Travel

Buena Davico

Buena Bonka Davico
Belgrade, Yugoslavia
Interviewer: Ida Haider-Labudovic

  • My family background

My name is Buena Bonka Davico. They call me Bonka now, because after WWII I changed my first name. My grandmother and every one else in the family called me Bonka. I didn’t like the name Buena and I officially changed it to Bonka in the municipality office.

I’ve never met my father’s parents, because my grandmother died young from Spanish fever and left three sons and a daughter. I didn’t get to meet grandfather either, as he died before I was born. Their graves are among the oldest in the Jewish Cemetery in Belgrade.

My grandparents on my mother’s side, Avram Papo and Mazalta Papo (nee Sumbul), and my mother Estera too, were all born in Sarajevo, as was my uncle Isak. At that time it was the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. In 1928, everyone moved to Vienna. 

My (maternal) uncle was interested to know about our family roots, and on one occasion he went to Spain where he found out, he wasn’t sure how, that our family originally came from a village near Toledo before 1492, when the Jews were exiled from Spain. 

Grandfather Jacob had a liqueur and wine factory near Alipasha’s Bridge. Although we lived downtown, my grandmother Mazalta had a summer cottage and a little field, and as I loved animals very much, we used to go to that field on Saturdays and Sundays and I played with the animals. Grandmother had all kinds of animals.

My grandparents dressed in a very modern fashion. Grandmother loved to dress nicely and had her clothes made at famous tailors’ shops, she never wore a tokado (Editor’s note: cap worn by Sephardi women made of silk or brocade), and as I recall, grandfather was dressed in European-style clothes (that is, he was fashionably dressed).

They strongly insisted on Jewish holidays, especially my grandmother. For Sabbath we, as well as her other daughter, were all at her house. I can’t remember exactly what Sabbath was like, because we, my parents, my brother and I, moved to Belgrade when I was 6.

My grandmother Mazalta had three sisters (Saphira, Rifka and aunt Altarac) and four brothers (Isidor, Samuel, Joseph and Moritz). My uncle Isidor never married, he adored his sisters, none of whom lived in Belgrade besides aunt Rifka (and later grandmother Mazalta). Saphira lived in Banja Luka, and aunt Altarac in Sarajevo.

He made so-called Sumbuliads and those were very interesting events. He invited all of his sisters and their children, without their husbands, to have fun in Belgrade. He was their host for ten days, he organized wonderful field trips and singing nights; Jewish and Serbian singers would come and sing Jewish and Serbian songs. Aunt Rifka’s son was good at organizing these evenings and he was the master of ceremony. For me, as a girl, those were the most wonderful days, those Sumbuliads.

(Editor’s note: from the family of Bonka’s maternal grandmother Mazalta, comes the famous architect Samuel Sumbul. He designed the building, where the head office of Jewish humanitarian societies Oneg Sabbath and Gemilot Hesedim was located.

  • During the war and growing up

The building was built in 1923, it belonged to the Jewish Municipal Hall and it represented the cultural and social center in Belgrade. The story of that building and this part of Belgrade is a journey through time and a memory of old Dorcol).

My father was a merchant. As a young man he was drafted into the army and took part in the Balkan wars, he fought in Albania, too. In 1918, he went (from Albania) to Sarajevo. There were five Jews in that regiment, and one of them was my father.

They were greeted at the station by the (Jewish) “Benevolence Society”, of which my mother was a member, as well as by other Serbian societies. My father met my mother then, fell in love and the final outcome was that he wanted to stay in Sarajevo and get married.

However, my grandfather, my mother’s father, wouldn’t allow the wedding to take place at first because my father wanted to leave for Belgrade at once, so grandfather said they could be married only in condition they stayed in Sarajevo. Mother and father were married in 1919, I was born in 1920 , and my brother was born in 1923. 

In 1926 we moved to Belgrade. At first we lived in Vuka Karadzica St. That’s in the downtown Belgrade, where we had a cosy four-bedroom apartment. My father started working, I can’t remember which job exactly, but it was not in the Riunione asiguracioni insurance company where he worked afterwards, he was a tradesman. Mother was a real homemaker; she kept the house and looked after us. 

As for Jewish holidays I must say father wasn’t very religious, while mother was, because of her mother, and grandmother Mazalta. We didn’t keep Sabbath at our house, but at my father’s cousin, Rezinka Handel, Sabbath was observed. It was in Jovanova St. She was married to a very appealing man Julius Handel and it was a known fact that we were there every Friday for dinner.

We often had pechugas and pachas, smoked goose meat. Aunt Rezinka made extraordinary cracklings that my father adored, of course made out of goose meat, not pork. Their son Arthur Handel, who married the daughter of the famous Rabbi Isaac Alkalaj of the Jewish Community of Belgrade, was there as well. We went to aunt Rezinka’s for Sabbath until the year 1941.

Apart from that we celebrated two holidays, a very strict custom, Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah. Father would be fasting, just like mother, and I should have been fasting as well, but I cheated sometimes, because I liked to eat. In the evenings there was a service at the temple, in Cara Urosa St. We used to go there. 

The Germans destroyed that synagogue and now the Museum of Frescoes is there. Father was in a row with a friend, I don’t know why, but following an old Jewish custom he came up to him and said that on Yom Kippur everybody made peace: I forgive you, you forgive me. It stuck with me that everything should be forgiven and peace made on Yom Kippur.

After fasting, large dinner parties were at our house. A lot of people would come. By that time my aunt Clara, mother’s sister from Sarajevo, had moved with her husband, uncle Isidor was there as well, my grandmother and her brother and we were all at that big dinner which would begin after the great fast with white coffee and ring-cake kugloff.

After about half an hour, so we wouldn’t be sick, the real dinner with chowder and everything else would begin, because that was the custom after a whole day of starving. Apart from that, I remember one more thing, but I don’t know what it’s called, when cocks and chickens are turned around everyone’s heads.

Mother would buy both cocks and chickens and father would, with the kippah on his head, whirl circle those hens around our heads for good luck and health. It was done on Rosh Hashanah. (Editor’s note: the interviewee is referring to the custom of Kapparot).

My entire schooling since the first grade of primary school was in the famous Kralja Petra school, which is a lovely establishment (and is one of the oldest schools in Belgrade). My father and his father attended the same school. During his father's schooling, it was composed of solely two huts.

I haven’t seen them, my father told me about it, and also that the school was built only later. Father also studied in one of those huts for a while. When we came from Sarayevo to Belgrade I went to first grade in “Kralja Petra” school located near our appartment in Vuka Karadzica St. and I finished four grades there.

After that I went to high school, to the famous “Kraljica Marija” school, which was just opened – it was a splendid high school in Narodnog Fronta St. - and there I completed eight grades. After that I attended a graduation the matriculation course, because my father insisted. I failed, I flunked one of the subjects and had to take it again in September.

I wanted to enroll in the University and I enrolled in the Law School because of my two best Serbian friends. Father at once turned into a strict Jew and was horrified at the thought that I might marry a non-Jew. He constantly chose boyfriends for me and always brought a cousin of mine, his sister’s son, to take me to the Jewish Municipal Hall in order for me to fall in love with a Jew.

Finally, when I did fall in love with a Jew, dad didn’t like him because he was a communist and so he confined me to the house and wouldn’t let me out. He was very strict about it. Only after my sister’s mother-in-law, aunt Rhea, a prominent, rich Belgrade Jewess, pleaded and insisted that he was a very fine young man, did father agree and I received permission to marry him. 

About my husband’s family; my husband Jasha Davico comes from one of the oldest (Sephardi) families in Serbia, there is only one family with that last name. On how they got the last name Davico; one of their 19th century ancestors was called Hajim David, family stories say that prince Milos Obrenovic liked him very much and changed his surname to Davidce, that’s where Davico comes from. 

In literature the name of Haim Davico, whom Prince M. Obrenovic appointed as his purveyor, is often mentioned. Haim Behor David, as was his full name, was simultaneously a trustee of the Turkish Vezir and of the Serbian Prince. When the Turkish Vezir Jusuf Pasha invited Prince Milos to negotiations, with the intention of killing him, Haim Davico knew this and saved his life.

Afterwards he was in exile in Vienna untill 1859. The brothers H. Davico owned a storage yard in the 19th century, the proof of which is an advertisement from the Belgrade Daily Journal from 1885. The story teller and translator Hajim S. Davico was born in Belgrade 1854, and his stories abound in ethnographic data. The book of stories “Sa Jalije” (from Jalija is famous). 

It is a very old family with many famous members. One of them is Benko Davico, a colonel in the Serbian army who died during the Balkan war and whose wife was Streja Davico. They had three children; one of the sons was Lui Davico, after whom the ballet school in Belgrade received its name. Many Davicos are famous; two writers, statesmen... All were left-leaning.

My husband had two brothers: Oskar and Mirko. When my husband was 14 his mother died. My father-in-law Nisim was horribly miserable when his wife died. He was the poorest of all the brothers and he didn’t know what to do with the children. My husband’s mother Rachel had four sisters, Nuca, Saruca-Sarah, Rhea and Sophia.

The aunts took the sons into her house. My husband lived with Luisa, who was Nisim’s brother’s wife. Oscar lived with Aunt Rhea, and Mirko with Aunt Sarah. (Today) Oskar is one of the most celebrated Serbian poets whose song “Srbija medju sljivama” (Serbia among the plums) is famous. I think it’s one of the most beautiful Serbian songs.

Jasha, my husband, was a journalist, he finished Law school. Later he became a legal consultant in a large factory in Pancevo. Mirko was a famous student and the organizer of student protests in the Faculty of Law. He was killed in Jasenovac (1). I had the last card he sent to my mother, because he was afraid to write to the Davicos. The card arrived from Jasenovac and it says that he was not so bad and that he didn’t know how long he would be there. After that he was killed.

I met Nisim, my father in law, when my husband and I were already engaged, but in October 1940 Nisim died and the wedding was already arranged. So we postponed it for a month and were married on the December 1st instead of November.

When I passed the first two exams (in the Law School) - and I could have passed many more had I not been lazy - the war began and my father who was an officer and a Reserve Lieutenant left for Zagreb. We had a coup d’éetat on March 27th 1941, when everyone went to the streets shouting, “Better war than pact”.

The next day father went to Zagreb, where his commander was and said that the war was about to begin, that the Croats were ready to become independent from Yugoslavia and that he would like my mother, brother and I to leave for Montenegro. 

He was very clever in saying that Montenegro would be completely occupied by Italians, because the Italian Queen, Regina Elena, the wife of Umberto I, was from Montenegro. She was the daughter of King Nikola, a beautiful woman. My brother, mother and I went, and my husband was at the front, towards the Bulgarian border in Stracin.

We left for Dubrovnik with the intention of continuing for Montenegro. Yugoslavia soon surrendered, my father was captured around April 15th in Sarajevo, but managed to escape and free himself. My grandfather was right when he said that he was an outlaw chieftain. 

He escaped into the yard of a Muslim who was a friend of my aunt’s and that Muslim saved him, gave him the “Lascia passare”, a travel permit - he had some connections - gave him a Muslim outfit and a fez and my father came to Dubrovnik and he found us there.

We were in Dubrovnik until the Germans arrived and it became a complete madhouse. In 1941 father saw people carrying Ustasha (2) flags on the streets, he came to where we were staying and said that we had to leave. From Dubrovnik to Montenegro it is about 30-40 km.

Father found a taxi driver and he agreed to drive us there, but he left us, I don’t know, about 7-8 km from Montenegro, and we walked from there until we reached a village and from there to Petrovac na moru (Montenegro). My father, mother, brother and I were there, and my husband was still in Belgrade sweeping Kralja Milana St. as a forced laborer.

Then my father found a man, who had connections in Belgrade. Father gave him Napoleons (ducats) to bring my husband who stayed 15 days in Belgrade, where the Germans were, and he succeeded to get him to Petrovac na Moru. 

On July 13th the first uprising against the fascists started in Montenegro. The first place was none other than Petrovac na moru, which was freed by the Camice Nere (3), the Black Shirts Camice Nere. The Italians received orders to move into the village and kill everybody because the people rebelled. 

The Italians were otherwise extraordinarily noble and kind to the Jews, but the Camice Nere were fighting against the rebellious Montenegrin people, and as we were subletting a room in a private house with a Montenegrin, they lined us all against a wall with the intention of shooting us.

There were ten of us against that wall, my husband escaped into the woods, and there was another family, the Celebonovics, a woman and her son, Rade Petrovic, and the landlord with his wife and mother-in-law. We waited for two hours to be shot and get it over with.

The Italians returned and said they couldn’t kill anybody and after two hours in front of that wall they let us go. But they chained us, and me and Smilja Konstantinovic, the girlfriend of Celebonovic’s son’s girlfriend were ordered to serve food there. Everyone else was imprisoned. It lasted for 7-8 days, and then the two of us were also chained and and taken to a prison in Bar. It is a port in Montenegro. I was in prison for 4 months and 18 days. I caught fleas there, and an Italian slapped me on the face most dreadfully, I don’t know why, while waiting to get food. 

My father, who was a great and capable man and a good organizer, again managed to bribe an Italian into letting us go, and so they did on condition that we went to Korcula (Island in Croatia). There were about 400 Jews interned there, from everywhere, Fredi Mosic was there also. 

In Korcula the women had to report at the local council once a day, and the men three times. After ten days the women weren’t obliged to report anymore, and the men were obliged to do so only once a day. We were on Korcula for 4-5 months, until it occurred to my father that 2 km accross the sea there is the Ustashas tate.

Peljesac bay was there. And father again, through a Tenente, the man in charge, a very beautiful man who fell in love with a beautiful woman from Korcula Arneri Romana, managed to free us again. Through an Italian, father got permission for us all to be transferred to free territory in Italy, to a place called Borgo val di Taro. It is approximately 30-40 km from Parma.

It was a village that had never seen Jews before and the people couldn’t understand why were the Jews were persecuted. I have no words to describe how well they treated us. We all lived in private houses and when they found out that I was pregnant, every morning there was an egg, some fruit, a chicken on the doorstep, so that I would eat better.

I have no words for the Italians; we made friends with them. Zia Maria was in charge, she ran a hotel and had nephews, and our three young men who were there fell in love with the girls there. When the war ended and when everything was over my two cousins Leon Davico, Daki Levi and my brother, I believe, went to Borgo val di Taro to see how they lived and to thank them again, to remember those days when we lived there. 

We left from Borgo val di Taro and went on a journey to which the final destination was London. But when we came to Rome from Borgo val di Taro, where we had no food, and the Jesuit priests saved us. The Jesuits lived in the Vatican, they had a special organization that helped everyone without discrimination, criminals and Jews as well, and they gave us a permit to go on.

My mother and father weren’t rescued from Rome as quickly as we were, only my husband and I left. First we went to Madrid, my daughter Svetlana was born there. From Madrid, with a two-month old daughter we started for Lisbon, because from there we could catch a plane to London.

On April 1st 1943, I arrived with my daughter and husband in London, by an English plane that flew from Lisbon to London. A week after that, that plane that flew once a week was shot down and the famous actor Howard that played in the movie “Gone with the Wind” died.

I arrived to London in the so-called “Patriotic School”. Again, it was a sort of a prison, very handsome for the women, because we were in a castle run by a woman officer, I don’t know what rank exactly, and the men were taken to a regular prison. Usually you’d be interrogated and wait there about 8-9 days, if everything was in order.

An Englishman who lived in Zagreb before the war and spoke excellent Croatian interrogated me. He knew about me more than I myself. He knew everything about me. He questioned me about my relative, the nephew of Aunt Rhea’s husband, who treated the Jews very badly because he took their money to transfer them to South America.

I hadn’t known that, I only found out about it after the war, from my mother and father. That officer, he was actually an agent, asked me if I had some pictures of coast at the “Patriotic School”. When I left Belgrade I took a small suitcase, I didn’t even carry a coat, it’s unbelievable, but I took three picture albums. And so I gave him five photos.

The most interesting part was that when I was leaving for Yugoslavia, in Southampton in 1945, I heard my name on the loud speaker being called to come to the office of that port. I went and they returned the five photos. Really, I get goose bumps just thinking about it now. They returned the photos after 2 years! 

And so I boarded the ship in Southampton, arrived in Italy to Bari where was a reception center for our fighters. It was terrible because I came from London, had a child that was beautifully dressed, most elegantly, and there were poor, miserable and desperate fighters there. I could see that I shouldn’t stay there for long, and the ship was not going to leave soon. So I obtained another permit to go and live with some friends. The ship finally arrived and I left with my daughter. My husband wasn’t with us, he parachuted in 1944, I believe on Uzice, (Serbia), and joined the Partisans.

My mother, father and brother survived with the help of this Uziel Talvi, who was my Aunt Rhea’s cousin and who took their money. They got a permit to leave for Buenos Aires. I believe they left in the end of 1943. My brother was 18. They lived there until the end of their lives. In the beginning, my father had a pastry shop there that went bankrupt.

On one occasion he played bridge with a very rich Polish Jew who had owned a factory. That Pole, a young man, suffered from heart disease and he suggested to my father that he should work for him, and later he became a partner. It was a very famous cloth factory called Dego Tex.

My brother graduated in Buenos Aires and got a job in Dego Tex as a designer. He made cloth patterns that were superb. In the end they sold the plant in good time, because there was a great depression in Buenos Aires. My mother continued working, but in another factory, and father retired. 

My mother died in Buenos Aires. Father died in Milan, leaving for Belgrade. He would come to Yugoslavia every other year because he loved Belgrade passionately and had friends there. He would take the boat, go to Milan, and from there to Belgrade by train. When mother came, she would come by plane, but father didn’t like planes. My brother died in Buenos Aires too. 

I returned to Belgrade in the beginning of November 1945 and I got a job immediately, in Tanjug, (Press Agency) as an English-Serbian translator. However, there was a man who had no trust in me and he fired 20 of us for not being the members of the Party. During the war I worked in London in the Free Yugoslavia radio station, as an announcer.

One day the manager of Radio Belgrade Vasiljevic came to London, he heard me and said: “When you come back to Belgrade you’re going to work in Radio Belgrade”. When I was kicked out of Tanjug, I saw an add that announcers were needed in Radio Belgrade and I applied. It was in September of 1948, during the time of the Inform Bureau.

Out of 300 of us only two of us were accepted. And so I entered Radio Belgrade in 1948 and I worked there for 32 years, until the end of the 1980s, for 32 years. I retired in 1980 but I worked part-time for another 3 years with the third programme. I read various philosophical texts, because they have a lot of foreign words, and I was hired for being able to pronounce them.

My husband first worked for Kidric, the minister of economy and afterwards he switched to journalism. Then he founded “Ekonomska Politika” which was one of the best newspapers on economy and from which everyone borrowed data. My husband was the manager and editor-in-chief. 

  • After the war

I must say that while I was working after the war, I couldn’t get around to doing Jewish affairs at the Jewish Community, but my daughter Svetlana even before she went to school attended the Jewish kindergarten, the best day care facility in Belgrade.

Many Serbs would ask me and other connections to enroll their children there. It was located in the front yard of the synagogue in Marsala Birjuzova St., then in Kosmajska St. and two women ran it.

Languages were taught there, the teachers were excellent, and the mother of a good friend of mine, Mrs. Fleissman was in charge. I would like to repeat that that the kindergarten was very well known in Belgrade and as other kindergarten either didn't exist, or were poorly managed, it was a great privilege to be there. 

My daughter went there for 2-3 years. She finished four grades of primary school in the “Kralja Petra” school, where my grandfather, my father and I studied. I insisted that after that she should enroll in a very good high school, the so-called classical high school, that had exceptional teachers, and where they even learnt Ancient Greek. She finished eight grades there.

She enrolled in the Philological Faculty at once, where her majors were Spanish and English and she graduated before she was 22. After she graduated from the Faculty she went to Argentina and she attended a school for consecutive translation there, for a year.

She came back and she worked as a consecutive translator for a year but as it is a very demanding job, she then started working in Radio Belgrade in the Spanish language programme. She wasn’t there for long, though, she applied for a job at the Kolarac University where she was accepted and became an outstanding Spanish language professor.

My daughter Svetlana, who I told you about, married and has a daughter Dina. Dina married Vlada Divljan, a famous musician and lived in Belgrade. However my daughter left for Vienna on business just about the time the bombing was about to begin. (Editor’s note: the NATO bombing of Yugoslavia in March 1999). 

We had a house in Vienna for which something had to be arranged. She called and said, mama, leave for Vienna immediately, there’s going to be a bombing. I didn’t believe her, I didn’t know. She called again, I wasn’t packed, so she ordered my granddaughter and me. We packed on Tuesday and left for Vienna on Wednesday.

I left with a small suitcase. So I went into exile twice the same way. We arrived to Vienna around 7 o’clock, my daughter welcomed us most adorably, and at 9 o’clock I saw Belgrade was being bombed. It was awful, I couldn’t believe it. And so we stayed in Vienna.

After the bombing I went back and my daughter stayed, because it was very difficult under Milosevic’s rule. My granddaughter also stayed in Vienna with her husband, as they couldn’t find work in Belgrade and there she gave birth to two children. I have two great-grandchildren. One’s name is Stevan and the other’s Pavle.

Immediately after the war, I got a job and was very busy, I wasn’t active in the Jewish Municipal Hall. But when I retired in 1980 I became very active in the Jewish Community. I was in the Women’s Affairs Committee and organized and held various lectures. Once in 15 days we held the Women’s section meetings that always drew a large number of people. I have been very active in various projects and as a lecturer.

  • Glossary

1Jasenovac:It was the largest concentration and extermination camp in Croatia. It consisted of several subcamps in close proximity to each other, on bank of the Sava River, about 100km south of Zagreb. The women's camp of Stara Gradiska, which was farther away, also belonged to the complex. Jasenovac was established by the Croatian Ustasha in August 1941 and was dismantled only in April 1945.

2Ustasha: Croatian fascist movement that nominally ruled the Independent State of Croatia during World War II.

3Camice Nere: Fascist armed brigades

Klara Markus

Klara Markus
Maramarossziget
Romania
Interviewer: Emoke Major
Date of interview: October 2004

Klara Markus is a small, slim-figured, slightly hunchbacked woman.

She’s very kind and jolly. Klara is over 90 years old. She lives with her daughter and son-in-law on the first floor of a private house. Her son and his family live on the ground-floor in the same house.

Klara rarely leaves the house. She has her own room, but she likes to sit mostly in the glassed-in bright balcony which opens from her room.

Her hobbies are puzzle solving and reading, I saw both Hungarian and German books in her hand, and she never misses any episode of the soap opera ‘The Young and the Restless.’

  • My family background

My paternal grandfather, Jakab Kaufmann, was probably born in the 1830s in Nagykaroly. He died when I was born. The only thing I know about him is that he had a wholesale grocery store in Nagykaroly, called ‘Kaufmann Jakab es fia’ [Jakab Kaufmann and Son].

The company was in the same house where we lived in Nagykaroly, on Ferenc Deak Square No. 10 at that time, the main square, opposite the castle. The Karolyi counts lived in the castle then, until the castle was taken away from them [during the nationalization].

I don’t remember them, it may be that they were there when I was still quite little. I only know that one of the counts fancied my aunt, Mariska Kaufmann. [Editor’s note: The castle of Nagykaroly is now operating as a local museum.] The house where we lived is still there, I sold it when I moved here to Maramarossziget.

Jakab Kaufmann had three brothers: Adolf Kaufmann, Ignac Kaufmann and I don’t remember the name of the third one. Adolf had a plot of land. I think it was inherited. But Adolf didn’t have a diploma, well, he wasn’t a lawyer, that’s for sure. His children were Annus [Anna], Sanyi [Sandor] and Imre.

Annus was married to Istvan Antal, who was a lawyer in Nagykaroly. She had a son, Pali [Pal] Antal, and a daughter, Zsofi Antal, who became Zsofi Spicc after marrying Laszlo Spicc. Sanyi Kaufmann was a heavy drinker, but he was an excellent pianist. It seems they were wealthy as they didn’t have to work.

Imre Kaufmann was a dentist. Bandi Kaufmann was a descendant of Ignac Kaufmann; he returned to Nagykaroly after the Holocaust, but I don’t know what happened to him later, maybe he emigrated, but I don’t know exactly. Bandi had a brother, Pali. And there was another Ignac Kaufmann living in Nagykaroly, I don’t know exactly whose son he was, but there was something wrong with him, I think he had a screw loose in his head. He was one of those harmless fools.

My father had a cousin, Gyula Kaufmann. His daughter was Erzsi Kaufmann, so me and Erzsi were only second cousins. Erzsi’s husband was Achile Falticineanu, a regular officer in the Romanian army. They lived in Bucharest.

The [Romanian] king, Michael 1, had an accident when he was a boy: he fell into the sea or lake, I don’t remember, and Falticineanu jumped in and saved him. After that he was promoted, because it was a great thing then to jump in fully dressed, and all that, to save the crown prince. Nobody else dared to, only him, a Jew. Falticineanu had two daughters, I don’t know whether Nori was the elder and Ani the younger one.

Aunt Lujza, Lajos Cukor’s wife, was also my father’s cousin, but I think from my grandmother Hani Braun’s side. I don’t know her maiden name. I don’t know if we were related just through Aunt Lujza, or if her husband was our relative anyway.

Lajos Cukor was a doctor, and what a jewel of a man he was. I think he was a relative also from my mother’s side. Uncle Lajos had another brother, Marton, who also had a daughter. They all emigrated to Hungary.

The American director, Gyorgy Cukor [Editor’s note: George Dewey Cukor (New York, 1899 – Los Angeles, 1983), movie director, son of Hungarian Jewish emigrants (Viktor and Helén Cukor), his most successful films: David Copperfield (1935), The Philadelphia Story (1940), Gaslight (1944), Adam’s Rib (1949), A Star Is Born (1954), Rich and Famous (1981).

He received the Oscar for My Fair Lady (1964).], was also our relative, he also emigrated from Nagyszolos, or something. My mother had a nicotine attack once, because she used to smoke then, and we immediately called Uncle Lajos because he was a doctor and also our relative. His wife came along with him, she didn’t leave Uncle Lajos alone, especially when he was called by the relatives.

At that time Aunt Lujza was in such a hurry that she put on her hat backwards. She couldn’t come without a hat with her husband, and it was very late, around 10pm. Our German governess laughed heartily. Formerly, a doctor’s wife had a finger in every pie.

Aunt Lujza had three children: Elluska, Irenke and Pista. Ellus was deaf and dumb. I don’t know where Irenke lived and who she married. Pista was a doctor. When I was a young girl he still lived in Budapest [today Hungary]. As far as I remember now, he had Parkinson’s disease, because his head trembled all the time. But he was a magnificent man, a tall and handsome one. He had a pretty wife, Lenke, who was a lovely woman.

My paternal grandfather’s wife was Hani Braun. She was born in the 1840s. She lived in the house we inherited later, that’s where we also lived. She wore a hood, not a shawl, it’s harder, but isn’t a hat either. They called it hood: it covered her hair and ears. As far as I remember she only had black, dark clothes.

She didn’t cook, because they had a lady cook and a housemaid, they were wealthy while she was still alive. The Jakab Kaufmann and Son company still existed then. My grandmother died at the end of the 1920s: she’s buried in the Jewish cemetery in Nagykaroly.

My father had many siblings: Rezsinke, Gizella, Mariska and Ignac. The eldest one was Rezsinke, Jakab Rona’s wife. They lived in Cegled [70km south-east of Budapest, Hungary] and had three children: Pista [Istvan], Ilus [Ilona] and Inci Rona, who lived and got married in America, and probably died there.

After Rezsinke was Gizella, Moric Kandel’s wife. She got married in Cegled as well. We were on very good terms with them. She had four daughters: Rozsika, Kati [Katalin], Magdi [Magda] and Boris, who got married to Dunapentele. Rozsika, Imre Taub’s wife, was the eldest.

The Taubs lived in Szopor, this was in Szilagy county [today Supuru de Jos, it belongs to Szatmar county, 44km east of Szatmarnemeti, Hungary], and they were millers. There were three Taub brothers: Imre Taub, Miska Taub and Endre Taub. Endre was the youngest.

Rozsika’s son was Saci [Sandor], who returned to Szopor after World War II. Poor him, he was taken away by the Securitate 2, because he was very wealthy, as he had inherited a lot, and they beat the hell out of him. After he was released he committed suicide.

We lived through some awful times [during the communist era], it was horrible. Etus Fisher was Miska Taub’s wife, and they had two children. One of them was deported and he died, the other one, Laci Taub, emigrated to America or somewhere with his cousin, Laci Fisher.

Laci Fisher was Gyula Fisher’s son, who was Etus Fisher’s brother [Editor’s note: They weren’t relatives, only one Taub wife was a Fisher girl, and even the Taubs became relatives by marriage with the Kaufmanns.]. The Fisher family was originally from Kiralydaroc [today Craidorolt, 33km from Szatmarnemeti].

Mariska was David Kaufmann’s wife. They shared the same surname but they weren’t related apart from being married. Aunt Mariska was wealthy, but she always brought the cheapest chocolate for us. They had a big grocery store in Szatmarnemeti, and they also had a gigantic cellar.

They had an enormous garden which extended to the next street. They were very wealthy! Once Aunt Mariska visited us in Nagykaroly, and there was a man called Majsi Fermann, who had a problem: he blinked all the time. My aunt thought that he was winking at her because he wanted to make advances on her, so she asked him, ‘Tell me, what do you want?’

Aunt Mariska had a son, Jenoke, whose wife Margitka always used to say, ‘Jenoke who will never become Jeno.’ He was a careless, frivolous man, and liked women very much. They had two sons: Bandi and Laci [Laszlo]. Laci died in Russia as a forced laborer.

Bandi lives in Australia; he survived, and is probably still alive, because he was younger than me. I don’t know anything about him, because he had always been an avaricious man: he was afraid all the time that he had to give out something. His first wife was deported and she didn’t come back.

He got married again and emigrated to Australia with his second wife. I don’t know what happened to their house, it’s still there on Heim Janos Street in Szatmar. I think when Bandi came home he liquidated it, because we were only two heirs, he and myself. I didn’t claim that property.

After Aunt Mariska was my father, while the youngest was Ignac, nick-name Naci, who lived in Nagykaroly. He had children, but I don’t remember them.

My father, Jozsef Kaufmann, was born in 1870 in Nagykaroly. He graduated from the commercial school in Nagykaroly, and then he took over his father’s business. He got married in 1905. It was an arranged marriage.

There were many matchmakers then: there were people with this specific occupation, who in Yiddish were called shadkhanim. My mother was wealthy, and I know that she received a large dowry in the form of cash.

She got married because my grandfather had all kinds of entanglements with women and brought home a stepmother. I’m sure my parents had a religious wedding.

My maternal grandfather, Jakab Schongut, was originally from Csernovitz, but they fled when the persecution of Jews began over there. He was a tubby man, and had a silvery full beard. I remember him as being already old. He was a very decent, religious Jew, but he was very bright.

He always wore a hat, but it was a strange one: they used to make hats from felt then, a small one, not the usual bowler-hat. He dressed normally, didn’t wear a caftan or something like that, because he wasn’t very religious. He used to go to the Neolog 3 synagogue. He had a bakery in Maramarossziget, which was later taken over by one of his sons, Imre Schongut.

They lived in the same building where the Schongut bakery was. There was a five-room apartment in the yard, with a storey in the front. My grandfather lived in the apartment, while Imre Schongut, his wife and three children lived upstairs.

I didn’t know my grandmother, Jozefin Sternberg, because when my mother got married she had already passed away. She was born in Maramarossziget, and had two brothers: Pal and Jancsi [Janos]. Pal Sternberg was an old, small, slim-figured man, and lived in Maramarossziget.

He was single. Jancsi Sternberg lived in Maramarossziget, too, and had no family either. Then there was Berta, my grandmother’s sister, in Nagyszolos, who had two daughters, Rozsi [Rozsa] and another one. Elza, Mimi and Zsofi [Zsofia] were my grandmother’s nieces.

My grandmother’s third brother, whose name I don’t recall, was their father. They moved to Sziget [today Hungary], I don’t know how, but anyway, they went away. Poor Mimi was paralyzed or something, as she couldn’t walk. I only recall that when we met Mimi, I was still a child, and I wanted to kiss her, and my mother pulled me back. God knows what illness she had, or why my mother didn’t let me kiss her, or her kiss me. Mimi was a delicate, distinguished person.

My grandmother had gallstone, and went to Karlsbad 4 for treatment and died there in 1905. She had a huge, inoperable gallstone. She’s buried in the Jewish cemetery in Maramarossziget. Immediately after she died, my grandfather found someone; I don’t know who she was.

Anyway, he had all kinds of entanglements with women, and that’s why my mother got married in 1905. From the time I can remember, my grandfather had a German housemaid, Fraulein [Miss] Ida, and they lived together. Fraulein Ida was a housekeeper before.

My grandfather didn’t marry her, because she remained Ida Koni all her life, but he lived with her until his dying day, and Ida took care of him. As far as I know, my family paid some kind of compensation to Ida. She was a very decent woman, and only spoke German; Grandfather Schongut spoke with her in German, too, that was their mother tongue. Back then every Jew knew German. My grandfather died in 1931 in Maramarossziget.

Grandfather Schongut had five children: Sandor, Emil, my mother, Erno, and the youngest, Imre. Sandor had a broker agency in Maramarossziget where he was one of the contact men, i.e. he established business connections between people. He was extremely honest and fair.

His wife was Gitta, and they had two children, Klari [Klara] and Laci [Laszlo]. Klari was the same age as my elder sister, who was four years older than me. They called her big Klari and me little Klari. She married Dr. Sandor Grossman in Szatmar[nemeti]. Laci was two years older than me. He graduated from a medical school in Paris, and remained there. He became a doctor in Montpellier. His wife, Erzsebet Gross, was a painter.

Dr. Emil Schongut was a lawyer in Budapest, and his wife, Vilma Heller, died of appendicitis when their younger daughter was nine months old. Uncle Emil was shot into the Danube [see Banks of Danube] 5 in 1944. They had two daughters, Jutka [Judit] and Agi [Agnes]. Jutka died young, she had some problems with her cardiac valve. Agi, Gross after marriage, still lives in Budapest, but I haven’t heard from her in very long, although she used to phone me.

Dr. Erno Schongut was a doctor, and he also lived in Budapest. He married Gizi Berczi, the daughter of the owner of the large Berczi needle-craft store.

Imre Schongut, the youngest, took over the bakery. He was the religious one from my uncles. His wife was Berta Szmuk, and they had three children: Zsofi [Zsofia], Ocsi and Sanyika [Sandor]. Sanyika was the youngest; he died in Auschwitz [today Poland] as a child, while Zsofi and Ocsi survived.

They were the only relatives from Maramarossziget who returned from the deportation. Zsofi is eight or ten years younger than me, and after World War II she got married to Cali Berger. Everything was taken away from them during the nationalization and they remained without anything.

They emigrated to Israel. They have a son, Imi [Imre], who has a wife. But when Viktor went there [Klara Markus refers to her son here], they didn’t want to receive Viktor and his son, because his wife has some nervous affection, at least that’s what I think.

Ocsi [Lazar Schongut] had a wife, Lili, and two children: Nomika and Kobi. Kobi is married and has three children. Nomi had a general blood-poisoning as a child, and as a result one of her hands and one of her legs remained shorter, therefore she limps. However, she was a very sweet child. She got married, and her husband is also physically handicapped: he limps, too.

My mother, Rozika, was born in Maramarossziget in 1885. My mother finished elementary school and six years of the higher girls’ grammar school, and then she was sent to Vienna [today Austria] for a year to a school called ‘Hochschule’ [high school], to learn the language.

And this was something back then! My mother was fluent in German and Hungarian, but she never managed to learn Romanian. She was all-kind, a woman with a heart of gold. If one asked her for something, she always gave it away.

It didn’t matter whether we would miss it, she was very giving. Even though we weren’t rich, if someone came to us, under no circumstances did they leave without getting food or something. In former times, the hairdresser went to the women daily to do their hair.

There was a hairdresser who came to my mother every day. She was called Lilike Goldberger, but we children made fun of her, calling her Dilike [crazy liz] Goldberger. My mother had long hair back then, which had to be plaited and bundled up, depending on the occasion.

I don’t remember my father, because he died in August 1917 of heart disease, when I was only three. In those days, barrels were rolled into the cellar on a double-forked wooden rail, and one barrel fell on his heart. He was taken to Budapest, but he died there, and was brought back by train.

I know he’s buried in a casket in Nagykaroly, because only this could be closed hermetically for transport. My mother had a very hard life: she remained a widow with three children in 1917, but fortunately they had a store manager who managed the whole business.

My mother refused to marry again, but my grandfather and mother used to go to Vienna, and there she met a man from Vienna, Istvan Erdos, a ‘Hochstapler’ [German for ‘swindler’]. He was a tough guy, and my grandfather was ecstatic about him, as he was a great talker.

So my mother married him, but then he ruined her completely. Back then we still had our grocery store, and Istvan sold the entire company, squandered all the money and then took off. We went bankrupt because Istvan Erdos sent everything to his ex-wife and daughter.

He was Ilus Erdos’ father, who later became an actress, and robbed us of our small fortune. Suddenly we realized we had nothing: no store, nothing, because that man had squandered everything. I was five or six, I don’t remember whether I was going to school then.

Fortunately, my family was very kind and we still had the house which we were living in. Grandfather Schongut paid off our debts, and thus we managed to keep our house in Nagykaroly. But otherwise we had nothing. A Jewish tragedy. Shortly after, my mother got divorced. After that my uncles, Erno and Emil, helped us by sending us 100 pengos or so every month.

Our house was very long. Outside there were stores which were only accessible from the outside. And after the grocery store went bankrupt, we rented out the store. There was a skin-dealer, Karoly Karolyi, who rented it. Later, immediately after the skin-dealer, there was another store, a smaller one, owned by my elder sister before she got married, called the Hattyu [Swan] general store.

They sold stockings, gloves and the like. In the meantime, my sister got married to Szatmar, and the store was closed, and then it was rented to someone else.

Another tenant was Gozner, who owned a men’s wear store, in the same period when the Hattyu general store was there. He had two sons, one of them died young, while the other, Eli [Elek], was a doctor. Another tenant was Olga Kefes’ husband, a jeweler.

The apartment was inside, on one side of the yard. We had three rooms, a kitchen and bathroom. It wasn’t furnished, but later my poor mother made a tin bathtub. Next to it there was a boiler where we used to heat the water with wood. We had a light violet bedroom, with curtains and overlay made of thick silky material. It was beautiful!

On the other side of the yard, behind the stores, there was a wooden shed for each store. Then there was a tapestry-manufactory, with a ‘szenapad’ upstairs [Editor’s note: that’s how they called ‘szenapadlas’ – hayloft – in that region]. On the side of the hayloft there were two dark toilets, without windows, nothing but electric lighting.

They only consisted of a cesspit, which was emptied from time to time, not too often. The toilets had wide wooden seats. Later, my mother made a cement cesspit, God knows why. We used to go there, too, because we didn’t have a normal toilet. It was a great thing when my mother made another separate toilet in the front, which had some more light.

On that side there were the servant quarters, room and workshops. Miklos Kepecs had a workshop there, he was a clock-maker. Back then there was another one, whose wife was Sari Kler. Poor him, he was called Schreiner or something like that, he had his face full of rashes and swellings, and scars left by smallpox. He looked horrible! He sold all kinds of things: electric appliances, light bulbs, bicycles and its accessories, etc. He had his store outside, but was able to make repairs, as well, because his workshop was in the yard.

Also in the yard there was the workshop of eyeglassed Kuki, who repaired bicycles and machines. Then he disappeared somewhere, I don’t know where. He had a crippled wife, but they were kind and honest. And then there was a cobbler, Roth, and an upholsterer, Karoly Swartz.

They were all really nice people. Simple, but honest. Next to the workshops there was our kitchen and the larder, and then came the photo studio. The studio had a huge glass partition. Originally this was the back end of the store, and the photographer converted it into a studio after he came there. The store had two cellars, but they were separated, and had concrete floor, not a dirt one. One cellar was in the front and the other in the back, under the darkroom of the studio.

The entrance door was wooden and huge. It was made of massive wood so that people couldn’t see inside. To get more rent, Srajner made a store at the entrance, and the entrance door became half its original size. The house is still there, with the half door.

The yard was completely paved with large stones of different sizes, quite erratically. As long as I was there it was in the same condition. And in the middle there was a large, round flower-bed, and on one side, next to the studio there was a locust tree, and on the other a chestnut tree.

There was a poultry-house in the yard, too, and there was always chicken, hen, ducks and geese. We didn’t really buy geese, they were too big for us, as we were only women in the family. I remember everything clearly! I wouldn’t dare go back there, although I would like to go to see Nagykaroly again. My grandson Sorin said he would take me there, but I have my mind set, and that’s that. Why take a chance? I’m happy the way I am.

A Jewish girl, Juliska, was the housekeeper, and there were servants: a cook and housemaid, who helped her out. After we went bankrupt, we married off Juliska to Elek Stark from Kiralydaroc, just to get rid of her. We didn’t have to pay her, she was considered my grandmother’s foster-child, but my grandmother used her as a servant. Juliska was a maid-of-all-work, but she was very decent, and loved us very much While we still had the store, there was an assistant called Juliska, too.

She was an extremely kind person, we named her Boltika [in English it would be something like ‘Shoppy’], because she served in the shop. She became Mrs. Turoczi. Her descendants still live in Nagykaroly. She was Christian, but the Jews and Christians got along well then. Then there was a very old cook, Aunt Schiff. Her son lost his leg in World War I, so he walked with a stick. Aunt Schiff did the cooking, but we had no money to pay her, so she left us.

Before my mother’s second husband ruined us, we also had a coachman for a while. We had a horse called Sarga [Yellow]. The horse and carriage were both yellow. It was a very interesting carriage, not a britzka, but a very large and comfortable carriage.

Two people could sit on the main seat, plus maybe a little child on someone’s lap, and opposite to this there was another seat. They called it the small seat, as little children used to sit there, like me [for example]. And in the front there was the driver’s seat, where Miklos, the coachman, used to sit. He pronounced his name ‘Miklosz, Miklosz.’ He came from Russia. During World War I many Russians remained in Nagykaroly. He learnt Hungarian and got married in Nagykaroly.

Despite the fact that we were poor, we had a servant. Her name was Teri, and she had a separate room in the yard. There was a man who lived with her, I don’t remember his name, but he was terrible. He used to beat Teri all the time, but she never complained.

