October 25 (according to the old calendar), 1917 went down in history as victory day for the Great October Socialist Revolution in Russia. This day is the most significant date in the history of the USSR. Today the anniversary is celebrated as 'Day of Accord and Reconciliation' on November 7.

46 Soviet Army Day

The Russian imperial army and navy disintegrated after the outbreak of the Revolution of 1917, so the Council of the People's Commissars created the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army on a voluntary basis. The first units distinguished themselves against the Germans on February 23, 1918. This day became the 'Day of the Soviet Army' and is nowadays celebrated as 'Army Day'.

47 Victory Day in Russia (9th May)

National holiday to commemorate the defeat of Nazi Germany and the end of World War II and honor the Soviets who died in the war.

48 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

49 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

50 Gorbachev, Mikhail (1931- )

Soviet political leader. Gorbachev joined the Communist Party in 1952 and gradually moved up in the party hierarchy. In 1970 he was elected to the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, where he remained until 1990. In 1980 he joined the politburo, and in 1985 he was appointed general secretary of the party. In 1986 he embarked on a comprehensive program of political, economic, and social liberalization under the slogans of glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring). The government released political prisoners, allowed increased emigration, attacked corruption, and encouraged the critical reexamination of Soviet history. The Congress of People's Deputies, founded in 1989, voted to end the Communist Party's control over the government and elected Gorbachev executive president. Gorbachev dissolved the Communist Party and granted the Baltic States independence. Following the establishment of the Commonwealth of Independent States in 1991, he resigned as president. Since 1992, Gorbachev has headed international organizations.

51 Moscow Council of the Jewish War Veterans

founded in 1988 by the Moscow municipal Jewish community. The main purpose of the organization is mutual assistance as well as unification of front-line Jews, collection and publishing of recollections about the war, and arranging meetings with the public and youth.

52 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

52 Chechen War

After the communist Soviet Union disintegrated in 1991 Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia declared their independence. The autonomous territories immediately north of these new nations remained part of the new Russian State, though their populations largely were not Russian. Several of these ethnic groups began agitating for more autonomy from Moscow or for outright independence. The conflict in Russia's South Caucasus region (Chechnya, Dagestan, Ossetia, Ingushetia) began quickly. After the first Chechen War (1994-96) Chechens claimed victory and independence, and the Russian government claimed victory and the retention of Chechnya as a part of Russia. Clashes along the border continued as several Chechen rebel leaders and groups continued to harass the Russians in nearby areas. One such area is Dagestan, another, largely Muslim, region of southern Russia. During the Dagestan Campaign, Russia suffered several terrorist attacks in cities throughout the nation. Using this as an excuse to continue the Dagestan Campaign into Chechnya proved quite popular with Russian voters. After Yeltsin's retirement, Acting President Vladimir Putin won the March 2000 election largely on the strength of his continuing war against the Chechens and Islamic 'terrorists.'

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