We had a German governess for 14 years. Her name was Otilia Passon, and she had three brothers. Her father was an engine driver, who was originally from Katowice [today Poland], called Ludwig Passon. Oti was an extremely kind person.

She was blonde, as she used to peroxide her hair, because originally she was a brunette. They spoke German with us at that time. But later she learnt fluent Hungarian, and then we spoke Hungarian in our house. She did everything around the house. She was a very religious Roman Catholic.

It was impossible for her to miss the Sunday services. Once, when she went to the service, she wore very tight shoes. The shoes pinched her so much that she fainted. All this because she wanted to be smart, so she bought small, tight shoes.

They revived her, and she must have been coming back home limping or she carried her shoes in her hand, I don’t know. But I do know that it was quite a story that Oti had fainted in the church. My mother married her off in Maramarossziget, to an older man called Sandor Valian.

He was a matchmaker, he made a match for my grandfather, and that’s how she knew him. He was an honest and decent man. Oti got married at Christmas 1930. When I ended up here in Maramarossziget, in the sixth or seventh grade, in 1931-32, she was already here. Both of them passed away, their graves are here.

My elder sister, Anci [Anna Kaufmann] was born on 11th September 1906. She was a very decent and serious person. Once she got a terrible rash on her face, nobody knew what had caused it. Then she moved to Budapest for approximately six months.

She was around 15 then, and they managed to heal her there. First she lived with one of my uncles, Erno Schongut, who was a doctor, but after a while his wife didn’t allow her to stay there anymore. She was extremely jealous because my sister was on very good terms with her uncle.

They had a genuine relationship as relatives. My aunt misunderstood their relationship, because Uncle Erno liked Anci very much, but just as family, not the other way; he was too decent for that. I guess it’s typical for women to be concerned about their husbands.

So my sister rented a room. In the meantime she learned corset-making as at that time women used to wear corsets. Then she came home and sewed corsets; she even earned some money. But then they became out-of-date, so then she made bras. She was very skillful.

Her sewing-machine is still here. It’s an industrial machine, made by the Neumann company. It still functions splendidly, but I don’t use it anymore. We bought it on hire-purchase then. Oh, life was an agony! The sewing-machine returned its value, because she worked beautifully, and was very skillful. Women used to come to our house and my sister custom-made the orders.

Anci got married on 7th April 1935. It was an arranged marriage. Her husband was called Bertalan Fuchs, he was a railway official, originally from Szatmar. His parents lived in Szatmarnemeti. Berti had a sister in Budapest, and her husband was Gyula Fabian, an engineer.

They had a very tragic life, because their six-year-old daughter died of leukaemia. Lili was a very decent person. When I went to Budapest, I visited them, and she served me a meal for free, although she was poor. But I was poor, too. My sister had her civil marriage in the morning, and the religious marriage at 1pm, because their train was bound to set off sometime in the afternoon; they went for their honeymoon to Debrecen [today Hungary].

They had their religious marriage at home: they brought a four-legged chuppah to the house, made from claret-colored velvet, interwoven with spun gold. Everything was kept very simple: only the rabbi, shochet, Berti’s parents and our family attended the ceremony.

Then they had to throw a dinner at home. After the wedding we bought a house for Anci in Szatmar. The house was on Jokai Street, in the clerks’ district. My two uncles from Budapest paid for it. They were really nice. After the wedding my sister continued to work. At first they were in Nagykaroly, then they moved to Szatmar after they had bought a house there.

They then moved to Krajova [Craiova in Romanian, situated in Dolj county], because my brother-in-law was transferred there. They had a very nice life. My brother-in-law was a fair, honest and very decent person. Their daughter was born on 22nd September 1937.

She was beautiful! She had silky, auburn hair. On the top of her head her hair was cannon-curled; her mother used to roll up her hair in paper so she could sleep and for it not to be too hard, and in the morning, when she unwrapped it, it was standing. In 1940, when it was again the Hungarian era 6, they hurried back to Nagykaroly. I wish they had remained in Craiova! If they had stayed there, they wouldn’t have been deported.

My second eldest sister, Manyi [Margit Kaufmann], was born on 26th June 1910. She had a Christian suitor, Micu Fluch [Miklos Fluch]. He was a charming, blond boy, and was originally from a reduced gentry family. He was a sweet young gentleman.

He had a sister, Iren Fluch, later Mrs. Pecsi and she had a daughter, Kati, who was very ugly. The eldest brother, I don’t remember his name, was a champion runner. Micu used to come to our house with flowers. I remember the others made up a poem, ‘Manyi, Micu’s eyes are shining.’

Because they saw how in love they were. In the same circle of friends there were also Feri Niedelmann and Pisti Niedelmann. They were my elementary school teacher’s sons. I don’t know about Pisti, but Feri was older than my sister. Feri was very bright, he became a writer. Pisti was bright, too, and handsome, and I think I met him after the war, he was in Nagykaroly, but then he moved to Szatmar. Pisti also became a writer or something like that. Anyway, they were all brains.

Back then the only way of relaxation was the promenade. People used to meet there and everyone used to go there on Saturdays and Sundays at noon. I was still little then. Not too little, because I used to stand at the door and watch the promenade. My siblings went there. They wore kid gloves then, made of smooth leather, not the shiny type, but smooth.

It was genuine leather. How would it look if someone walked on the promenade without wearing a hat on Sunday morning, when people used to come out of the Catholic and Reformed churches! Both Jews and Christians used to walk on the promenade.

We used to observe Sabbath, and the Christians observed it as well. [Editor’s note: Markus Klara here refers to the fact that Christians used to respect the Jewish holidays, including Sabbath, of course.] They met on these occasions and ogled to each other and flirted.

Back then [1920s, 1930s] there was no such thing that one is a Jew, and the other a Christian. It was natural that Manyi was with Micu. I don’t mean they lived together, not at all, because Micu was too considerate for something like that. It was also natural, for example, that we bought pork at the butchery.

Or, for that matter, if a Christian slaughtered a pig, they always sent us some. On Purim we used to send them pastry, as we did with many people. Later, the Fluchs moved to Hungary, after the Romanians came in [during the period after the Trianon Peace Treaty 7, after 1920], and they didn’t hire Hungarians for work, and Micu wasn’t able to find a job. Micu had to leave and we all wept so much. Micu and Manyi loved each other so much. I don’t know what happened to him after that.

Manyi learned photography when she was 18-19. There was a photographer called Schmidt Fridrich in the yard, and that’s where she started. Schmidt was a very decent man. His wife called him Fritzl. His wife drank heavily, she was German, but she drank like a fish.

Poor Schmidt died suddenly and his wife moved to Prague [today Czech Republic] to her younger sister. Then Koziarszky took over the photo studio. Koziarszky was foolish, a bohemian, but otherwise very honest, and a real gentleman. We didn’t have enough money to buy Manyi a camera, we were poor.

She took and touched up pictures, and the boss used to take her to weddings and different events to take pictures. Back then they had those old-type cameras, covered with a black cover and put on a tripod, they used to put the plates in and took the pictures on these plates.

The photographer had assistants, young boys, one of them was called Torok, who used to carry the equipment and helped out. The external wall which gave in to the yard, was made of glass, and next to the door, on the right, there was the darkroom for developing the pictures, and on the left was the studio, with a very large white background for taking pictures, and some tables where the assistants used to touch up.

The photographers were very nice people, and didn’t exploit their workers, but paid them a decent wage. My poor sister helped us out with her pay, instead of saving it or buying some clothes or something for herself. She put it all into the family’s budget.

Margit’s marriage was an arranged one too, she got married in September 1935. Her husband, Andor [Bandi] Moskovits, was a clerk at a saw-mill near Marosvasarhely, at Lunca Bradului [its Hungarian name is Palotailva]. Back then it was something to be a clerk!

He was originally from Tasnad [47km south-east of Nagykaroly]. He had an elder sister who got married in Hungary to a Christian, Bubi Barany. As far as I remember they lived in Budapest, and had no children. Manyi’s wedding also took place in accordance with the Jewish tradition, under a chuppah, just like Anna’s wedding.

The costs were covered by my uncles, again. Where would we find the money to bring together ten men? According to the Jewish religion, there have to be at least ten men, called a minyan, for the prayer, and also for the wedding. And these ten men had to be well-treated.

Manyi and her husband didn’t last together for very long. There was no argument, nothing, they just didn’t love each other. Well, it had to be something that didn’t work out. Then my sister returned to Nagykaroly and continued to work as a photographer.

My sisters were loving and honest people. They weren’t jolly, they were rather serious, because life treated them that way. Both my sisters finished elementary school and attended the Jewish school, and also four years of middle school. They didn’t graduate.

However, they educated themselves, spoke German and French, so they had the required liberal education. We had a piano at home, and my mother and sisters played the piano very well. The elder one sang and played the piano, while Manyi only played the piano, beautifully.

I didn’t want to learn because I hated the teacher, Ms. Dudus: her real name was Julia Jakobovits. I didn’t like her because she always teased me, when I was a child, with the boys and this and that, and I didn’t like it. So, unfortunately, I stopped learning to play the piano, and don’t know how to play it, just because I didn’t like the teacher.

She was an older lady, a very distinguished, but also very hysterical person. She had an artist hair-style, short and bushy, and dark brown. Her face was also peculiar, anyway, you could see that she was an artist. Manyi used to go to the music school in Szatmar, to Mr. Bendiner, he was the headmaster of the school, but only for two years, and she didn’t finish it.

  • Growing up

As for myself, I was actually born on 31st December 1913, but was registered on 1st January 1914, so I gained a year in one night. We didn’t really have toys, we only had some rag-dolls; we weren’t spoiled because our family wasn’t rich, and we were happy to have our daily bread.

When I was little, we didn’t go to Maramarossziget, we only started to visit our family later. We used to come here in the summer, because Grandfather Schongut lived here. My mother used to come each year to her mother’s grave. I don’t remember for how long we stayed, but it wasn’t for very long.

We used to stay at Uncle Imre’s house. He usually gave us two sacks of flour each year, this was as much as we could get from the bakery. We used it to bake bread at home, or we took the flour to a bakery in Nagykaroly on Wesselenyi Street, and baked the bread there. I remember there were very large pieces of bread.

Anci used to go to Cegled to spend her summer holidays, with our cousins. We kept in touch with our relatives. She gained some weight there, because when they ate they always sent her to the kitchen for something, ‘Go to the kitchen and bring this! Bring a spoon, bring this or that.’

And they used to put some more food on her plate. She thought she had left the food on her plate and ate it, and it was terrible how much weight she put on. They laughed at her because she didn’t notice the others were putting more and more food on her plate. When she came home, she was very fat. I didn’t visit them, because they were older than me: Magdi was eight years older, she was the same age as my sister, while Kati was even older.

I remember Queen Mary and [King] Ferdinand 8 visited Nagykaroly once. [Editor’s note: Queen Mary, the wife of Ferdinand of Hohenzollern, the Romanian King, was the granddaughter of Queen Victoria, the British Queen. During World War I she was the dowager of the Romanian Red Cross, and after the death of her husband Ferdinand in 1927, she became one of the three regents of her underage son, King Carol II 9.

She was very respected among the people.] They passed through there. King Ferdinand used to travel around the country and was very popular: the people liked him very much. He was much older than Mary. Mary was willing to do anything for her country, and she developed very close relationships with great diplomats just to save her country.

Apart from that, Mary liked men very much. She was beautiful. She had beautiful blond hair with a huge blond knot. They were on a chariot, and we stood at the edge of a ditch and watched them. I think I was five or six then.

There were many Jews in Nagykaroly, but it was more like a Hungarian town, and the Jews were magyarized, as well. The Swabians were another story, but Jews were assimilated to a very large extent: they didn’t speak Yiddish, their mother tongue was Hungarian.

At home even the Orthodox Jews spoke Hungarian [see Orthodox communities] 10, except the Teitelbaums, who spoke Yiddish. They were the wigged, orthodox Jews, and were very religious. Then there were the ‘hejas’ Jews, who were very religious, but didn’t wear a wig, and then there were the Neologs, just like us.

[Editor’s note: the name comes from the fact that women had hair, i.e. they were haired: ‘hej’ or ‘haj’ means hair, ‘hejas’ means haired. Klara has no knowledge of any other place where they use this expression.]

The haired were more civilized and enlightened. They were half-Orthodox, and the women let their hair grow and had long hair, of course. Well, they weren’t as religious as the Orthodox, but more observant than the Neologs. The men didn’t wear caftans, they dressed normally. They had a specific black hat though, with a small rim.

On weekdays, they used to go to the synagogue in the mornings and evenings, then on Friday afternoons and twice on Saturdays. The Roths were haired Jews. They were a wealthy trader family, but very nice, extremely honest people.

The Neologs only went to the synagogue on Fridays and Saturdays, they had an entirely different approach. There were amongst them people who had a kosher household, but most of them didn’t observe the religion, only in the measure we did, i.e. we only went to the synagogue on high holidays. They dressed normally, European style, as the rest.

Only the more religious Neolog women wore genuine lace shawl, made of expensive Brussels lace, at least those who could afford it. This was a long and wide shawl, and they either tied it or just put it on. On high holidays they wore white lace shawls, but some of them didn’t have any lace, I mean the poorer ones.

My mother had a lace shawl. The difference in the clothing of women was that the religious ones, haired and Orthodox alike, were only allowed to wear long sleeved and long necked long dresses, while the Neologs were allowed to wear short sleeved dresses.

There were three synagogues. One of them was the Orthodox temple, which still exists as a monument, and those who went there were very religious. The other was ours, the Neologs’, and the chief rabbi was Dr. Lazar Schonfeld. He had many children and a fat wife.

This was the largest synagogue. It was beautiful and large, with a second floor, where women used to sit. Upstairs there was a plaited grid. The Orthodox Jews had their grid made from wood, and the Neologs from plastic, so one could see through much easier. The haired had a prayer house, but I don’t remember who their rabbi was.

The Orthodox rabbi was Teitelbaum, son of the Teitelbaum from Sziget. His name was Joel Teitelbaum, and people called him Jajris. His family was a very serious and religious one. He had two daughters, Hanele and Ruhala. Hanele was the elder one; she got married, but had no children.

They were very observant and wanted to have a child, but they didn’t succeed. The other one, who was younger, got married at 17 to a Teitelbaum, one of her cousins, because they used to get married very young. She became pregnant, but had an extra-uterine pregnancy, and since they were very religious, she didn’t go to see a doctor and died, the poor thing.

I remember when the Teitelbaums moved to Nagykaroly, it was very interesting because they came with a regular horse carriage, which had a top, but it wasn’t in place, and people were very happy to touch the carriage Teitelbaum was sitting in, because he was considered a saint. He was very religious.

People used to go to him for advice, for their business or other matters. He was incredibly bright. People took his words very seriously; anything he said was taken for certain. The Neolog rabbi was a different story. He wasn’t that sacred, but he also was a very nice and bright man, and used to give good advice as well, but Teitelbaum was a wonder.

Many Christians visited him, and he never refused anybody; it wasn’t like today, where a sacred rabbi was treated accordingly. He had bocherim, future rabbis, 15 or 20 people, and they always had lunch there.

Teitelbaum and his followers, the very observant Jews, wore caftans, yellow fur hats made of marten, because they were only allowed to wear genuine fur. Women wore wigs; they had to shave their hair and to wrap a shawl round their heads, but only a dark shawl.

Neolog and Orthodox Jews had a separate mikveh. The haired used to go to the Neolog mikveh. The difference of the Orthodox mikveh was that there was a person who submerged anyone who went there to bathe three times. Only the Orthodox had this ritual. I didn’t go to any of the mikves, nor did my mother or sisters, because we always used to bathe at home.

This ritual was important for the men, they had to go there each week on Friday afternoons. [Editor’s note: According to the prescriptions, married women had to go to the mikveh after their period.] Back then only a few people had bathrooms at home, so they used to go there to bathe. There were separate tubs, but those were more expensive, and there was a common pool in each bathhouse.

There was room for everyone, and it was peaceful, there was no rivalry among the Jews. Every religion got along well with each other in Nagykaroly. There were Roman Catholics, Reformed, Orthodox, Russians; there was a separate Russian Orthodox church and Greek Catholics.

We had a German maid who used to go every Sunday to the service, and it was natural for us that she went to her church, we didn’t have anything against it. For example, there were Christians who used to go to the synagogue on Yom Kippur, saying that God appreciated it if they were going. They said their prayers, but they respected the other religion.

We only went to the synagogue when the maskir took place. The maskir is when Jews pray for the dead. My father died in 1917, and there was a great gathering then. It takes place on each high holiday; Yom Kippur, Pesach, etc. [Editor’s note:

On the pilgrimage holidays, Pesach, Shavuot, Sukkot and Yom Kippur, people used to pray for the dead.] Women don’t have to go to the synagogue. There are the very religious women who go, but only men have to be there on Friday evenings and Saturday mornings.

On Saturday afternoons the Havdalah takes place, when Sabbath is departing. I only remember that there was a bowl with some water in it, people used to dip their hands into it and put water on everyone’s head; they said a blessing, at home, if there was a man in the house, otherwise it wasn’t valid. I don’t remember whether my father used to do it, because I was too young then, but someone did it, although I don’t know who it was. This was the ritual on Saturday evenings.

My mother and the others started off being kosher, but later, after we went broke, they discontinued this. We never slaughtered a pig, but we never refused sausage, for example. We also used to buy pork, because it was cheaper than beef. Long ago we used to make cholent, but later gave up this habit. It had to be put in pots and taken to a bakery, only this way it had a good taste.

The baker and his assistants were Jewish. On Friday afternoons we took the pots there. The stove, it was a huge stove, just like they used to have in the bakeries, was heated up by then, and the next day it was ready [cooked]. We then went to collect it. On Fridays there was cholent all over the place, both Neologs and Orthodox took their cholent here.

On Fridays and Saturdays they didn’t cook anything else. But if we weren’t kosher anymore, on the basis of the community leadership’s disposition, the baker wasn’t allowed to take our pots with cholent, so we gave up this tradition. On Pesach, the bakeries used to bake matzah.

But there was matzah made with machines, as well, and in Israel these are still in use, and there was the other type of matzah, a thicker one, which was smooth and made of darker flour. The haired and observant Jews didn’t eat the matzah made in a factory, they had the one the baker made from unleavened batter.

We observed Pesach, but only with Jewish, yeast-free matzah. And on these occasions we used to give matzah to the Christians. And how happy they were! When we gave them the matzah, they said, ‘Oh, goody, how nice that you brought some!’ I don’t like matzah, it has no taste.

And I don’t know why Christians like it. Long ago, when I was still little, there were separate utensils for Pesach, which we had to bring down from the attic. I remember we had to change the utensils. After eight days we put them back and brought down the others. We sold flour and the like, but only to close acquaintances, for example, the servants who were in the house.

We sold it at a symbolic price, and then bought it back for twice that price. [Editor’s note: Klara refers to the form of chametz: the chametz products were sold symbolically or literally to non-Jews, and they used to get or buy them back after Pesach.]

I think before Purim there was the kapores, when a hen must be whirled over the head; women do it with a hen, and men with a cock. [Editor’s note: Klara remembers this incorrectly, because the kapores expiation ritual is before the morning of Yom Kippur.]

The kapores is the sacrifice made for someone’s sins, which is the hen [or cock, respectively]. We used to do this when we were kids, in the kitchen. But I was still a child and was afraid, so they helped me. I had to hold the hen, and my mother helped me. We had to say something in the meantime, ‘Let this be the sacrifice...’, but in Yiddish, I don’t remember anymore. Then the hen had to be taken to the shochet.

On Purim, the grown-ups also used to dress up in different clothes, fancy dresses. On this occasion we had the custom to send plates of pastry to our acquaintances, especially the Christians, because they were always looking forward to Purim and everyone had some good friends who were Christians.

We used to get some, as well. The custom was to cook several types of pastries. These were dry cakes, pastries with chocolate and yellow cookies. Then we had the framed puszerli, which was really exquisite. It was made as follows: the egg white had to be whipped to a mousse, then they added the egg yolk, sugar, flour, then cut it to small, flat pieces and cooked it. It was called puszerli because it created its own frame. It was very delicious, it melted in the mouth!

On Easter the Christians used to send us some delicious pastries: crumbly cake with nut or poppy seed filling. This was mandatory. They rolled out the batter, put the filling on it and rolled it over. But it wasn’t a milk loaf, because it was made with baking powder and not with yeast.

People used to come to sprinkle my sisters with water. Sprinkling was an important thing then. [Editor’s note: Sprinkling is a national Easter custom. This custom was thought to be an ancient fertility and cleaning ritual, this is why girls and women were sprinkled with water. It takes place on the second day of Easter: on Easter Monday. This custom is dying now.]

They used to carry perfume and poured a bit on the girl’s head. The villagers and servants were watered with a bucket. When we had money, we had to paint red eggs, because if someone came they had to be given something.

Although we were Jews, we used to observe Christmas, especially because of the German maid we had, as she was extremely religious. The jewry from Nagykaroly used to observe the Christian holidays, while the Christians observed the Jewish holidays. And Christmas was so angelic in our house, with so much devotion! It was beautiful!

We decorated the Christmas tree, but later we only had money for a small tree. We used to decorate it with Christmas candy and nuts, but it was so small we couldn’t use much. We always had servants and my mother used to give them presents, depending on what they needed: stockings, blouses or sweaters.

But we [the children] didn’t get any presents, because we were poor and had just enough that we could give something to the servants. On Christmas it was again important to have crumbly cake with nut or poppy seed filling.

I finished the four grades of elementary school in a Jewish school, a Neolog one, because both the Orthodox and haired had their own elementary schools. But then after elementary school there was no Jewish school, i.e. middle school, I could attend, only the Jewish middle school in Nagyvarad.

In the Jewish school we were surely at least 15 in a class, boys and girls mixed. We learnt the Latin alphabet in Hungarian and learnt one or two prayers in Hebrew, such as the morning prayer, but later, as far as I remember, we had to say the prayers in Romanian. In the morning we said the morning prayer, and at noon, when we came out, we also had a prayer.

In the first grade our teacher was Mrs. Niedermann. She was a very charming lady. Then we had a teacher called Riesenbach, but he taught us only from the third or fourth grade. He used to give us ‘kormos’ if we didn’t know the lesson, or if we didn’t sit right or misbehaved.

[Editor’s note: ‘Kormos’ meant that the pupil had to put together his fingers and the teacher hit his fingertips with a stick.] He used to give us ‘kormos’, and it was such a disgrace! Then we had a teacher named Lisszer, who had a girl called Jolan Lisszer, and another teacher, Furt, who also had a girl, Iren Furt.

These girls were very good friends. In elementary school I had a classmate called Aliz Davidovits, a very dear little person. I don’t know what happened to her later. We spread to separate corners.

From the fifth grade [first grade of middle school] we learnt every subject in Romanian, but also some languages, German and French. We had an excellent Romanian and French teacher, Camelia Naom. Her husband had his legs amputated; he had fought in World War I.

Our geography and history teacher was Aurelia Fekete. These were two excellent teachers. I don’t know which grade it was when we had a thin little book, but it was edited by Aliseanu Pop. I really liked this name. As far as I remember, we were studying the Romanian history.

Then I studied one year in private, because there was no middle school in Nagykaroly. My private tutor was called Ranedzay; he was Hungarian, and I hated the poor man so much I wasn’t willing to study. He was a big, fat man with nose-glasses.

He wasn’t severe, though, and was happy if he got lessons, since he was a private tutor. I only used to go to Szatmar for exams, but I don’t know to which middle school. There were several examination teachers, but there was this one lady teacher called Niehtung.

She was extremely strict, she examined me in one discipline, but I don’t remember which one. Then I went to Sziget, and attended the sixth and seventh grades in Domnita Ileana school, and graduated from there in 1932.

But back then it was quite something to be a graduate. In the first place, very few managed to get that far, and, furthermore, it was very difficult, so someone with a graduation diploma was considered highly educated. I graduated after seven, actually in total, eleven grades.

When I went to the middle school in Maramarossziget, I lived at Uncle Sandor’s place for two years. He was my mother’s older brother. Laci was already living in Paris by then. They had a four-room apartment with bathroom on Rozsa [Roses] Street. The house is still there. It was a luxury to have a bathroom then.

I liked Sziget because I had family there and they supported me; they were very nice. We didn’t go to the synagogue too often. The children didn’t, only the men used to go to the synagogue, women less, only on high holidays. However, I attended religion class. Our teacher was Dr. Samuel Danczig, the Neolog rabbi of [Maramaros] Sziget.

[Editor’s note: Dr. Samuel Benjamin Danczig was the rabbi of the Neolog community between 1906 and 1944. (The Heart Remembers. Jewish Sziget, ed. by the Association of Former Szigetian in Israel, Havazelet Press, 2003).]

I don’t know which university he had graduated from, but he finished a rabbi school, and was Dr. Danczig: he had a PhD title. He was a gentleman, an enlightened one. He had a small goatee, as far as I remember. He always wore a small kippah.

  • During the war

After I graduated I went back to Nagykaroly and got a job. I worked at an insurance company called Generali, I was a typist. My boss was Roth, a Jew. Even back then one could insure his house, life, anything.

Then I ended up in Budapest, when Northern Transylvania was annexed to Hungary in 1940, according to the Second Vienna Dictate 11, because the insurance company went bankrupt and I had no prospect in Nagykaroly. I first got a job as a worker at an umbrella factory. The owners of the factory were my uncle’s good friends. And my mother used to send me packages, even though they were poor.

Oh, God! I rented a room, because Uncle Erno’s wife wouldn’t let me stay with them under any circumstances. I stayed on Terez boulevard, at No. 50. I rented a room from Aron Berliner, a Jewish teacher. They were nice and honest people, his wife was much younger than him.

After a while it was impossible for me to stay there because it was outside the ghetto, and then I moved to Harsfa Street, to No. 57, with one of my girlfriends, Margitka. She was a friend of one of my relatives, the wife of Dr. Cukor Lajos, in Nagykaroly. This house was in the ghetto, at first it was a yellow star house.

I had already left the umbrella factory because the Jews had been fired because of the Anti-Jewish laws is Hungary 12. I had some spare money from my savings and lived on it. At first, we were only allowed to go out onto the street until 5pm.

Those were awful times, awful! Even before all this, Jews weren’t distributed their mail, and my mother used to send me letters addressed to my uncle’s servant, a Christian, who then handed me the letters. After the war, when I returned, the Berliners were still alive and I got my letters through them.

My mother, Anci, her husband and little girl, as well as my other sister were taken to the ghetto in Nagykaroly. The ghetto of Nagykaroly was on Wesselenyi Street.

I still have a letter my mother wrote on 4th May, the day they were taken to the ghetto: ‘My dear, your letter has just arrived, we are moving today. We wrote to you yesterday, please don’t be upset, but I wasn’t able to write. Write to me briefly and you’ll be informed about our whereabouts. God bless you and many, many hugs.’ How nice!

My sister wrote on the other side of the card: ‘My dear, I wrote you another letter yesterday. Our acquaintances have all moved out, and today we will as well, and I’ll write you as soon as possible. Olga will write to you. Take care and write to Olga. Many hugs.’ Olga was the wife of Janos Menesi, the photographer.

Olga was a photographer as well. They were very nice Hungarian Christians. Her husband’s original name was Metz, but he magyarized it to Menesi after the war [World War II].

He rented the photo studio after Koziarszky. The studio was called ‘Kelet fenykepeszeti muterem’ [Orient photo studio]. Olga then wrote to me, but it was so risky! They deserved everything good, because they were very nice. On 13th May she wrote, ‘Klarika, they have been put on trucks, on closed cargo trucks.

They will probably be taken to Szatmar. I don’t know anything certain. They had food for the trip. They left me word that they will write to you. I’m not able to write to you because not only my soul, even my mind is aching. I would like to talk to you, but when?

You just write to me, and I will, too. If Jancsi gets well, he will look you up, as I wrote earlier. The town is empty now and the atmosphere is low-spirited. With love, Olga.’ And how risky it was for her to write to me! How dear these people were!

They were taken to Szatmar and from there they were deported to Auschwitz. Unfortunately it was all carefully planned. Very few were exempted from Deportation in North Transylvania 13. In Nagykaroly there was only one man, called Zoli [Zoltan] Erstein, who made passports, and he was exempted, I don’t know why. Europe’s disgrace!

My brother-in-law told me that when they were deported, Mariska asked her mother, ‘Why are we Jews?’ They were still on a truck then. [Editor’s note: Jews were deported from Szatmar on 19th, 22nd, 26th, 29th and 30th May, as well as on 1st June 1944, a total of 18,857 people.]

I received one more card in Budapest from my family, but it had been sent by the management of the camp. My family wrote, ‘We are fine, and so on...’, and they wrote Waldsee on it to mislead people, so they would think they were well off there.

[Editor’s note: From the end of summer 1944 the women were left alive in the Auschwitz-Birkenau extermination camp and were allowed to send a card to Hungary. The pre-written text was the same: I arrived in good health. I’m fine. With love… They were only allowed to sign and write the address.

The Nazis then wrote on it as sender location ‘Waldsee’, which sounded like a nice resort, and under it they wrote the following in Hungarian and German: Reply only on the card (max. 30 words) in German, via the Association of Hungarian Jews, Budapest, VII., Sip Str. 12. The name and birth date of the prisoner were also written on the card.]

Unfortunately, I don’t have this letter anymore. Then, on 2nd October 1944, Olga wrote me another letter, ‘Klarika, I received a dateless card from you.’ I didn’t write the date on it. ‘I don’t know when you wrote it. I already wrote to you why I’m not writing. I wrote you a long letter, though, and received no answer.

I still don’t know anything about Manyi and the others, no matter how badly I wish I did.’ Well, you’ll never find people like this anymore! They were true Catholics, their belief in God was very strong. ‘My husband is a soldier, but I don’t know where.’

These were the people who gave me back our things, the little we had, when I returned home. They were Christians, and they had two children, Judit and Imrus; thank God they are still alive, they live in Szatmar, but their parents have passed away.

I was taken away from Budapest on 15th October 1944. First they took me to Dachau [today Germany]. This was the sorting place, we didn’t work there, we were only taken to labor camps from there: Ravensbruck [today Germany], Spandau-Berlin [a suburb of Berlin, Germany], Oranienburg [sub-camp of Sachsenhausen in Northern Germany, 35km from Berlin].

I also remember that when our turn came to be gassed, they took us to the gas-chamber, but they ran out of gas. A woman came in and said, ‘Na das ist schon! Kein Gas mehr.’ [German for ‘How nice! We ran out of gas.’] We worked in an ammunition factory.

There was a very decent man, an old man, the master, who used to bring me some bread or something in secret. I don’t think that it was bread, but then what was it? I know he brought me something secretly. There were decent people even among them. I was liberated from Sachsenhausen.

The Russians came in, but we were like animals, we weren’t aware of anything, we were dazed, and later I found out that the Germans had been giving us bromide all that time, they put it in the tea and everything else. We didn’t even have our menstruation, and were sedated, so there was nothing to doubt or think about.

And only when the bromide wore off we woke up and realized what had happened. But even then we had no idea what was happening, because we remembered nothing.

  • After the war

I said I wanted to go home, so they put me on a truck. We came home by train. I first got to Budapest, because my younger cousin Agi was there. She escaped the deportation because she had some documents, but she wouldn’t let me know, she kept it a secret even after the war.

Finally I arrived home to Nagykaroly on 11th September 1945. I couldn’t believe the reality, I lived in a dream-world, and couldn’t even imagine this had actually happened. I went home because I was convinced I would find my family there. I couldn’t imagine that something like this could happen in the middle of Europe, such a Holocaust.

I often wonder how people were killed just because they were Jews or Gypsies. This is awful! And it’s useless to say we have to forgive, it’s impossible. I, who came back and didn’t find my family, can’t forgive them, my family’s memory stops me from doing so.

I can’t forgive them for what they did to us, to burn healthy people alive, it’s inconceivable. It’s all the same now, no one can bring them back, but even so I say they watched over me from there. This has nothing to do with religion; I just felt it.

Everything was taken away from the house. We had beautiful furniture, a mahogany dinner-table, a white girl’s room and drab bedroom set. Apparently these were taken away by the Russians. When I arrived home, there was nothing there, the house was empty.

The neighbors weren’t too delighted that I had returned, because they had stolen everything. It showed that they weren’t happy to see me, because they thought I would reclaim my possessions. But I didn’t know what each of them had taken. The Menesis were there, though, a very decent family, they returned the jewels my mother hadn’t handed in to the Swabian Bank, because Jews had to give their jewels to this bank prior to their deportation, but left there.

The only one who came home from deportation was my eldest sister’s husband, Berci Fuchs. My brother-in-law was taken to forced labor from the ghetto, so he was separated from the family. He wanted to marry me right after the war, but I told him I couldn’t marry my sister’s widower.

Then he got married to a Christian woman, who was older than me, someone of his age and who he had a son with. I went to Sziget because I knew my cousins, Zsofi and Ocsi Schongut, were there. So I went to them. First they were happy to see me, but when I asked them to give me my mother’s portion, they told me that my grandfather had helped my mother while she was a widow and they wouldn’t let me have anything.

One afternoon we went to Dr. Dori Berger, she was my cousin Zsofi’s sister-in-law. And my husband-to-be was also there. The instant he saw me he fell for me and we got married in one week, on 15th March 1946. This is the story of our encounter. We had a religious wedding with a rabbi, but I had no wedding dress or anything, there was no way I could have had one.

I didn’t even have a white veil, instead I covered my face with a colored silk shawl, according to the Jewish tradition. My husband just put on the clothes he wore every day. When we came back, neither of us had anything, so how do you think we were dressed? We wore what we had, and they just brought the chuppah and put it somewhere in the yard. And that was it. There was no dinner, nothing, it wasn’t like that then; we were happy to be alive and have something to eat.

I came home with the hope that I would find someone. But I came here, got married and my husband wouldn’t hear of leaving for Israel or anywhere abroad. So we were stuck here. My cousins from Maramarossziget, Zsofi Schongut and Ocsi [Lazar] Schongut, are both living in Israel with their families.

As soon as it was possible they emigrated. I think they both emigrated in 1956. Exactly on Yom Kippur everyone ran out of the synagogue and signed up and requested for documents. They cared less about Yom Kippur, or anything for that matter, they just kept saying, ‘Let’s go, let’s go!’, the whole bunch left the synagogue and went to the police station to sign up.

I visited Israel only once, in 1971, by myself, and stayed there for six weeks. I stayed at my cousins’, Zsofi and Ocsi’s. Neither Ocsi, Zsofi, Cali [Zsofis’ husband] or Lili [Ocsi’s wife] had a diploma. I think Lili worked as a housekeeper somewhere, she used to cook, while Zsofi didn’t work, she always managed to escape work, her husband did instead.

I only visited Haifa, they didn’t take me to Jerusalem because they were poor, too. I’ve been to Israel, but I haven’t seen Jerusalem. Back then it was a very primitive country and I wasn’t impressed. They all struggled there. The only thing they had was freedom, but people were struggling and lived in very moderate means.

It was awful what I saw there, everything was very modest, and there was that silence. They all feared the Arabs. Everyone feared for their lives, they were even afraid to go out on the streets. It was something, that Israel. I don’t know how things are going today, most certainly everything is quite different now.

My husband, Endre Markus, was born in 1901 in Maragyalufalva [today Giulesti, 15km from Maramarossziget], which included Aknasugatag [today Ocna Sugatag, 18km East of Maramarossziget]. His father was called Moricz, and was a doctor. He was 32 when my husband was born.

Moreover, his father, i.e. my husband’s grandfather, was a doctor, too, he lived somewhere in Transdanubia, but I don’t know where. My husband’s mother, Sarolta Geiger, Sari, was 24 when she gave birth to my husband. She was originally from Budapest, and was the descendant of a Transdanubian rabbi called Sam Seufeld.

But they lived in Aknasugatag, because my husband’s father got a job there as local practitioner, and later they moved to Maramarossziget, and were deported. My husband had a little sister called Baba, but her real name was Elisabeth.

She got married in Poland. I don’t know where this man saw Baba and fell for her. I think they lived in Warsaw [today Poland]. They had a daughter, Katherina, Kati, who was born there, and they all perished in Poland during the Holocaust.

My husband became a doctor, a urologist. He finished medical school in Vienna and lived there for a year as doctor, but then he came home and settled in Maramarossziget. My husband managed to survive because he was in forced labor camps between 1942 and 1945, he came as far as the Don.

When he came back, some Russians were living in his apartment, but they let him stay. There was a Russian officer, who was a doctor, and as doctors they became very good friends. This doctor lived with a woman called Margaretta, a Jew. Then they had to leave and so we got the house back.

In the meantime, after the Russians left, a man called Karpati moved in upstairs. He was a member of the SS. After the war he managed to get the authorities to declare him incapacitated or something, and he escaped this way, but he was an SS member. When me and my husband moved in, he was already there, but he was a genuine pig, because he used to hit the floor just to annoy us.

He was truly Anti-Semitic. We tried to avoid him, but he was always provoking us. He was Hungarian, but he considered himself a German, and later they emigrated to Germany. After he left there was no one else left in the house, and we had the house to ourselves. Later, the house was nationalized [see Nationalization in Romania] 14, because my father was an intellectual, and we had to fight quite a lot until we finally got it back in 1952, I think.

My husband was the manager of a home for the elderly, while I was a typist in a children’s home. The boss was a very decent accountant, Mrs. Bilaniuc, Elena, or Lena. She was a very nice person, and still visits me from time to time. She is much younger, she is 74, but she looks 20.

She still dyes her hair, but she doesn’t have one wrinkle, nothing. The manager was very decent, although he had been a member of the Iron Guard 15, but that was when he was 16-17, little did he know about it then, but then it was easy to recruit anybody. But he was despised because of his history with the Iron Guard.

Otherwise he was a nice, sweet, good man. His wife is still alive, and so are their two children. Then, on 7th January 1947, Babika [Marianna Markus] was born, and then I went back to work, until 1952, when my son Viktor was born, on 16th February. But I went back to work even after he was born. I retired in 1957.

Communism was a very odd thing, because they considered themselves communists, although there were the bosses who were leading, so there were different classes. [Editor’s note: Klara refers to the Communist Party, to the fact that although they proclaimed social equality, within the party there existed subordination relationships.]

I too was a party member. Where I was working it was mandatory to be a party member, so they could fire anyone who was a kulak 16. When my husband was fired, I was fired, too, because I was the wife of a doctor, whose father, but grandfather were also doctors, who were living in Transdanubia, so it was a distinguished family with noble origins.

But I was so happy! People were so primitive then, those good old communists! They were so primitive you can’t imagine! They thought everyone with a diploma was their enemy. A doctor must be a kulak. When my husband was kicked out from the Party, he was relieved from his duties, but still worked in the home for the elderly.

But they wrecked him, they ruined him mentally, because we were afraid all the time that he would be imprisoned. We couldn’t sleep at night and thought the Securitate car would come for him anytime. I remember they came once, but they stopped in front of the third house; I don’t remember who was living there, but they took them all in. And they didn’t come for my husband because he was a doctor.

While the children were still small we used to celebrate Christmas at home. I used to buy a small Christmas tree, because Babika came home once saying, ‘Well, everyone has a Christmas tree, little Jesus brought it, everyone has one, but me.’ So I got one.

There were may children in this yard: The Marfics and Glid families, Mrs. Herskovits, and they were all Christians and had a Christmas tree. My husband didn’t go watering on Easter, because of the communists, and back then these sort of things weren’t really possible, people used to come here in secret.

And no one was allowed to come see me, because my husband was very jealous of anybody looking at me. If someone came to me then, if we had to, we returned the visit, but there was no social life then, really, because then you would have been considered a kulak, you know.

There was no theater in Maramarossziget, there was a cinema, though, but we never went there. Considering that my husband was a doctor, we hardly had any money. We were poor, and I had to work. We didn’t go anywhere on summer holidays, it must have happened only once or twice that we went to Aknasugatag. [Editor’s note: There’s a salt bath in Aknasugatag.] We needed money for everything, and we had so little.

We weren’t too religious even after we got married. We were normal people. I didn’t have a kosher household, and didn’t consider it important, because we had so little money. We were happy we had something to eat, and weren’t in a position to choose between Jewish and Christian food.

We used to observe the high holidays. However, my husband didn’t go to the synagogue on Friday evenings and I didn’t light candles either, we only had to light candles at our wedding, and never did since then. I didn’t observe these traditions, and, unfortunately, I didn’t educate my children in this spirit.

We sent Viktor to cheder, and after he came home he wouldn’t eat this, he wouldn’t eat that, he only wanted to eat kosher meals, and all kinds of things. We weren’t allowed to do this and that, and so I didn’t let him go there anymore. I wasn’t able to believe in these things, I don’t like restrictions and sticking to something that belongs to the past.

These are only customs. I didn’t really use to go to the [Jewish] community, because I didn’t really have time, and I never was the religious kind. My husband used to go there; he was the president of the community for a while after World War II.

My daughter Babika went to the university in Iasi and graduated from the dentist faculty. She went to Iasi because then it was very difficult to enter university, and there were some other Jewish girls who wanted to go there: Itu, Eva and others.

And they tossed for places. So Babika got Jaszvasar [Iasi], the other Kolozsvar, while the third one got Bucharest. Babika met her husband in Jaszvasar, they even had their wedding there in a synagogue. Her husband is originally from Jaszvasar, his original name was Hari Burah, but he adopted my daughter’s name.

Babika wouldn’t give up her name, because this was such a tradition, and her great-grandfather was also called Markus and my son Viktor is also called Markus, so Hari became Markus. [Editor’s note: They changed their name to Markus, Hari Markus is the president of the Jewish Community in Maramarossziget.]

They have a son, Sorin, who was born on 20th August 1971. He’s a doctor in Nagykaroly. I have a great-granddaughter, Sorin’s girl, Karin. She was born on 17th January 1998. She just started school. She lives in Romania with her mother, because Sorin got divorced.

My son’s wife is Ileana Moldovan, she is Romanian. They have a son, Lior Alfred. He was born on 24th August 1986, he will graduate from high school this year. He’s a beautiful child. They live with us in our house, downstairs.

My husband died on 11th February 1987, he is buried here in Maramarossziget. Then I moved upstairs to my daughter and left the ground floor to my son. My daughter wouldn’t move downstairs, so I said I would prefer to live with my daughter rather than with my daughter-in-law.

Currently we observe the religion to the extent that we don’t eat pork meat, never put sour cream on meat and never mix meat with dairy products. But we don’t observe the rules like the ‘strengen’ [German for ‘strict’] kosher Jews. I usually pray saying only prayers I make up.

I don’t recite specific prayers. From the Jewish prayers I know the blessing of bread and wine. I know the Our Father in Hungarian, Romanian and French. I have a small picture of St. Antal, my lady-friend gave it to me, and I keep it among my photographs.

  • Glossary

1 King Michael (b. 1921): Son of King Carol II, King of Romania from 1927-1930 under regency and from 1940-1947. When Carol II abdicated in 1940 Michael became king again but he only had a formal role in state affairs during Antonescu’s dictatorial regime, which he overthrew in 1944. Michael turned Romania against fascist Germany and concluded an armistice with the Allied Powers.

King Michael opposed the “sovietization” of Romania after World War II. When a communist regime was established in Romania in 1947, he was overthrown and exiled, and he was stripped from his Romanian citizenship a year later. Since the collapse of the communist rule in Romania in 1989, he has visited the country several times and his citizenship was restored in 1997.

2 Securitate (in Romanian: DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului): General Board of the People’s Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to ‘defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies’.

Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

3 Neolog Jewry: Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into to (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network.

The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions. The third group, the sop-called Status Quo Ante advocated that the Jewish community was maintained the same as before the 1868/69 Congress.

4 Karlsbad (Czech name: Karlovy Vary): The most famous Bohemian spa, named after Bohemian King Charles (Karel) IV, who allegedly found the springs during a hunting expedition in 1358. It was one of the most popular resorts among the royalty and aristocracy in Europe for centuries.

5 Banks of the Danube: In the winter of 1944/45, after the Arrow-Cross, the Hungarian fascists, took over the power, Arrow-Cross commandos went round the protected houses of the Ujlipotvaros, a bourgeois part of Budapest, and took the Jews to the Danube and shot them into the river.

6 Hungarian era (1940-1944): The expression Hungarian era refers to the period between 30 August 1940 - 15 October 1944 in Transylvania. As a result of the Trianon peace treaties in 1920 the eastern part of Hungary (Maramures, Crisana, Banat, Transylvania) was annexed to Romania.

Two million inhabitants of Hungarian nationality came under Romanian rule. In the summer of 1940, under pressure from Berlin and Rome, the Romanian government agreed to return Northern Transylvania, where the majority of the Hungarians lived, to Hungary.

The anti-Jewish laws introduced in 1938 and 1939 in Hungary were also applied in Northern Transylvania. Following the German occupation of Hungary on 19th March 1944, Jews from Northern Transylvania were deported to and killed in concentration camps along with Jews from all over Hungary except for Budapest.

Northern Transylvania belonged to Hungary until the fall of 1944, when the Soviet troops entered and introduced a regime of military administration that sustained local autonomy. The military administration ended on 9th March 1945 when the Romanian administration was reintroduced in all the Western territories lost in 1940.

7 Trianon Peace Treaty: Trianon is a palace in Versailles where, as part of the Paris Peace Conference, the peace treaty was signed with Hungary on 4th June 1920. It was the official end of World War I for the countries concerned. The Trianon Peace Treaty validated the annexation of huge parts of pre-war Hungary by the states of Austria (the province of Burgenland) and Romania (Transylvania, and parts of Eastern Hungary).

The northern part of pre-war Hungary was attached to the newly created Czechoslovak state (Slovakia and Subcarpathia) while Croatia-Slavonia as well as parts of Southern Hungary (Voivodina, Baranja, Medjumurje and Prekmurje) were to the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians (later Yugoslavia).

Hungary lost 67.3% of its pre-war territory, including huge areas populated mostly or mainly by Hungarians, and 58.4% of its population. As a result approximately one third of the Hungarians became an - often oppressed - ethnic minority in some of the predominantly hostile neighboring countries. Trianon became the major point of reference of interwar nationalistic and anti-Semitic Hungarian regimes.

8 King Ferdinand I (1865-1927)

King of Romania (1914-1927). He supported Romania’s engaging in World War I on the side of the Entante, against the Central Powers, thus putting the interest of the nation beyond his own German origin.

The disintegration of empires in the aftermath of the war made it possible for several provinces to unite with Romania in 1918, after a democratic referendum: Bessarabia (in April), Bukovina (in November) and Transylvania (in December). On 15th October 1922, Ferdinand was crowned king of the Great Romania at the Reunification Cathedral in Alba Iulia, a symbol of the unification of all the Romanian provinces under the rule of a single monarch.

9 King Carol II (1893-1953): King of Romania from 1930 to 1940. During his reign he tried to influence the course of Romanian political life, first through the manipulation of the rival Peasants’ Party, the National Liberal Party and anti-Semitic factions.

In 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system.

A contest between the king and the fascist Iron Guard ensued, with assassinations and massacres on both sides. Under Soviet and Hungarian pressure, Carol had to surrender parts of Romania to foreign rule in 1940 (Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR, the Cadrilater to Bulgaria and Northern Transylvania to Hungary). He was abdicated in favor of his son, Michael, and he fled abroad. He died in Portugal.

10 Orthodox communities: The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis.

The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants’ descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the ‘eastern’ type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed.

In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities were registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country, in 1896. In 1930 30,4 % of Hungarian Jews belonged to 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 %).

11 Second Vienna Dictate: The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless. In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties.

The verdict was pronounced on 30th August 1940 in Vienna: Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants. This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary.

Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5th September. The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

12 Anti-Jewish laws in Hungary: Following similar legislation in Nazi Germany, Hungary enacted three Jewish laws in 1938, 1939 and 1941. The first law restricted the number of Jews in industrial and commercial enterprises, banks and in certain occupations, such as legal, medical and engineering professions, and journalism to 20% of the total number.

This law defined Jews on the basis of their religion, so those who converted before the short-lived Hungarian Soviet Republic in 1919, as well as those who fought in World War I, and their widows and orphans were exempted from the law.

The second Jewish law introduced further restrictions, limiting the number of Jews in the above fields to 6 percent, prohibiting the employment of Jews completely in certain professions such as high school and university teaching, civil and municipal services, etc. It also forbade Jews to buy or sell land and so forth.

This law already defined Jews on more racial grounds in that it regarded baptized children that had at least one non-converted Jewish parent as Jewish. The third Jewish law prohibited intermarriage between Jews and non-Jews, and defined anyone who had at least one Jewish grandparent as Jewish.

13 Exemption from Deportation in North Transylvania: In March 1944, the Germans occupied Hungary and North Transylvania. After the occupation, the openly Nazi-friendly and anti-Semitic Dome Sztojay formed a government, and a series of anti-Jewish laws were introduced.

The law for ghettoization of Hungarian Jewry made exceptions in certain cases. The sphere of exemptions was defined in a decree on 10th May 1945. The widows and children of those Jews who received a high commendation for bravery in World War I, or those widows and children of Jews who disappeared or died a hero’s death in World War II as soldiers (not during ‘work service’ in the Labor Battalions) were exempted. Foreign Jewish citizens living in Hungary were also an exception.

There were other modes of escaping deportation. Rezso Kasztner, Zionist leader from Kolozsvar, exemplified this when he secured the release of 1300 Hungarian Jews (250 of which were Kolozsvar families) as a result of negotiations with Adolf Eichmann.

The North-Transylvanian Jews’ other means of escape was to flee to Romania, and hide there with Christian help.

Three doctors played a major role in hiding Kolozsvar Jews: Imre Haynal, Dezso Klimko and Dezso Miskolczy, offering help through their exaggerated diagnoses and extra-extended treatments. In spring 1944, the clinic of Imre Haynal hid and sheltered a number of Jews, the greater part of his ‘intensive care’ ward were Jews fleeing deportation, since the expulsion of the seriously ill was often overlooked by the authorities.

14 Nationalization in Romania: The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

15 Iron Guard: Extreme right wing political organization in Romania between 1930 and 1941, led by C. Z. Codreanu. The Iron Guard propagated nationalist, Christian-mystical and anti-Semitic views. It was banned for its terrorist activities (e.g. the murder of Romanian Prime Minister I. Gh. Duca) in 1933.

In 1935 it was re-established as a party named Totul pentru Tara, ‘Everything for the Fatherland’, but it was banned again in 1938. It was part of the government in the first period of the Antonescu regime, but it was then banned and dissolved as a result of the unsuccessful coup d'état of January 1941. Its leaders escaped abroad to the Third Reich.

16 Kulak (Chiabur in Romanian):. Between 1949-1959 peasants in Romania, who had 10-50 hectares of land were called kulaks, those who owned more than 50 exploiters. Their land was confiscated. 

They were either expelled from their houses and deported to the Baragan Steppes and the Danube Delta, where they had to work under inhuman conditions, or they were discriminated in every possible way (by forcing them to pay impossibly high taxes, preventing their children from entering higher education, etc.).

Alexandru Kohn

Alexandru Kohn

Arad

Romania

Interviewer: Oana Aioanei

Date of interview: October 2003 and July 2007

Despite the fact that the apartment of the Kohn family is situated in the city center, it lies behind some high buildings. This gives you the feeling that you are in an oasis of quietude, a feeling enhanced by the great number of flowers that enchant the senses. The walls are covered with paintings, which contribute to the agreeable atmosphere. Mr. and Ms. Kohn, both extremely hospitable, rejoice over each occasion when they can have a talk with somebody. Mr. Kohn is tall, likes to play chess and particularly enjoys debating all kinds of subjects.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

What I remember about my great-grandparents from my mother’s side, whose family name was Schillinger, is that my great-grandfather was very religious. He was sort of an autocrat. He was well to do, owned some 60 hectares of land, and was very much concerned about his offspring, both his grandchildren and great-grandchildren. Great-grandpa helped one of his grandsons, who would become Doctor Schillinger, finance his studies and finish university. To his great astonishment, this doctor became the first Jew in the Schillinger family to marry a non-Jewish woman. A great scandal came out of this, and great-grandfather, as he was an authoritarian character, forbade his grandson to ever visit him again, disowned him and sat shivah for him. I know that great-grandfather wanted to maintain tradition by all means.

Great-grandfather was very much the center of the Schillinger family. Everybody came to congratulate him and greet him on his birthday, and he gave presents to each grandson and granddaughter when they got married. Great-grandfather was the center of the family because he had the most money and the most open mind. He wasn’t interested in politics, but he was religious. He died before my mother got married – so sometime before 1926 – and is buried in Chisineu Cris. [Editor’s note: Chisineu Cris is a town situated in northwestern Romania, around 42 km from Arad. Arad is approximately 550 km from the Romanian capital city of Bucharest.]

My maternal grandfather, Emanuel Schillinger, was born in Elek, Hungary, in 1858. [Editor’s note: Elek is a town located in southeastern Hungary, approximately 248 km from the Hungarian capital of Budapest.] He grew up with both German and Hungarian as a mother tongue. He had five brothers and two sisters, and I know many of them only from pictures. [Editor’s note: upon further inspection, it seems that the grandfather had three sisters instead of two. There names are Elza, Nina and Etel.] One of Grandfather’s brothers was called Desideriu Schillinger, but I don’t know anything else about him. His other brother was Ervin Schillinger. I do have a photo of him, which was originally a greeting sent from Italy to my grandparents for Pesach in 1917. It is written on the back of the photo that it was sent while Ervin was in the army.

I also have a photo of Elza Erdos, one of Grandfather Schillinger’s sisters, together with her husband, Artur Erdos. They had two daughters, Clara and Vera. The photo was taken in Budapest and it was sent to my mother, Gizella. The other sister of my grandfather was called Nina. She eventually married a man by the name of Schwartz, and they had a daughter, Rozalia, who married Doctor Bercovici. Together they had a son, Pisti. My mother’s other cousin was Ileana; she got married to Isidor Wolberg, and they had a daughter, Eva, whom I eventually met in Israel. Ileana Wolberg’s mother was called Etel. Schillinger was her maiden name. Her sister was Nina Schwartz

My grandfather did his army service in the Austrian-Hungarian Army 1. Grandfather finished seven grades – finishing the agricultural school – and became a tenant farmer. [Editor’s note: at the time of the grandfather’s childhood, the first six grades of school were compulsory. It is probable that he finished sixth grade and possibly spent some additional time at an agrarian school of some sort.] Grandfather leased a tract of land from a baron and managed an estate; that’s how he could eventually afford to buy land in Sintea Mare [49 km northeast of Arad]. What I remember of the house in Sintea Mare is that my grandfather did the farming and my uncle Iosif, my mother’s brother, had a tinsmith workshop in the house. My grandparents were on good terms with the neighbors, and the family was united and prosperous. My grandfather was interested in politics at the time, but he didn’t get involved in any way.

My immediate family and I went to Sintea Mare two or three times a year after holidays. My grandparents – who lived in Sintea Mare – would, however, go to Chisineu Cris for holidays. Great-grandfather had a brother there, whose family name was also Schillinger, and he and my grandparents spent holidays in each other’s company. My grandparents went to Chisineu Cris because it was considered a town, one with a significant Jewish community and a synagogue. Sintea Mare had neither of these things.

My mother, who was in better financial shape than Grandfather, supported her parents because Grandpa’s business never went particularly well. Farming depended on the seasons and the weather. In times of drought, things were particularly difficult. In those times irrigation didn’t quite exist, meaning that agriculture hinged very much on nature.

My maternal grandmother, Iuliana Schillinger – nee Blum – was a housewife. She also lived in Sintea Mare and spent one year – after she fell sick in Beliu – with me and my parents. She didn’t stay with us for long because she was extremely ill. We were better off, and, as she didn’t have the means to pay for her treatment, we brought her a doctor. My mother’s brothers could not stand to watch my grandmother as she struggled with her illness, and they stood outside with my grandfather. It was my mother who actually took care of her, but she died nonetheless in 1938.

My mother, Gizella Schillinger, was born on 31st January 1904 in Sintea Mare. She grew up in Chisineu Cris. My mother finished high school, and, before getting married, she worked as a cashier in Chisineu Cris. My mother had one brother and one sister, both of whom were younger than she was. Iosif, who was born in 1906, had a tinsmith workshop, as I have already mentioned. He married Magdalena Gros and died in Arad in 1974. He didn’t have any children. My mother’s sister, Liliana, was born around 1909. She was a housekeeper, never got married, and lived in Arad, where she died in 1947.

My great-grandparents on the Kohn side of the family are originally from Vienna. My paternal grandfather, Alexandru Kohn, was born in Vienna. His mother tongue was Hungarian because at that time Hungary constituted a principle part of the Austro-Hungarian Empire. He finished four grades and did his army service with the Austrian-Hungarian Army. Later he worked as a trader. My grandfather lived in Sebis. [Editor’s note: Sebis is located in Arad County in western Romania, near Arad.] He died when my father was two years old, so I know very few things about him. I know only that he had a brother in Vienna who was a supplier to the court of Emperor Franz Joseph 2 and a sister who worked in the fur trade in England.

My paternal grandmother, Netty Kohn – nee Blau – also lived in Sebis, and she had a brother in England. She met Grandpa there. My grandmother was a housewife. The house that my grandparents owned in Sebis wasn’t any different from the other houses in the village. It was a simple middle class home, complete with a shop, a store and two or three rooms. In those times the trade was a mixed one. My grandparents sold everything, from nails, to bread, shoes, brandy and other spirits. They also ran an inn. They didn’t have animals and the garden was very small, with a few fruit trees and assorted flowers. Grandfather Kohn died in Sebis in 1898, and grandmother died in 1931. Both passed away before I was born.

My father, Eugen Kohn, was born on 14th August 1896 in Sebis. His mother tongue was Hungarian. My father completed four grades of school and two years of apprenticeship. [Editor’s note: it’s very likely that he actually finished six grades.] He was enrolled in the army at the age of 17, in 1913. My father has told me that he fought at Monte Cassino, Italy during World War I with the Austrian-Hungarian Army. [Editor’s note: Monte Cassino was not a theater of operations during World War I, but rather World War II; the interviewee’s father more likely served at the Isonzo front.] Shortly thereafter he lived in Budapest with the army until the communist revolution of Bela Kun 3. I don’t know exactly when he came home to Romania, but he told me that the Romanian troops – for Romania was on the side of France and England – had entered Budapest 4 and defeated the troops of Bela Kun. This enabled him to return to Romania.

My father had five sisters: Sarolta, Gizella, Reghina, Roza and Netty, all of whom were housewives in Sebis. At that time the three ‘Ks’ applied to women, meaning Küche, Kirche, Kinder – kitchen, church and children. Sarolta married a Mr. Haas, who was a driver, and they had two children: Bandi, a trader, and Caterina, a housewife. Gizella was married to Emanuel Schwartz, the Neolog rabbi from Sebis 5. They had a son named Fredi in Jerusalem. He eventually became a clerk. Reghina got married to Alexandru Steiner, a trader, and they had three children: Iosif, Alexandru and Irina. Alexandru had a daughter, Elena, whom we used to call Bobo. Today, she’s a doctor in Israel. Irina married a man by the name of Roger. They left for the USA and eventually had a son, Tibi. He was born around 1926 and became a dentist. Tibi’s son came to Romania and studied here, also graduating with a degree in dentistry.

Roza married Bela Marton, a trader. They too had three children: Alexandru, an electrician, Rudolf, a merchant, and Elena, a housewife. Netty got married to Klein, a merchant, and they had a daughter, Maria, who also became a merchant. From a financial point of view Aunt Gizella was the most comfortably off. My cousins and my father worked as her employees.

My father and my mother met each other through mediators. My father was a merchant at the time, and my mother was a cashier in Chisineu Cris. The marriage was arranged because this was the custom among Jews. My parents got married in 1926, and the wedding took place in Sebis at the local synagogue. Shortly thereafter they moved to Beliu because they had found employment there. [Editor’s note: Beliu is located in the western part of Romania, some 29 km northeast of Arad.] My mother became a housekeeper, as she was busy raising us at the time, and my father worked as a trader. My brother Toma Nicolae and I were both born in Beliu, where we lived until 1940. I was born on 19th October 1932, my brother on 16th March 1936.

While in Beliu my parents opened a mixed and textile shop. My childhood home was located at a corner opposite the Catholic church. The house was actually owned by a Romanian citizen who worked in the United States, and we rented it from him. We had three rooms: a kitchen, the shop and a very nice yard with flowers. We didn’t have a vegetable garden or any animals at home, only flowers. Our carpets were hand-made, manufactured by my mother. We heated with wood, as we had tile stoves in the rooms. We also had two servants, neither one of whom was Jewish. One of them worked in the kitchen, and the other helped take care of us.

My parents had taken over a bankrupt shop from a Jew and made it prosperous. And indeed, the shop went very well. At the beginning Uncle Schwartz vouched for them and enabled them to get a loan. By 1940 they managed to pay back all the debt and buy a house in Arad. At first they had tenants in the house, but later it was nationalized and confiscated by the Antonescu regime 6.

The shop did so well, in part, because of my father’s work ethic. I remember that in those days peasants would go to the fields at four or five in the morning, and they often knocked on our windows early in the morning in case they needed sugar, bread or cigarettes. My father got up and served them – many times even without getting money for it. Merchants were fighting for clients, and my father’s generosity proved to be a useful means of attracting business.

Market day in Beliu was always on Wednesday. On that day all the villagers from the surrounding area came to purchase industrial materials and textiles. People also sold their agricultural products. It was thus on Wednesdays that my parents sold the most, and the shop was always full. We had three apprentices, as there was a lot of work. Beliu was a district center, which explains why so many people came to the city on market days. The district, a subdivision of the county, consisted of ten or fifteen villages. Thus Beliu had its own court and local police force. There was a glass factory in Beliu, two mills and a sawmill. It was a developed village where Romanians, Catholic Hungarians and Jews all lived side by side. Everybody had their own house and a shop where they carried out their activities. Most of the Jews living in Beliu were merchants. A rare exception was a man called Werner, who collected leather and was a tanner, although there was also a Jewish physician, a Jewish clerk and a Jewish driver.

My parents wore modern clothes, not traditional ones. [Editor’s note: this is to say that they wore neither typical Orthodox Jewish clothing nor Hasidic Jewish clothing. The father did not, for instance, have a beard, and the mother didn’t wear a wig.] They were interested in politics but weren’t members of any party. They did, however, support Israel and purchased a piece of land in Palestine. Zionists had long been wandering around in the village spreading their point of view, and my entire family could see that one certainly couldn’t live under the increasingly virulent and anti-Semitic legionary regime 7. My father thus realized that a Jewish country was needed. When one particular group of Zionists came to Beliu, they gave him a ‘dunavi’ in exchange for a sum of money. ‘Dunavi’ refers to the measurement of land that was bought in Israel.

I remember that we had many books growing up because my mother always read a lot of literature. My parents read newspapers as well – these were in Hungarian. We also had religious books, including a prayer book belonging to my mother. At the end of the prayer book all of our birthdays were written in – my parents, myself, my brother, my grandfather, etc. I don’t know what happened to the book, although I imagine it’s with my brother.

Most of our relatives, including my father’s sisters and their families, lived in Sebis. We kept regular contact with these relatives but spent most holidays and the weekends in Beliu. When the Sabbath started my mother always lit the candles – this was something unalterable. On every Friday evening the candles were lit. It was my father and I, however, who went to the synagogue, as neither my brother nor my mother came along. We went to the synagogue on Friday evening and on Sabbath morning. On holidays a cantor came to assist the rabbi, who didn’t have a good voice. I remember one cantor came and slept in our house. He came on Yom Kippur and was a relative of Schwartz. He, like most Orthodox Jews 8, was much more of a traditionalist, better in music and more attentive to detail in religious matters. [Editor’s note: it is probable that this cantor may have been a Hasid 9.]

My parents were Neolog Jews. As such, we observed Neolog customs, not Orthodox ones. We ate pork meat, but not pork fat. Animals were cut in the kosher fashion. When we cut a goose or a chicken, my parents took it to the rabbi, or ‘hakham’. [Editor’s note: according to Alan Unterman and the “Dictionary of Jewish Traditions”, Sephardic Jews often referred to rabbis as the ‘hakham’ – meaning wise in Hebrew. According to Dr. Slomo Leibovici-Lais, the President of the World Cultural Association of Jews from Romania, the term ‘hakham’ in Romania refers to the ‘shochet’, a book supported by the Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture and the Biroul pentru Comunitati din Agentia Evreiasca – the Office for the Communities of the Jewish Agency Liscatha Kehiot.] I remember that for the Sabbath my mother often prepared goose liver, something I liked a lot. The chest and the legs were smoked and preserved over the winter, and the fat and the liver were cooked fresh. Liver was a very delicious and traditional meal. We rarely had fish then, although occasionally we ate stuffed fish.

We weren’t religious. We did observe holidays, but that was the extent of our religious fervor. We didn’t observe Seder at all, although I went to Sebis a few times to visit my uncle Schwartz, who was a rabbi, as he always observed it. I was a child, maybe four or five years old, when I experienced my first Seder. My uncle and his family were well off – wealthier than we were – and I remember being amazed that their cutlery was placed on supports made of silver. In our home the cutlery was placed on the right or on the left, but I had never seen supports like that. I also remember that I learned the song ‘Eliahu HaNavi’ from my uncle. [Editor’s note: the Havdalah ceremony, the service which marks the end of Sabbath, is often concluded by singing traditional songs like ‘Shavua Tov’ – Good Week! – and Eliahu HaNavi, whose refrain is ‘Elijah the Prophet, Elijah the Tishbite, Elijah the Gileadite.’]

My parents shared in Jewish traditions by supporting the community. In Beliu the Jewish community consisted of thirty families. These families went to the synagogue every week. We also had a local rabbi, and at the age of six I was sent to him in order to learn the alef-beys. At the time of our forced evacuation I was only seven or eight years old, so the rabbi taught me for only a little over the year. I eventually had my bar mitzvah in Arad.

Our local rabbi was called Kaufman. He conducted all the services, and he also taught children the alef-beys and the prayers. We started learning from him at the age of six. I remember he liked garlic, and he always smelled like it. I also remember that he had a son who was studying in Budapest who eventually became a notorious character. His legal predicaments appeared in the press during 1936 and 1937.

The story of Kaufman’s son is unfortunate. The young man had a degree in engineering, and, due to certain circumstances, he became involved with the daughter of Admiral Horthy 10. The leader’s family was in Budapest when their car broke down in the middle of the city. By chance Kaufman’s son was at the scene. As he was a skilled engineer, he repaired the automobile and thus inadvertently began a romance with Horthy’s daughter. The main impediment was that the boy was Jewish, and he thus couldn’t become part of the state leader’s social circle. I think both out of love and out of the wish to become somebody important, Kaufman’s son changed his name from Kaufman to Kenyeres. That’s how he started to have a new life. Horthy eventually made him a deputy in a rightist nationalist party. In order to deny or further hide his origins, Kaufman’s son started to propose anti-Semitic laws within the Hungarian parliament. The opposition party initiated an investigation and soon discovered that Kenyeres was Jewish and that his father was a rabbi.

I remember that the whole affair caused quite a stir, and some well-dressed people came to Beliu to take the rabbi to Budapest and expose Kenyeres. They managed to fool the rabbi and brought him by car to Budapest. I seem to remember that they went by car to Arad, and from there they took the train. When they arrived to Budapest they were met at the train station by a lot of reporters and journalists, who peppered the rabbi with questions.

Back then, just as it is today, the last word regarding such issues lay with the state leader, who had absolute power. In order to clarify the issue, Horthy brought the rabbi and his son together, face-to-face. When the rabbi came home, he told me with tears in his eyes that he had had to declare that Kenyeres wasn’t his son. I don’t know anymore what happened after that, but I do know that the boy sent a lot of money to his father, both before and after this incident. Before being taken away with us during the evacuation, I remember the rabbi dug some holes in the yard of the synagogue and buried several kilograms of gold. It is very interesting that, on one hand, Kenyeres denied his father, while on the other hand he clearly helped him a lot financially. I must tell you that the rabbi did not survive the war, as he was already quite old at the time.

[Editor’s note: The story of Kenyeres contains some real facts, but it is essentially a legend. In a letter from Istvan Bibo to Gyula Borbandi – Istvan Bibo: Valogatott muvek, III. Magveto, Budapest – one of the notes states that during the 1935 Parliamentary elections a swindler politician called Miklos Kenyeres was nominated as a result of pressure from the local administration in Talpan in Szabolcs-Szatmar County and subsequently elected by fraud. The election court was forced to deprive Kenyeres of his mandate because of various protests against him. Peter Sipos, in “Orsegvaltas szavazocedulakkal”, or “Guard Change by Ballots”, also mentions that Kenyeres claimed to be a Lutheran engineer, though in fact he was neither Lutheran nor an engineer. His original name was Jakab Mozes Kahan, the son of the rabbi of Beliu. It is worth mentioning that Horthy’s daughter Paula would have been alive at this time, as she did not die until 1940.]

Growing up

When I was a child, my favorite holiday was Purim. In general I liked all the holidays however, as I could meet with my friends and it got us one more day without school. I attended the state kindergarten with other children, but I didn’t manage to finish the first primary grade in Beliu because I was kicked out of school. [Editor’s note: Mr. Kohn started school in the fall of 1939, so he would have finished the first grade in the spring of 1940. It is very probable that the family was evacuated from Beliu to Beius during this period, which would explain why he couldn’t finish the first grade in Beliu. From October 1940 onwards it was officially forbidden for Jews to go to public schools. The public was, however, allowed to establish Jewish elementary and middle schools. It may have been that in some places the discrimination of the Jews had started even earlier at the behest of local politicians.]

My mother tongues growing up were Romanian and Hungarian, the two native languages of the part of Transylvania 11 that had been under Hungarian rule. [Editor’s note: Mr. Kohn refers to the fact that before 1920 Transylvania was part of Austria-Hungary.] At home we spoke both Romanian and Hungarian, although I also speak German and some French.

Before 1940 an anti-Semitic trend was already in existence in Romania and Hungary, with its center in Nazi Germany. After Hitler came to power, the anti-Semitic movement became stronger both in Hungary and Romania. One could feel the oppression and discrimination that all the Jews in neighboring countries were experiencing. In Romania anti-Semitic papers were published that imitated those issued in Germany. Even a paper edited by the German Embassy was published.

I sensed the rise of anti-Semitism throughout my childhood. When we went to bathe, for example, all the children would stare at me because I was circumcised. I was different from those of my age, and children had learned all kind of things at home that gave them an aversion to Jews. Walking through the village we were sometimes told, ‘Hey Yid, go to Palestine!’ Everything only got worse when the legionaries came in the 1930s 12. In Beliu, a lawyer and the priest from a neighboring village were the leaders of the local legionary grouping. From 1938 onwards there was an anti-Jewish atmosphere throughout the area, and many Jews realized that it wouldn’t be good for Jews.

I recall from the time of my childhood that a group of legionaries once entered our shop in Beliu and said, ‘It’s over for you, Yid! You have stolen our wealth, and what you own doesn’t belong to you! And you have to give it back!’ The presence of the legionaries probably had something to do with one of our apprentices. None of our apprentices were Jewish, but they took meals with us and were like a part of the family. My father presided over acquisition and selling, but it was my mother who was responsible for the supervision of the apprentices. She discovered that one of the apprentices was stealing and told him, ‘Listen Iosif, I kindly ask you to be honest. Be honest and don’t pilfer anymore.’ This probably upset him, and he soon became a legionary and started causing troubles for us. His name was Negui Iosif.

The whole situation with the legionaries was something of a nightmare. They came and brought us to the cemetery. They probably wanted to kill us. My parents were frightened, and the legionaries threatened to take the shop. They kept us in a state of terror in the cemetery for over an hour. At one point a car came, as the Jewish cemetery was along the road to Beliu. The legionaries weren’t happy about seeing the lights, and so they let us go. We came home, but I remember that from that moment we didn’t sleep alone. A woman or a man from the village would stay with us because my parents were overcome with fear.

All of this took a great toll on me, as did reports from the rest of Europe. We would often listen to the news before Jews had their radios confiscated. [Editor’s note: After a certain point Jews were not allowed to have a radio in their own house, one of many humiliations endured by the Jews in Romania. Jewish physicians, for example, could only continue their praxis with Jewish patients. Jews were also obliged to surrender clothes to the authorities for the reason that the Romanian army and the rest of society needed them. Jewish properties, businesses, factories, land and farms were all confiscated. And although these were governmental decisions, they were not totally legal. Usually the orders were followed on the basis of verbal commands given by the legionary leaders. With the advent of the Antonescu regime all of these decisions became official and continued during 1941 and 1942. Source: Victor Neuman, “Evreii din Banat şi Transilvania de Sud în anii celui de-al doilea război mondial,” or “Jews from Banat and South Transylvania During the Years of the Second World War,” in “România şi Transnistria: Problema Holocaustului,” Curtea Veche Publishing, 2004, Bucharest, p.152.] Every time they transmitted a discourse of Hitler it was a catastrophe, an event that saddened me and threw my family into despair. This was a period of great anxiety for the entire family, but particularly for my little brother, who was only some five years old at the time of our evacuation. He kept on having nightmares. When we were evacuated, he shouted, ‘I want my little bed, my little bed, my little bed. Why did you take me out of my little bed?’ It was terrible.

My parents’ material situation was good until 1940, and my father didn’t have any legal problems. He had non-Jewish friends who helped him and didn’t let him down. When the possibility arose that our shop might be taken away from us, my father gave the merchandise and the textiles from the shop to friends for safekeeping. This was our great luck. In 1940, when the war started and we were evacuated, Jews were forbidden from working or doing anything of the sort. Thankfully, we were able to live off of these hidden goods, as I will explain later. We were on very good terms with many inhabitants of our village, and many regretted seeing the Jews leave.

During the war

In 1940, once the anti-Jewish laws 13 were introduced, Jews weren’t allowed to own land anymore. The authorities took everything from my grandfather, and he too was evacuated. According to the law regarding the evacuation procedures, everybody was sent to their county town. My grandfather lived in Sintea Mare, which was in Arad County, so he, together with my mother’s brother and sister, was sent to Arad. I don’t know how my grandfather got there, although he probably took the train. He lived on very moderate means in Arad. He was given some support from the community, and later my mother helped him as well.

The whole evacuation process was more of a forced resettlement, even if it was called ‘the evacuation of Jews from the rural environment.’ The authorities didn’t actually care about where people lived. Jews were gathered and registered in the registry of the Jewish community of the town or village where they were evacuated from. If you were very poor, the community supported you if it could.

In 1940 we were evacuated as well. A gendarme came and told us that according to the order of Marshal Antonescu 14, the leader of the state, we only had the right to take 20 or 30 kilograms of belongings with us. They gathered us and took us by cart to the forced residence. We were taken to Beius, as the Jews of Beliu belonged to Bihor County. Between 1940 and 1944 we lived in Beius, Tinca and Ginta at different periods. [Editor’s note: Tinca is located some 60 km northeast of Arad, while Ginta is similarly located and only around 55km northeast of Arad.]

First we had the forced residence in Beius, where all the Jews from Bihor County were taken. I remember that the route getting there was quite complicated. First we had to go to Santana, and from there to Ciumeghiu, which, after Transylvania’s annexation in 1940 15, became a border village. [Editor’s note: Santana is a little over 20 km northeast of Arad. Ciumeghiu is approximately 50 km northeast of Arad.] Had the original borders been in place we would have been evacuated to Oradea, but instead we went to Beius. [Editor’s note: Beius is situated 64 km northeast of Beliu, yet the route described by Mr. Kohn would imply a detour to the southwest towards Santana, then to the north towards Ciumeghiu, and finally to the east and Beliu. This distance would total 94 km. It should be added that Oradea is located in extreme northwest of Romania, some 600 km from Bucharest.] We traveled some 100 kilometers by cart in mud, as the roads were not asphalted.

The cart went to the courtyard of the synagogue in Beius, where we found ourselves amongst all the Jews of the entire county. Upon arrival we had to find our way through town all alone. And so my parent walked the streets of Beius to find a place to rent. At the beginning we stayed with a Jewish family, and after a while we found another place. Eventually a prefect complained that prices would go too high if Jews were brought in, and the authorities said they would find us a different location.

A special system was applied to Jews within the resettled areas. Everything was carried out in accordance with the government’s representative, the prefect. How did Jews find out about the decrees? There was a registry kept by the communities, which were subordinated to the authorities, which informed Jews of the various decrees. Within the framework of the state authorities there was also a representative who was responsible for Jewish issues.

From Beius they took us to Tinca, where the same story reoccurred. We all had to find a host, and then the local authorities accused us of raising prices. After that they moved us to Ginta, where we lived until the war ended in 1944. Grandfather Schillinger joined us in Ginta. I have a photo taken in Ginta in 1941. One specific memory I have of this period is of being assembled in the yard of the gendarmerie because of an unexpected census. I remember them calling us – the gendarme was shouting out the names of Jews – and we had to present ourselves with our families. We worried about whether they would ever let us go home.

My father was better off, so my grandfather came to join us in Ginta in 1941. He had to be provided for due to his advanced age, and my mother’s sister and brother didn’t have the means to take care of him. My grandfather was very deeply affected by the fact that his land was taken and that he no longer had anything to live on. Eventually he went mad. He would leave home and say all kinds of dangerous things about the leadership on the street. He died in Ginta in 1942.

Until 1944 my parents lived on their savings. My father had worked very hard after he got married, and he had saved a fortune big enough not to feel the want of anything. He even had bought a house in Arad, and he had his shop full of goods. When we were evacuated, as I already mentioned, we gave many of the goods to our loyal neighbors. Some of them gave these goods back to us later on, and the value of the merchandise increased dramatically during the course of the war. Indeed, after the war started in 1941 one couldn’t buy anything, not even shoes. Textiles were out of stock, and no one was delivering cotton anymore. My father began selling some goods under the counter, and that’s what we lived on. Meanwhile, those that had their fortunes in cash grew poor as the money depreciated in value. 100 lei were good for nothing, and banknotes of millions and tens of millions were issued.

During the Holocaust my father also did work service in Varciorog. [Editor’s note: Varciorog is located some 44 km north of Beius.] He managed to come home for visits through bribery. If you gave something to the chief of the work department, for example, it was widely known that he would let you go home for a few days. In Varciorog my father worked at excavation sites. What he did I do not know – I imagine he was constructing fortifications to impede the Russians or something of that nature. In 1942 he was sent to do work service in Tinca, where they manufactured cement and concrete tiles.

During the evacuation they established a school for Jewish children. There was a schoolmistress who had also been evacuated, and she taught the children under the community’s guidance. This is how I learned until the fourth grade, after which I learned privately. Thank God we were in a decent financial situation, which enabled my parents to hire a private teacher who prepared me for the first year of high school. I started with high school at the age of eleven or twelve, in 1943. I finished the first year of high school – which corresponds now to the 9th grade – at the Jewish Theoretical High School in Timisoara. I only actually went to Timisoara for the exams. During this period my parents lived in Ginta. [Editor’s note: there were no “theoretical” high schools at this particular time, so Mr. Kohn is using a modern day expression for the 1940s.]

In Timisoara I stayed with a relative on my father’s side of the family. Roza Marton, my father’s sister, had a daughter, Elena, married to a man by the name of Bela in Timisoara. They had one child, who was some two years older than me, and whose name I can no longer recall. I do remember that they lived in the Mehala district, where I stayed with them.

After the war

In 1944, after the war had ended, I came to Arad, while my parents returned to Beliu. I stayed with my aunt Rozalia Bercovivi for a while. She was my mother’s cousin, and she lived on the street parallel to the one where our house was. Her husband was a physician, but since he didn’t have Romanian citizenship he had left for Hungary during the war. He was killed there. I took meals with Aunt Rozalia, but, because she was living in quite harsh conditions along with her son, her mother and her father, I didn’t sleep in her home., Instead, her son Pisti and I slept in the house my father had bought. The house was quite large; it is a nice house even today. It had a garden, three rooms and a kitchen. It was located on Eftimie Murgu Street. In 1940 a police superintendent called Barbat Corolian had moved in. Later he was transferred to Odessa. In 1944 a law was introduced stating that all properties taken by the Antonescu regime in 1940 had to be returned, and we thus got the house back.

At first all the Jews were happy when the Soviet army arrived, as we thought they had saved us from death. This is what we heard from our parents. One day Pisti and I woke up with Russian troops surrounding our house, calling us ‘fascists.’ They took us away, calling us ‘fascists’ the whole time. This was after 1944, and my parents lived in Beliu in those days. Pisti and I were taken to the police station, where the Russians put us in a room down in the cellar and refused to even talk to us. Eventually they saw that we weren’t fascists, but they were so brutal. At that moment I became completely disenchanted with the Russians. It was not long before we saw them stealing in the night as well. I kept to my conviction that Zionism was the best option for all of us in the Jewish community.

From 1944 until 1945 I attended the Jewish high school in Arad, where I finished the second grade of high school. We had two subjects relating to Judaism in the Jewish high school: religion and Hebrew. The school was located in the city center, next to the present headquarters of the Liberal Party. We were some 23 in my class – quite a lot. Upon graduating we had the right to enroll in a state school, so from the third grade onwards I attended the Moise Nicoara College. In school I always liked chemistry a lot, although my favorite teacher taught Romanian and grammar. Of course I liked the chemistry teacher as well. My least favorite subjects were those relating to accountancy. After graduating from Moise Nicoara I attended the Textile Technical School in Arad.

During school I had both Jewish and non-Jewish friends, although, truth be told, I had more Jewish friends. This was partly due to the fact that I was active in the local Zionist organization in Arad after 1944. I was a member of the Hanoar Hatzioni 13 organization, providing me with a group of Jewish friends that I met with after school. In my free time I also went to Hanoar Hatzioni for sports. I played table tennis, and canoed.

In the summer, on the weekends, we often went to Trei Insule – Three Islands – a place along the Mures River around five kilometers from Arad. We went there with Jewish friends for excursions in the hills around Siria [30 km northeast of Arad]. In the mornings we would meet at the Zionist organization’s headquarters, and we spent the day singing, playing and just generally having fun. During holidays we also went to ski with Jewish friends. I still have one very good friend from my childhood, but I don’t even know if some of the others are still alive. I believe two of them are in the USA, but we are not in contact anymore.

Following school I worked as an unqualified worker in construction for some time, then as a technician at a textile factory. I did my army service in Bucharest – in the air defense – between 1951 and 1954. I liked the military and the outdoors, and I wanted to make a career as an officer. Unfortunately, I couldn’t become an officer because of my origins. They told me: ‘Mister, you don’t have a good background, and you can’t become an officer.’

Life was very hard in the army. Indeed, it was miserable. We wore deplorable clothing, with equipment from World War II that had been mended because of the bullets. On top of that the food was awful – we ate only barley water. Sometimes when we were free we bought bread together with the privates. It was a ‘brick’ type of bread, ‘Stalin’s bread,’ as they called it. Despite its horrible taste, I often ate two kilos of bread at once.

When we stayed in Beliu my brother was still going to kindergarten. He attended school while I was in the army. At that time I told my brother to make all possible arrangements not to get into the army because I was very attached to him. I even had the right to slap him sometimes, but nobody else in the world had the right to touch him. They didn’t dare to anyway because I was such a combative character, and I always looked out for him. So I told him to do whatever possible to go to university, as life in the army wasn’t for him. He eventually did graduate from the University of Technology in Timisoara, and he became a good engineer. [Editor’s note: Timisoara is the fourth largest city in Romania, located 600 km northeast of Bucharest.] Unfortunately, he couldn’t have much of a career because he was not a Communist Party member. And it was obvious that if you didn’t join, you couldn’t be a successor professional. This was simply reality. A lot of work and low salaries were the norm for non-party members. Exactly the opposite was true for party members.

I still have the merchant license of my father. It is dated 1939, and the text is as follows: ‘Kohn, Eugen, born on 10th August 1896 in Sebis village, is authorized to run a mixed grocery on his own account, under the firm name of ‘Kohn Eugen,’ having its headquarters in Beliu village.’

After they came back to Beliu, my parents once again engaged in commerce. They ultimately ran their shop until 1946/7. They lived with some Jews while in Beliu because they didn’t have a house there after the war. As I mentioned before, we had originally lived in a rented house before the war. My father got in touch again with traders from Arad, and he would come to Arad for merchandise. Acquisition was extremely troublesome – he had to come to Arad by train and then carry all the goods to Beliu. As such, he didn’t purchase too much merchandise. As it was, he didn’t have much money, and besides, the acquisition of goods was also becoming dangerous. I recall that once he had all of his merchandise stolen.

After they got back the house in Arad, my parents also moved there. Later we sold the house. They didn’t open a shop in Arad, instead choosing to sell at the local Serbian market. My father had a booth there. He sold textiles again, acquiring the goods from factories or wholesalers. As all this was after 1948, there weren’t private shops anymore, and my father instead got regular employment in a textile shop in the town center, opposite to the Red Church. He sold remains – pieces that were left from exports. He was paid according to how much he sold. Eventually my father moved to another textile shop on Andrei Saguna Street. The shop went so well there that people were queuing up. My father knew exactly what to bring, and many people came from the countryside to purchase goods from him. My father retired after his work at this shop.

My mother never had a job. As I have said, she was primarily a housewife. Before 1960, however, while we were living in Arad, my mother did sew bed covers and sold them on the open market. [Editor’s note: it is very probable that Mr. Kohn means that his mother was sewing bed covers between 1946 and 1960, given that his parents moved to Arad around 1946-7.] She earned quite a bit because people needed linen right after the war. The money helped her support a cousin from her maternal grandfather’s side of the family, a woman who is now married to Iosif Conta. [Editor’s note: Iosif Conta was elected freeman of the city of Arad in 1999. His son Vladimir is a well known conductor.]

My mother died in Arad on 12th July 1977, and my father passed away in Arad on 27th December 1982. My brother died on 19th May 2002. My parents are buried in the Jewish cemetery in Arad. Rabbi Neumann came to all three funerals from Timisoara. I paid him to come. I sat shivah for my brother, and also for my father and mother.

When the state of Israel was established, I felt an indescribable joy. Anti-Semites often said Jews were a parasitic nation, incapable of living by themselves and not needing a country to call their own. And even if they had one, so the saying went, Jews wouldn’t know their way about because they were nothing more than parasites living on the backs of others. Israel has proven exactly the opposite. It can be taken as a model country. Look at how much they have created from nothing! I must also add that we were always being told in my childhood that we were from Palestine and that we should go to Palestine. I think and I feel it now too that Israel is the land and the root of all Jews. Jewry as a nation has, in my mind, three pillars – one being Israel, the other consisting of the Jews from the United States, and the last consisting of the Jews of the Diaspora.

I didn’t leave for Israel because I was unfortunate or perhaps lucky to have tried to enroll in a university in Romania in 1956. I even became famous in the process, as everybody was astonished that I went to the secretariat and said, ‘Sir, there is a mistake. I’m not on that list.’ I was told I didn’t have the right to be on the inscription list because I didn’t have a good social background given that my father had been a merchant. In the Nazi era I had suffered because I was a Jew, and now the Communists made me suffer because my father was a merchant. I was told that these were the laws, and I answered that most of the Jews were and always had been merchants and that the policy amounted to discrimination against Jews, just as there had been under the Nazis. The secretary asked me how I could compare socialism to Nazism, and I answered that these were the same and walked out. Shortly thereafter I was arrested, and I got sentenced in 1956 to hard labor on the Danube-Black Sea Canal. I was there for two years, between 1956 and 1958, before they let me free. [Editor’s note: the construction of this canal, connecting the Danube with the Black Sea, began in 1949. Many of the workers were political prisoners from Communist prisons. Work ceased in 1955 and restarted only in 1975. The canal was finally completed in 1984.]

When I got back, I wanted to leave for Israel. But when I went to ask for my papers, the authorities told me that I could never leave because I was an enemy of the Communists. They feared that I was going to make anti-communist propaganda abroad. I tried many times to obtain a passport, but I didn’t succeed. I intended to flee across the border, but I never did.

At the workplace I also experienced discrimination as a result of my political leanings. I didn’t have problems on account of being Jewish, but because I wasn’t a party member. My wife too had problems for not being a party member. She was the only engineer who had to work three shifts, for example. I wanted to become a party member because I felt humiliated. I was getting bad, low paid jobs because those who weren’t party members were placed where it was worse. In order to become a party member, you had to be taken into the basic organization first and then approved by the County Committee. A party member had to recommend you. Unfortunately, Tibi, whom my mother had helped financially, wrote that my mother was a speculator who was engaged in trade. As a result, the County Committee said I couldn’t be a member because I didn’t fit in. I tried to obtain membership again in 1958, after my spell in prison, but then they said I didn’t have the proper moral qualities.

My wife, Emilia, was born in Ionesti, in Valcea County, on 16th August 1941. [Editor’s note: Ionesti islocated in central Romania, north of Bucharest.] She is Romanian, not Jewish. She studied at the Textile Faculty in Iasi, and she is now an engineer. [Editor’s note: Iasi is the second largest city in Romania, after Bucharest, and was briefly the capital of Romania during World War I. It is located in the northeast part of the country, some 433 km from Bucharest.] I met her in the factory, as she had been placed in Arad after graduation. We got married on 12th August 1971. We have never celebrated any of the Christian holidays within the family, but we have always observed all of the Jewish traditions, even though my wife isn’t Jewish. As I was already 40 at the time of our marriage, I found it difficult to change my habits and wished to continue celebrating the Jewish holidays.

Our son, Emil Dan, was born on 28th December 1971 in Arad. He took part in Talmud lessons, and in 1994 he left for Israel. He now lives in Tel Aviv. He graduated from the Technion University, the Israel Institute of Technology, and subsequently took postgraduate courses in Haifa. He works as a software developer.

In 1989, during the revolution 17, I was actually on the barricades here in Arad. In fact, I helped disarm a troop of Securitate 18 men who were shooting about in the streets. I was with a man called C. P. and one called G. I felt such a strong hate for the Securitate men that I broke down the door to their place of residence and walked right in. Until that moment I didn’t feel any fear because I was very impetuous. When I got there, face to face with them, and I saw them armed with pistols, I started to get anxious. I remember precisely that there were various kinds of license plates on a stand as well as telephones and some boxes with munitions and field beds strewn across the room. There were four of them, all armed. When they told us they stood by the revolution, I asked them why they were shooting. I suggested they call Voicila, who was in the committee of the local Council. They called him, and an army car soon came and took them away. I remember that there was a sergeant in the car, and I suspected that something wasn’t quite right. I’m afraid to say that this event, in many respects, was a microcosm for the revolution. The whole thing was a spectacle. The revolutionaries capitalized on the public’s hatred and distrust of the Communists, but it was actually the Communists themselves who were orchestrating the whole thing! [Editor’s note: Mr. Kohn is referring to the theory amongst some political scientists that Communist politicians provoked the events of 1989 in order to shift Romania to the capitalist system.]

I wouldn’t want to praise myself, but I worked a lot in the years prior to the revolution. I worked very long shifts during the evening and during the day. What’s more, it was very hard in the department where I worked. People weren’t competent at all, and those in the Party weren’t interested in the work either. When something got misadjusted or broke down, they would come for me at two or three o’clock in the morning to bring me to the factory and set things right. So I worked a lot. And I got less money than those who didn’t do anything, causing me much frustration.

1989 brought a change., After I retired from the factory, I bought myself a print shop and established a cotton wool factory. I was very successful initially because I was the only one to do something like this in Romania. The customers literally queued up at my store, although eventually I had some competition after a similar place opened in Constanta. [Editor’s note: Constanta is Romania’s largest port, located approximately 173 km east of Bucharest on the Black Sea.]

At present, though I am officially retired, I have a lot of occupations. I started to work again, and I am currently operating as the Romanian representative of a firm called Baltic Wood. I gather information regarding the purchase of wood for their factory in Poland. For this purpose I travel a lot all across the country as well as internationally, to places like Moldova 19 and Serbia.

Chess is a passion for me. I am also somewhat involved in community life because I want Judaism to have continuity. I am strongly convinced that Bolshevists are part of a mafia organization that does no good for humanity. By its very definition it renders humanity rootless through atheism, and I would like to see the Jewish communities get rid of all communist habits. That’s why I have gotten involved.

Concerning religious life, I do believe in God. This is somewhat of a problem for me, since I believe in Spinoza’s God 20. I want to know whom I believe in. Some things appear to me to be outdated, but in my soul I have a strong faith in God.

Glossary

1 KuK (Kaiserlich und Koeniglich) army

The name ‘Imperial and Royal’ was used for the army of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, as well as for other state institutions of the Monarchy originated from the dual political system. Following the Compromise of 1867, which established the Dual Monarchy, Austrian emperor and Hungarian King Franz Joseph was the head of the state and also commander-in-chief of the army. Hence the name ‘Imperial and Royal’.

2 Franz Joseph I Habsburg (1830-1916)

Emperor of Austria from 1848, king of Hungary from 1867. In 1948 he suppressed a revolution in Austria (the 'Springtime of the Peoples'), whereupon he abolished the constitution and political concessions. His foreign policy defeats - the loss of Italy in 1859, loss of influences in the German lands, separatism in Hungary, defeat in war against the Prussians in 1866 - and the dire condition of the state finances  convinced him that reforms were vital. In 1867 the country was reformed as a federation of two states: the Austrian empire and the Hungarian kingdom, united by a personal union in the person of Franz Joseph. A constitutional parliamentary system was also adopted, which guaranteed the various countries within the state (including Galicia, an area now largely in southern Poland) a considerable measure of internal autonomy. In the area of foreign policy, Franz Joseph united Austria-Hungary with Germany by a treaty signed in 1892, which became the basis for the Triple Alliance. The conflict in Bosnia Hertsegovina was the spark that ignited World War I. Subsequent generations remembered the second part of Franz Joseph's rule as a period of stabilization and prosperity.

3 Kun, Bela (1886-1939)

Hungarian communist politician of Jewish origin. He became a member of the Social Democratic Party in 1902 as a secondary school student, after which he worked as a journalist. He was drafted in 1914 and two years later fell into Russian captivity. In 1917 he joined the Bolshevik Party in the prison camp of Tomsk and after his release he was acquainted with the communist leaders (Lenin, Buharin) of Russia. In November 1918 together with Ernoe Por, Tibor Szamuely and others, he formed the Hungarian branch of the Bolshevik Party. After returning to Hungary he organized the statutory meeting of the HCP. When Count Karolyi resigned in March 1919, he headed the new Hungarian Soviet Republic, the world's second communist government. After the regime collapsed he fled to Vienna and then Russia. In 1921 he became a leader of the Comintern. In 1936 he was removed from his post as a result of a show trial, then arrested and later probably executed, though the circumstances and the exact date of his death remain unclear.

4 Incursion of the Romanian Army into Hungary

By April 1919, the Romanian Army advanced to the Tisza River, well beyond the demarcation lines specified in the armistice treaties. The Hungarian Soviet Republic's Red Army tried to resist, but stood no chance. The Romanian army continued with the invasion and by August occupied the capital as well as territories to the North of the Tisza, even reaching Transdanubian areas. They immediately started transporting Hungarian crops, livestock and machine equipment to Romania. The requisition of gold treasures of the Hungarian National Museum was stopped by the American member of the allied military mission. The Romanian Army helped Istvan Friedrich's government to gain power, but it wasn't regarded as legitimate by the Western powers. The Romanian occupation was not favorable for the Entente either. The Romanian army withdrew as a result of diplomatic efforts, but Hungarian territories on the E of the Tisza remained under occupation until April 1920.

5 Neolog Jewry

Following a Congress in 1868/69 in Budapest, where the Jewish community was supposed to discuss several issues on which the opinion of the traditionalists and the modernizers differed and which aimed at uniting Hungarian Jews, Hungarian Jewry was officially split into to (later three) communities, which all built up their own national community network. The Neologs were the modernizers, who opposed the Orthodox on various questions. The third group, the sop-called Status Quo Ante advocated that the Jewish community was maintained the same as before the 1868/69 Congress.

6 Antonescian period (September 1940– August 1944)

The Romanian King Carol II appointed Ion Antonescu (chief of the general staff of the Romanian Army, Minister of War between 1937 and 1938) prime minister with full power under the pressure of the Germans after the Second Vienna Dictate. At first Antonescu formed a coalition with the Legionary leaders, but after their attempted coup (in January 1941) he introduced a military dictatorship. He joined the Triple Alliance, and helped Germany in its fight against the Soviet Union. In order to gain new territories (Transylvania, Bessarabia), he increased to the utmost the Romanian war-efforts and retook Bessarabia through a lot of sacrifices in 1941-1942. At the same time the notorious Romanian anti-Semitic pogroms are linked to his name and so are the deportations – this topic has been a taboo in Romanian historiography up to now. Antonescu was arrested on the orders of the king on 23rd August 1944 (when Romania capitulated) and sent to prison in the USSR where he remained until 1946. He was sentenced to death for his crimes as a war criminal and was shot in the same year.

7 Legionary Movement (also known as the Legion of the Archangel Michael)

Movement founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

8 Orthodox communities

 The traditionalist Jewish communities founded their own Orthodox organizations after the Universal Meeting in 1868-1869.They organized their life according to Judaist principles and opposed to assimilative aspirations. The community leaders were the rabbis. The statute of their communities was sanctioned by the king in 1871. In the western part of Hungary the communities of the German and Slovakian immigrants' descendants were formed according to the Western Orthodox principles. At the same time in the East, among the Jews of Galician origins the 'eastern' type of Orthodoxy was formed; there the Hassidism prevailed. In time the Western Orthodoxy also spread over to the eastern part of Hungary. In 1896, there were 294 Orthodox mother-communities and 1,001 subsidiary communities registered all over Hungary, mainly in Transylvania and in the north-eastern part of the country,. In 1930, the 136 mother-communities and 300 subsidiary communities made up 30.4 percent of all Hungarian Jews. This number increased to 535 Orthodox communities in 1944, including 242,059 believers (46 percent).

9 Hasid

The follower of the Hasidic movement, a Jewish mystic movement founded in the 18th century that reacted against Talmudic learning and maintained that God's presence was in all of one's surroundings and that one should serve God in one's every deed and word. The movement provided spiritual hope and uplifted the common people. There were large branches of Hasidic movements and schools throughout Eastern Europe before World War II, each following the teachings of famous scholars and thinkers. Most had their own customs, rituals and life styles. Today there are substantial Hasidic communities in New York, London, Israel and Antwerp.

10 Horthy, Miklos (1868-1957)

Regent of Hungary from 1920 to 1944. Relying on the conservative plutocrats and the great landowners and Christian middle classes, he maintained a right-wing regime in interwar Hungary. In foreign policy he tried to attain the revision of the Trianon peace treaty ‑ on the basis of which two thirds of Hungary’s territory were seceded after WWI – which led to Hungary entering WWII as an ally of Germany and Italy. When the Germans occupied Hungary in March 1944, Horthy was forced to appoint as Prime Minister the former ambassador of Hungary in Berlin, who organized the deportations of Hungarian Jews. On 15th October 1944 Horthy announced on the radio that he would ask the Allied Powers for truce. The leader of the extreme right-wing fascist Arrow Cross Party, Ferenc Szalasi, supported by the German army, took over power. Horthy was detained in Germany and was later liberated by American troops. He moved to Portugal in 1949 and died there in 1957.

11 Transylvania

Geographical and historical region belonging to Hungary until 1918-19, then ceded to Romania. Its area covers 103,000 sq.km between the Carpathian Mountains and the present-day Hungarian and Serbian borders. It became a Roman province in the 2nd century (AD) terminating the Dacian Kingdom. After the Roman withdrawal it was overrun, between the 3rd and 10th centuries, by the Goths, the Huns, the Gepidae, the Avars and the Slavs. Hungarian tribes first entered the region in the 5th century, but they did not fully control it until 1003, when King Stephen I placed it under jurisdiction of the Hungarian Crown. Later, in the 12th and 13th centuries, Germans, called Saxons (then and now), also arrived while Romanians, called Vlachs or Walachians, were there by that time too, although the exact date of their appearance is disputed. As a result of the Turkish conquest, Hungary was divided into 3 sections: West Hungary, under Habsburg rule, central Hungary, under Turkish rule, and semi-independent Transylvania (as a Principality), where Austrian and Turkish influences competed for supremacy for nearly two centuries. With the defeat of the Turkish Transylvania gradually came under Habsburg rule, and due to the Compromise of 1867 it became an integral part of Hungary again. In line with other huge territorial losses fixed in the Treaty of Trianon (1920), Transylvania was formally ceded to Romania by Hungary. For a short period during WWII it was returned to Hungary but was ceded to Romania once again after the war.  Many of the Saxons of Transylvania fled to Germany before the arrival of the Soviet army, and more followed after the fall of the Communist government in 1989. In 1920, the population of Erdély was 5,200,000, of which 3 million were Romanian, 1,400,000 Hungarian (26%), 510,000 German and 180,000 Jewish. In 2002, however, the percentage of Hungarians was only 19.6% and the German and Jewish population decreased to several thousand. Despite the decrease of the Hungarian, German and Jewish element, Transylvania still preserves some of its multiethnic and multi-confessional tradition.

12 Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland) that represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals, peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

13 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

14 Antonescu, Ion (1882-1946)

Political and military leader of the Romanian state, president of the Ministers’ Council from 1940 to 1944. In 1940 he formed a coalition with the Legionary leaders. From 1941 he introduced a dictatorial regime that continued to pursue the depreciation of the Romanian political system started by King Carol II. His strong anti-Semitic beliefs led to the persecution, deportation and killing of many Jews in Romania. He was arrested on 23rd August 1944 and sent into prison in the USSR until he was put on trial in the election year of 1946. He was sentenced to death for his crimes as a war criminal and shot in the same year.

15 Second Vienna Dictate

The Romanian and Hungarian governments carried on negotiations about the territorial partition of Transylvania in August 1940. Due to their conflict of interests, the negotiations turned out to be fruitless. In order to avoid violent conflict a German-Italian court of arbitration was set up, following Hitler’s directives, which was also accepted by the parties. The verdict was pronounced on 30th August 1940 in Vienna: Hungary got back a territory of 43,000 km² with 2,5 million inhabitants. This territory (Northern Transylvania, Seklerland) was populated mainly by Hungarians (52% according to the Hungarian census and 38% according to the Romanian one) but at the same time more than 1 million Romanians got under the authority of Hungary. Although Romania had 19 days for capitulation, the Hungarian troops entered Transylvania on 5th September. The verdict was disapproved by several Western European countries and the US; the UK considered it a forced dictate and refused to recognize its validity.

16 Hanoar Hatzioni in Romania

The Hanoar Hatzioni movement started in Transylvania as a result of the secession of the Hashomer organization in 1929. They tried to define themselves as a centrist Zionist youth organization, without any political convictions. Their first emigration action was organized in 1934. Five years later (1939) they founded in Palestine their first independent colony called Kfar Glickson. The Hanoar Hatzioni organizations of Transylvania and of the old Regat (Muntenia and Moldova) formed a common leadership in 1932 in Bucharest called Histadrut Olamith Hanoar Hatzioni. In 1934 the Transylvanian organization consisted of 26 local groups.

17 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

18 Securitate

(in Romanian: DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului) General Board of the People's Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to 'defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies'. Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

19 Moldova

Historic region between the Eastern Carpathians, the Dniester River and the Black Sea, also a contemporary state, bordering with Romania and Ukraine. Moldova was first mentioned after the end of the Mongol invasion in 14th century scripts as Eastern marquisate of the Hungarian Kingdom. For a long time, the Principality of Moldova was tributary of either Poland or Hungary until the Ottoman Empire took possession of it in 1512. The Sultans ruled Moldova indirectly by appointing the Prince of Moldova to govern the vassal principality. These were Moldovan boyars until the early 18th century and Greek (Phanariot) ones after. In 1812 Tsar Alexander I occupied the eastern part of Moldova (between the Prut and the Dniester river and the Black Sea) and attached it to its Empire under the name of Bessarabia. In 1859 the remaining part of Moldova merged with Wallachia. In 1862 the new country was called Romania, which was finally internationally recognized at the Treaty of Berlin in 1886. Bessarabia united with Romania after World War I, and was recaptured by the Soviet Union in 1940. The Moldavian Soviet Socialist Republic gained independence after the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and is now called Moldovan Republic (Republica Moldova).

20 Spinoza, Baruch (1632-1677)

Dutch philosopher of Portuguese-Jewish origin. An independent thinker, he declined offers of academic posts and pursued his individual philosophical inquiry instead. He read the mathematical and philosophical works of Descartes but unlike Descartes did not see a separation between God, mind and matter. Ethics, considered Spinoza's major work, was published in 1677.

Silo Oberman

Silo Oberman

Braila

Romania

Date of interview: December 2003, February 2004

Reporter: Roxana Onica

Silo Oberman is a man with sparkling wits, being recognized by all Jews at the Jewish Community in Braila as having an extraordinary memory and as being a good storyteller. He is tall, thin, with a very rich white-grey hair. He is living with his two sisters in their family house, which is located near the Community, a one-storey house – which they will donate to the Community after they pass away. Due to the unfortunate circumstances in their life, the three siblings never managed to marry, always living together. The old furniture inside the house, the heated stove call to mind, as it were, together with the storyteller, the atmosphere of times of yore. There were many old, framed photographs in the rooms where I took the interview, but he also had tens of photographs that his aunts left him.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossaryr

My family background

The grandparents from my father’s side were from Targul Namoloasa, county of Focsani [Editor’s note: located 40 km south-east of Focsani], for that’s where my father was born. It still exists to this day, this locality. My grandparents traded cereals. Their names were Iacob and Betty Oberman. I don’t know much about the grandparents from my father’s side. I think they were less religious as my father himself wasn’t a traditionalist either, but he went to the synagogue by virtue of habit, for he knew they were celebrating certain holidays. They were from Namoloasa but then they came to Braila. I don’t know where they lived here, for I didn’t look into it and no one told me these things.

I didn’t meet either the grandparents from my mother’s side, or those from my father’s side, for I was born after they died. Both the grandfather from my mother’s side and the grandfather from my father’s side are buried in the Jewish cemetery in Braila.

The grandfather from my father’s side had many brothers who, in turn, had children who were the big moneybags of their times. Some cousins of my father’s, the Oberman brothers, had a timber storehouse. Their names were: Kivu, Mandel, Marcu, Avram, and Deborah – their sister. She married her cousin, meaning one of my father’s brothers, Joseph Oberman. Which is to say she was born Oberman and her married name was still Oberman. Both of them were rich, so they didn’t marry for money, but for love. She was beautiful. Not all their houses were confiscated by the state, but ours were, because of the name of Oberman. They had around 30-40 buildings.

My father had many brothers and sisters: Joseph, Maurice, Rebeca, Peppi. All of them were born in Braila, after my grandfather had moved there.

Maurice Oberman was one of my father’s younger brothers. He studied in Germany, he attended the Commercial Academy.

My father’s sister, Rebeca (born Oberman), was younger than my father, her husband, Moritz Hertanu, was from Bacau, and aunt Rebeca was from Braila. They lived both on Sulina Boulevard, at no. 31, and at no. 20 as well. They had a druggist’s shop at the corner of Cuza St., right by the hotel, on the corner. It was called Venus Druggist’s Shop. The sons of aunt Rebeca were Ionel Hertanu, and they had yet another son, an engineer, Iuji, who died of TB, as he caught a cold at Lacu Sarat. And there is also Alphonse Hertanu and their sister, Betty. Ionel Hertanu had taken specialty courses to become a druggist. Alphonse Hertanu had graduated the Commercial School. All three of them are dead and they are buried here, in Braila. My cousin, Carol Hertanu, had his own office at Chilia Noua. He traded cereals there. He bought cereals and sent them to Braila, but during the days of the free market prices would rise or fall. He went bankrupt and owed money, and, as he couldn’t honor the debt, he chose to shoot himself, he was around 35. He wasn’t married, but he lived with a Christian at Chilia Noua. He was older than me.

Peppi Bernescu, my father’s sister, resembled aunt Rebeca very much. She was married to Hemann Bernescu, who was a military man. He was the director of the Leonida Society in Bucharest. He was a remarkable manager. I think he was a bit younger than my father. They had 2 daughters. They lived in Bucharest and enjoyed a special financial situation; they had an exquisite house in Filipescu park, on Alexandru Alley, near the quarters of the Central Committee; they took away their house and now they claimed it back. I’ve been in that house myself. They entered a decline after they forced them to have tenants, for they called them bourgeois.

I can say that we were closer to the relatives from my mother’s side than to those of my father. The relatives from my father’s side considered us “the black sheep” as we were poorer. They pushed us away without having any special reasons, but merely because it was a layering due to financial situation. However, after they were persecuted because they had belonged to the higher bourgeoisie, because they were some of the great rich people of that time, they turned to me for help as I was working at the Oil Factory, in the fuel department. One of the brothers was arrested for possession of gold and he hid some of the jewelry with me, valuable items – as he knew no one would come to me to look for them, for I wasn’t rich – which, of course, I returned to him after he was released from prison. Back then, owning gold was a great crime.

The great-grandparents from my mother’s side were among the 14 families that were around when the city of Braila was founded, in the 1830’s. [ http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Br%C4%83ila ] They are called vertzener in German. I don’t know their place of origin, for I didn’t look into it. My great-grandparents from my mother’s side, the Schaffer family, traded wool, for I have in my possession some of the documents from those days. Back then, people imported and exported wool strands. My grandfather’s name was Seilig Schaffer, whose name I bear myself, for Silo is a markedly Romanic name, it being the name given to me by my godfather, yet the Jewish name is Seilig. My grandmother’s name was Malca Schaffer. The grandfather from my mother’s side died around 1910, for I claimed the restitution of the house that was taken from us during the 1950 nationalization 1, and I had to provide official papers to prove it. My grandmother died long before that and my grandfather remarried, something like that.

I don’t know what brothers grandfather Schaffer might have had. The Scaffer house is located next to the Community headquarters. It belonged to my grandfather’s cousin, whose name was Herschleib Schaffer, and his wife’s name was Netty Schaffer. They took a loan from the bank and built a high school for post-primary education, namely complementary education, located where the “Ana Aslan” High School stands nowadays, near the Modern Bathhouse. This house was donated as a gymnasium for all nationalities, in memory of their 10 children who didn’t live. That’s how the gymnasium was actually called, “Herschleib and Netty Schaffer,” and was founded in 1912. It functioned until 1948, until the educational reform took place 2, when it was taken over by the state.  Then it stopped being a gymnasium and became a high school. There is also the high school’s golden book where all this information is precisely recorded. I donated to the Community the photograph with the gymnasium on its opening day, in which you can also see the mayor in those days, Radu Portocala, the prefect of the city, Serban Raducan, who took part in the inauguration and who were personalities in their days. Schaffer was decorated by king Fedinand 3 with the Cultural Merit first class.

In his time, my grandfather was a leading figure of the Community. He was a member of the Sacred Society [Chevra Kaddisha], he was the secretary of the burials commission of the Jewish cemetery. He was considered to be a personality. The house of prayer was the Great Synagogue, which has now been dismantled and bought by Mr. P., on Mihail Sebastian St. in Braila, and is now a hotel, Hotel Corona. It was dismantled – something that wasn’t totally legitimate, yet as they couldn’t afford the maintenance costs, they sold the plot of land and the hotel was built where the synagogue was located. It is, nevertheless, a profanation.

As he was among the leading members of the community, my grandfather had a seat in front, for they were given to members based on a selection system. His front seat was right near the pulpit [bimah] and he had a desk on which his name was carved. My father inherited this seat, with the title of eternal property. Everyone sat in their high chairs, located higher up, near the pulpit, and then there were benches, too. The more the seat was located in the front rows, the more expensive it was, for these were the seats people paid for. Some paid only on holidays so as to have a seat in front. The grandfather from my mother’s side observed the Sabbath and attended the synagogue.

My grandmother was a housewife. The clothes they wore had nothing special, they wore regular clothes. Men wore round hats called “joben” [top hat] with a cylinder, for that was the custom in those days. [Editor’s note: “Romanian being the only language in which the high hat has a totally different name, other than the popular name of ‘cylinder.’ The explanation is simple: the person who introduced the prestigious headgear in Bucharest was French, he owned a store on Calea Victoriei St., and his name was Jobin. http://a.weblog.ro/2004-05-20/10047/Victor-Eftimiu.htmlictor]. Women dressed after the fashion of those days, which is now today’s fashion yet again. My grandparents spoke Yiddish and Romanian.

My grandparents were very religious. My grandfather was very strict about religion and they observed all religious prescriptions. They had religious books at home, which are called Siddur. My grandparents celebrated the holidays at home. They organized large feasts on Seder, which is to say on Passover, to which they invited friends, relatives, acquaintances, and it was prepared to the letter. I know this from my grandparents, from what they told me. There were the Pesach dishes, there were some special glasses called coise [koyses (cups in Yiddish)] from which people drank wine. I still have a glass or two left. I also had a unique item in the shape of a small prayer house [synagogue], made from silver, something extraordinarily beautiful, which, however, I have sold.

These were the grandparents from my mother’s side, who knew Hebrew extremely well. My grandfather could write in Hebrew and he was a very cultivated, traditionalist man. He had notebooks, notes that also included accounting sheets, and everything was written in Hebrew. My grandfather wasn’t a member of any political party. He was a member of a cultural organization, yet wasn’t a member of any political one. They got along well enough with their neighbors. Christians lived on their street as well, but it was generally a Jewish street. I don’t know what friends they had, as they were no longer alive when I was born.

My mother had a brother, but I forget his name, for he was younger than my mother and died when he was young.

My mother’s name was Sarah Schaffer, with the equivalent of Surica. In Hebrew, they say Sarah bas [bat] Seilig, meaning “Sarah daughter of Seilig.” Her name in certain official papers was Sarah, such as on the lease. The name recorded on her identity card was Surica. I don’t know in what year she was born anymore. My mother was secular. She had attended the Academy for young ladies in Braila. She could play the piano as well, her education was somewhat refined. She had learned to play the piano by taking private lessons. All I have left is the piano chair. The piano was mortgaged as we were in dire straits, and it wasn’t returned to us anymore, so we only had the piano chair. However, it is a beautiful piece, with a screw, which helps to raise it.

My father’s name was Elias, Hebrew name: Eli. Jews say Eli beni Iacob, meaning “Eli, son of Iacob.” My father hadn’t graduated high school, but only some of the high school grades, I believed he attended in Targu Namoloasa. My father was recruited in the Romanian army, in the 10th regiment infantry, and he was on the front in Bulgaria, in the 1913 war 4. [Editor’s note: Bulgaria entered the war in October 1915.] He was decorated, too. Then he deserted. They looked for him afterwards for several years, but he stayed hidden, he didn’t live at home.

My parents met through one of those transactions they did in those days. It was a fixed marriage, for that was the custom back then. They married after my grandfather died. They got married at the Synagogue in Braila, around 1913-1914. They organized a wedding ceremony, naturally. That canopy is called hupa [chuppah], and it was up near the pulpit. They perform the religious service and they break a glass on this occasion, a fact that has a certain meaning. For instance, I attended a wedding. At the temple, they had this custom that men and women should be grouped separately. The temple was full and the participants were offered fondants, and small flower bouquets, so as to throw them at the bride. It truly was a solemn event. Afterwards people had a party, they ate, just as they do at the weddings of the other nationalities.

The house I live in was built by the grandfather from my mother’s side, in 1852. It was given to my mother as a dowry when she got married. But so much did my parents benefit from this dowry that my father had to work his whole life to pay for it and then he died. The house was built with money borrowed from the Land Credit. My father continued paying my grandfather’s installments when he was no more. It was called a dowry, but in fact it was a burden, and he paid his whole life the installments my grandfather had to pay. The house was mortgaged, ant they would have taken it away, so he had to work and pay for it. It was taken by the N.C.R., National Center for Romanianization, for all Jewish properties were taken away. [Editor’s note: A “Decree law was issued in 1940, for the Romanianization of factories’ personnel – to be enforced after December 31, 1941. As a corollary, the ‘National Center for Romanianization’ (N.C.R.) was constituted, “the legal entity with regard to public law, whose purpose was to help integrate the property which entered state patrimony and aid the Romanianization of economic life.” http://www.itcnet.ro/history/archive/mi1997/current10/mi47.htm]. The house was given back to him in 1944. I have the restitution document issued by the N.C.R.

The house has three wings. I live in wing A, but there is also wing B and C. They no longer exist anymore. The house didn’t have a bathroom and we lived in the 3rd wing [wing C], which was pretty modest, despite the fact that we were the owners. There were 2 rooms, a hallway, and a kitchen. The furniture was old, of Viennese make, with spring mattresses, meaning it had beds with carved frames. We also had a sideboard built in the old style. It was a large sideboard, with a marble top, it had a mirror, a sofa with velvet, flowery upholstery, which also showcased a large mirror. It was old furniture, but that’s how it was done in those days.

During my grandfather’s lifetime, the illumination was done using gas lamps, and then it evolved and electricity was installed. During my parents’ lifetime, illumination was done both with gas lamps and with electricity as well. [Editor’s note: Coal gas was first produced at the end of the 18th century from coal. Later lighting gas was produced of oil, too, instead of coal. The gas spread light burning in so-called gas mantles. Gas lighting started to be replaced by electric lighting at the beginning of the 20th century, mainly in the cities, of course.] For instance, during my lifetime, we had both electric lighting, but we also had gas lamps on the walls, which we lit. We drew water from the courtyard, where there was a water pump.

We also had a garden, with fruit-bearing trees. We had some very handsome apricot trees, unique in the city of Braila. We also had sour cherry trees, ungrafted apricot trees, peach trees, for the courtyard is large, with a large area. We also raised livestock, poultry and pigs. Had the grandfather from my mother’s side lived, he would have been very upset that my father raised pigs. Our religion doesn’t allow the raising of pigs. The pigs we raised were kosher. Yet my father didn’t care for these things, and he raised and slaughtered the pigs himself. You couldn’t find such pork products in the whole of Braila, that’s how good they were.

My mother’s financial situation was very precarious. Even if we owned the house and we had many tenants, our situation was a modest one. The only income was my father’s, who worked for a cereal company and our life was hard. My mother was a housewife, but we also had a woman who helped my mother.

My parents didn’t dress in any special way, they dressed according to the fashion of those days, not to show off, without any pomp. My father wore a moustache, as was fashionable in those days, that particular moustache model was called “fork.” Most men wore this kind of moustache, for that was the fashion back then.

My parents didn’t read that much. My mother read books, but father didn’t have the time, as he was busy with his work. My mother always urged us to read. We had books at home, mainly literature. They also read newspapers, which they bought. They didn’t go to the library, for they didn’t have this habit.

In our family, which is to say in my parents’ home, only Yiddish was spoken. But after a while they stopped talking in Yiddish, the custom was lost over time. Romanian had become the language we spoke in the family.

My father didn’t have political views. My parents were on good terms with their neighbors. They also had non-Jews among their friends. My father had Christian friends, he worked mostly in the countryside, as he was sent by cereal companies to collect cereals from various locations. There were mainly Christians living in the countryside, and so he didn’t have a Jewish work environment: at Cazanesti, at Stancuta, at Valea Canepii.

In our family, father was the one who was in charge of buying things from the market. There was the Hristo Botev Market, the Main Market, the Halls Market, the market on Victoriei St., and the market on Galati St., which was called the Poor Market. There was also Concordiei Market one on Calarasilor St., and one on Sfantu’ Constantin St. The ones selling products in the markets were the peasants living in the villages within the county, who came to the markets by cart.

My parents didn’t go on holidays for the material situation didn’t allow them to do so. They visited their relatives in Husi, and they also took us, children. We didn’t go to any restaurant with our parents, nor on holidays, as we couldn’t afford it. We cooked and ate at home.

An assimilation took place after my parents got married, which is to say people didn’t consider us to be very religious, but we were secular. My mother had separate dishes. My mother wanted everything to be kosher and we always tinned all the trays before Passover. Gypsies used to come to tin pans. My mother always had special dishes for the Pesach holiday. We celebrated the holidays at home. The Seder was also celebrated at the Community, but that time [during the war] was a period of racial restrictions and the Pesach wasn’t celebrated at the Community anymore.

My parents were Community members, they paid membership fees. They weren’t involved in any cultural activities. They occasionally received matzah on Passover, unleavened bread, for there was a Factory here, in the courtyard of the Temple, and they didn’t bring it from abroad. It was rudimentary, but they prepared it here.

We observed the autumn holidays, meaning Rosh Hashanah, Yom Kippur. On holidays, we went to the Main Synagogue, and we inherited that from the grandfather from my mother’s side. Grandfather was the main efor there and I also went there and sat in the pulpit. My mother went, too, she sat in the balcony. The men were seated on the ground floor, and the women in the balcony. As long as mother was alive, she went to the synagogue with my father on holidays, and they also took us, children. We were children and, as such, we didn’t go there out of a religious belief. There were children who were raised in the spirit of the Hebrew religion, with traditions, but we, children, didn’t receive a typical Jewish education. My mother has been educated more strictly in the Jewish spirit in her family, but she was assimilated after she got married, some of this faith waned. There were somehow arguments in this respect, but there was a certain assimilation.

I had a bar mitzvah, too. I studied with a teacher but I didn’t attend anymore. There had to be a lecture, but I didn’t like these events. On the occasion of a child’s coming of age, they place on the child’s breast, near the heart, on the left hand and on the forehead, the so-called tefillin. There is a book written by Bruckmayer which records all the data regarding Jewish customs and traditions, including the bar mitzvah and the tefillin. The bat mitzvah is performed for women, but my sisters didn’t have it, either.

I liked the holidays as I ate sweets, for there was Purim when they organized a masked ball. On Purim, there was a game involving masks: Haman’s, Ahasuerus’. There was a house on Frumoasa St. where one could rent Purim costumes. People masked themselves and dressed as officers, domino, and you couldn’t recognize them. I took part in Purim balls myself, and I wore a domino mask and I was mistaken for a friend of mine. It was a sort of merry-making. Women wore masks as well. There were some traditional holidays that were organized at the Communal Theatre. They recruited a poet who wrote humoristic pieces, which were in fashion in those days, his name was Ion Pribeagu, and there were very interesting rhymed chronicles.  [Editor’s note: Ion Pribeagu (b. 1887, in Sulita, Botosani county – d. 1971, Tel Aviv) was the literary pseudonym of Isac Lazarovici, Romanian-born Jewish poet and humorist. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ion_Pribeagu]. People liked these poems very much, they were rhymed chronicles that were published in the newspapers ‘Dimineata’ (the Morning) and ‘Adevarul’ (the Truth). (These were the newspapers published in Braila: ‘Curierul’ [the Courier], ‘Evenimentul’ [the Event], ‘Timpul’ [the Time], ‘Romania,’ and many other newspapers, for the press in Braila had a very busy life. There was Leon Feraru, who subsequently left to America; there was Cora Bergovici who also left to America; there was Valeriu Popovici).

We celebrated Chanukkah before the war, the holiday of the Light, the equivalent of Christmas in Romania. Children were given gifts, which were called Chanukkah gelt, meaning Chanukkah money. We played for money using a spinning top that we called dreidel. Each facet had a meaning of its own, and the spinning top turned and fell on one of the facets, one of them read ‘Niemt Roma,’ meaning ‘Take everything,’ and then you took all the money that was on the table. [Editor’s note: Denderlior trenderli in Yiddish is 'dreidl'. Four-sided top. During Chanukkah children play with it for money that has been given to them during the holiday. Money was often substituted by other commodities, such as for example fruit or candy. Mr. Oberman remembers one version of the dreidel game in which the „Nun” – nim – means "take" - the player takes one from the pot. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hanukkah]

There was a hakham in Braila, too. Years ago, around 1939-1940, there was a hakham on Tamplari St., where there were Jewish butcher’s shops, dedicated to the Mosaic religion. There was a man who slaughtered the fowl and sold kosher meat. That’s where people took the birds to be slaughtered, and those who observed religious prescriptions didn’t eat meat one could buy in the city, they only ate this meat that the hakham prepared. And now, on holidays, a man comes from Bucharest, as there is the custom on New Year’s Eve for the Community members to eat kosher meat. A fowl is slaughtered for the forgiving of one’s sins. [Editor’s note: This is called kaparot – a ceremony performed by some Jews on the evening before Yom Kippur, when sins symbolically transfer from individuals to a white rooster and a white chicken for women]. Also, the slaughterhouse paid a great deal of attention to the slaughtering of cattle. They chose the animal, which had to be healthy, perfect, approved by a veterinarian, and the meat they gave to the Community was called kosher meat.

Growing up

I was born in Braila, on February 17, 1917, in the house where I still live to this day. I have 2 sisters: Beatrice and Melanie Oberman. Beatrice was born on February 19, 1919. Melanie was born on March 10, 1924.

As a child, I did all the mischief children do. I played in a certain place called “The Grass Courtyard,” and all the children in the street played there. We played with balls, a game called “la chioc.” We dug a hole in the ground and tried to throw the ball in there, which was called “la chioc.” In addition, we played with clothes’ buttons, postal stamps. These were about all the games we played as children.

We were 3 siblings: me and 2 sisters. My mother and that Romanian woman she hired looked after us. I didn’t go to kindergarten, but directly to the Primary School for Boys no. 1. Back then, people paid schooling fees both for primary school, and for high school as well, because you paid to go to state schools as well, for they had their own budgets, they weren’t subsidized by the ministry. Depending on what the school administration deemed fit, they told you: “You are richer, you will pay this much…” The fees were decided by the administration board of the school and they asked you to pay schooling fees, depending on the family’s material situation, which was a very subjective, very relative estimate. It was very hard to send three children to school with just one salary.

In school, my favorite class was arithmetic. I had an eminent teacher in secondary school, Oscar Kreindler, and I learned the lesson in class already. He was Jewish and he was an emeritus teacher which had been the principal of Balcescu High School, chairman of the baccalaureate commission. He left Braila years later, and became a university professor at the Polytechnic, at the Military Academy. I also had his wife for a teacher, her name was Ana Kreindler, she taught biology. He was an eminent teacher, which had such a good teaching method that you practically learned the lesson during his arithmetic class. That’s why I actually liked mathematics, it didn’t require any efforts on my part. There weren’t any teachers whom I didn’t like. I had a very nice teacher of geography, he came from Transylvania; his name was Corneliu Guseila, he was the father of actress Lili Guseila Carandino, the wife of Nicolae Carandino. [Editor’s note: Nicolae Carandino (1905–1996) was a Romanian journalist, pamphleteer, translator, dramatist, and politician. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nicolae_Carandino]. As an actress, she was special, but she suffered because of her husband’s political activity and because of his fleeing the country.

I didn’t take piano lessons, yet I tried to take private violin lessons, but I discontinued them because of the hardships of those days, too. The teacher used to come to our home. My sisters tried to learn to play the piano, also in private, but they discontinued them.

I didn’t feel the anti-Semitism as a child. There weren’t any problems with the teachers, either. I attended the Primary School for Boys no. 1, opposite the Haunted House, meaning the Oancea residence – which is actually the Home for the elderly. I had very good teachers at this school. I was a classmate of Eugen Spileriu and of Mihail Sebastian’s brother. [Editor’s note: Mihail Sebastian (born Iosif Hechter; 1907–1945) was a Romanian playwright, essayist, journalist and novelist. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mihail_Sebastian]. I donated my school year photograph to the State Archives. I wrote on the back the names of my classmates. Then I attended the Schaffer secondary school, followed by the Commercial High School. This was a mixed school, for I didn’t go to the Jewish School.

I had friends at school, of course I did. There was Marcel Florianu, who was later vice-president of UCECOM [Editor’s note: Uniunea Nationala a Cooperatiei Mestesugaresti (the National Union of Handicraft Cooperative) was established in 1951. It is the representative of the whole system of handicraft cooperatives organizations of Romania in relation to Romanian authorities, other internal or international bodies]. I had both Jewish and non-Jewish friends. Serafimov was my best friend, he died last year in Rome. He was married to Mirela, Mihu Dragomir’s sister. I have some volumes of poetry in Italian, which Mirela sent me from Rome, she is a person of many talents: painter, sculptor, with a degree in law, and she is also a writer in Rome. She wrote 5 volumes, and had painting exhibitions in Italy.

For a while, I was a librarian at the “Nordau and Derera” Library, where Mihail Sebastian worked as a librarian as well, long before I worked there, for he was 10 years older than me. I met him myself, but he was studying in Paris when I grew up. I was a classmate of his brother, Beni, who was the holder of Mihail Sebastian’s diary.

At the time when I was going to school, there were around 2-3 cars in the city of Braila. One belonged to a ship-owner, his name was Moreno Blaskel, and one belonged to some director from Forestiera, nowaday’s P.A.L., and there was yet another one that belonged to Dudeleanu, the director of the I. G. Cantacuzino Cement Factory, formerly Stanca. There were 3 cars, and it was a real event when they drove past. Other than that, there were carriages. I first rode in a car around 1930. I traveled very little by train, for we didn’t travel that much as our material situation didn’t allow it.

Formerly, the people of Braila strolled along the Corso, along Regala St., downtown. I used to go with my mother to the Small garden, which was called Tiriplicu, nowadays it is called the Holy Archangels Garden. And we sat on a bench. We used to go with my mother to the confectioner’s as well, and it was an event for us. There were many confectioner’s shops, among which was the famous Andronic confectioner’s shop, located downtown, where the Syndicates’ Cultural Club stands nowadays. There were tables outside, in the open air, and there was also an orchestra playing music, and we had a good time because of the music, and ate Marshal ice cream or Marghiloman cakes. It was a feast.

The street on which we live is called “the Jewish Street,” and it was described by Uri Benador, the writer, in one of his books; he was an inhabitant of Braila by adoption, for he was born in Moldova. His name was Schmidt, and he Uri Schmidt’s father, the conductor of the Galati Philharmonic. Naturally, the Jews in Braila lived in other neighborhoods as well, for they represented a numerous and important population as Braila was a Danube port where there were many Jewish cereal traders, ship-owners, manufacturers. The “Laminorul” Factory was built by the Goldenberg family and it was called “Herman Goldenberg and Sons.” From an economic point of view, this factory was the creation of some former hardware traders.

Until 1940, there were 14 houses of prayer in Braila, temples and synagogues included. The Frankishe Schul synagogue, today’s Choral Temple, was built in 1837. It was rebuilt in 1862. The Main Synagogue was built on Coroanei St. no. 25 (today, Mihail Sebastian St.) in 1833. There were 2 representative synagogues in the city, among which was the Main Synagogue as well, which has been dismantled in the meantime and the plot of land was sold, and turned into Hotel Corona nowadays.

In 1882, the brothers Abraham and David Schwartzman donated the building located on Al. I. Cuza Boulevard for the foundation of the Jewish-Romanian Primary School for Boys. The Clara Baroness of Hirsh Primary School for Girls was founded in 1896-1897. Girls attended Romanian schools until then, where girls of all religious beliefs could attend, just as my sisters did. The Herschleib and Netty Schaffer Gymnasium for Boys was founded in 1912. As a cultural activity, the Nordau and Derera Library was founded in 1912. Max Nordau was a Jewish writer, and Nissim Emanuel Derera, who was a cultured man, was teaching at the Schwartzman School and he translated Cicero for the first edition of Library for All. Nordau wrote “Conventional Lies,” which is very interesting. This library had 3 sections: Romanian, French, and German.

The Jewish Community of Braila always had presidents, for it is first and foremost a legal entity. During the war, it was called the Jewish Central, and then it resumed the name of the Jewish Community of Braila. Its higher structure is the Federation of Jewish Communities of Romania, and the communities can do absolutely nothing without the approval of the central structure. There were several rabbis along the years in Braila, who had a vast Hebrew culture. There were also religious performers, there were choir singers, and on holidays they sang so nice you could say it was an opera recital. They sang in Hebrew using opera arias.

During the persecutions, Joseph Schmidt, the famous singer, was a refugee here, he was coming from his native city in Moldova; he ran for the position of performer here, in Braila. Yet he was rejected by the president of the community of that time who was an illiterate person and didn’t appreciate Schmidt because he was a short person and wore high heels. In order to earn his living, he traveled through various places across the country, and that’s how he ran for a position in Braila, as the population here was richer and they could pay him a salary.

Mayer Thenen was the penultimate rabbi [Editor’s note: Rabbi Dr. Mayer Thenen one of the great personalities of the Braila Jews and of all the Romanian Jews, who was a pastor until 1940; he was the author of the first Romanian translation of the Ros Hasana and Yom Kippur prayers. http://www.romanianjewish.org/en/mosteniri_ale_culturii_iudaice_03_11_12.html], followed by the last rabbi, Michel Dobruschim, during 195-1954, when he left to Israel. There is also a photograph at the Community of Braila’s last rabbi and the former chief rabbi of all the Jews of Romania, Rosen 5. I met him myself. However, Thenen is more famous and compiled a Siddur of his own, which was republished in Israel. The rabbi didn’t only officiate weddings, but was also the patron of the Jewish community on holidays. I attended marriages officiated by a rabbi myself. Formerly, religious wedding ceremonies were performed, and we were invited as well. There was a different rabbi, Mihailovici, and I was actually a witness, which is to say I signed that document, which is called a ketubbah in Hebrew. I also had my father’s sister wedding document, which was officiated in Bacau, for she married a man from Bacau, his name was Hertanu. It was a very beautiful document, written with elaborate letters.

Jews had many professions in Braila: there were craftsmen, handicraftsmen, and intellectuals. There was the Port of Braila and there were important cereal traders, ship-owners… There were the stone quarries at Turcoaia owned by the Daniel brothers, by Michael Daniel. The present headquarters of the Securitate located on Ana Aslan St. was the property of Michael Daniel and sons: George, Ion, and Otto Daniel.

During my childhood, electricity and running water weren’t available in the entire city, but only in parts of it, it depended on the neighborhood. There were neighborhoods at the outskirts of the city where there was no electricity or running water: in Dorobanti, in Mihai Bravu, lighting was mostly done using gas lamps.

There were military parades in Braila: on May 10th there were sumptuous parades that were organized along the main street. The grand stand was located on Calarasilor St., in front of the Prefect’s Office, which stood where the Faculty of Engineering stands nowadays, and the parade started there and continued past the Holy Archangels Kindergarten and along the main street called Regala (Royal) street, which was dreamlike. They simply ruined it afterwards, for nowadays’ architects went abroad and then came up with these “pies.” In days of yore, the street was exquisite. The tramlines went along the main street up to Obor, and there were acacia trees on both sides, along the sidewalk. It was a beauty. There were many acacia trees on Cuza Boulevard as well, and Mihail Sebastian nicknamed Braila “the City with acacias,” after the street of his childhood, the Cuza Boulevard. These acacia trees are gone as well.

We didn’t learn so many patriotic songs at school. For instance, the Macabi Jewish Sports Organization, which had branches in many cities, took part in the parade on May 10th. Nowadays, the organization has been revived in Braila as well. It was representative back then, and one of a kind in those days, in the 1930’s. The headquarters of this organization, “Macabi,” was on Mihail Sebastian Street, where there is now a wrestling hall. That building was built especially for the “Macabi” Organization.

Hitler’s rise to power had outcomes that we know all too well. We felt these effects, as Jews were allowed to go to the market only after 10 o’clock, our bread ratios were reduced by half, we weren’t allowed to have radios or bicycles. [It was not allowed for Jews to have radio in their own house, Jewish physicians could continue their praxis only with Jewish patients. All Jews were obliged to surrender clothes to the authorities with the reason that the (Romanian) army and society needs them. Jewish properties, business, factories, lands, farms were confiscated. In the area of Banat this process had started in December 1940. Although these were governmental decisions, they were not totally legal, actually did not have a proper law on the base. Usually the orders were followed on the basis of verbal commands of the legionary leaders. With the Antonescu regime all these decisions became authorized and continued during 1941 and 1942. (Source: Victor Neuman „Evreii din Banat şi Transilvania de Sud în anii celui de-al doilea război mondial” (Jews from Banat and South Transylvania during the years of World War II), in România şi Transnistria: Problema Holocaustului, Curtea Veche Publishing, 2004, Bucharest, p.152)]. There was a whole series of interdictions. We were allowed to receive medical care only from Jewish physicians. My family had a family physician: doctor Schor. This started in 1937 during the Goga-Cuza regime 6. There was the royal dictatorship of Carol II 7, who promoted a pro-German policy, even though Elena Lupescu was his unofficial wife. [Editor’s note: The woman was Elena Magda Lupescu, daughter of a Christianized Jew. Carol met her in 1922. She was known under various names, including Lupeasca or Duduia – the latter was the one by which Carol used to address her.] That was his political maneuver, and then the Goga-Cuza regime took away our citizenship and we had to reclaim it afterwards. Then they revised all the people who were granted Romanian citizenship. There were both Romanian and Jewish stores, and Jewish stores had to place a sign in the window, reading “Romanian Store.”

On the orders of Hitler, a census was conducted to count the numbers of those of Jewish descent, with Auschwitz as destination, meaning they were inventorying all those of Jewish descent. At the time when the census was conducted, in 1942, there were still around 5075 Jewish people. Among them was Mrs. Enachescu as well (the mother of Dan Enachescu, former minister of health) [Editor’s note: Minister of health between January 8 – June 28, 1990 in the Petre Roman Government, which was a council of ministers that governed Romania during December 26, 1989 – June 28, 1990. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Guvernul_Petre_Roman_(1)]; she was married to colonel Enachescu who was the head of the Military Hospital in Braila. There was also the father of the poet Mihail Crama. [Editor’s note: Mihail Crama (1923-1994), literary pseudonym of Eugen Enachescu, is the known award-winner of the Royal Foundations Award (Penitent Scenery, 1947) and of the Romanian Academy, the Mihai Eminescu Award for the anthology Evening Kingdom, 1979]. The latter, being a poet, wrote a romanced account of the legionnaires’ rebellion in Braila, in the novel “Forgotten Loneliness.” Among those inventoried in Braila was the mother of the lawyer Tino as well, Paulina Berman, who was of Jewish origin. There was also a prefect of Braila, the lawyer Varnaf, whose wife was Jewish. 

We were persecuted. He whom you won’t let die won’t let you live – I had a mishap to that effect. Namely, I was stationed in the front area in 1940. Nobody knew if we were going to be at war with Bulgaria and we were sent out in the Cadrilater area. I was a military clerk in 1939 when I did my military service, namely a secretary for the 1st Company. I was very good friends with a military comrade, Leopold Voica, a Czech, his literary pseudonym was L. Voicu. He was published after August 23, 1944 8 in the magazine “Orizonturi” (Horizons). He was also a war correspondent, which is to say that after we, Jews, were kicked out of the army, he was a correspondent for the newspaper “Currentul” during the war, which newspaper was run by pamfil Seicaru, and he wrote columns from the front line. The day before leaving for the front line, Armand Calinescu was assassinated by the legionnaires. [Editor’s note: Armand Călinescu (1893 – September 21, 1939) was a Romanian economist and politician, who served as Prime Minister between March 1939 and the time of his death]. And then, a circular letter was issued throughout the country to the effect that legionnaires be shot and placed on display in public squares, it was a measure issued by Gabriel Marinescu, minister of internal affairs. The assigned task for Braila was to shoot 5 legionnaires. Among these legionnaires was a certain Raducanu, whom I didn’t meet. The previous year, when he was in the army, he had been caught distributing legionnaires’ manifestos and sentenced for his activity as a legionnaire. So he was on the list of the Security, for that was the name of Securitate in those days 9, State Security. And so, this Raducanu was among the 5. Some of them were shot in Braila, among whom was a mattress maker, but they couldn’t find this Raducanu. He fled the regiment where he did his military service and wasn’t found anymore, he fled and couldn’t be found.

My friend came, he was the battalion’s clerk, which outranked the company, and told me: “What should I do, Silo, look, Raducanu came to my office asking me to hide him. He’s like a rat in a trap and it’s a shame, for we’re talking about a man’s life. Hide him!” It was crazy in those days, there was a full military mobilization, for we were leaving for the front the following day. My friend had a degree in Law, but he was very fearful citizen by nature. He trusted me. I told him: “Look Poldi – for that’s how I called him –, but what if they catch me?” “They won’t catch you, can’t you see how crazy things are…” There were orders for military mobilization back then, they were aired in the press, on the radio, and we had to enlist. We said that we were leaving the following day and we hid him, and thus they didn’t find him.

During the war

The legionnaires came to power in 1940, in September, and they came to search my house on November 7, they came to arrest me. I wasn’t at home. This Raducanu was a big chief at the Police Precinct, as it was called back then, and that’s how he sent men over to perform these searches. All young Jews who were found were arrested and convicted to be tried by the Martial Court for their imaginary Communist activity. I had no Communist activity, but they called us Communist Jews based on the mere fact that we were Jewish. There was a newspaper then, called “Porunca Vremii” (the Times’ Commandment) and it promoted anti-Jewish propaganda. Just as well, we were also called Plutocrat Jews or Masonic Jews. That was the formula, nationalistic and false, for I was neither a Plutocrat Jew, nor did I belong to the ranks of the very wealthy, nor was I a member of any Communist organization. But being a Jew was synonymous with being a Communist. And then they sent people to find me, but I was fortunate they didn’t find me as I was in the port in my uncle’s office, who also had a bridge there. I hid for a month as they patrolled in the area around our house in order to find me. I hid at my father’s sister’s place and my uncle’s place, Maurice, on Pomilor St. I stayed there locked indoors as they were looking for me day after day. Not to mention the fact that wardrobes, mattresses were being turned upside down at home. They didn’t know where I was hiding. 

I didn’t know this Raducanu in person, and he didn’t know I saved his life, either. Among others, he sent them to bring me in as well. A citizen, Suli Goldenberg, was beaten and they pummeled his chin with a revolver to give away the place where I was hiding. And this is how a whole series of legionnaires were sent after Jews. There were the blood brotherhoods whose members walked around the city wearing capes from a traditional fabric, with a large cross on the back. They were free at the time, and they had revolvers. They were idealistic young people, for there was a strong pro-legionary trend in those days.

They didn’t find me and that’s how I survived. All those who were found were put inside the cellars of today’s National Bank. Mr. Wolf was caught and he was beaten until he fainted. [Editor’s note: Reference is made here to Max Wolf, Centropa interviewed him as well.] After you regained consciousness, they beat you again and then they splashed buckets of water on you. Back then there were 2 police structures: the official police and legionary police. That’s where they kept the Jews. I was fortunate I wasn’t home at the time and I got away. The others were sent to concentration camps, at Vapniarka [Editor’s note: in Transnistria], some didn’t return, others came back sick with lathyrism, as they gave them fodder sweet peas to eat. I was a friend of and grew up with Lica Stefan, who was among that lot made up of those who were found home and arrested, despite having no Communist activity. Then he was taken to Vapniarka. L. Stefan ran the newspaper “Inainte” [Onwards] in Braila. He was then an editor for the “Informatia Bucurestiului” [Bucharest Information], and he died in Bucharest, as he had been to Vpniarka and contracted lathyrism. Also, his son died recently in Greece at 51; he too was a journalist.

The son of Vasile Bancila, the famous philosophy professor, was a genuine legionnaire [Editor’s note: Vasile Bancila (b. 1897, Braila – d. 1979), Romanian philosopher, pedagogue and essayist.] He was visiting a classmate whose name was Heins Rottenberg and they caught him. They asked him: “Where are the Communist manifestos?” But he was a scoffer by nature and directed them to dig in the courtyard. He said: “They are buried there,” then “Wait, no, they are buried here…” They found “compromising evidence,” as that man played the piano. He was from a bourgeois family and they found “Serenade” by Moskovski, who was a music composer in his days, but as they were so “brimming” with musical culture they said Moskovski was something compromising.

I was arrested in 1942 as someone denounced me. All Jews performed forced labor and I worked at the Military Bakery as a porter. I hauled sacks of wheat flour, I kneaded dough, for I was also a baker at a certain point in my life. One night, they came to look for me at around 3 A.M. They searched the house and took me to the police station. They also arrested someone who worked for the national railway company on that occasion, who was a front-ranking Communist, indeed. His name was Popescu and he was the father of Tudor Popescu, a university professor. They also arrested a boxer, Zinopol, me, and many others.

I had the good fortune to escape punishment, for we were still headed for the Court Martial to be convicted for imaginary communist activity. Tudor Popescu was a colleague and friend of Antonescu, and then they made a phone call to Bucharest from the Police Precinct in Braila (which was located on Calarasi St., where the Commercial Bank now stands), to the effect that the entire lot be released. It was the disposition issued by the vice-president of the council of ministers, for that’s how it was called back then, for he was the assistant of marshal Antonescu and that’s how I escaped in 1942 as well. I escaped being court-martialed twice, without being guilty of anything and without having any communist activity.

After the war

I couldn’t get ahead in my career after August 23, 1944 8. Still, I was head of a department, but I was under very strict supervision because of my little-bourgeois origin. For instance, the Securitate came to force me to become an informer. They even gave me a nickname, Trandafirescu. I had to go to Jewish funerals. And they also came on another occasion and told me: “Your friend Crisan will receive his brother’s visit from Israel. You are to tell us exactly what he said and did.” And I was enraged and at various meetings I told them: “I don’t know this, I don’t know that.” They even took me to a house for secret meetings and I was baffled. In order for them to let him keep his house, the town’s mayor, Tomulescu, had to establish a place for secret meetings. He used to call me on the phone and tell me: “I’ll meet you at the corner of the Catholic Church, for the boss wants to meet you.” He lived on Cetatii St. The boss met me, and of course the tape-recorder was on and he asked me this, that, but I informed on absolutely no one. At a certain point, they asked me: “What did Crisan, your friend, do?” “You should know I won’t sell my friends!”

Those who were weaker, those who were administrators and employed were forced to give statements, lest they were removed from their jobs. They were hunting those with certain sins: one was released from jail after being convicted because he couldn’t account for some money in the bookkeeping registers, another had done I don’t know what. They couldn’t find anything to hold against me as I did my duty at work, at the Onwards Cooperative. For instance, the president of the cooperative wanted to see me: “Someone from the Department of Labor is here to see you.” They sent someone from that department who worked for the Securitate and he asked me as an introduction: “How many workers are employed here?” and then approached entirely different subjects.

My parents were almost taken out of the house and evacuated to somewhere else, to Brailita. Owing to some good, Christian friends, the Margarit family – he was a judge –, who worked at the National Center for Romanization, we were saved and didn’t move anymore, which is to say we stayed here, but under very difficult circumstances. We didn’t even have bread, for father didn’t have a job anymore for no Jew could be employed any longer. And what could they do to earn their living… They sold things from the house and the circumstances were very trying. Especially since we were forced to pay military taxes during the war, provide items for the front. We had to give bed linen, blankets that we bought in stores. We sold other things from the house so that we could buy them. You were convicted if you didn’t provide these things. I owed military taxes and I couldn’t pay the military tax on time and at a certain point a former classmate of mine from primary school came to our house and found one of my suits of clothes, which hadn’t even been worn once. He confiscated it to be sold. He worked for the internal revenue department, in the financial department, at the Tax Collector’s Office, as it was then called, and he wanted to sell my only suit. 

We weren’t educated in the spirit of marrying only Jewish people. Such were the circumstances that when I was about to get married the period of hardship commenced and marriage was the last thing on my mind. We were in dire straits and we couldn’t afford to take someone else to look after, given the fact that we had no jobs and no material means. It was one hardship after another. It was the same for my sisters, and they didn’t marry either.

Beatrice, my elder sister, graduated the High School for Girls, now Murgoci High School. She also studied at Sancta Maria. Afterwards, she was a remarkable teacher of mathematics, even though she couldn’t go to the faculty, still because of racial persecutions. She was a self-taught woman. She is listed in the monograph of Murgoci High School. She worked in the educational system and then retired as there was too much patriotic work to be done and the pay was small and it was more profitable to give private lessons to pupils. She paid her due taxes to the Financial Department. She had 4-5 pupils and could barely meet the demand. Had she had 5 times as much spare time as she had, she would have earned very well. She also taught pupils for admission to the faculty. She also tutored the sons of Mr. Andrei Niculescu, the former principal of Murgoci High School. There were hundreds of remarkable pupils. All those who had a good financial situation asked my sister to tutor their children. When she was of retirement age, she retired from the Handicrafts Cooperative, where she paid very small contributions and now, after all the raises, she receives 1 million lei as retirement pension [100 RON in the recently adopted Romanian currency], after 20 years of working as a teacher.

Melanie graduated high school in private and then worked at the Oil Factory, and then she worked as a rate-setter in the local industry, which is now called “Mozaic,” and that’s where she retired from.

I worked at the “Zimbrul” Oil Factory in Braila. It was first called “Sezonov,” then “Zimbrul,” then it merged with the “Prutul” Factory in Galati and I worked there as well, I commuted to Galati. I worked as head of the planning and labor organization department. For there I had an argument as well with A., accountant-in-chief, who was a high-class thief. He was fresh out of jail and didn’t have anything else to eat. He was accountant-in-chief at “Prutul,” but they caught him with big dilapidations, and, out of compassion, I talked to the director and said we should hire him, as I was in charge of labor organization; but after we hired him he was bent only on tricks. He wanted us to build a canteen. I didn’t have a head for business. He hired a worker to do some self-administered repairs, and he wanted to take his share of the money as well. Yet he didn’t like the fact that he had to go through me for every job. I told him that if we administered the repairs ourselves, “This costs that much, that costs that much, and we need a cost estimate” and thus I inconvenienced him in his affairs. And then, as I was commuting I would sometimes arrive late at work, and he convinced the director and filed a complaint to the effect they should terminate my employment contract. I took them to court and it was a whole story as I was unemployed for about 8 months, and I won in the end. The law stated that during these months you were entitled to only a salary and a half. I won, and the amount was to be paid by the director. The legal system decided in my favor. He brought the syndicate to court, for it was fine and dandy with those from the syndicate who received gifts. This was during the days after Ana Pauker’s regime 10, a period of communism favorable to the persecution of Jews, just as the period of the legionnaires had been. That’s when I had to face anti-Semitism. It was a rough time, and many Jews were leaving to Israel. For instance, the former engineer-in-chief, who worked there at the same time as I did, hauled sacks on his back for having filed an official request for permission to leave to Israel.

Afterwards, I worked at the Popular Art Cooperative, in the rugs department, still as head of the planning department, and then I worked at the Onwards Cooperative. The people in Bucharest noticed me and sent me to Arad, as instructor in that branch. They noticed me for doing my job well in the Ministry of Foods Industry too, and I also received a diploma, I was awarded a 10. I lectured both in Cluj and in Oradea when I was working for the Ministry of Foods Industry. I held special courses in Arad about the standardization of work, where they sent people from Bucharest and from across the country. I attended those lectures myself for 2 months.

Those were the only problems. I wasn’t a member of the Communist Party, nor of any other party. I didn’t oppose the system, I wasn’t a dissident, but looked after my professional career. I didn’t enter politics despite being asked to do so, I was promised a director’s position, but I said I wasn’t interested.

During communism, agricultural work was unavoidable, and I went to help transport corn. As head of the department for labor organization, I was forced to assign a person or two who should go to the gathering of corn, but in order not to send my female subordinates, I volunteered and went instead of them. None of them was Jewish, but we got along very well as they were nice team players.

Life was hard after 1950 as we lived on small salaries and we had to support our ailing parents as well. We didn’t lead a wealthy life. Our house had been taken from us, and we were glad they had seized it as we couldn’t cover the maintenance costs from what we gained by renting it to tenants, for the rents were limited by state regulations. This house of ours that we had from our grandparents and which was built with many hardships was a real nuisance for us. I even have documents stating that my father paid a lot of money for the house my mother had received as her dowry. Instead of it being an advantage, he had to work to pay the installments at the land credit, for otherwise the house would have been sold as it was mortgaged.

We are the only ones who live upstairs, and we had some tenants living downstairs who didn’t pay rent for 5 years after the house was returned to us. We weren’t used to our parents’ evacuating someone from the house, even if they didn’t pay the rent. For instance, when refugee Jews came from Bessarabia we offered some poor souls a place to live without asking any rent from them; they were crossing our country on their way to Israel. We had a very nice tenant in the back of the house, her husband died. He was a member of the Communist Party, but we got along very well. She pays as much as she wants, for that was our arrangement. We have a tenant who pays rent living on the ground floor for 35 years, but he doesn’t pay us large sums of money.

I never had to hide my Jewish origin, neither at the workplace, nor anywhere else. I didn’t have political beliefs, neither in favor of communism, nor against it after it was over, meaning my beliefs didn’t change at all when Stalin died. We were informed about what was happening in the Soviet Union; I read literature, I kept myself up-to-date, but I couldn’t say I had an anti-Stalinist attitude after the Stalinist period.

I felt joy when the state of Israel was constituted, as it was somewhat of a fulfilled dream. I went to visit some friends in Israel in 1982, they paid for the trip and for my stay there. Not all of us could leave, meaning I couldn’t leave with my sisters, as there was no one who could take care of the house while we were away. I had a good time there, but I didn’t like the inhabitants, I mean their outlook on things. They are educated differently: they are all to themselves, individualist. I was thrilled by the state of Israel, but not by its inhabitants as well. This is generally speaking, but I was very impressed by my friends. My friends were from Braila. I stayed with several of them: at Felicia Wender’s and wherever I was invited, for I stayed there for 3 months. I traveled then more than they themselves had until then, despite the fact they were there for many years. They took me everywhere and I saw some very beautiful places. They invited me again on several occasions, but I didn’t go as I couldn’t leave my sisters alone here, even though they urged me to go. I was in charge of supplies and they were in charge of housekeeping. These friends ask me even today whether I need medicine supplies. I receive packages from friends, they send them against my will, for I refuse them every time.

Formerly, I listened to foreign radio stations: Free Europe, Voice of America 11. I didn’t read Jewish newspapers as, unfortunately, I don’t speak the language, to my shame. I read the newspaper published by the federation, of course I do, and it is pretty good. Dorel Dorian started running the newspaper on Chanukkah, he is a science-fiction writer, a former editor-in-chief of the Magazin magazine; he has volumes of science-fiction literature. He is a well-read person, of very good training, and he runs the newspaper very competently. At the same time, he is our deputy in the Great National Gathering, so he is a representative figure. [Editor’s note: Dorel Dorian is a playwright, fiction writer, columnist; he was born in Piatra Neamt, in 1930. Editor-in-chief at "Realitatea Evreiasca" magazine, from 1995; from 1996 - deputy in the Romanian Parliament, as F.C.E.R. representative.]

My parents died in 1968 and 1972, respectively. My mother was in her 80’s when she died [88 years old]. My father died before my mother. When my parents died, the religious service was performed by a religious official, as there was no rabbi in Braila anymore by then. As a son, I recited the Kaddish, for that is the custom. It isn’t allowed for daughters to do it.

I performed the Yahrzeit, meaning the commemoration of the dead, within a year of my parents’ death, I observed this custom, but I haven’t performed it lately. You take there some home-made cookies, something to drink. Those who want to do so can also organize a meal in the memory of the dead, which is called sorosides, using kosher food. You aren’t allowed to place cheese and meat on the same plate, but they must be placed on special plates. You bring wine, strong spirits, and there are no restrictions regarding the dishes served at this meal, it can be as copious as you want. The more you give, the larger the meal is and it is in the memory of the person who died. It is a sort of a gathering in the memory of the dead.

We observed the same holidays after the war. As a child, I used to go to the Synagogue with my family, but we stopped going there during and after the war. I’m not a religious person, this is my nature, unfortunately. We still go there and occupy seats there like that, as if we were extras.

I haven’t been to the Jewish cemetery in several years now. When there are funerals, I visit the graves of my parents, of my acquaintances and relatives, but I haven’t been there just for visiting their graves in a long time.

Jewish origin didn’t matter for me when it came to the choosing of my friends. I had more Christian friends than Jewish. I didn’t talk about Judaism with my friends.

I couldn’t say that my life changed for the better after the Revolution, I would be telling a lie. Retirement pensions are what they are, and that’s the long and short of it.

With regard to my Jewish identity, my life hasn’t changed in any way.

At present, the secretary of the Community, Mr. David, wants to make the members of the Community get actively involved, but everything is artificial as very many of those who make themselves available come from mixed marriages, which is to say they are people who come there somewhat interested to receive a package now and then. There is a mixed choir which is made up of persons who are Christians rather than Jewish, 90 percent of them. It is a rather interesting adaptation, it isn’t something genuine, it isn’t the Jewish life as it is laid down by the book. It is a sort of a Purim game. There is the “Piram spiel” on Purim, which is to say a game people play on Purim when everybody wears masks. In the case in question, a Jewish mask s worn on a body that isn’t quite Jewish.

Nowadays, I go to the Community relatively often. I receive support, packages, for I donated my house and drew up my last will and testament. These packages aren’t exactly useful to me. We receive oil, flour, sugar, rice, macaroni on a monthly basis, but the rest are things that aren’t fit for our diet at our age. We also received compensation money. The community was large before World War I, when 11,000 Jews lived here. Now there are barely 60 souls living here, and they are generally around 60-70 years old. The demographic evolution of the Community’s Jewish population is on a decreasing trajectory, it can’t be helped, it’s the aging process, for one couldn’t be talking about births, as there is no Jewish youth anymore.

Glossary

1 Nationalization in Romania

The nationalization of industry and natural resources in Romania was laid down by the law of 11th June 1948. It was correlated with the forced collectivization of agriculture and the introduction of planned economy.

2 Educational reform in Romania in 1948

Based on the new Romanian constitution, introduced in 1948, the 1948 ‘educational reform’ stated that public education is organized by the state only, and that public education is secular (this way the denominational and private schools were outlawed, and were soon nationalized), and at the same time it introduced compulsory and free elementary education for everyone. According to the law it was compulsory to learn the Romanian language from the 1st grade, and in place of the French or Italian language the Russian language was introduced from the 4th grade. The compulsory elementary school became a 7-grade school, and was followed by a 4-grade high school. According to the educational reform, ownership of school buildings, dormitories, canteens was transferred to the state, and the Ministry of Public Education became their administrant.

3 King Ferdinand I (1865-1927)

King of Romania (1914-1927). He supported Romania’s engaging in World War I on the side of the Entante, against the Central Powers, thus putting the interest of the nation beyond his own German origin. The disintegration of empires in the aftermath of the war made it possible for several provinces to unite with Romania in 1918, after a democratic referendum: Bessarabia (in April), Bukovina (in November) and Transylvania (in December). On 15th October 1922, Ferdinand was crowned king of the Great Romania at the Reunification Cathedral in Alba Iulia, a symbol of the unification of all the Romanian provinces under the rule of a single monarch.

4 Bulgaria in World War I

Bulgaria entered the war in October 1915 on the side of the Central Powers. Its main aim was the revision of the Treaty of Bucharest: the acquisition of Macedonia. Bulgaria quickly overran most of Serbian Macedonia as well as parts of Serbia; in 1916 with German backing it entered Greece (Western Thrace and the hinterlands of Salonika). After Romania surrendered to the Central Powers Bulgaria also recovered Southern Dobrudzha, which had been lost to Romania after the First Balkan War. The Bulgarian advance to Greece was halted after British, French and Serbian troops landed in Salonika, while in the north Romania joined the Allies in 1916. Conditions at the front deteriorated rapidly and political support for the war eroded. The agrarians and socialist workers intensified their antiwar campaigns, and soldier committees were formed in the army. A battle at Dobro Pole brought total retreat, and in ten days the Allies entered Bulgaria. On 29th September 1918 Bulgaria signed an armistice and withdrew from the war. The Treaty of Neuilly (November 1919) imposed by the Allies on Bulgaria, deprived the country of its World War I gains as well as its outlet to the Aegean Sea (Eastern Thrace).

5 Rosen, Moses (1912-1994)

Chief Rabbi of Romania and president of the Association of Jewish Religious Communities during communism. A controversial figure of the postwar Romanian Jewish public life. On the one hand he was criticized because of his connections with several leaders of the Romanian communist regime, on the other hand even his critics recognized his great efforts in the interest of Romanian Jews. He was elected chief rabbi of Romania in 1948 and fulfilled this function till his death in 1994. During this period he organized the religious and cultural education of Jewish youth and facilitated the emigration to Israel by using his influence. His efforts made possible the launch of the only Romanian Jewish newspaper, Revista Cultului Mozaic (Realitatea Evreiască after 1995) in 1956. As the leader of Romanian Israelites he was a permanent member of the Romanian Parliament from 1957-1989. He was member of the Executive Board of the Jewish World Congress. His works on Judaist issues were published in Romanian, Hebrew and English.

6 Goga-Cuza government

Anti-Jewish and chauvinist government established in 1937, led by Octavian Goga, poet and Romanian nationalist, and Alexandru C. Cuza, professor of the University of Iasi, and well known for its radical anti-Semitic view. Goga and Cuza were the leaders of the National Christian Party, an extremist right-wing organization founded in 1935. After the elections of 1937 the Romanian king, Carol II, appointed the National Christian Party to form a minority government. The Goga-Cuza government had radically limited the rights of the Jewish population during their short rule; they barred Jews from the civil service and army and forbade them to buy property and practice certain professions. In February 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system.

7 King Carol II (1893-1953)

King of Romania from 1930 to 1940. During his reign he tried to influence the course of Romanian political life, first through the manipulation of the rival Peasants’ Party, the National Liberal Party and anti-Semitic factions. In 1938 King Carol established a royal dictatorship. He suspended the Constitution of 1923 and introduced a new constitution that concentrated all legislative and executive powers in his hands, gave him total control over the judicial system and the press, and introduced a one-party system. A contest between the king and the fascist Iron Guard ensued, with assassinations and massacres on both sides. Under Soviet and Hungarian pressure, Carol had to surrender parts of Romania to foreign rule in 1940 (Bessarabia and Northern Bukovina to the USSR, the Cadrilater to Bulgaria and Northern Transylvania to Hungary). He was abdicated in favor of his son, Michael, and he fled abroad. He died in Portugal.

8 23 August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich. The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies.

9 Securitate (in Romanian

DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului): General Board of the People’s Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to ‘defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies’. Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

10 Ana Pauker-Vasile Luca-Teohari Georgescu group

After 1945 there were two major groupings in the Romanian communist leadership: the Muscovites led by Ana Pauker, and the former illegal communists led by Gheorghe Dej. Ana Pauker arrived in Romania the day after the entry of the Soviet army as the leader of the group of communists returning from Moscow; the Muscovites were the major political rivals of Gheorghe Dej. As a result of their rivalry, three out of the four members of the Political Secretariat of the Central Committee of the Romanian Communist Party were convicted on trumped-up charges in show trials in 1952. The anti-Semitic campaign launched by Stalin in 1952, which also spread over to Romania, created a good opportunity to launch such a trial – both Luca and Pauker were of Jewish origin. Georgescu was executed. Luca was also sentenced to death but the sentence was changed to lifetime forced labor. He died in prison in 1960. Pauker was released after Stalin’s death and lived in internal exile until her death.

11 Voice of America

International broadcasting service funded by the U.S. government through the Broadcasting Board of Governors. Voice of America has been broadcasting since 1942, initially to Europe in various European languages from the US on short wave. During the cold war it grew increasingly popular in Soviet-controlled Eastern Europe as an information source.

Zoya Shapochnik

Zoya Shapochnik
Kishinev
Moldova
Interviewer: Zhanna Litinskaya
Date of interview: July 2004

I met Zoya Shapochnik in the Kishinev Hesed 1, where she works as a volunteer. It took Zoya a long time to agree to an interview. She lives in a modest, tidy apartment in a typical five-storied building constructed in the 1960s, the so-called Khrushchovka 2. There were photos on the table. I could feel that she was getting ready for the meeting. The interview wasn’t just a formal thing for Zoya, but the opportunity to leave a trace about her relatives. Her story is imbued with sincerity, romanticism, strong feelings and love for people.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war 

My family background

In spite of the fact that I was born in 1934, I remember a lot about my childhood and know certain things about my grandparents from the tales of my kin. My parental grandfather, Haim Shapochnik, was born in Moldova, in the small town Leovo [about 70km from Kishinev, on the Romanian border] in 1875. He wasn’t a very educated man. He only finished cheder. I don’t know about my grandfather’s kin. I don’t even know how many siblings he had. I knew his nephew Isaac Shapochnik. He lived in Kishinev after the war and worked as an accountant. At present Isaac, his wife and three children live in Israel. He’s an elderly man now. Grandfather Haim was involved in wine making. He bought grapes from the peasants, made wine and sold it. He had a small vineyard which he cultivated himself.

My paternal grandmother, Dvoira Shapochnik, nee Khazina was born in Leovo in 1878. I knew my grandmother’s siblings: Jacob, Sapsai and Enna. Enna, who was much younger than Grandmother Dvoira, lived in the small town Cahul, not far from Leovo, with her husband and children. Her husband was rather well-off. They had a churn and mill. In 1940 when the Soviets came to power [see Annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union] 3, their property was nationalized and Enna, her husband and children were exiled to Siberia, Akmolilnsk oblast. When the war was over, they came back to Moldova 4. Enna died in the early 1960s. Her sons: Anatoliy, a construction engineer, and Grigoriy, a turner, and daughter Haya lived in America with their families. My grandmother’s brothers, Jacob and Sapsai, came back to Moldova with their wives and children, during the Great Patriotic War 5. I don’t remember their names. I saw them only once in the early 1950s at a family reunion at Sapsai’s place. I keep a big family picture. Sapsai, who was much older than my grandmother, died in the 1950s. Jacob passed away shortly after him.

My grandparents got married in 1895. They had a traditional Jewish wedding. It couldn’t have been any different. Then, after the wedding they settled in Leovo. Haim and Dvoira had a small house with a thatched roof. They were neither rich nor poor. They had five children in the family, who had to be fed, clad, and educated. I’ve never been to Leovo. My father told me about them. I saw Grandmother Dvoira only once, when she came over in 1937. She was a large, debonair woman. Her head was covered with a beautiful knit kerchief. My grandmother never went out with her head uncovered. Both she and Grandfather Haim were very religious. My grandfather also wore a hat. In the mornings he put on a kippah, tallit and tefillin when he was praying. Grandmother Dvoira died in 1938. She was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Leovo. My grandfather died in 1941 on our way to evacuation.

All the children of Haim and Dvoira weren’t very religious, except my father. The boys finished cheder, and Charna, my father’s only sister got elementary Jewish education at home. She mostly helped my grandmother about the house. Charna was younger than my father. She was born in 1905. She was single and lived with her parents. Charna died at a young age, in the early 1930s. I don’t know the reason of her death. My father loved his sister very much. He was always in tears when he spoke about her.

Boris was the eldest in the family. He was born in 1897. He, his wife Manya, and daughter Haya, born in the 1930s, lived in Kishinev. Boris was a supply agent. When World War II was unleashed a large kin of Manya talked Boris into staying in the city. Many people disbelieved at that time that the Germans could do harm to the Jews. Besides, Soviet propaganda induced people to believe in the soonest victory of the Red Army. Manya, Boris and Haya stayed in Kishinev thinking that they could hole up the occupation in the basement. They perished in the Kishinev ghetto 6. No one survived out of Manya’s large family.

My father also had a brother, who was much younger than him. He died young. I don’t even know his name. The youngest in the family, David, born in 1907 lived in Iasi. He was also a supplier and his wife Dora an accountant. When Bessarabia became part of the Soviet Union, David’s family moved to Kishinev. Like many Jewish families they fled from the fascists. They went to the USSR having left what they had. At the outbreak of war, David and Dora left for evacuation in Chimkent [today Uzbekistan]. Their only child Jacob was born in 1944 in Chimkent. After the war David’s family came back to Kishinev. His son’s life was the embodiment of the life of a talented Jewish guy in the Soviet environment back in that time. Having finished school with a gold medal Jacob went to Kiev [today Ukraine] to enter the medical institute, knowing that it was hard for a Jew to enter the institute in Kishinev. But as they say: out of the frying pan and into the fire.

Kiev was one of the anti-Semitic cities of the USSR and Jacob, being fluent in English flunked the English exam and wasn’t admitted to the institute. He worked as a projectionist for a year. The following year Jacob easily entered the Leningrad Medical Institute. He was a brilliant student and got a scholarship. Later, he defended his dissertation [see Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees] 7 on medicine and genetics. After that he worked in the affiliate of the All-union Scientific and Research Institute of Oncology, located in the vicinity of Leningrad [today Russia]. Jacob married a Jew, Lily from Moldova, who had moved to Moscow [today Russia]. They had lived in different cities for seven years and then Jacob found a job in Moscow and moved there. In 1980 David and Dora left for America, planning for Jacob to follow them. A few years later Jacob and his wife left for America. Now he lives in Las Vegas as a doctor of the higher category. Their daughter also graduated from a medical institute. David died in 1991 and was buried in Buffalo, the place where his family lived at that time. His wife Dora passed away in 2000.

My father, Joseph Shapochnik, was born in 1902. He was the only one of the brothers who had thirst for knowledge and striving to get educated. Upon finishing cheder my father entered the nearest Realschule 8 in Leovo. Gagauz 9, Moldovans and Russians mostly studied there. Several Jewish boys made friends and decided to go on with their education. By that time Bessarabia had been annexed to Romania [see Annexation of Bessarabia to Romania] 10 and my father dreamt of studying in one of the European universities. Grandfather Haim scraped up some money for him to get to university with a lot of difficulty. That was the only thing he could help his son with. My father and three or four of his friends, I don’t remember their names, went to Prague [today Czech Republic], and entered the Prague Polytechnic Institute, electric and mechanic department. The friends shared an apartment and saved money that way. They had to work to get by.

My father worked as a stevedore, tutor, and sang in the choir of the Prague Opera. A lot of students from Russia studied at the university [in Prague]. There was a whole course, where the lectures were held in Russian. After graduation, the graduates found good jobs at the Prague power station. They were there on night duty. It was the time of revolutionary changes. The Bolsheviks 11 had come to power in Russia, intending to spread communist ideas all over the world. Outstanding Bolshevik activists took the floor at the university, where my father was studying. They held lectures there and my father attended all of them. My father also joined some communist groups. He adhered to those views all his life though he never became a member of the Party. Usually students went home on summer vacations. Joint 12 helped pay for the round trip ticket to the parents. My father went home every year. He felt tedious in the hick town Leovo and often went to Kishinev. Here, in the late 1920s he met my mother at a party. He was enchanted by her at once. It was love at first sight.

My mother, Pesya Treiger, was born in Kishinev. Her grandfather was a simple and pious Jew, whom I didn’t know. He was from Ukraine. When he was over the hill, he came to Kishinev to see his son, Grandfather Gersh, and died with the words, ‘The lord is calling me.’ My grandfather, Gersh Treiger, was born in Ukraine in the 1870s. He worked in the municipal administration. He was responsible for cartage, which was one of the main vehicles back in that time. My grandfather was very tall and handsome. He didn’t wear a kippah at work. He put it on when he was praying. He wasn’t a religious Jew, but holidays were observed in his house. My mother said that on Pesach all traditional Jewish dishes were on the table and her father reclining at the table led the seder. On holidays he went to the synagogue. Sometimes he went there on Sabbath. On the whole, he was a secular man. He liked theater, literature and poetry.

My maternal grandmother’s name was also Dvoira [nee Hadji]. There were a lot of Jewish names of mixed origin in Bessarabia. They had the imprint of Turkish and Romanian languages. [Hadji in the Muslim tradition refers to a pilgrim.] My grandmother mostly took care of the children. There was a maid who came over to do the household chores. Dvoira was mostly keen on theater. She nurtured the love for theater in her daughter, my mother, who passed it on to me. There was a Russian theater in Kishinev. Plays by Gogol 13 and Chekhov 14 were staged there, but it existed only before Bessarabia was annexed to Romania. My grandmother was a frequent theater-goer. It was a real treat when famous actors came from Moscow and Petersburg [today Russia]. Dvoira would take the whole day to get ready. She put on her best bib and tucker, and wore modest jewelry so that the children felt that something great was going to happen. The Treiger family lived very modestly. They never owned a house, just rented small apartments. Education and upbringing were prioritized.

There were three children in the family. The eldest, Lazar Treiger, born in 1895, graduated from Odessa institute. He was a pharmacist. He owned an apothecary in the center of Kishinev. The apothecary was small, but a steady income was derived. Lazar’s wife Annette was a teacher. After getting married she took care of her children. They had a son, Izrael and a daughter, Riva. When the Soviets came to power, Lazar voluntarily gave up his apothecary. In spite of that the whole family was exiled, and even worse it was severe. Lazar happened to be in Ural [today Russia], where he died soon during timbering. His family was in Kazakhstan. During the war my father found them via the information center in Buguruslan [today Russia]. After the war Lazar’s wife and children went to Odessa 15. It was hard for them to live in Kishinev, as they were constantly reminded of their Lazar. Annette died in 1972. Izrael, who had worked as an accountant all his life, is currently living in Odessa with his wife Sarah. Riva became an engineer. She married a Jew called Mark Gerber, whose father perished in the Fighting battalion 16 in the vicinity of Odessa. There is a monument on the curb of one of the villages where his name is embossed. Riva and Mark are now in Boston, USA. They left Odessa in 1989.

My mother’s younger brother Boris was born in 1907. He was educated in the Romanian city of Ploiesti, Prahova. He finished medical school and became a dentist and prosthetist. His wife, a Romanian Jew called Paula, spoke only Romanian and their son Evgeniy spoke only Romanian during his childhood. In 1940 Boris and his family moved to Kishinev, when the Soviets came to power. When the war was unleashed, they were evacuated. We happened to be in one car. After the war Boris and his family came back to Kishinev and Boris resumed working as a dentist. Paula was a housewife. Boris died in the 1980s. Aunt Paula died a couple of years after him. Evgeniy and his family immigrated to Israel in the late 1980s.

My mother Pesya was born on 25th December 1902. They said that my mother was a rare beauty in her childhood. The neighbors used to say, ‘Go look, what a beauty has been born from Gersh.’ The maid, a Moldovan, who worked for my grandmother, crossed herself and prayed saying, ‘What a miracle, such a beautiful girl is born on Christmas!’ My mother, the only daughter in the family, was the favorite. In her early childhood tutors came over to teach her so that she would be prepared for lyceum. It was a state lyceum. There were wonderful teachers in it. My mother remembered her Russian literature teacher Orlov, who plied her with love for Russian classics. My mother recited poems written by Pushkin 17, and Lermontov 18 till the end of her days. She was very knowledgeable about Russian playwrights. She was interested in theater in her adolescence, following in my grandmother’s footsteps. My mother worked in the apothecary of Uncle Lazar. First she weighed and poured the medicine in the bottles. Then she learnt how to make medicine. She was so good at it that she became a professional pharmacist.

My parents fell in love at once. In 1929 they got married. They had a wedding in Kishinev. The newly-weds were rather modern and unreligious, but in spite of that they went under a chuppah, in the central synagogue. There was a posh wedding with music and many guests from Leovo and other cities. My mother wore a gorgeous dress. It wasn’t snow white, but pinkish. When I was a child I often asked her to show me her wedding gown and imagined myself in it.

When the feast was over, my parents had quite a lot of things to do. My father was to finish the last course of the institute. That year the tuition in Prague had increased and my father transferred to the French town [city] Cannes, in the south of France. My mother went with him. After some time they rented an apartment in Paris. They were so indigent that they didn’t have money to attend the renowned museums and palaces and it was a pity. They weren’t entitled to work as it was written in their documents: ‘Not permitted to work.’ Their main food was rice porridge without meat. They were lucky if they could add some chocolate to it.

In 1931 my father graduated from the institute and obtained a diploma of electric engineering. They returned to Bessarabia. They moved in with my mother’s parents in Kishinev. It was hard for my father to find a job, as Bessarabia wasn’t an area where industry was developed. He was jobless for a few months and then was employed by a power station in Bucharest [today Romania]. My parents moved there.

Growing up

I was born on 19th September 1934. I was named Zoya after my distant relative, whose Jewish name was Zlata. I was born in Kishinev and had spent the first years of my life in the house of my maternal grandparents: Gersh and Dvoira Treiger. I remember my early childhood: the old low house, a drawing room with a big round table and laced cloth on it in the center of the room, my grandmother in a dressy white kerchief lighting the candles, chest of drawers, which caught my attention. I was less than two years old, but I remember it as if it was yesterday. Such bright pictures are still in my heart. On Sabbath Uncle Lazar, his wife and children, who were older than me, came over to see us. I remember a beautiful park, where my mother liked taking me for a stroll. That park, named after Pushkin, is still there. We were rather poor as my father didn’t make that much money in Bucharest. Part of his salary was to pay for the apartment and food. He sent my mother the remaining money. Sometimes my mother bought me scrumptious ice-cream or sweets in the park. Often there wasn’t enough money for these dainty things.

Then our life had a sudden turn. One of my father’s friends Dulitskiy, a famous engineer introduced him to a Romanian, Romascu, who commenced the construction of a spa for tuberculosis of the bone in Bugaz [small spa area, 50km from Odessa, Ukraine]. The town Bugaz, on the firth of the Black Sea was part of Bessarabia. [The Black Sea region was taken away from Moldova and attached to Ukraine after World War II.] Romascu offered my father the management of the construction. So, my father left for Bugaz. Soon we moved there, too. I was two and a half or three years old. For some time we lived in a poky apartment in some sort of a building, reminding me of a shanty. I was bothered by the gnats and my mother covered my bed with a gauze. She was in despair. My aunts Paula and Zhenya came over from Ploesti to support my mother. Grandmother Dvoira also came. It was the first and last time I saw her. My grandmother stayed with us for some weeks helping my mother about the house. She wore a dark kerchief, prayed in the mornings and evenings and spoke only Yiddish with my father.

My father was given a separate small house consisting of two rooms and a kitchen. There were no Jews in the whereabouts. We were mostly surrounded by Moldovans. There were a lot of Ukrainians. Since childhood I came to like sad old Ukrainian songs, which were even more euphonious because they were sung by the sea. My mother was on very good terms with the neighbors and soon learnt those beautiful melodies. Those ladies also taught my mother how to bake fancy bread on Orthodox Easter. So, there was no matzah in Bugaz as there was no place where we could get it. We ate Easter cakes on Orthodox Easter.

I spent almost all the time with my mother. My father was always tied up at work .He had various duties: he was a superintendent, foreman, cashier and accountant. He got money from Bucharest and paid off wages to the workers. My mother was scared that he could be robbed and killed as everybody knew that he was carrying large amounts of money. On weekends my father took us for a walk. I remember the park along the firth. The wind band played there. The King of Romania came for the opening ceremony of the sanatorium. My parents and I were on the platform waiting for the train to come. We met the King with flowers and then all of us went to the feast. It was held in the only restaurant in town. The King, clad in a white suit, was at the head of the table. My parents and I weren’t far from him. When the sanatorium was opened, my father was offered a job as an administrator and supervisor. He got quite a high salary and our life got better. It was a marvelous sanatorium. A Hungarian surgeon, Janos, worked there. [After World War I Romania gained Transylvania and parts of Eastern Hungary and as a result the country inherited a substantial ethnic Hungarian population from the previous Austro-Hungarian monarchy.] He was a miracle-maker. Crippled people came from all over the world and they left healthy and happy.

My father still believed in high ideals of communism. Bugaz was close to the border with the USSR. There were times when people crossed the firth to get there. At that time we didn’t know what was in store for them. As a rule they were caught by the NKVD 19 and then sent to Stalin’s camps. My father’s dream was to live in the USSR. If it hadn’t been for my mother, my father most likely would have crossed the border. At least he could listen to the radio. My father rose when the International [Anthem of the International Worker’s Movement and of the Soviet Union between 1918 and 1943. Originally French it has been translated into most languages and has been widely used and is still used by various Socialist and Communist movements worldwide.] was played. I also stood by him being solemn and strict. My mother laughed at us.

I remember how my father brought a telegram in 1938, where it was written that my maternal grandmother had passed away. My mother and I went to Kishinev and stayed at Uncle Lazar’s house by the apothecary. I wasn’t invited for the funeral, so I don’t know whether all the Jewish traditions were observed. I remember looking out of the window to see the funereal procession. I saw the hearse drawn by horses and the relatives following it. I’ll never forget the lamentation of my mother. We went back to Bugaz and in two weeks my father got another sad telegram: my paternal grandmother had died and my father went to Leovo to attend her funeral.

In winter it was very sad in Bugaz. It was very windy and cold. My father took my mother and me to Inkerman [now Izmail, Ukraine, 700km south-west of Kiev]. He rented a small house there where we spent winter. Inkerman was big as compared to Bugaz. There were stores and a cinema. In spring we went back to Bugaz. Here, in June 1940, the Soviet regime came to power. At once the management left. The director, chief physician, and surgeon Janos quit. Work practically stopped. We moved to Inkerman, where I saw Soviet soldiers for the first time. Bessarabians welcomed them with flowers. We left Inkerman for Kishinev. We had no place to live. Grandfather Gersh lived in a separate poky room. Uncle Lazar and his family were evicted and exiled. We moved to my mother’s friend Fanya Berekhman. After a few months there was a strong earthquake in Kishinev. Part of the house, where we lived, collapsed. Fortunately, my father managed to take me and my mother from the house. Then we rented a small room. My father found a job at a railroad design institute: Dorproject. My mother was a housewife. On 21st January 1941, Grandfather Gersh died. The Jewish cemetery was full at that time and he was buried in a different place, in the city cemetery. During the war the cemetery was in a mess and we couldn’t find the grave of Grandfather Gersh.

During the war

On 22nd June 1941 the war was unleashed. Kishinev was bombed on the first day. A dairymaid came over and said that the railroad had been bombed. That was the way we found out about the war. We hid in the basement during the bombing. Water and lime were brought there for some reason. My father said that it was in accordance with the civil defense instructions. I didn’t know that my mother was pregnant. Later, she mentioned that she went to the hospital to have an abortion, but she was refused, as the hospital was being frequently bombed and they made only vital operations. When we lived in Bugaz, my father’s friend Dulitskiy often came there on business trips. He brought a Russian magazine, ‘Soviet Union,’ with beautiful glossy covers and fairy-tales for me. World War II was on, and the atrocities of the fascists on the occupied European territories were covered in those magazines. My mother remembered it and insisted that we should be evacuated immediately. I don’t remember how Grandfather Haim came from Leovo. In early July 1941 my father hired a cart, loaded all our precious things and we went to the train station. It was crowded and was next to impossible to get on a train. In the evening the representatives of the authorities came to the platform and father asked for help saying that his wife was pregnant. I, considering my father to be my idol, was shocked thinking that he had lied; I didn’t know that my mother was expecting.

We were helped to get on the locomotive. It was a long and hard journey. The train was often bombed and we had to get out and hide in the bushes. We came to Rostov oblast [about 900km from Kishinev] [today Russia] and were sent to a kolkhoz 20. We settled in the house of a lady from the kolkhoz. She gave us a warm shoulder. My parents worked in the field and I stayed at home with Grandfather Haim. The kolkhoz gave some rations. I remember how we were treated to tasty scones with honey. I tried to help my mother. Once, I even tried to fry some potatoes, but they got burnt. Grandfather Haim scolded me and I had a grudge against him. I didn’t know that these were his last days. By the way, my grandfather, even here, tried to observe the kashrut even under such severities. We ate everything we were given. We didn’t even grouch over a piece of pig’s fat, but Grandfather Haim strongly reprimanded my father for that. There were times when he remained without food if it wasn’t kosher. We didn’t stay in that kolkhoz for a long time.

I picked up berries of violet color from the bush and was stricken with typhus fever. I was taken to the hospital in Novoshakhtinsk [today Russia] and my mother went with me. I stayed there for three weeks. It was fall. Fascists [Nazis] were approaching Rostov oblast. We had to move and my father didn’t know what to do. On one hand he couldn’t leave Grandfather Haim and on the other he had to come get us. My grandfather insisted on my father’s going. He left my grandfather in the kolkhoz, made arrangements with some man to get my grandfather to Novoshakhtinsk or Krasny Sulin [today Russia], where we were supposed to meet. My father was so upset about my grandfather that he left our things, photos and my mother’s jewelry. He came to the hospital with a small suitcase. He felt so dreadful for leaving his father that he swooned in the hospital. We were discharged from the hospital and went to Krasny Sulin in summer clothes, without our belongings. We waited for my grandfather for a few days, but he didn’t show up. The Germans were approaching and we had to move.

Again we, hungry and cold, took the train. My father kept our documents and a little bit of money. My father got off the train at a stop, which was supposed to be long. He and an elderly man went there to look for food. The train had left, when my father came back. My mother and I burst into tears. My mother’s pregnancy was rather difficult. She fainted often. There was a doctor in our car. She had camphor and gave my mother injections with the same syringe. At one of the stations the old man who was with my dad caught up with us. My mother started sobbing again. She thought my father was dead. The old man said that my father put him in some sort of echelon, and didn’t manage to get there himself. We had been on the road for two weeks without knowing anything about my father. We were starving. Sometimes people took pity on us and gave us a slice of bread. I remember how long I sucked on a hunch of the bread. We were told that we should get to some bigger town and go to the hospital and my mother was parturient. We got off in Saratov [today Russia]. We went to the evacuation point located at the polytechnic institute. We settled in a room which was partitioned. There were cadavers behind the partition. My mother got food cards [see Card system] 21 and bread. She feared death in the coming parturition, and most of all she was afraid that I would remain by myself. She was given a document for me to be settled in an orphanage in case she died.

First, the director of the orphanage didn’t want to take me as there were no space, but she sympathized with my mother. She took me to the orphanage and on that very day my mother fell from the staircase in the orphanage. Amniorrhea took place and the parturition began. She had strong furuncles, so she was afraid of a possible sepsis, which would lead to death. A Russian lady doctor stayed with my mother all the time. She delivered the baby and bandaged furuncles. My mother gave birth to a little boy, weighing a little over two kilograms. Though she was starving, she covered herself with a blanket when the food was brought, and was abundant with milk. She even was placed in the day nursery to suckle other babies. After a few days the milk was gone and my tiny brother died from pneumonia. All those events took place within two or three weeks. I lived in the orphanage. We were fed very well. At times we were even given sweets or tangerine.

We, the famished children, instinctively were afraid of hunger and tried to take a slice of bread from the canteen. It was forbidden and we hid the breadcrumbs in the sleeves or clothes. At night we woke up, took out the stashed things and munched on them in the darkness. When my mother came over, Muromtseva received her in her office. She had sweet tea and muffins brought in. She let my mother eat first. When I came in my mother could barely recognize me, as I had turned into a plump girl from the rack of bones I had been before. My mother often came over and Muromtseva gave her tea and rolls. Evacuation points in the cities were overloaded and it was easier to survive in the village. My mother decided to leave. Muromtseva tried to talk her into leaving me in the orphanage before she had settled, but my mother was afraid to lose me and took me with her. Muromtseva cordially said good-bye to us. She gave us clothes, which I was already wearing, a warm coat for me, and food. I’ll never forget that wonderful woman who practically saved my life. My mother always prayed for her and the gratuitous doctor, who delivered her baby and bandaged the wounds. Those great women rescued our lives.

My mother and I headed to the village. First we went to a kolkhoz and then finally settled in a kolkhoz named after Kalinin 22, in Novoguzskiy region, Saratov oblast. Since my mother was literate she found a job as an aide of the secretary of the village council. Besides, she was involved in propaganda. She read newspapers to the field workers. She was also involved in harvesting of potatoes. The farm ladies said, ‘Pelageya, take home a bucket of potatoes,’ but my mother was embarrassed without understanding how she could have taken anything without permission. We, who didn’t live in socialist conditions, weren’t used to that, but it was normal for the Soviet people to take things belonging to the state. In the end my mother also started taking potatoes home, about half a bucket. We weren’t that hungry because of that scrumptious ‘sugary’ potato. My mother was ready to assume any job. She, without knowing how to saw, became a seamstress because of her natural talent. She made brassieres, skirts. Once she even made a sheepskin, though her fingers were hurt. A peasant lady brought some potatoes and a keg of sauerkraut for that.

There was another family of evacuees from Saratov. We were the only Jews. People from the kolkhoz treated us well. We lived in the house of Tanya Monakhova. Her father-in-law had a bee-hive. When he took honey he brought me a honeycomb on a saucer and said, ‘Zoyka, this is for you!’ I felt so happy at that moment. I fainted a couple of times because of malnutrition. Once I fell on the iced river and some women helped me come around. The second time it happened in the hall of the house we lived in. The hostess’ daughter, Nina, told her mother that I was sleeping in the hall. She was two years older than me. I went into the field with that girl to pick the remaining wheat ears. A terrible thing happened in our kolkhoz. Ladies burned a barn and it turned out that there was a Russian guy, evacuated from Saratov, inside. He was on fire and ran up to them. Silly, uneducated women took him as an apparition and fled instead of helping him. The guy stayed in the hospital for a few days and died. The entire village was at the funeral.

I’ll never forget the funeral repast. [It is an Orthodox Christian tradition to arrange a funeral repast right in the cemetery, near the grave. When people come to visit the graves of their relatives on Russian Orthodox holidays, it is also traditional to eat some food ‘for the peace of the soul’ and leave pieces of food, candies and hard-boiled eggs near the tombstone or directly on the grave.] It seemed to me that I had never eaten such tasty millet gruel. Once in the winter time, when my mother was sick and lied on the Russian stove 23, Nina and I went to gather the wormwood. We used it instead of firewood, as we had no logs. We, knee length in semi-thawed snow and with bundles on our backs, saw a huge bull, which had escaped. We dropped the bundles and darted home screaming. There were a lot of funny and sad things happening. There was much sadness though. I went to school there in the kolkhoz. My mother made me some boots to have something to wear. Four grades studied in one premise. I was interested in things we were taught as well as in the things taught to the older ones. Here I learnt a lot of things from the third and fourth grades.

My mother was constantly writing letters to the information center in Buguruslan, desperate to find my father. Finally, in spring 1943 she got a response saying that my father was working for a mining enterprise in the Uzbek town Chirchiq [3500km from Kishinev]. My mother wrote him a letter and he replied. My father wrote about his hardship. He had spent a night at the train station, wherefrom he managed to get his traveling fellow on the train. He failed to leave. He fell asleep on the bench and at night his watch and remaining money were stolen. My father was in despair. It seemed to him that he had lost everybody: first his father, then his wife, and me. There he was caught by the raid aiming to pick the men eligible for military service. He was drafted into the labor front 24 and sent to work in the mines, first to Angren [today Uzbekistan], then to Chirchiq.

My mother and I were happy. We started getting ready. Again it was hard for us to get on a train. This time it wasn’t a locomotive, just an ordinary car. We reached Chirchiq and gingerly stepped on the suspension bridge trying to cross the rapid mountain river. A military guy helped with our things. We reached the hostel, where my father was living. It’s difficult to put in words what we felt when we saw my father. Even now my heart is thumping when I go back to that moment. We embraced each other, crying and laughing at the same time. My father didn’t say anything about the child. I think he had a lot to talk about with my mother. We spent the first night in the room of the hostel for men. There were six more men apart from my father. Then my father found a tent where we settled. There was an aryk [artificial irrigation channel] close by. We drank water from it and bathed there. We didn’t stay there for long, we moved to barracks. My mother found a job at a fertilizing factory and soon she was given a room in a warm barrack. Our life was getting better.

By that time, my mother had found her younger brother Boris. He and his family came to us. First we stayed in one tent, and then Uncle Boris found a job and was also given lodging. Then my mother found a job in a pharmacy. She used her skills, acquired when she worked for Uncle Lazar. My mother was a good worker. The manager of the pharmacy gave her cod liver oil. She used that oil to fry corn flower scones, I couldn’t eat them. We weren’t starving as badly as in Chirchiq, but still there wasn’t enough food for me and I swooned. I went to my father’s canteen and got food there by some cards. Once I fainted in the line, between two huge workers. When I came around, I heard, ‘She’s hungry. Bring the soup!’ Kind people took me to the table, fed me and filled my containers with food.

Here in Chirchiq I went to school, where I studied for two years. in the third and fourth grades, and became a pioneer [see All-union pioneer organization] 25. I did well at school. I was equally good at liberal arts and sciences. I took part in extra curriculum activities, recited verses on festive events. I had a friend, Inga Golunova. Both of us took an oath that we would never part. We corresponded with each other. Inga graduated from Moscow State University 26, the history department and got a mandatory job assignment [in the USSR] 27 in Pensa [today Russia]. She worked in a history museum. In 1962 we stopped keeping in touch. I don’t know what happened to her.

After the war

We experienced Victory Day in Chirchiq. I still think that it was the happiest day of my life. When on 9th May 1945 we were informed of the capitulation of Germany, we rushed to each other and started kissing and hugging no matter whether we knew each other or not. We were crying out of boundless joy.

Uncle Boris and his family were on the point of leaving for home. My father insisted that my mother and I should go with them. The problem was that he was still under military service and wasn’t entitled to leave Chirchiq. My mother and I suffered from malaria: we needed a change of climate. In summer 1945 we came back to Kishinev. We had no place to live. We stayed in the house of my father’s brother David for a while. My mother found a job as a cashier in the cinematograph department. It was a wonderful time. Every day my mother and I watched wonderful movies free-of-charge. Then she was fired, as another person was taken because of somebody’s connections. So, my mother went to work in the pharmacy once again.

My mother went to the institute, where my father had worked before the war and asked them to send him an invitation letter. First they were reluctant, as they said there were no vacancies, but my mother promised that my father wouldn’t seek a job at the institute. Thus, he got the invitation letter. In late 1946 my father came to Kishinev. He was hired by the sanitary and technical trust Moldsantekhmontazh and given a small room in a communal apartment 28 without conveniences. It was mere joy for us. The war was over, and both my parents were working to provide for our living and we had a place to live. We hadn’t even dreamed of that. We lived in that apartment until 1968. Then we got the apartment where I’m living now. At that time we accidentally found out how Grandfather Haim died.

My father’s cousin, Isaac Shapochnik, left his things in Chuchuleny in the house of a Moldovan. After the war he went over to take them back. There, in Chuchuleny he dropped by the Jews he knew. He saw our family album on their table. Isaac asked where they got it. They said that Grandfather Haim had been with them on the road. They were in Makhachkala [today Russia]. My grandfather died on the ferry boat and they took his things. They didn’t say how he died nor were he was buried. Isaac wanted to take our things, but they only returned my mother’s seal fur coat and photo album. The rest of the things, including my mother’s jewelry, were appropriated by them. My mother was so happy to get the pictures back! She thought she would never see any of her things.

I was a good and active student. I was a patriot of the USSR considering my country to be the best in the world. It couldn’t have been otherwise, as the propaganda was very strong! I and my contemporaries entered the Komsomol 29. I was involved in Komsomol work, took part in the meetings, extra-curriculum activities and other events connected with collection of scrap metal and cleaning of the school territory. In 1951 I finished school with a gold medal. [Editor’s note: the gold medal was the highest distinction in USSR secondary schools. A student was supposed to have straight excellent marks (100%) to get the gold medal.] I had to choose my future profession. In spite of the fact that I liked the arts more, loving theater and poetry most of all, I decided to deal with technology. I wanted to work at a big plant. I was attracted with workers, large workshops, metal and tools. I applied to Kishinev University, the chemical and technological department. Though, I didn’t like chemistry that much. I was an excellent student. Our teachers were strong and I came to like my specialty. These were hard years, when state anti-Semitism was exacerbated. I remember how our family as well as Boris’ took hard the Doctors’ Plot 30.

Of course, we didn’t quite believe the articles in the papers about malicious Jews; we couldn’t have totally disbelieved. Even though, we weren’t touched by repressions: none of our family members were fired. It appeared that people were looking at me in the transport and institute, classifying me with those poison doctors. It was good that my mother was a housewife at that time and wasn’t working in the pharmacy any more. I remember that in the second year we considered the Doctors’ Plot and stigmatized the doctors in the classes of Marxism and Leninism. When the doctors were exonerated after Stalin’s death we were told opposite things in the classes. Then one of the students asked whom we should we believe. She was reprimanded for questioning the correctness of the actions taken by the authorities. She was even summoned to the Komsomol committee and they wanted to expel her, but she got off with a reprimand. When Stalin died in 1953, I was in the tram on my way to university. It seemed to me that people were looking at me as if I had murdered him. I took Stalin’s death hard. I mourned with the others, being in the honor duty by his portrait. At that time we didn’t know what kind of a villain he had been.

I did well. I had a probation period at the production facility in Dneprodzerzhinsk [today Ukraine]. I was proud of being part of the great labor and walk in the crowd with the workers. I remembered the words of Mayakovskiy 31, ‘My labor is infused with the labor in my republic.’ All of us were full of enthusiasm and belief in a bright happy future and each worker felt his role in making that future and took pride in it. I gladly left on my mandatory job assignment in 1956. Upon graduation I was sent to the Moldovan town Bendery [60km from Kishinev] on the recently launched starch plant. I was a young expert and worked as a second technologist of the workshop. I was happy. I especially enjoyed the night when I was responsible for work of all people and each mechanism; when the whole workshop depended on me. I finished the evening department of the supreme party school 32. I conducted classes on political ideology with the workers after night shift. I took it very seriously. I was called by the Party committee several times and offered to enter the communist party. I sincerely considered myself unworthy and was sure that such honor should be deserved by outstanding and dedicated labor for the motherland.

The feat of the heroes of war was the highest level I imagined. I pictured myself in the role of those heroes who had sacrificed their lives, going through ordeals and torture, and I understood that I wouldn’t have been able to go through that. That is why I thought myself to be unworthy because I wouldn’t be able to die voluntarily for the high ideals. Apart from political classes I was active in other fields: singing in the choir, making performances. I remember I recited an excerpt from a Pushkin poem on the stage. The event was on the occasion of the 50-year anniversary of the plant. After that I was told, ‘You could have been an actress, what do you need that chemistry for?’ I considered histrionic art to be unworthy as compared to work at the plant. Those were happy years. I had my own room, many friends and felt myself in the lime light.

Then I was interested in non-ferrous metallurgy. I wrote letters to many plants in the country and was invited by the plant in Bereznyaki, Ural. My parents advised me not to go there, as it was hard to get a hold of products in those years, especially in the remote places. I went to the south, to Alatala, Northern Armenia, to the copper and chemical mill. The Armenians treated me very well. I made new friends. There were wonderful scenic views. Though, the grass was burnt because of the waste from our mill and nylons were spoiled on the second day after wearing. I was involved in social work here as well. I didn’t stay in Alatala for more than a year. My mother got severely ill and I had to go back to Kishinev in late 1964.

I was employed by an instrument making plant. I worked there for 14 and a half years. First I worked in the department of the chief technologist; then I was the head of the finishing bureau. I was loved and respected here. In 1978 my father got severely ill. It was hard for me as the head of the bureau at the large plant and I changed my job. I had a less responsible job at a tractor plant and worked there until retirement. I retired in 1991 when my mother got seriously ill again.

I had a lot of friends, including a young man. We went to the theaters, cinemas, read books, magazines and exchanged opinions. I had a very active life attending cultural places. I was also a passionate traveler. Every year I went on a tour. I was on the rivers Yenisey, Ob and Irtish, in the cities of Norilsk, Dudink, Taimyr, in many Siberian towns such as Novosibirsk, Omsk, Tomsk, Tobolsk, Khanty-Mansiysk. I took a voyage on the White Sea and the Sea of Barents, visited Solovki, Kizhi, Archangelsk. I was on Valaam Island, near Leningrad. [Editor’s note: All the places mentioned by the interviewee are today in Russia.]

I had a lot of Jewish friends and we followed the Israeli events with a bated heart, the period when Israel was associated with insecurity. We listened to the radio stations following the events of the Six-Day-War 33 and Yom Kippur War 34. Another reason why I didn’t want to join the Party was my not being able to prevaricate and be a hypocrite.

My parents knew what was happening in my life, I shared everything with them. After the war, to be more exact, after Grandfather Haim had perished, my father started observing some Jewish traditions: bought matzah on Pesach, went to the synagogue. He died in 1978. In late 1980 almost all our relatives immigrated either to Israel or America. I started panicking and thinking that I had remained alone. I don’t know how I managed to do that, but I processed the documents to leave for Israel. I was frenzied, suffered from insomnia. I began packing my things. Everyday I was weighing my books as I didn’t want to leave them behind. Every day I was getting more and more doubtful, fearing to leave my motherland, Moldova. When our relatives from Israel, who invited us, wrote that the situation there was rather inauspicious, my mother said, ‘We aren’t going anywhere!’ The insomnia was gone and the load was off my mind. My dearest friend, my mother, passed away in 1994. I remained by myself.

When I start thinking about my life, I can’t say why I’m alone, or why I remained single. First of all, I was very shy and had an inferior complex and secondly, I wanted the maximum. I fell in love with interesting people, who paid no attention to me, and those who wanted to date me weren’t interesting in my view. That’s life.

Nonetheless, I’m not lonely now. I am a volunteer at Hesed. I work there once a week, hand out medicine and food. I got new friends and feel needed. I hold lectures in the daytime center. Here I hold a lot of lectures on different topics: poets, writers and on the places I’ve seen. I’m so happy to hear the words of gratitude for things I’m doing for people.

Now my life is multisided, on one hand there was the break up of the Soviet Union [in 1991]. It was a catastrophe for me, who liked to travel all over the huge USSR and who had friends in different parts of the country. Besides, there was a slump in the economy, and all of us became indigent and depending on the ‘alms’ from Hesed. On the other hand, there was a real opportunity to revive Jewish culture. I’m not a religious person. I don’t know either the language or the traditions, and it’s too late for me to change my views, but it’s good for the youth to be interested in the history of their people and culture. It’s so good that they go to the synagogue. A lot of different cultural and charitable organizations emerged uniting the Jews, helping them to survive both materially and spiritually. Recently, there was a festival of klezmer music in Kishinev. We marked the anniversary of Israeli independence in the best palace of Kishinev. The Ambassador of Israel and the President of Moldova were present. The anthem of Israel was played. There were fireworks in the city. I was happy. The only thing I regret is that my parents didn’t live to see that.

Glossary:

1 Hesed

Meaning care and mercy in Hebrew, Hesed stands for the charity organization founded by Amos Avgar in the early 20th century. Supported by Claims Conference and Joint Hesed helps for Jews in need to have a decent life despite hard economic conditions and encourages development of their self-identity. Hesed provides a number of services aimed at supporting the needs of all, and particularly elderly members of the society. The major social services include: work in the center facilities (information, advertisement of the center activities, foreign ties and free lease of medical equipment); services at homes (care and help at home, food products delivery, delivery of hot meals, minor repairs); work in the community (clubs, meals together, day-time polyclinic, medical and legal consultations); service for volunteers (training programs). The Hesed centers have inspired a real revolution in the Jewish life in the FSU countries. People have seen and sensed the rebirth of the Jewish traditions of humanism. Currently over eighty Hesed centers exist in the FSU countries. Their activities cover the Jewish population of over eight hundred settlements.

2 Khrushchovka

Five-storied apartment buildings with small one, two or three-bedroom apartments, named after Nikita Khrushchev, head of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death. These apartment buildings were constructed in the framework of Khrushchev’s program of cheap dwelling in the new neighborhood of most Soviet cities.

3 Annexation of Bessarabia to the Soviet Union

At the end of June 1940 the Soviet Union demanded Romania to withdraw its troops from Bessarabia and to abandon the territory. Romania withdrew its troops and administration in the same month and between 28th June and 3rd July, the Soviets occupied the region. At the same time Romania was obliged to give up Northern Transylvania to Hungary and Southern-Dobrudja to Bulgaria. These territorial losses influenced Romanian politics during World War II to a great extent.

4 Moldova

Historic region between the Eastern Carpathians, the Dniester River and the Black Sea, also a contemporary state, bordering with Romania and Ukraine. Moldova was first mentioned after the end of the Mongol invasion in 14th century scripts as Eastern marquisate of the Hungarian Kingdom. For a long time, the Principality of Moldova was tributary of either Poland or Hungary until the Ottoman Empire took possession of it in 1512. The Sultans ruled Moldova indirectly by appointing the Prince of Moldova to govern the vassal principality. These were Moldovan boyars until the early 18th century and Greek (Phanariot) ones after. In 1812 Tsar Alexander I occupied the eastern part of Moldova (between the Prut and the Dniester river and the Black Sea) and attached it to its Empire under the name of Bessarabia. In 1859 the remaining part of Moldova merged with Wallachia. In 1862 the new country was called Romania, which was finally internationally recognized at the Treaty of Berlin in 1878. Bessarabia united with Romania after World War I, and was recaptured by the Soviet Union in 1940. The Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic gained independence after the break up of the Soviet Union in 1991 and is now called Moldovan Republic (Republica Moldova).

5 Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

6 Kishinev Ghetto

The annihilation of the Jews of Kishinev was carried out in several stages. With the entry of the Romanian and German units, an unknown number of Jews were slaughtered in the streets and in their homes. About 2,000 Jews, mainly of liberal professions (doctors, lawyers, engineers), and local Jewish intellectuals, were systematically executed. After the wave of killings, the 11,000 remaining Jews were concentrated in the ghetto, created on 24th July 1941, on the order of the Romanian district ruler and the German Einsatzkommando leader, Paul Zapp. The Jews of central Romania attempted to assist their brethren in the ghetto, sending large amounts of money by illegal means. A committee was formed to bribe the Romanian authorities so that they would not hand the Jews over to the Germans. In August about 7,500 Jewish people were sent to work in the Ghidighici quarries. That fall, on the Day of Atonement (4th October), the military authorities began deporting the remaining Jews in the ghetto to Transnistria, by order of the Romanian ruler, Ion Antonescu. One of the heads of the ghetto, the attorney Shapira, managed to alert the leaders of the Jewish communities in Bucharest, but attempts to halt the deportations were unsuccessful. The community was not completely liquidated, however, since some Jews had found hiding places in Kishinev and its vicinity or elsewhere in Romania. In May 1942, the last 200 Jews in the locality were deported. Kishinev was liberated in August 1944. At that time no Jews were left in the locality.

7 Soviet/Russian doctorate degrees

Graduate school in the Soviet Union (aspirantura, or ordinatura for medical students), which usually took about 3 years and resulted in a dissertation. Students who passed were awarded a 'kandidat nauk' (lit. candidate of sciences) degree. If a person wanted to proceed with his or her research, the next step would be to apply for a doctorate degree (doktarontura). To be awarded a doctorate degree, the person had to be involved in the academia, publish consistently, and write an original dissertation. In the end he/she would be awarded a 'doctor nauk' (lit. doctor of sciences) degree.

8 Realschule

Secondary school for boys. Students studied mathematics, physics, natural history, foreign languages and drawing. After finishing this school they could enter higher industrial and agricultural educational institutions.

9 Gagauz

A minority group in the territory of Moldova and the Ukraine, as well as Bulgaria, Romania, Greece and Turkey. It numbers about 200,000 individuals. Their language is Turkic in origin. In the Ukraine their written language is based on the Russian alphabet. They are Christian.

10 Annexation of Bessarabia to Romania

During the chaotic days of the Soviet Revolution the national assembly of Moldovans convoked to Kishinev decided on 4th December 1917 the proclamation of an independent Moldovan state. In order to impede autonomous aspirations, Russia occupied the Moldovan capital in January 1918. Upon Moldova’s desperate request, the army of neighboring Romania entered Kishinev in the same month recapturing the city from the Bolsheviks. This was the decisive step toward the union with Romania: the Moldovans accepted the annexation without any preliminary condition.

11 Bolsheviks

Members of the movement led by Lenin. The name ‘Bolshevik’ was coined in 1903 and denoted the group that emerged in elections to the key bodies in the Social Democratic Party (SDPRR) considering itself in the majority (Rus. bolshynstvo) within the party. It dubbed its opponents the minority (Rus. menshynstvo, the Mensheviks). Until 1906 the two groups formed one party. The Bolsheviks first gained popularity and support in society during the 1905-07 Revolution. During the February Revolution in 1917 the Bolsheviks were initially in the opposition to the Menshevik and SR (‘Sotsialrevolyutsionyery’, Socialist Revolutionaries) delegates who controlled the Soviets (councils). When Lenin returned from emigration (16 April) they proclaimed his program of action (the April theses) and under the slogan ‘All power to the Soviets’ began to Bolshevize the Soviets and prepare for a proletariat revolution. Agitation proceeded on a vast scale, especially in the army. The Bolsheviks set about creating their own armed forces, the Red Guard. Having overthrown the Provisional Government, they created a government with the support of the II Congress of Soviets (the October Revolution), to which they admitted some left-wing SRs in order to gain the support of the peasantry. In 1952 the Bolshevik party was renamed the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

12 Joint (American Jewish Joint Distribution Committee)

The Joint was formed in 1914 with the fusion of three American Jewish committees of assistance, which were alarmed by the suffering of Jews during World War I. In late 1944, the Joint entered Europe’s liberated areas and organized a massive relief operation. It provided food for Jewish survivors all over Europe, it supplied clothing, books and school supplies for children. It supported cultural amenities and brought religious supplies for the Jewish communities. The Joint also operated DP camps, in which it organized retraining programs to help people learn trades that would enable them to earn a living, while its cultural and religious activities helped re-establish Jewish life. The Joint was also closely involved in helping Jews to emigrate from Europe and from Muslim countries. The Joint was expelled from East Central Europe for decades during the Cold War and it has only come back to many of these countries after the fall of communism. Today the Joint provides social welfare programs for elderly Holocaust survivors and encourages Jewish renewal and communal development.

13 Gogol, Nikolai (1809-1852)

Russian novelist, dramatist, satirist, founder of the so-called critical realism in Russian literature, best known for his novel the Dead Souls (1842).

14 Chekhov, Anton Pavlovich (1860-1904)

Russian short-story writer and dramatist. Chekhov's hundreds of stories concern human folly, the tragedy of triviality, and the oppression of banality. His characters are drawn with compassion and humor in a clear, simple style noted for its realistic detail. His focus on internal drama was an innovation that had enormous influence on both Russian and foreign literature. His success as a dramatist was assured when the Moscow Art Theater took his works and staged great productions of his masterpieces, such as Uncle Vanya or The Three Sisters. and also had some religious instruction.

15 Odessa

The Jewish community of Odessa was the second biggest Jewish community in Russia. According to the census of 1897 there were 138,935 Jews in Odessa, which was 34,41% of the local population. There were 7 big synagogues and 49 prayer houses in Odessa. There were heders in 19 prayer houses.

16 Fighting battalion

People’s volunteer corps during World War II; its soldiers patrolled towns, dug trenches and kept an eye on buildings during night bombing raids. Students often volunteered for these fighting battalions.

17 Pushkin, Alexandr (1799-1837)

Russian poet and prose writer, among the foremost figures in Russian literature. Pushkin established the modern poetic language of Russia, using Russian history for the basis of many of his works. His masterpiece is Eugene Onegin, a novel in verse about mutually rejected love. The work also contains witty and perceptive descriptions of Russian society of the period. Pushkin died in a duel.

18 Lermontov, Mikhail, (1814-1841)

Russian poet and novelist. His poetic reputation, second in Russia only to Pushkin's, rests upon the lyric and narrative works of his last five years. Lermontov, who had sought a position in fashionable society, became enormously critical of it. His novel, A Hero of Our Time (1840), is partly autobiographical. It consists of five tales about Pechorin, a disenchanted and bored nobleman. The novel is considered a classic of Russian psychological realism.

19 NKVD

People’s Committee of Internal Affairs; it took over from the GPU, the state security agency, in 1934.

20 Kolkhoz

In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

21 Card system

The food card system regulating the distribution of food and industrial products was introduced in the USSR in 1929 due to extreme deficit of consumer goods and food. The system was cancelled in 1931. In 1941, food cards were reintroduced to keep records, distribute and regulate food supplies to the population. The card system covered main food products such as bread, meat, oil, sugar, salt, cereals, etc. The rations varied depending on which social group one belonged to, and what kind of work one did. Workers in the heavy industry and defense enterprises received a daily ration of 800 g (miners - 1 kg) of bread per person; workers in other industries 600 g. Non-manual workers received 400 or 500 g based on the significance of their enterprise, and children 400 g. However, the card system only covered industrial workers and residents of towns while villagers never had any provisions of this kind. The card system was cancelled in 1947.

22 Kalinin, Mikhail (1875-1946)

Soviet politician, one of the editors of the party newspaper Pravda, chairman of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee of Soviets of the RSFSR (1919-1922), chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the RSFSR (1922-1938), chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR (1938-1946). He was one of Stalin’s closest political allies.

23 Russian stove

Big stone stove stoked with wood. They were usually built in a corner of the kitchen and served to heat the house and cook food. It had a bench that made a comfortable bed for children and adults in wintertime.

24 Labor army

it was made up of men of call-up age not trusted to carry firearms by the Soviet authorities. Such people were those living on the territories annexed by the USSR in 1940 (Eastern Poland, the Baltic States, parts of Karelia, Bessarabia and northern Bukovina) as well as ethnic Germans living in the Soviet Union proper. The labor army was employed for carrying out tough work, in the woods or in mines. During the first winter of the war, 30 percent of those drafted into the labor army died of starvation and hard work. The number of people in the labor army decreased sharply when the larger part of its contingent was transferred to the national Estonian, Latvian, and Lithuanian Corps, created at the beginning of 1942. The remaining labor detachments were maintained up until the end of the war.

25 All-Union pioneer organization

a communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

26 Moscow State University

founded in 1755, the university was for a long time the only learning institution in Russia open to the general public. In the Soviet time, it was the biggest and perhaps the most prestigious university in the country. At present there are over 40,000 undergraduates and 7,000 graduate students at MSU.

27 Mandatory job assignment in the USSR

Graduates of higher educational institutions had to complete a mandatory 2-year job assignment issued by the institution from which they graduated. After finishing this assignment young people were allowed to get employment at their discretion in any town or organization.

28 Communal apartment

The Soviet power wanted to improve housing conditions by requisitioning ‘excess’ living space of wealthy families after the Revolution of 1917. Apartments were shared by several families with each family occupying one room and sharing the kitchen, toilet and bathroom with other tenants. Because of the chronic shortage of dwelling space in towns communal or shared apartments continued to exist for decades. Despite state programs for the construction of more houses and the liquidation of communal apartments, which began in the 1960s, shared apartments still exist today.

29 Komsomol

Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

30 Doctors’ Plot

The Doctors’ Plot was an alleged conspiracy of a group of Moscow doctors to murder leading government and party officials. In January 1953, the Soviet press reported that nine doctors, six of whom were Jewish, had been arrested and confessed their guilt. As Stalin died in March 1953, the trial never took place. The official paper of the Party, the Pravda, later announced that the charges against the doctors were false and their confessions obtained by torture. This case was one of the worst anti-Semitic incidents during Stalin’s reign. In his secret speech at the Twentieth Party Congress in 1956 Khrushchev stated that Stalin wanted to use the Plot to purge the top Soviet leadership.

31 Mayakovsky, Vladimir Vladimirovich (1893-1930)

Russian poet and dramatist. Mayakovsky joined the Social Democratic Party in 1908 and spent much time in prison for his political activities for the next two years. Mayakovsky triumphantly greeted the Revolution of 1917 and later he composed propaganda verse and read it before crowds of workers throughout the country. He became gradually disillusioned with Soviet life after the Revolution and grew more critical of it. Vladimir Ilyich Lenin (1924) ranks among Mayakovsky’s best-known longer poems. However, his struggle with literary opponents and unhappy romantic experiences resulted in him committing suicide in 1930.

32 Party Schools

They were established after the Revolution of 1917, in different levels, with the purpose of training communist cadres and activists. Subjects such as ‘scientific socialism’ (Marxist-Leninist Philosophy) and ‘political economics’ besides various other political disciplines were taught there.

33 Six-Day-War

The first strikes of the Six-Day-War happened on 5th June 1967 by the Israeli Air Force. The entire war only lasted 132 hours and 30 minutes. The fighting on the Egyptian side only lasted four days, while fighting on the Jordanian side lasted three. Despite the short length of the war, this was one of the most dramatic and devastating wars ever fought between Israel and all of the Arab nations. This war resulted in a depression that lasted for many years after it ended. The Six-Day-War increased tension between the Arab nations and the Western World because of the change in mentalities and political orientations of the Arab nations.

34 Yom Kippur War

The Arab-Israeli War of 1973, also known as the Yom Kippur War or the Ramadan War, was a war between Israel on one side and Egypt and Syria on the other side. It was the fourth major military confrontation between Israel and the Arab states. The war lasted for three weeks: it started on 6th October 1973 and ended on 22nd October on the Syrian front and on 26th October on the Egyptian front.

Tsylia Liatun

Tsylia Liatun
Odessa
Ukraine
Interviewer: Tatiana Portnaya
Date of interview: January 2003

Tsylia Liatun is a small woman with bright brown eyes. She is a very lively and active person; during our conversation, Tsylia jumped up several times to take care of something in the house. She lives in a three-room apartment together with her daughter and her daughter’s family. Tsylia is responsible for the entire household - she cleans, knits, and sews for her relatives.

Family Background

​Growing Up

Soviet Invasion of Latvia and Exile to Siberia

Life After Stalin

Glossary

Family Background

My grandfather on my mother’s side Shymon Videtskiy was born in Riga [Latvia, then the part of Russia]. Regretfully, I cannot tell you even approximate date of his birth. All I know about him is that he was a high skilled tailor. He was particularly good at darning that was a very rare skill at the time. He could darn a tailcoat or tuxedo in such fashion that couldn’t even find the spot that he had darned. Grandfather cut fabrics and grandmother and an employee assisted him to put together a shirt or another piece of clothing. My grandfather was a tall man with gray hair. He had a terrific sense of humor and he was called ‘governor of laughter’: he knew a number of anecdotes and knew when to tell a joke. My grandparents lived in a 3-room apartment in Marinyinskaya Street near the center of the city. It wasn’t richly furnished, but it was ideally clean and tidy.  My grandfather wore ordinary clothes. When going to synagogue he put on a kippah or a hat. There were quite a few synagogues in Riga, but grandfather went to the main synagogue in Gogol Street. It was a beautiful synagogue. Germans burnt it with people inside during the Great Patriotic War 1. In the morning grandfather prayed, having his tallit on. We often visited grandparents at Sabbath. Grandmother put on a kerchief and lit two candles and grandfather said kiddush. They spoke Yiddish in the family. At the end of his life grandfather had diabetes and went blind. Grandfather died in 1930 when I was 7 years old. He was buried in accordance with the Jewish traditions. There was a Chevra Kaddisha at the synagogue: undertaker’s group. They put special clothing on my grandfather [takrikhim – simple linen shroud.] My mother was wearing a torn dress and the family observed shivah for a week. We were overwhelmed with grief: we loved grandfather a lot. 

My grandmother on my mother’s side Rosa Videtskaya was born in Riga in 1859. She was a wise, reserved and brave woman that supported and helped her husband through the lifetime. They were a poor family. During WWI they starved. Grandmother forced grandfather to make underwear for soldiers that she sold at the market. Grandmother Rosa never complained or cried in front of her children or grandchildren. We loved her dearly. One could always discuss any subject with her. I don’t think grandmother had any education. She only spoke Yiddish. Grandmother Rosa was shot by Germans in 1941 when Riga was occupied. Grandmother Rosa had four children. She raised them in strictness. They were all very close.  All children were born in Riga.

My mother’s older sister Dora was born in 1883. She finished a Russian grammar school and spoke 4 languages: Russian, German, Latish and Yiddish.  She was very hardworking and always helped grandmother. Dora got married young. Her husband Abram was a very handsome young man. He finished cheder and was religious. He spent his days in prayers and reading the Torah. Grandfather Shymon even got exasperated with him ‘Abram, you are a good Jew spending a lot of your time in prayers, but you have a wife and children. Who is going to provide for them?’ Dora’s family was very poor. Dora worked at grandfather’s shop and her husband Abram also learned to cut fabrics and sew in due time. They had four children. Their older son Solomon, a very handsome boy, finished a music school. He sang beautifully and played the piano and other instruments.  Solomon married a Jewish girl after he returned from the Latvian army. Dora’s son Ilia, a charming red-haired boy, lived with us until he finished the 4th form at school.. Dora was very poor and we helped her as much as we could. When he was a senior student at school Ilia got fond of communist ideas and began to attend communist meeting. Someone reported on him and Ilia was imprisoned. My father left a bail for him, he was released on condition that he goes somewhere else and he moved to Lithuania nearby where he finished school. The third son Tsalel was born in 1923. Dora’s younger daughter Rebecca was born around 1925. Dora’s family - her husband Abram and her children (Solomon and his wife, Ilia, Tsalel and Rebecca) perished in the ghetto in Riga.

My mother’s older brother Max was born in 1885. He studied at Russian grammar school and music school. Max had a beautiful voice and sang in the choir at the synagogue and in the concerts. In 1901, when he turned 16, he went to study at the conservatory in Germany. A community from Latvia paid for his education.   Max settled down in the capital of Germany. At 20 he married a Jewish girl. One year before Hitler came to power my mother went to visit him. Max had a poor heart and was taking medical treatment at a resort. When he was coming back from there his whole family came to meet him at the station: his wife, children, grandchildren and my mother. He got so excited that he had a heart attack when he saw them. The ambulance arrived too late: uncle Max died at the railway station. Max’ wife perished in a German concentration camp. They had three children: older son Walter, daughter Ilza and a younger son, whose name I don’t remember. Walter was married to a German woman. They had three children.. After Hitler came to power Walter’s wife got a divorce and left with her daughter. Walter and his sons (they were circumcised) perished in a concentration camp in Germany in 1940. Uncle Max’ second son emigrated to South America at the beginning of 1933. I have no more information about him. Max’ daughter Ilza moved to her grandmother Dora in Riga hoping to move to South America from there, but she failed. Ilza perished in 1941 when Germans occupied Latvia. She and my grandmother Rosa were shot.

My mother’s younger sister Zhenia was born in 1889. She finished grammar school like my mother. After school she was an assistant at my grandfather’s shop. She got married at 21. My grandmother told me that Zhenia had a traditional wedding with a chuppah. Her husband’s name was Sasha Medynch, but I don’t remember his Jewish name. After their wedding Zhenia and her husband lived with my grandmother. Zhenia had two children: Semyon and Lyuba. She was a housewife. Her husband was a timber dealer and earned good money. He spoke fluent German, English and Latish. At home the family spoke Yiddish. Zhenia, her husband and two daughters perished in the ghetto in Riga. I don’t know how it happened. 

My mother Sarah-Maria Videtskaya was born in 1887. She was a middle daughter in the family. She finished a grammar school like all other children in the family. My mother was a very reserved, intelligent and well-read person.  I don’t remember her ever raising her voice at anyone in her life.

I have practically no information about my grandfather on my father’s side Khanaan Kats. He died in 1901 when my father was 12.  Grandfather lived in the town of Ionishkis in Lithuania.

I remember my father’s mother Shprintse Kats well. She was born in 1863. I guess, she was born in Lithuania [then the part of Russia]; I don’t know her maiden name. My grandmother spoke German, Russian and Lithuanian. She read a lot. She used to read a pile of newspapers. I guess, she must have got education, but I don’t know where she studied. Grandmother spoke Yiddish at home. She was very religious. She didn’t wear a wig, but she always had her head covered with a lace kerchief. Grandmother strictly observed kashrut and watched that all members of the family observed the rules using the right utensils and tableware. She celebrated Sabbath and taught my sister and me that a woman was to light two candles and a girl – one candle and we liked listening to her. She said prayers in Hebrew and we learned them with her. My aunts told me that they lived in a small two-storied house in Ionishkis. They kept geese, chickens, ducks and a cow. Later grandmother and her children moved to Riga where grandmother lived with her son Izia. When the Great Patriotic War began grandmother and younger children tried to escape from Riga. Grandmother was ill and they carried her on a stretcher. She begged her children to leave her in Riga and escape while it was possible to escape, but they couldn’t leave her. They all perished. I don’t know any details: I got all this information from their neighbors when I visited Riga. Grandmother had 8 children. They all were born in Ionishkis. She raised them and gave them education.
   
My father’s sister Ella was born in 1891. She finished a Russian school and got married in Riga. Her husband was a hardworking man. They worked at a store and got rich soon. They had a nice apartment not far from where we lived. As all the other our relatives they visited as very often - on Sabbath and all the Jewish and family holydays. Aunt Ella had two children: daughter Rebecca and son David. They all perished in the ghetto in Riga.  
 
My father’s sister Tsylia was born in 1910s. She was married to Mr. Fridlinberg. They lived in a small town of Elgava, near Riga. They had two children: son Jacob and daughter Rachel.  I don’t know what they did for a living, but when they visited us they looked happy and content. They all perished in the ghetto in Riga.

My father’s sister Nadia was the next child. She married a very religious man in Riga. I believe he was a rabbi. Aunt Nadia worked at my father’s store. She had four daughters. Her husband kept telling her that he wanted a son and that she would have children until one of them was a boy. Their son was their fifth child. Aunt Nadia, her husband and their five children perished in the ghetto in Riga.

My aunt Mina was the 5th child in the family. After getting married she moved to a small town of Valka near the border in Estonia. She had two children. At the beginning of the Great Patriotic War her husband (I don’t remember his name) was recruited to the front. Mina and her children managed to evacuate to Fergana. I know that they returned to Valka in 1944. Aunt Mina was the only survivor of the Holocaust of my father’s sisters. Aunt Mina and her husband lived to an old age and died and were buried in Estonia. Her daughter Eta moved to Israel in 1970s, and sons Khenah and Sholom emigrated to USA in the same year.

My father’s sister Slava worked at my father’s store. She was married and had a son. My father’s younger brother Izia lived with grandmother. Father bought a small store for him where he worked before the war.  My father’s younger sister Frida was born in 1901. She lived in our house and helped father in the store before she got married.  She was pregnant when the war began. When fascists were not far from Riga grandmother Rosa, aunt Slava, her husband and son, uncle Izia and Frida and her husband tried to escape, but were killed by Germans. Our neighbors, friends and acquaintances told me about it when I visited Riga.

My father Mendel-Leib Kats, born in 1889, was the oldest child in the family.  When grandfather died my father was 12. He realized there was nobody, but himself he could rely upon.  Around 1901 he left Lithuania for Riga where he became a courier in a haberdashery store. He had no profession, but he had a good conduct of German and could read and write well. His master liked him a lot. Father was honest and hardworking and soon became a trade agent traded with haberdashery. He traveled in the country executing trade deals. He also studied at the Russian grammar school. He finished grammar school by passing exams without attending classes. He was eager to start his own business, but he could only dream about it since he had no money. He even found a small store in the center of Riga that he liked. He showed it to us later. He went to walk past this store pretending he was an owner, but there was a long way to go before he could become an owner. My father worked and sent his mother some money to support her.  

Father met my mother in 1912. They started seeing each other, when in 1914 World War I began and my father was recruited to the army. My father didn’t like to talk about his service in the army that lasted 7 years [Because of World War I, October Revolution 2 and Civil War 3]. But thank God, the war was over and he returned home around 1921. My father talked with my mother’s father Shymon and they appointed the day of their wedding. My parents had a traditional wedding with a chuppah in 1921, but there was no wedding party since they were so poor that they couldn’t afford one. My father was 32 and my mother was 34 when they got married. 

My parents rented a small one-room apartment. There was only a bed in their room.  The political situation in the town as in the land was unstable till 1922: the power switched from one group to another and there was shooting heard all around [In February 1922 Latvia became an independent republic]. Once my mother was sitting by the window. She was pregnant with my older sister. All of a sudden a stray bullet flew in few centimeters above my mother’s head hitting the wall behind her. My mother got so scared that she started premature labor. They called a doctor. My sister was born seven months old. She was so weak that there was little hope she would make it into this world. My father wrapped her tiny body into cotton wool and tried to warm her with his breathing. All of a sudden the baby began to mew like a kitten. The doctor began to pour cold and hot water on her and slap her on her cheeks and bum to make her cry. And she did – she fought for her life! This was how my sister Rebecca Kats was born into this world. I, Tsylia Kats, was born on 26 February 1923.

Growing Up

My father was thinking about starting his own business. His landlord helped him. He suggested that my father rented a facility for a store on the ground floor and gave my father some money without having any guarantee to get it back. He saw that my father was very business-oriented and trusted him. My father began selling bagels and was a success. Gradually he began to purchase haberdashery, fabrics and underwear in Germany. He finished a commercial school and learned English after the wedding. He also knew French, German and Latish. My father often traveled. He attended famous World exhibitions in Paris and London and knew the market for his goods very well. Later he rented the 2nd floor for a haberdashery store. He was awarded the title of First Guild Merchant 4. He had many business contacts with many people of different origin. They often came to us, even to dinner to our home, but they were not friends. My parents only had Jewish friends. 

My father was a handsome slender man with blue eyes and wavy dark auburn hair.  He was hot-tempered, but also quick to calm down. My sister and I were afraid of him when he was angry. Our father happened to come home after work and sit down to read newspapers. At such moments my sister and I knew that he was in bad mood and didn’t bother him until he called us. We were not punished, although my sister was every now and then for lying. My father didn’t like people lying. He used to say that if a person could lie than he might steal, too.  I didn’t lie and was his pet.

We lived in a beautiful 5-room apartment with a bay window. We had a big dining room with carved furniture. Chests of drawers and cupboards were decorated with beautiful carvings. There was a big roundtable and 12 chairs there. There was also a big living room and an expensive German grand piano that my sister played on it.  There were two children’s rooms: one my sister’s and one mine, and our parents’ bedroom. There were many beautiful things at home. There were few pictures. Father bought only originals that were way too expensive. I remember one picture. It was ‘Appassionato’ hanging above the piano in the living room. I don’t know its painter, but I liked it tremendously. There were polished parquet floors in all rooms.  We had two housemaids. At first, Julia, she got married and left. And after Julia was Manya. Manya was my mother’s classmate in grammar school.  They were close friends and Manya was almost one of us. She was strict and my sister and I obeyed her even more than our parents.  She spoke Russian to us and I learned Russian from her.

I had a happy childhood. I had a nanny (grandmother Rosa nursed my sister ) since my mother had to assist father at the store. I had a Lithuanian nanny that spent a lot of time with me taking me for walks and entertaining me. She didn’t allow other people even to look at me protecting me from an evil eye. When I grew older my parents hired a Russian governess that had professional education. She was called ‘Miss’ in the house. She was Russian, but she was a Catholic. My older sister Rebecca went to school, our mother and father were at work, housemaid was busy about the house and I spent my days with the ‘Miss’. Once she took me to the cathedral. It was beautiful there. It smelled of incense and there were candles burning. I liked it there and shared my impressions with my parents in the evening. My mother told the governess off and even thought of firing her, but then she was forgiven.  

I was still a small girl when my father received a letter from grandmother Shprintse. She wrote that their cow died and life became hard. My father took all his brothers and sisters to Riga opening stores for them and renting apartments. Grandmother Shprintse stayed with us for some time. When all our relatives got together there were 62 of us. My mother told me this number. We had a traditional family that observed all covenants of the Torah. We only bought kosher food and had kosher dishes and utensils. Our housemaid Manya watched that kashrut was strictly observed in our house, although she was a Russian woman. She told us off if we mixed dishes for meat and dairy products. Poultry and meat was purchased in special Jewish stores.  We had a Torah, tallit and siddurim at home. All accessories for Sabbath were silver. We had beautiful dishes for Pesach that were kept on the attic. Before Pesach there was a major clean up of the house. We gave away  all bread products left to other, non-Jewish people. There was not a single breadcrumb at home during Pesach. There was matzah and a matzah cake made at Pesach. My father made special wine. There were delicious dumplings that I make nowadays, too. Mother and Manya made Gefilte fish. My father put on his tallit on big holidays and went to pray at the synagogue. All big holidays we celebrated at home and all our relatives came to us while my father was the richest among them. We spoke Yiddish in the family and said prayers in Hebrew. My sister and I had our small siddurim. Our friends were children from a Jewish school. We spoke Yiddish with them and they were allowed to visit us at home. We spoke Yiddish in public places as well, although it wasn’t quite common in Latvia. Letts are anti-Semitic, I believe, but since they are so reserved I never heard any abusive comments addressed to Jews.

My sister Rebecca went to the ‘Riga Jewish school and grammar school’. Rebecca was a talented girl and always had a hobby that interfered with her studies, but since she was quick and smart she had best marks at school. Rebecca was a kind girl. She always brought home homeless or ill cats. She was very good at music. She went to a music school studying to play the piano. There were often music parties arranged at our home where Rebecca and our cousin brothers and sisters played various musical instruments.  

In 1930 I went to the same school that my older sister studied at. This was a Jewish state school for girls. There were 40 pupils in a class. The subjects were taught in German. We studied Latin, English, French and Hebrew. At our religious classes we studied traditions and history of the Jewish people. We also studied prayers. Every morning we said a prayer in Hebrew and then sang the anthem of Latvia. I met Esia Kaplan that became my very close friend. We are still friends. I was good at my studies, but I didn’t like mathematics and called my teacher ‘a cobra’. My father helped me to do my homework and I seemed to understand what he tried to explain, but at school, as soon as my name was called I began to tremble all over and forgot everything I seemed to know. My parents were trying to teach me to play the piano, but the moment I sat down for my music class I began to cry loudly and did my utmost to demonstrate my misery. This lasted 3 years until I stirred up my parents’ pity and they allowed me to quit the music school.   When I was in the 4th form of secondary school I was enrolled in a private ballet school. I also had a French and English teachers that gave me classes at home. I read a lot. My mother was worried that I spent a lot of time studying and didn’t take enough rest, but my father believed it was better to engage a child to the utmost to allow no waste of time. In 1934 I became a member of ‘Betar’ – an organization for Jewish boys and girls that studied Hebrew, history of Palestine. We dreamed about going to the Promised land to build the state of Israel. We sang songs in Hebrew. We had blue and white uniforms and spent vacations in camps at the Baltic seashore. After the Soviet troops came to Latvia 5 father burned my Betar uniform [in the USSR all Jewish organization were forbidden].

We didn’t do any housework – we didn’t even wash a cup. My mother only demanded that we washed our panties and stockings and darned our stockings. I had many expensive clothes. Before going to bed I took off my clothing and threw it on an armchair beside my bed. Sometimes there were heaps of clothes on the armchair.  After finishing the 7th form at secondary school I went to the 8th form in grammar school. Only professors could teach in grammar school since there was a requirement that one needed to have the title of professor to work at grammar school. We had a wonderful teacher of history; he was German and his name was Letz. I remember him and his classes and I even helped my grandchildren with their homework in history.

When my sister was in the 9th form she fell in love and told father that she wanted to get married and if she is not allowed to do so she would leave home. My father got so angry that he even hit her, but he calmed down promptly and found a compromise.  Father demanded that my sister finished the 9th form and took a course in accounting. She also worked as a cashier in his store. She worked another year before she got married. Her husband Efraim Kann was 24. He had serve in the army by that time and was a shop assistant in a car shop. This job enabled him to provide for the family.

They had a traditional Jewish wedding and a wedding party at our home and in the apartment of our neighbors, a Jewish family, on the same floor where we lived. 
There were Jewish cooks that made food for the wedding and mother and Manya was their supervisor. They made plenty of food. I remember the wedding very well. At the beginning Efraim, the rabbi and other men got together and talked in whisper about something. I guess, they were talking about the contract. Then my sister came out in her long white gown escorted by six friends wearing fancy dresses. She was sitting at a low table for gifts in the corner. Then the bridegroom came. He was wearing a tuxedo and a top hat. Then the rabbi came and a chuppah was installed.  The rabbi said a prayer. Then my sister’s friends and mother took my sister round the bridegroom several times. Then the rabbi gave the bride and bridegroom a glass of wine. They sipped some wine and broke the glass. Then everybody danced traditional Jewish dances. I remember Horah. There was a group of violinists playing.  The wedding was beautiful and ceremonious.

My parents made a generous gift to the newly weds. They rented an apartment and furnished it richly. Rebecca didn’t work after she got married. Soon she gave birth to a girl, Atara. My sister was a housewife and had a baby and was tied to her home. She was only 18 and she felt as if she were in prison. She wanted more freedom and entertainment. Her friends came to see her. They had coffee, played cards and socialized.  Once she went to a coffee shop with a friend of hers and I stayed with the baby. Her husband got to know about it and they had an argument. On the following day he submitted his application for a divorce without going into detail of what happened. He got a divorce immediately and my sister returned to her parents’ home. He was very sorry for what he had done. He often came to dinners and stayed overnight in our house. They were going to remarry, but this was not to happen. In 1940 Efraim got a job of a driver for a Soviet official. He perished at the very beginning of the war.

Soviet Invasion of Latvia and Exile to Siberia

When in 1940 Soviet troops came to Latvia my father said 'That's it, friends, life is over'. This was true. Soviet authorities allowed only to have a small apartment with standard 4 square meters per person. We were looking for a small apartment, but it was not an easy mission. We found a 3-room apartment that was still way too big. We let the family of director of school move in with us. Soviet authorities demanded that father paid taxes for the store and when father showed them confirmation that he had paid all taxes they said ‘You’ve paid to Latvians and now you will pay the Soviet authorities’. My father didn’t have any cash since his money was in circulation. We sold our chandelier, carpets and many other things from home to pay this tax, but we didn’t get sufficient amount. The store was confiscated and my parents lost their job. I went to study in an evening school since I had to look for a job. We were having a hard time, but the hardest time was ahead of us. One night in 1941 two NKVD 6 officers came to our home to declare that we were to be deported. My father was just an exploiter for Soviet officials that made his living exploiting hard work of shop assistants and other employees. 

On 14 June 1941 my mother and I were deported to Siberia and my father was sent to a concentration camp. This was the hardest day in my life. This was the last time I saw my sister and my father. My father went to a camp by train on that day. I was searching for him for a long while later. I wrote requests to NKVD and to all camps, but they responded that they didn’t have any information about him. I heard about my father from the father of my school friend Esia Kaplan. Her father was in the same camp where my father was. He survived. After he was released he found me and said that my father was sent to Perm region near Solikamsk town [2 300 kms to the northeast from Odessa]. The camp was at the wood cutting facility. My father lived there in the camp for over a year. He worked at the wood cutting facility for a year and then fell ill. He had kidney problems. He died either of starvation or disease in December 1942.  

My sister Rebecca and her daughter Atara perished in the ghetto in Riga. Germans exterminated children and then shot women in the Forest Part. Rebecca was praying constantly begging for the Lord to take her to Him. My friend Esia Kaplan told me about it. Esia was taken as slave to Belgium. She survived the war. My relatives are buried in the area that is called the Forest park. Many years later some wealthy Americans installed a memorial that I take as a monument to my relatives that had perished.

My mother and I were put on a train with barred windows. There were plank beds covered with straw. There was a convoy guard in each railcar. We traveled for about months. On 22 June the Great Patriotic War began when we were on the train.  Our guard was a kind young soldier that allowed us to get off at stops to get some water and even allowed to open windows. My friends Betia Serebro that was older and smarter than I offered me to run away, but I couldn’t leave mother. Betia got off at a stop and the guard didn’t notice that she vanished. Betia joined a group of refugees. She explained that she had left her documents at home and her house was ruined. She survived and resides in Israel. I communicate with her on the phone.

My mother didn’t speak from the moment we parted with my sister and father at the railway station. She didn’t eat or sleep. She only moaned quietly. I was afraid she was losing her mind. Other women cried loudly, hit their head on the wall while my mother sat quietly staring at one spot. We were taken to Taseevo village in Krasnoyarsk region, Siberia, [4 400 kms to the northeast from Odessa]. We stayed there for 9months. I didn’t work at the beginning, but then I went to the local NKVD office asking them to provide employment to me. They sent me to work on the bank of the river where I had to cut planks from logs. To do this work one didn’t need any education. I believe in God and I think He gave me such character that enabled me to not be afraid of any work. I did any manual work in Siberia, even though I didn’t do any physical work at home.

At first we were renting a room with two Latvian women that were sent in exile for being the wives of policemen. In sometime we moved into a room with a nice Jewish woman that had two children: a boy and a girl. I don’t remember the girl’s name, but she taught me to alter clothes, since the clothes we had with us did seem out of place. The boy – Ziama taught me to read and write in Russian. My mother felt miserable. She heard that Germans were exterminating Jews and she understood that she would never see her dear ones again. In 9 months we were sent to the collective farm located near Taseevo, but there was no work for me there. I was called by authorities that said that I might be employed by a fishing crew in the Far North. When I heard that I had to go there alone leaving my mother I refused. It sometimes occurs to me that I must have had the will of steel to calmly reply to NKVD officers ‘Even if you kill me I won’t go without mother’.  

In spring 1942 my mother and I were sent to Eniseysk station. I signed a document obliging me to do my mother’s portion of work as well. My mother was 55, but she turned into an old and sick woman. We lived in the street at this station for about a month. We were lucky that it was warm at this time in April and May. We were kept as if we were evil criminals. We were convoyed even to the toilet or canteen. Later we were put on a boat sailing up the river to the north. I don’t remember what river it was.  Groups of 20-30 people were left on the banks of the river where there were no settlements whatsoever. When we got off the boat we excavated a mud-hut. I understood in exile that a human being could get used to any condition and that there was little one needed in life. I realized that time deadened any feelings. In 14 years in exile I learned to look at things from a different standpoint. I found out that a mud-hut was much better than a barrack for 40-50 people.  I learned to make mud-houses and they were not too bad.  I could make a table, a bed or a stool.  In 14 years we were moved to other locations 13 times. I cannot even list all areas where we lived.  There was a taiga around, there were rivers in the taiga and we moved from one location to another with our miserable belongings. We were always guarded, but I couldn’t understand why. There was no place to run.

I met many people of various nationalities in exile and in all those years I never heard the word ‘zhyd’ [kike]. I guess, the Soviet power had many enemies. There were people of different nationalities with us: Russian, Ukrainian, Armenian, Georgian, Azerbaidjanian. We supported each other: disaster makes people closer. People were dying like flies from starvation, hard work, typhoid and scurvy. There was an undertakers’ group that had a lot of work to do.

My mother and I always identified ourselves as Jews, but observing of traditions in exile was out of the question. We were on the edge of survival. I did say the ‘Shma Israel’ prayer at the worst times. There were also funny moments in our life there. On the bank of the Laptay River, in 70 km from the North Sea there were Germans from Povolzhie: hardworking and very tidy people, but somewhat narrow-minded. They didn’t even know that there was a nation of Jewish people. They had a Lutheran book of prayers written in Gothic script that I studied at grammar school. They asked me to read it for them on Sunday. I asked my mother whether it was all right with her and she said that if it’s for the good of these people she didn’t mind. So I served as ‘pastor’ for some time in exile.

I hate to go back to this period of my life: life was hard and humiliating, but we came over it. Through all years in exile I was fighting with jailers that wanted to separate my mother and me. But we stayed together. I’ve always asked myself one and the same question: ‘Did God rescue or punish me by sending in exile? Was it the matter of either perishing in a ghetto or going across Siberia in exile?’ I haven’t found an answer yet. In 1948 somebody told me about establishment of the state of Israel. I was happy, but only in my thoughts. At that time I couldn’t share my joy with anyone, but mother. 

In 1948 we were taken to Igarka town [4 000 kms to the northeast of Odessa] to work at a timber facility. It was a picturesque spot on the bank of the Enisey River. In 1949 my future husband was taken there, too. Alexandr Liatun, Ukrainian, was born in Boyarka near Kiev in 1905. He left for Novosibirsk in his late teens. He studied at the Law faculty in an Institute. After he finished the third year of studies he was recruited to serve in militia. He studied at an evening department. Alexandr worked as investigation officer and then as a district prosecutor. In 1937, when the period of arrests [Great Terror] 7 began he tried to rescue the wife and children of one of arrested people from exile and was fired from work. In a year he was sent to a camp in the Ural.  In the late 1940s after liberation he went to live with his friend in Tashkent. His friend helped him to get employed in an accounting office, but in some time Alexandr was arrested again. [At Stalin’s period in USSR they practiced repeated arrests without any evident reasons.] He was kept in jail for a year and in 1949 he was sent to reside in Igarka town where he got a job as a laborer at the timber facility. We met there. We couldn’t obtain a permit to get married for a long time: the authorities kept telling us that we needed a permit from Moscow. We got married in 1950 and in 1951 our daughter Tatiana was born.

Life After Stalin

In 1953 Stalin died. The only thing we were sorry about was that he hadn’t died 10 years before. There would have been less suffering. In 1954 after Stalin’s death we received temporary identity cards and later we received passports with a note that we were convicts. My friends advised me to submit a request to have my passport reissued explaining that I had lost mine. I, my mother and my husband received another passport without the note about my being a convict.  We stayed in Igarka until 1960. We were not subject to any residential restrictions any longer and could travel to any place in the country.  I can’t say life was too bad. You can’t imagine how little a person needs to be happy. I had my beloved husband and daughter beside me. We rented a room that was our home. My husband hammered nails in the wall and hung a piece of cloth to hide our clothes hanging there: this served as a wardrobe. It was nice and convenient! I learned to make clothes. At first I learned to make men’s clothes and later learned to make women’s clothes as well.

In 1960 we moved to my husband’s sister in the very little town of Boyarka near Kiev. There were almost no Jews there then. She had two small summerhouses near Kiev and offered us to stay in one of these houses.  Alexandr agreed and we moved there. There was no electricity or heating in the house, but this could hardly discourage us after all hardships we went through. We refurbished the house, installed the heating system and the lighting. My husband got a job at the varnish-and-paint in Kiev that an acquaintance of his helped him to get. He commuted to Kiev by train every day. He got a salary of 100 rubles. After he retired he did the housework: cleaned, washed and cooked and kept rabbits and chickens. He was very good at keeping the house since I was too busy working at a shop. My mother died in 1964. We buried her in Boyarka in a single little town cemetery. Jewish tradition was not observed then.

When I visited Riga in 1961 the town seemed empty to me. Of course, Riga is a very beautiful town, but for me it was a cemetery of the town. Walking in the town I recalled my deceased relatives, our life and my childhood. I stayed with my cousin Eta, my father sister Mina’s daughter. In 1970s Mina wrote that she was moving to Israel. It was a dream of my life to live in Israel and I was very happy for my cousin, but I was also concerned about me and about her. Before they obtained a permit to leave they made several trips to Moscow spending their time and money and every time they were told that their documents were not ready and that they had to come another time.  My cousin was fired from the kindergarten where she worked as a teacher. They left without a penny. They didn’t have any jewelry and they couldn’t sell their apartment since it didn’t belong to them. We didn’t even go to see them off: my cousin was so worried that we might have problems after they left.  At that tie there were grounds for concern, but not as deep as during Stalin’s period. They made it all right in Israel. My cousin’s husband got a job of electrician at a plant and had another part-time job and my cousin worked at a store.  

My daughter Tatiana studied at school in Igarka for two years and when we moved to Boyarka we sent Tatiana to a Ukrainian secondary school. She wrote her first dictation in Ukrainian with 52 mistakes, but in due time she learned Ukrainian and finished her third year at school with the highest grades. My daughter finished school with a gold medal and in 1968 she entered the Faculty of hydro acoustics at the Kiev Polytechnic institute. Tatiana was a smart girl. When studying at the institute she had training at the Kiev Scientific Research ‘Hydropribor’. Upon graduation this Institute offered her a job at the closed laboratory [involved in secret developments], but in half a year the management of the institute all of a sudden got concerned about her opportunity to work at the secret laboratory considering that her father and mother were repressed and her mother was a Jew to crown it all, her grandfather died in a camp and her grandmother was repressed, too. Her management called her and offered her to write a letter of resignation. When she refused they threatened to fire her, but my daughter is as obstinate as I was and she replied ‘All right, you can fire me, but I am not going to write a letter of resignation!’ She was asked to see manager of department 1 that turned out to be a decent man. He explained the situation to her and asked her to write the letter of resignation, but he helped her to get another employment as senior engineer.

Our life was not too rich. We never went to have rest on holidays.  Only once my husband was in sanatorium in Kobulety (Georgia). His trade-union paid for it. We had few free time, my husband kept rabbits and chickens, an I sewed at home privately. But after all we always tried to read fiction and papers. My husband was fond of poetry and so was our daughter Tatiana. 

In 1976 Tatiana got married. My son-in-law Alexandr Miakushkin, Russian, was born and grew up in Odessa. He graduated from Kiev University. I always wanted our daughter to marry a Jewish man. My husband understood me and supported, he liked Jews. And Tatiana – she didn’t care at all. We wanted our daughter to be happy so much that we thought ‘O’K, even if she marries a Chinese man – so what?’ As long as everything is quiet it will be all right with us. After they got married they settled down in Odessa. Tatiana’s husband Alexandr is a very decent man. He always sympathized with Jews. In 1977 my first grandson Alexandr was born. 

Time changes, but people remain the same. Through my whole life I’ve heard something abusive about my nationality said by the people I knew.  I had a colleague. We worked together for many years and were on good terms, but she said once that if her son married a Jewish girl she would hang herself. I said ‘Shall I bring you a rope – go on, hang yourself!’  There were two hard events in my life. In 1981 my husband died and I felt myself very lonely. After my husband died I realized that my only rescue could be work. I took orders and made clothes at home. I wanted to earn some money to support Tatiana. I went to Odessa 5 times a year. In 1982 my granddaughter Dana was born. In 1991 my grandson Alexandr died in an accident. It seemed we were all dying with him. I can’t talk about it … In 1992 my daughter got pregnant and my third grandson Mitia was born.  Tatiana and I believe that God gave back our Alexandr. Mitia is so much like him. May he be happy and live a long life.  After Mitia was born I decided to move to Odessa. I sold my house and left my clients, but I sometimes doubt that I did the right thing. Young people mustn’t live with their parents. My children love me and I try to help them, but such thoughts come to my head. Perhaps, I should pay less attention to some details.  

My granddaughter Dana studied at a secondary school, but she kept complaining that teachers yelled at children, hit them on their hands and didn’t treat Jewish children well.  Dana suffered from anti-Semitism a lot. My son-in-law Alexandr was so upset about it. When the Jewish center ‘Migdal’ opened in Odessa children decided to send Dana there. Children studied Hebrew and Jewish traditions in Migdal. Later my son-in-law found out there was the ‘Or Sameach’ school 8 and sent Dana to the 9th form at this school.  Dana had a wonderful teacher Sarah from Israel. She taught Dana to speak Hebrew in one year.  My grandchildren have no problems with learning Hebrew. I think, maybe it is because when they were babies I sang Betar songs in Hebrew to them? Or is it in their blood?

In 1998 Dana went to study in Israel under the Program NAALE-16. [Educational program for Jewish pupils from the former USSR.]   Dana finished a boarding school for girls in Jerusalem. She is religious: she prays, celebrates all holidays and follows the kashrut. In 2001 she got married. Her husband Aurelio Kanalis also came to study in Israel under the NAALE-16 program. He studied at the boarding school for boys. He is a religious boy: he wears a kippah and observes traditions. Before the wedding the rabbi that was to conduct the wedding ceremony checked my granddaughter’s documents since her father and grandfather were Russian.  He called me in Odessa and spoke Yiddish to me. Perhaps, she thought that if I answered in Yiddish  he could trust the documents. Anyway, when we came to Jerusalem he looked at me and said that he had no more doubts! Finally the dream of my early youth came true: I saw Promised Land with my own eyes. I met my cousin Eta and the friends of my childhood in Riga I did not see for ages.

There were many guests at the Dana’s wedding:  men and women sat separately. It was a merry and beautiful wedding. I danced and danced and forgot my age.  I recalled my sister Rebecca’s wedding and my heart rejoiced: our family returned to the traditions of our people. In 2002 my great grandson Nataniel was born. He is a true Jew since he was circumcised on the 8th day. Aurelio’s grandmother helps to raise the baby. Dana works at the post office and Aurelio is in the army. Dana wears a shawl – she is a true Jewish woman. God guard them!

My grandson Mitia studies at the Jewish school ‘Or Sameah’ and attends the Jewish center ‘Migdal’.  He wears a kippah and says that if somebody doesn’t like it let them not look at him.  We try to observe kashrut at home. Of course, we don’t have kosher dishes nor can we afford to buy kosher food in Odessa, but at least we don’t mix meat and dairy products. At Sabbath Tatiana lights two candles and we have dinner.  Mitia and his mother go to the synagogue on all holidays and my son-in-law respects this a lot.  I am too weak to go to the synagogue. Volunteers from Gemilut Hesed visit me ringing food and Jewish newspapers. I believe I survived through all hardships to see my grandchildren coming back to Jewish traditions. I have a dream for my daughter to move to Israel. I wish peace for Israel. My granddaughter comforts me saying that whatever there is it will be God’s will.  We can only pray. May there be peace in the world! I am praying for it.

Glossary:

1  Great Patriotic War

On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

2 Russian Revolution of 1917

Revolution in which the tsarist regime was overthrown in the Russian Empire and, under Lenin, was replaced by the Bolshevik rule. The two phases of the Revolution were: February Revolution, which came about due to food and fuel shortages during World War I, and during which the tsar abdicated and a provisional government took over. The second phase took place in the form of a coup led by Lenin in October/November (October Revolution) and saw the seizure of power by the Bolsheviks.

3  Civil War (1918-1920)

The Civil War between the Reds (the Bolsheviks) and the Whites (the anti-Bolsheviks), which broke out in early 1918, ravaged Russia until 1920. The Whites represented all shades of anti-communist groups - Russian army units from World War I, led by anti-Bolshevik officers, by anti-Bolshevik volunteers and some Mensheviks and Social Revolutionaries. Several of their leaders favored setting up a military dictatorship, but few were outspoken tsarists. Atrocities were committed throughout the Civil War by both sides. The Civil War ended with Bolshevik military victory, thanks to the lack of cooperation among the various White commanders and to the reorganization of the Red forces after Trotsky became commissar for war. It was won, however, only at the price of immense sacrifice; by 1920 Russia was ruined and devastated. In 1920 industrial production was reduced to 14% and agriculture to 50% as compared to 1913.

4  First Guild Merchant

Top tier of wealthy merchants, those in international trade, doctors, university professors and similar positions. Buying a First Guild Merchants license entitled a merchant with assets of not less than 15,000 rubles, to trade in Russia and abroad, participate in banking, insurance, and corporate endeavors, and to own factories, railroads, and merchant ships. This was a ranking that passed to your heirs. You paid 600 rubles for that license annually. An important perk of this soslovie/tax ranking was that you were exempt from Conscription.

5 Soviet occupation of Latvia

In June of 1940, the Soviet Union invaded Latvia. On 5 August 1940, Latvia was incorporated as the 15th Republic of the Soviet Union. A period of terror followed as the Soviet regime attempted to weed out enemies.

6 NKVD

 People's Commissariat for Internal Affairs, the Soviet Union's secret police force which operated from 1934 to 1946. They were tasked with protecting state security and eliminating alleged enemies of the state. They played an integral role in carrying out the Great Terror and in pacifying occupied regions.

7 The Great Terror

 Great Terror (1934-1938): During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public 'show trials'. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

8  Or Sameach

A yeshiva based in Jerusalem and founded in 1970. It is known as a "baal teshuva" yeshiva since it caters to Jews with little or no background in Judaism, but with an interest in studying the classic texts such as the Talmud and responsa. Students are recruited either locally or from other countries where the yeshiva has established branches, such as in the United States, Canada, South Africa, United Kingdom, Australia, Ukraine and Russia.

Saul Rotariu

Saul Rotariu

Botosani

Romania

Date of interview: August 2006

Interviewer: Major Emoke

My first meeting with Mr. Saul Rotariu took place at the Jewish Community in Botosani where he agreed to come at the first calling of the community’s president, Mr. Iosif David, to tell me his life story. He is rather short, with quick movements and a hurried step, and has a very friendly and kind disposition. For our next meetings I was invited at their home, in an apartment where I also had the opportunity to make the acquaintance of his wife, a Christian, with a soul just as warm and hospitable as Mr. Rotariu. In their home the relics, the accessories of the two religions – Mosaic and Orthodox Christian – blend seamlessly; for instance, in the drawing-room there are both chandeliers for lighting candles on Friday night and Chanukkah, as well as icons and painted Easter eggs typical for the Romanian Orthodox tradition.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

Let me start with my father’s family, what I know of it. I know that my father’s father was a craftsman, a blacksmith. Which is to say he shoed horses, made carts, installed wheels on them, things like these. That’s why we are named Rotaru [Romanian for ‘wheel maker’], as in those years town halls in small towns and villages were probably run by clerks lacking proper training and instead of registering the Jewish name – which is different from Romanian names – that was then our name, they said: ‘What does he do? He is a wheel maker. Let’s register his name as Rotaru.’

I don’t know the former name. This [the changing of the name] probably comes from our forefathers, from times immemorial. So that’s what they did for a living. My grandfather also treated animal disease – empirically, as they did in those days. Back then, craftsmen were considered poor people. A handicraftsman would earn enough to support his family, put food on the table, have a roof above his head. But they took care of their children’s upbringing and would educate them as much as they could in those days. My grandfather’s name was Iancu Rotaru, and my grandmother’s, Devoira. I didn’t get to know them [too well], even though they were still alive when I was born. They died in Transnistria 1, but I was only three to four years old at the time of their death and I have no memory left of them.

My grandparents lived in Saveni [37 km south-west of Botosani]. Back then it was a rural town – just as it is today, in fact. The town itself, with houses that had no courtyards – in order to be distinct from those in the village – was as follows: if you set out from one end, where the City Hall was, it would take you less than half an hour to reach the town limits barrier. The people lived a traditional Jewish life.

There were five to six synagogues in this little town on several streets. Two of these were proper synagogues: a large one that still exists today, and another one, smaller yet apt. The remaining ones were houses where people had formerly lived and were later turned into synagogues [prayer houses] to meet the demands. Formerly, in the days when the Jewish city was populated, religious services were held twice a day in the synagogues – in the morning and in the evening. The morning service was held before the working hours started, and the point was that the place of prayer be as close as possible to people’s homes so that they could go and pray, and go to work afterwards. There were services every evening, too, as well as on holidays, on Saturdays.

My father had only one brother and four sisters. I don’t know the birthdates of all of them, but they were born between 1908 and 1925. The eldest was Hache Veinis, followed by the brother, Moise Rotaru, and then Beti Lutfach, Sura Barbieru and Estera Vinter, the youngest of them.

The brother, Moise Rotaru, lived in a village near Dorohoi – the village of Saveni. He was a farmer, he owned land and animals. Later on, he went to Israel: when the aliyah started after World War II and people began leaving for Israel 2, he left, too. He died in Israel in a car accident. [He was run over by a car on the pedestrian crossing.] He was married, had a boy and a girl who are still living there.

All my father’s four sisters lived in Saveni [until they made aliyah] and were housewives. All my father’s sisters [and their husbands] have passed away by now. The eldest sister, Hache Veinis, died in Israel, she had one child. Beti Lutfac’s husband was a strap maker: he manufactured leather products, harnesses for horses, things like these. They also went to Israel and lived somewhere in a locality near Tel Aviv, I forget the name of it. Another sister, Sura Barbieru, also went to Israel with her husband and their son, and lived in Zefat. In Romania, Surica Barbieru’s husband administered a co-operative somewhere in a village, and in Israel he worked in an [instant] coffee factory. Estera Vinter – Vinter was her married name – left for Israel with two children – a son named Marcel and a daughter named Dorineta – and they lived in Sederot. Aunt Estera’s husband, David Vinter, was also an administrator in Saveni, and in Israel he worked in a dehydrated vegetal products factory. All our relatives left for Israel, both on my mother’s side of the family and on my father’s.

My father’s name was Mochiu Rotaru, but they called him Marcu in the family. He was born in Saveni on 7th September 1910. My father finished elementary school. That’s about all the education a child coming from a poor family could get in those days. Thus, my father finished the four elementary grades. Then he worked with my grandfather – his father – in his workshop, as a blacksmith. Afterwards, he started an apprenticeship in a shop. There was a manufacture shop right there, in Saveni – a manufacture in those days was a shop where they sold fabrics, cloth, accessories for clothes, for tailoring. Well, he worked there for several years. In the beginning, he was basically the owner’s servant for the first two or three years; he took care of the owner’s children – he took them to and from school – he did the shopping for the shop owner’s wife. I’ll admit, employers in these small towns were not great businessmen or what not, but compared to the rest of the people… [they were wealthy].

He worked there for a while, and in the meantime he also did his military service. When he was in the army – around 1934 – he was a private first class in the gendarmerie. He was drafted, he served his due time, I don’t know exactly where, but in any case it was somewhere in Oltenia. Back then the military service lasted – I couldn’t tell you for sure – about two or three years.

I didn’t know my grandparents on my mother’s side, we lost all trace of them [in Transnistria] when I was very little. My grandfather’s name was Leibovici and my grandmother’s name was Brana Lupascu. My reckoning was that they weren’t officially married – which is to say they were only married religiously – since there was no name recorded where the father’s name should be on my mother’s birth certificate, and my grandmother was recorded as Lupascu, her maiden name. My grandmother was 38 when my mother was born in 1908 – which means she was born in 1870. My grandparents were living in Sarbi when my mother was born, a village near Saveni [41 km north-east of Botosani]. Afterwards, they lived in Hanesti, a neighboring village, located at about 10 km from Saveni [Hanesti is located 13 km south-east of Saveni]. It was a small village, with a large pond, and my maternal grandfather was a watchman there.

The grandparents on my mother’s side had seven children – in those days people had more children than they do now – and my grandfather supported the family with what he earned as watchman of the pond. Every week, the pond owner would give him a few kilograms of fish, flour, and sugar. That’s how it was in those days: part of the pay due to those who performed certain tasks was paid in goods. That’s how he managed to raise seven children.

Some of the children learned trades. My mother and one of her sisters, Ruhla, learned tailoring. They didn’t get much schooling, they finished four grades. Only the youngest of them, Zlota, finished as much as seven elementary grades – when my grandfather’s obligations for the older children started to dwindle, as they had married.

My mother had an older sister, her name was Sura Bercovici, she lived in Stefanesti – a locality near Botosani [55 km east of Botosani]. Her husband was a cereal tradesman in Stefanesti. They, too, left during those years when everybody was leaving for Israel – in the 1950s – they lived in Petach Tiqva. They had two daughters, Liuca and Ethel. Ethel was married, yet had no children. Liuca was married, too, but she soon divorced her husband. Ethel passed away, while my niece Liuca is still alive; she has two daughters.

My mother had a brother, Sulim Leibovici, who, too, was older than her. He was married; his wife’s name was Saly. They lived in Stefanesti, where my uncle was a cereal tradesman. They had no children, my uncle died young of an incurable illness here in Romania, in Dorohoi, just after the war. His wife died during the deportation to Transnistria.

Ruhla Roizen, one of my mother’s younger sisters, lived in Saveni with her husband, Sloim Roizen, and they left for Israel from there. They had no children and are no longer alive today.

The last-born, Zlota Vizitiu, married after World War II and lived with her husband in Dorohoi; they had a son, Delu, who now lives in Israel. My aunt’s husband was a shop assistant in a shop in the city, he died in Dorohoi around 1960; she immigrated to Israel afterwards together with her son – he was little then – where she died of a heart attack around 1985.

There were five brothers and sisters, including my mother. There were other siblings, but infant mortality was higher back then, and some of them died. All that is left of the family now is only cousins, children of theirs – about seven of them [including those on the father’s side and those on the mother’s side]; some of them are younger than me, others are older.

My mother, Leia, finished four grades and was apprenticed to a dressmaker, she learned tailoring and it became her trade.

My parents met as was the custom in those days – through matchmaking. The parents of a boy would start looking for a young woman for their son, while the parents of a girl would start looking for a young man for their daughter. ‘Look, there is this young girl in Hanesti, she is hardworking, a dressmaker by trade, she has a steady job.’ The young man’s parents: ‘He has a job, too; he learned the trade of a shop assistant.’ And one thing led to another… Well, that’s how they met.

This village – Hanesti – is located 10 km from Saveni and back then, if you wanted to go to the city, let us say, you hired a cart, or two, or three, and the young girls and men in Hanesti would all go to Saveni – here they met young girls and men from Saveni. They met at a certain place for tea and, by starting relationships of this kind, willingly or unwillingly, they would get to know each other. So my parents met, they were probably pleased with each other – for they must have been, since they gave birth to us – and they got married.

They married in 1937, my father was 27 and my mother was 29. In those days, young people coming from well-to-do families could enjoy their youth, could live their youth. These other ones [from poorer families], as soon as they were old enough to be able to work, entered apprenticeships for various trades. And when they finished their apprenticeship and were their own masters, only then would they marry. A dowry was out of the question in these simpler families, as they had no means to amass various sums of money, objects, properties or what not, to give their children. And you had to make your own money to start a life. In those days, when you started a family, you needed a place to stay, a bed, a table, this and that, and you needed some money, in order to look after yourself, buy clothes, buy your own bedclothes. In the same manner, my father saved money so he could manage these things. Neither my father, nor my mother received any dowry. My mother saved money and bought a sewing machine. My father saved some money so he could buy some merchandise, and that’s how they started their life together.

They moved to the countryside, to Hanesti, my mother’s native village, and my father opened a small food shop in Hanesti using the money he saved from the salary he received [at the manufacture where he was apprenticed] and the experience he gathered while working there. They rented a house close to the village center. That’s where the shop was, too, and they sold food products. Actually, these shops resembled general stores: there were food products, a few kilograms of nails and a bucket, and anything else you could sell to country folk. You see, there weren’t many shops back then. And my mother worked as a dressmaker for the villagers. And just when they started to make ends meet the war was upon them…

Growing up

In the meantime, I was born in 1937, my brother in 1939, and my sister in 1941. My brother’s name was Avram Rotaru. He is no longer alive. He died in 1985 and is buried here in Botosani in the Jewish cemetery. His wife’s name is Hermina, I forget her maiden name. She is Jewish. They got married in 1970 or around that time, seeing that their oldest daughter is 35 and she came into the world one or two years after they got married. They had three daughters: Rica – the eldest –, Monica – the second born – and Bianca – the youngest.

Rica is still in Romania, she lives in Bucharest, is married and teaches computer science at the Lauder High School. The Lauder School was founded – as far as I know – by the Embassy of Israel and with the support of the Jewish community. It is a school for children entering 1st grade and up to higher grades, high school included. It is a private school, attended in general by the children of accredited staff in Romania – ambassadors, embassy personnel – and other children of various nationalities. Classes are taught in Romanian, but there are also foreign languages classes such as English, French, what do I know… This school is attended both by Jews and Christians – and other nationalities. [The Lauder-Reut School: private Jewish school in Bucharest, founded in 1997, in the building of the former Jewish school for boys ‘Iacob and Carolina Loebel.’ It has over 260 pupils, from kindergarten up to secondary school. It is an elite school, acknowledged for its educational performances as well as for promoting a tolerant, multicultural environment. The school is under the patronage of the international Ronald S. Lauder Foundation based in New York, USA, and Budapest, Hungary.]

My brother’s other two daughters live in Israel, work in the field of computer science, are married and they both have a child. My brother’s wife lives in Israel, too, she remarried a Christian, her name is Hermina Hariga now.

My sister, Haia, was born in 1941 in Hanesti, and she died that very same year of starvation during the deportation to Transnistria.

My parents’ wedding was held in January 1937, and in October – exactly nine months later – I was born, Saul Rotariu. [Editor’s note: Mr. Rotariu’s name was misspelt from Rotaru in his birth registry and he continued to use it with an “i” in it. That is why his name is slightly different than his other family members’.]

My mother used to bake kneaded bread – coilici – for Saturday. [Coilici is a variant for challah, similar to the word “kajlics” used by some Hungarian speaking Jews in Romania. Both words have their origin in the Hungarian word “kalacs.”] She used white flour and eggs. Usually, they made meat dishes for Saturday. Throughout the remaining days of the week, we ate like everybody else, but we had meat dishes on Saturday.

On Sabbath eve my mother would light the candles – she would light a candle for every dead person she prayed for. Usually, she lit two candles for her parents, a candle for a sister who died in Transnistria, and she lit a few more candles, I forget exactly how many. [Editor’s note: The custom is to light two candles on Sabbath.] She would cover her head and recite the prayer for lighting the candles. After that, my father would return from the synagogue and we would sit at the table. Which is to say we welcomed Sabbath – Sabbath is welcomed in the Jewish religion as a queen. My father would bless the bread, the wine, the food; after we ate, he would say a prayer in which we thanked God for giving us the chance to welcome Sabbath and rejoice in it.

On Saturday, my father would wake up early in the morning, put on his good clothes and take his siddur and tallit and he would go to the synagogue. Sometimes we went, too. Everybody wore their good clothes and we would return from the synagogue around noon, we would eat and then go visit our relatives or friends. Nobody did any work. In later years, our parents would light a fire, but in the beginning they didn’t. We had someone who lit the fire for us, we had Christian neighbors who knew it was a holiday, and they would come over: ‘Do you need the fire lit?’ And we called them and they would light the fire for us.

On Passover my mother prepared the dishes: she took them out of the cupboards where we kept the special dishes for Passover and she cleaned them. She had separate dishes for Pesach, all families had them. And before Passover all the things that contained leaven would be gathered and burned. Usually, my father would do this. He would put a piece of leftover bread or pasta, well, whatever else there was, inside a bowl, place a piece of paper on top and set it on fire. But it was mostly symbolic; it would burn for a short time, then be extinguished and then be thrown away. The significance of this was that you were cleansed of food that had leaven.

As for the large amounts of flour that people had in their homes – nowadays they no longer do, but in those days people kept large quantities of flour in their homes – the sacks were tied tightly, sealed and placed somewhere out of reach: in a larder, in a depot, in a lumber room. In any case, it was laid down you shouldn’t have any bread – you wouldn’t buy it, you wouldn’t bake it. It wasn’t so when I was little, but I heard it told by others: in order to have nothing to do with this [things with leaven], you would draw a contract whereby you sold it to someone and that someone accepts to give it back to you when you gave them the money back, but neither the sale, nor the purchase would take place [actually]. These customs didn’t exist anymore when I was born.

Passover lasted eight days. During the first days my father attended the service at the synagogue. During the first two days seder was celebrated. [Editor’s note: The Passover seder is a Jewish ritual feast held on the first and second nights of Passover (which begins on the 15th day of Nisan). In Israel, the seder is held only on the first night. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Passover_Seder] In the old days it wasn’t held at the synagogue [at the community canteen], it was celebrated at home. But there were two seder evenings. Now they hold the seder evening at the synagogue as very few people are able to or know how to celebrate it at home, which is to say they can’t read Hebrew, there aren’t enough persons to perform it. The families aren’t that numerous, and to start performing an entire ceremony for a person or two…

The meals were mostly made of chicken, soups in general. That’s what Jews ate the most: chicken soup, fried chicken. They made sweets using unleavened bread and unleavened bread flour. They ate a lot of potatoes, cooked in all sorts of ways, for the sake of diversity. The same goes for eggs. When you sat down at the Passover table, eggs had a place of honor together with a piece of meat, vegetables, each representing certain traditions.

My father organized that special ceremony for Passover at home. It was like a theater play, a certain ritual, everybody tried, tasted each dish on the table, filled a cup of wine, raised their cup whenever the ritual specified it – they read the Haggadah, as they call it in Hebrew, the Passover story, the religious one: ‘Why is Passover celebrated? What happened in those days?’ It was my youngest brother who asked the four questions [the mah nishtanah]. And this dinner lasted long into the night, for they read something from the book, tasted the food, then they read some more. We were little back then, it was like a theater play for us, like a theatrical performance.

They filled a glass for the prophet, they opened the door – it was the father who opened it – when they reached the respective chapter. Everybody – all religions – are waiting for the Messiah. They waited, it was as if He came, tasted it, liked it, and left. [Editor’s note: In fact, they waited for the return of Prophet Elijah to drink a glass of wine with those who lived in the house. He will return on the day of the final judgment to announce the coming of the Messiah.]

They hid a slice of matzah [the afikoman] and the tradition was that whoever found it received a present from father. And my father hid it somewhere where you could find it, of course, so as not to interrupt the ceremony because we couldn’t find it. We found it and started negotiating. My father said to us: ‘Give me back the slice, why did you steal it from me?’ ‘I will, but will you give me 5 lei?’ ‘What do you mean 5 lei? I can buy three loaves of bread for 5 lei!’ ‘There, give me 3 lei and …’ Money, it was money he usually gave us.

The first time he performed the seder ceremony after we returned from there [from Transnistria] I was of school age, I must have been six. When we were little we didn’t realize he was performing this ceremony. And he hid the slice of matzah, we forgot all about it, you see, he had told us beforehand how it was going to be, he had told us to simply find it, that he would see, he would give us a present, something, he would give us some money. But we forgot. We found it [the afikoman] and we secretly went into another room while father didn’t notice, as we did everything in secrecy, and ate the slice of matzah. We weren’t really hungry, but there wasn’t so much matzah as nowadays, and father would buy only a few slices, as was the custom. We didn’t have much money, for it was just after the war, there was widespread poverty. It wasn’t like today, when you go and buy a whole box, or two, or three. And when we returned [from the other room], Gather said: ‘Well, let us see the afikoman’ – that’s what it’s called. And we looked at one another, we exchanged some glances… ‘Come on, let us see it, that is the rule, you must show it! We will give you something for it.’ ‘Well, we ate it!’ There was no question of reward anymore, we had taken it ourselves.

We didn’t sing at the end of the evening, father sang and intoned – it is intoned using a certain song. We didn’t recite, because we were little, and afterwards, as we grew up, we didn’t attach that much significance to it. My father observed all the rules, we read a book, we did this and that in the meantime. Until his death, Father always observed seder on Passover. But in those years when it was performed at the canteen, he attended it at the canteen. They started performing it at the canteen around 1970. In the old days they didn’t have these activities with canteen service. Afterwards, there was a canteen here in Botosani where 50-100 persons ate  [lunch] every day.

Then there is the strictly religious holiday of commemorating the dead, Yom Kippur. Before Yom Kippur, everybody had to sacrifice a fowl. That was the custom in these parts. People would buy a fowl – roosters for men and chickens, hens for women – and in the morning [before Yom Kippur] they would say a short prayer and swing the fowl above the head three times, then again three times, as it was prescribed there… Each member of the family said their prayer individually, depending on their possibilities. Father, for instance – because he was working – came home, said the prayer, then returned to work. Mother said it together with us. She read it first, then my brother, then me.

The fowl were afterwards sacrificed by the hakham, in a ritual. Usually, it was us, the children, who went [with the birds to the hakham]. Mother put them in a basket and gave it to us; we took them there and brought them back. These fowl were sacrificed and then prepared [for the meal marking the end of the fast]. But there were other dishes as well. If the family was more numerous, one used other kinds of meat as well, prepared other products. However, sacrificing the animal was obligatory. When my parents were alive, I did this together with them. Now I no longer perform this sacrifice.

Everybody fasted on Yom Kippur. Only those suffering from severe illnesses didn’t fast. We, the children, fasted as well, we didn’t even drink water. Boy, were we hungry… it was as if we hadn’t eaten for a month. Before the fast started, you weren’t allowed to eat too late in the evening, only until the rise of the first star. After the rise of the first star it was night already and it was the night before the fast, the eve of Yom Kippur, and you weren’t allowed to eat anymore.

Our parents fasted, too, went to the synagogue, both my father and my mother, they stayed there the whole day. We went there as well but we – as we were children – went there, stayed for a short while, then went outside. And we kept returning to see if the prayer was over, for we were hungry. We kept saying: ‘When will it end? When will it end?’ And we only talked about food. At least my brother and I didn’t eat [secretly]. We had a lot of respect for our father. We did our share of mischief, as children will do, but if he told us something in earnest, we obeyed him.

Of course, at the end of this day [the Yom Kippur day], they served a special meal in the evening. Usually they had coffee before the meal, they had an alcoholic drink, which was not a custom in our house. For instance, as long as my father lived, I saw no alcoholic drink in our house. There was none. But then [in the evening after the end of the fast] there was. The parents drank a few tens of grams – 20-50 grams – of an alcoholic drink; we, the children, didn’t. They ate a few light appetizers, had a break of half an hour, an hour and then everybody sat down to eat. The meal was a specially prepared dish, and it marked the end of the fast.

On Sukkot – ever since I was old enough to remember – my father built the sukkah for a year or two, when I was young. Our rented house in Saveni had a small courtyard, and that’s where he built a sort of a reed tent: he made some sort of shelving from wooden planks and he covered it with reed. We didn’t have too many decorations, for it was after the war and one couldn’t find certain fruits – there weren’t any exotic fruits – people used apples, walnuts, I don’t know what else there was. And we ate our meals there for a few days – both in the evening and at lunch. Before we ate, Father said a prayer and a few intonations. We, the children, rejoiced, it was play for us.

Chanukkah was a merry holiday, too. For the children, Chanukkah was a more important holiday because of the custom of giving presents and money, generally speaking, Chanukkah gelt. And we awaited Chanukkah and made plans about the gifts we would receive. For we received gifts not only from our parents, but also from our relatives and acquaintances who were more like family friends. And it was a cheerful holiday.

We had a chanukkiyah – which I use as a decoration nowadays – and our parents lit the proper candles each night. My father would light them. If there was a window where the chanukkiyah could be placed, he would place it on the windowsill, if not, we kept it on the table. But normally, according to tradition, it is placed in the window, in order for the light to be seen from outside. When I was little, my childhood was a bit more ascetic since, after the war, we didn’t have too many toys. On Chanukkah I used to play with a spinning top every year. It was different when we were little, nowadays they make spinning tops in industrial quantities.

Then we celebrated Purim. During the day the men attended the religious service at the synagogue, they read the story of Esther – Megillat Ester is the name of this story. [Editor’s note: Megillat Ester literally means ‘The Book of Esther.’] And on Purim we had that thing for making noise – in Yiddish they called it a greggar – made out of wood. We didn’t have one at home, usually there was one at the synagogue. It was used for making noise on reading Haman’s name in the synagogue. They use it in football stadiums as well. You spin it, it has a certain type of spring that touches against a mechanism and makes a racket and imitates noises.

People baked many cakes and families would bring one another cakes. [Mr. Rotariu is referring to shelakhmones food gifts for friends.] We gave our neighbors cakes, received cakes in return from them, from our relatives. And in the evening, every household made merry: there was wine, there was food on the table…

They still had this custom when I was little: during my childhood in Saveni, they organized meals, they had children wear masks, they created teams that performed little plays about Esther, the whole story. And they would go to people’s houses, like they do on New Year’s Eve. I used to go, too. Sometimes we went in groups, sometimes alone, depending on how you paired up.

If a few children managed to form a group they organized a sort of a small play. We dressed for several parts: Esther was played by a man in a white dress, wearing a mask, many bracelets and all sorts of adornments; Haman was played by someone wearing a uniform, something, whatever one could manage to find – a military coat and peaked cap, anything. We played all kinds of parts, every year a different one. Some went all by themselves – I went alone, too, sometimes. You wore the oddest clothes you could find at home, and you went to people’s houses, sang something, recited something – a poem, let us say, intoned a few lyrics about it [the story of Esther]. Usually you went to classmates’ houses, afterwards you had some fun with your classmates, were offered a treat…

We received a pack of sweets and money – but we cared to receive mostly money, for sweets we had at home as well. We wanted money, which we used afterwards in order to buy a football, and what not… what you could buy in those days. Christians wore costumes, too, and called on Jewish homes. Everybody knew they were Christian, but they called on Jewish houses, they were enjoying themselves. Those who could play instruments brought them along and played Jewish songs, usually on a concertina – an accordion – and a violin.

I attended cheder in Saveni. Usually children attended cheder after they were four. I also attended it while going to regular school. I attended the cheder when I was three or four, and they taught us to read, translate from the Torah.

I had my bar mitzvah in Saveni. It was for my 13th birthday. Before the event, I learned the prayers to be recited during the ceremony. There was a teacher who taught children to read siddurim, and he prepared us for it. Each according to their possibilities. It depended on the training the child had received. I had attended cheder, so when I had my bar mitzvah it was easier, I could already read. He only taught us strictly the ceremony proceedings, so that we knew what to do. He also taught us the speech we had to give. You had to give the speech in Hebrew, but you could deliver it in Romanian as well if you didn’t want to do it in Ivrit. And you had to say a few words: you thanked your parents for raising you until then, you thanked the teacher for teaching you, you promised that, by becoming a man, you would strive to behave like a man, you said what conclusions about life you had reached from what you had learned – for those who attended – at cheder.

In those days when I had my bar mitzvah they didn’t have large festivities as they sometimes do nowadays. At the synagogue people were offered sweets, a glass of wine. Now they have a sort of a name day anniversary, sometimes there are parties. And I received a tallit, siddur and  tefillin – to wear on the head and on the arm – and for a while I put them on and took them off [the tefillin] each morning – they are to be worn only in the morning. I did this for two to three years, until school started in earnest, the higher grades, after which I gradually stopped wearing them. By now, with modernism came new interests, new ideas.

During the war

My sister was born about the time when the whole issue of the war emerged [World War II]. I was four, my brother was two. At the beginning of 1941 my father – together with the rest of the Jewish men in the village – was called up, drafted and taken to a forced labor camp. He was summoned to the military headquarters in Saveni, as men are called up for military service, with a suit of clothes, and was taken to Transnistria, which was occupied by Romanian troops at that time. And he was taken to build strategic roads in that area. He wasn’t wearing a military outfit, meaning he hadn’t been called up to do his military service – that is called a military call-up – he was taken as a civilian. He had already done his military service.

My mother was left behind in the village, with three children to raise. Naturally, she left that village and returned to Saveni. She lived with my father’s parents in Saveni, while my mother’s parents returned to Saveni, too, and my father’s parents lived together with my mother’s parents in my father’s parents’ house in Saveni. And actually that was in early 1941, around January-February.

In November, both my father’s and my mother’s parents received a written order to be somewhere in the city of Saveni in 24 hours with what hand luggage they could carry. And what could my mother carry? She had a two-year-old baby, I was four, and a baby girl only a few months old. So my mother carried the baby girl in her arms, while my father’s and mother’s parents were holding my hand. And what could my grandparents carry back then? They certainly weren’t young anymore – if my father was 27, my grandparents were around 50-55 years old. [The grandparents on the father’s side were 58 and 59, respectively, while the grandparents on the mother’s side were 71.]

They told us they were taking us somewhere where they could put us together as we couldn’t live in those areas anymore, since there were too many Jews there, the village was no place for Jews to be living in. Well now, they didn’t offer too many explanations, for they had called the army to handle this. And they took us by cart to the nearest train station. These carts had been rented by the local Town Hall. Whether my parents paid for them or not, I couldn’t tell. When we arrived at the first train station – there is a train station some 10 km away from Saveni, it is called Ungureni – they put us aboard freight cars and took us to Transnistria. They took us by train to Moghilev 3. Everybody ate whatever food they managed to grab when they left their homes – for they had told people to take food to last them three days. We weren’t given any food whatsoever on the train. It just kept moving on – it stopped, then started moving again, depending on how they needed to switch tracks.

There they left us in a neighborhood that had been bombed during the fighting. And there was a sort of a large storage facility there, a large warehouse, a cereal warehouse as they used in those days. People were taken to different places. We ended up in this large warehouse, where there were many of the people living in Saveni and the neighboring villages, who had been previously taken to Saveni – for there were Jewish people living in all the neighboring villages. I was just a child, I couldn’t put forward an estimate about how many persons were in this warehouse, but I do know there were many families from Saveni, from where we had left.

My mother had a younger sister, Ruhla, and she would leave us in her care whenever she went to get some food, do some work. And I only accepted to be held by this aunt of mine. She had business of her own to take care of – she too had to get something, I forget what – and she left us alone there, she asked other people to see to it that we didn’t go outside – because she was afraid someone would take us away, kill us. And I would scream until she returned: ‘Aunt Ruhala! Aunt Ruhala!’ As soon as she returned, I would jump in her arms and she couldn’t do anything anymore, while I was gripping her and dangling in her arms. It was probably because of the whole situation, too: I was scared, apprehensive. I remember that afterwards, when we returned, I would come across people here, in Botosani, where I went to high school, and hear them in the street: ‘Aunt Ruhala!’ ‘But Sir, I do not know you!’ ‘Well, I know you. Weren’t you the one standing there yelling <<Aunt Ruhala!>> and didn’t let us sleep?’ Of course, I did not know these people anymore, but they were grown-ups then [when we were in Transnistria]. That’s why I know that very many people were there.

Well, there was straw there, and they told the people: ‘Gather straw, everybody, here in the corner, make yourselves a place to sleep on, cover it with whatever you have can – a blanket, a bed-sheet – and that will be your spot. You are only allowed to go out only up that point’ – they told us up to what point we were allowed to go out in the confines of that neighborhood. So, we settled there. We stayed there the whole time [until we returned home].

They didn’t give us food. Some people who had no children or obligations had brought along more things: clothing, bed-sheets, this and that. Others had wedding rings, some rings, some jewelry. They traded with the peasants: for a wedding ring, they received in exchange a few kilograms of flour, potatoes. And so, little by little, people – including our family, both my mother and grandparents – gave everything they had on them. They kept only the suit of clothes they were wearing, which they couldn’t part with. And thus they would buy an extra half a kilogram of flour. Some people were even scavenging the trash, where the inhabitants of Moghilev dumped their trash, in search of potato scraps and other kinds of leftovers.

My mother had a hard time in this respect, because she had a little baby she had to breast-feed. She couldn’t produce any milk, she needed to eat more nutritious food in order to have milk. She couldn’t even work because she had a little baby. Some people used to go and do some work for the peasants living around Moghilev, they helped them herd sheep and cattle, animals in general.

And this little sister of ours died at some point. She starved to death. My mother had no milk to breast-feed her anymore. I have a macabre memory of my sister’s death. There was a place where the dead were buried, a common burial ground. There was always activity there, since they always carried away those who were found dead in the morning. A few persons would come, place the dead on a stretcher and carry them away.

I remember my mother tormented herself with the thought of placing my little sister there on the pile for them to carry her away on that stretcher. And I remember there was something in the shape of a wooden box, my sister being such a little girl – she was nine months old – I know that my mother put her in that small wooden box and covered her with a piece of cloth. That’s what I remembered as a child, when I had no knowledge of coffins, I was innocent in all things. At least my mother had the notion of placing her in a coffin, not just simply have her taken away and thrown on the pile. This is the memory I have of it. At the age when you have your first memories, the earliest impressions on your memory, these things out of the ordinary remain with you… it’s not as if they happen every day as regular play.

There were no funerals performed, ten men would gather together – as is our custom – and perform a Jewish religious ceremony, which is very short, it lasts five minutes: they say a prayer in the memory of the deceased. And afterwards it was taken to a common burial ground, somewhere. I didn’t go to the common burial ground, as my mother didn’t let me. She went there with the dead baby, and we stayed with Aunt Ruhla, my mother’s sister. Whenever my mother had things to take care of, our mother’s sister looked after us.

We, the older ones – my brother and I – were fortunate to have one of our mother’s brothers, Sulim, who wasn’t drafted for work, he was rather old. He had worked there in a mobile kitchen for Romanian soldiers. He did chores such as disposing of the slops and the like. And we were able to subsist with whatever he could bring us from there, scraps and leftovers. It goes without saying that hygiene was completely out of the question. There was no water, neither running water, nor a fountain – fountains had been destroyed during the bombing. There was the river Bug, and people brought water from there, a bucket or two, to wash with. It was a long distance away, but they brought water. Well, diseases broke out because of the squalor and starvation: typhus, the like. Those who were older and weaker fell ill. My father’s parents and my mother’s parents fell ill and shortly afterwards – deprived of any medical assistance – they died. Only my mother was left and us, two children. Well, this lasted until 1943.

In the meantime, my father had reached the area we were in. The building site he was working on had moved across the river Bug. The river Bug separated the site where they were building the roads from Moghilev, where their families were, the women, the elderly, the children. And usually they gathered on the riverbanks on Sunday, when they weren’t working. The men would come looking for their families. The river Bug is rather large, but if they yelled loud enough and waved their arms, they could recognize one another. And that’s how my father managed to spot my mother. Well then, that’s when my mother learned that my father was alive and that he was in that area, and my father learned that she and we were alive. And from his food ration, from what he received – they gave them a food ration at work – he would send us a little, too: a loaf of bread, a few lumps of sugar. He would send us something every now and then, through soldiers who were more charitable, or even through people living there traveling on various business; they would take a few parcels and drop them off [on the opposite riverbank for those who were waiting for them].

This was the ordeal in those days. Around these parts, here [in the area of Botosani], they cleared the entire area, there was nothing left, not a single trace of any Jew living in these rural areas. They wanted to clear the area here in order to have a buffer zone between the Russians and Romania. In the final days, help began to arrive from the country. The Jewish Community in Bucharest had organized a system for help and support; they collected what they could from Jews living in Bucharest and the southern regions where the deportations had not been that massive. And they would send us help: some food, what they could manage to find, some money was given to people. And that’s how we managed to survive until we left that place.

We left once more aboard a freight car, with no toilet, no anything – as these trains are. We arrived at the train station in Dorohoi. I remember it was here that I had the finest cup of tea in the whole world and I have never had one like it to this day, in the Dorohoi train station – for it was there that we were welcomed by the Jewish Community of Dorohoi. There were still Jews living in Dorohoi – it was a town larger than Saveni – and there was a mobile kitchen there where they prepared sweetened hot tea. Sweets were a rarity in those days, and I remember that when they gave us a cup of that tea it was as if seeing a miracle, especially for us, children, that’s how it was. In December 1943 we arrived at the Dorohoi train station and they left us there. And the family settled in Dorohoi: my mother, her three sisters and her brother.

We went through some very hard times after we arrived in Dorohoi; my father still hadn’t returned from the concentration camp, he was still working in Transnistria. They allotted us a house belonging to a citizen who had left when the Germans started retreating. Some of the inhabitants had left the city, probably those who feared communism, I presume, or some thing or other. It was in one of these houses that they put us. Well, we had better accommodation here. It was a house in which there were still beds and the things the owner couldn’t sell or take with him. But the problem was that nobody would give you any food. And we were many: my mother and us, her two remaining children, together with her three sisters and her brother. In the end, the solution was that we, the children, were sent to an orphanage in Dorohoi, destined especially for the children who returned without their parents – whose parents had died in Transnistria. We stayed in that orphanage for a year.

My mother started sewing odds and ends. Those were very hard times – as is to be expected after a war – and nobody had any money back then, nobody sewed clothes for themselves anymore. Who could think about making clothes for themselves in those days? Well, little by little, that’s how we managed to get by.

Then my father returned home. It was about March 1944, for some time passed between the closing of the construction site and their arrival back home. Certain areas were already occupied by the Russians, so they stayed in train stations, cities, I don’t know where. They brought him to Dorohoi as well, and he found out that we were there, because people asked around, the odd postcard would reach them; it was known that the Jews from Saveni had been brought to Dorohoi.

The houses of our grandparents in Saveni had been destroyed, and our parents’ house in Hanesti wasn’t their private property. Besides, they could find no work in the village during those days after the war, so we stayed in Dorohoi. They rented a house somewhere and we moved there: our mother, our father and the two of us.

My father started working together with three brothers-in-law – with the husbands of my mother’s sisters, that is. They formed a team and they chopped wood for the winter for the households in the town of Dorohoi. And we got by like this until my father managed to gather some money and, as he was born and raised in this area where people had horses and carts, he bought two young horses, two rather young colts – they were cheap back then because people had no use for them – and he started carting goods for a living. He transported all sorts of goods, he transported grains to the mill – as they did in those days; they used to grind this and that at the mill – somebody would move… and that’s how we stayed in Dorohoi until 1945.

After the war

I started attending elementary school in Dorohoi, I entered the 1st grade in 1944. Afterwards, we returned to Saveni in 1946. We still had no house there – the grandparents’ house was destroyed, there was only an empty plot of land. My father rented a room somewhere that you entered and exited through the window. Someone else lived there, a single, elderly lady. It was one of those houses that have two entrances, one in the front and one in the back, and the rooms are placed like in a train carriage, without separate entrances.

We were given the room in the back, the last one, which had no separate door, and we had to walk across her room to enter ours. From the room in the back you entered the one in the middle, the middle room opened onto a hallway leading into the courtyard on one side and into the street on the other. And we had no choice but to walk across that lady’s room if we wanted to go out either through the front or through the back.

We, the children, ran about the place all day long: out of the house – into the house, outside the house. You can’t keep children inside the house all day long; we went out from time to time. And this was a very, very old lady. In the end, the problem was solved by building two or three steps in front of the window, and that’s how we went out of the room: through the window. We lived there for a while.

My father started performing my grandfather’s trade: that of a blacksmith. He became partner with someone – a Christian – living there, in the city, as well, who had the necessary tools, for you need tools for it, and they worked together as blacksmiths in Saveni. And that’s how life went on. I kept going to school, then my brother started going to school as well. After a while that man closed his business, left Saveni altogether, he took his tools, took everything and left. And my father stopped practicing this trade, too, because he needed to acquire tools, which was difficult, as he had no money. And even though he had only finished four grades, he had a very beautiful handwriting from the time he had worked as a shop assistant and he had to calculate, measure, write prices. So he was hired as a town hall clerk in Saveni. After working as a clerk for a facility for agricultural mechanization, he became an accountant – for he also learned accountancy in the meantime.

It was around 1950-1951 – we were living in Saveni then – that my parents wanted to immigrate to Israel, but in the end they gave up this undertaking because my father’s relatives – he had three sisters – didn’t want to leave anymore, they hadn’t made up their mind. And then my father said: ‘If my sisters aren’t leaving, neither am I.’ And it was decided. Later on, they left and stayed here. They each left one by one, but we didn’t leave after all.

In the meantime we had moved to a new house, also rented from someone. Back then, buying a house was out of the question as it was impossible for certain social categories. We belonged to one of these categories. Even if my father was apprenticed to a trader, he had no calling for making money. He needed to turn an honest penny so that he could feed his wife and children; my mother didn’t work, she couldn’t find a job, that is – she used to sew for various people, mending this and that. We had no garden, as we lived right in the so-called urbanized area of the town, where there were no gardens. We had a small courtyard in the back of the house where there was a toilet and a small lumber-room and a clothes line for leaving some laundry out to dry.

We lived in Saveni until 1961 and afterwards we all moved here, to Botosani. During our stay in Botosani, my father was employed by the community as administrator of the ritual restaurant [the Jewish Community canteen in Botosani] for a few years, until his death. He died of a heart attack in 1975. My mother lived with me as well, she died in 1999, she was 90 years old.

My modernist, present-day story has nothing special about it. I attended the first grade in Dorohoi and the following seven grades in Saveni – from the 2nd to the 7th grade. After that [after the fall of 1951] I came to Botosani, sat for a matriculation exam for the Commercial High School – back then it was called Middle School for Statistics – and graduated from the Commercial High School. It was like this: 8th, 9th, 10th, and 11th grade. There were four years of studies. During my studies in Botosani I lived in the hostel for pupils, and so did my brother. He graduated from the same school as I did. I graduated from high school in 1955. After graduation, I worked for two years as an accountant in Saveni, from 1955 to 1957, at an agricultural machine and tractor station. My father worked there as an accountant as well and, since he worked there, I ended up working there as well. Two years later I was drafted into the army.

I did my military service in many places, among them Craiova, where I also had my photograph taken. My military service lasted two years, from 1957 to 1959. At first I was a private, but in the meantime I attended a school for sergeants and thus I became a corporal – corporals belong to the sergeants’ corps.

After completing my military service I attended university. I went to college in Iasi, under the optional attendance system, for four years. I worked for and studied at the Faculty of Accounting simultaneously. I worked in Saveni and then moved to Botosani in 1961. I’ve been working here ever since.

I am an economist by trade; I worked as an economist in various industrial units. I worked for a commercial unit for selling food products, after which I was head accountant for an industrial unit for collecting raw material for the light industry. I worked there until 1998, and from 1998 I worked for the Public Finances Division, I was a specialty inspector until 1999. I retired in 1999 and I am now a young pensioner aged 69.

I married in the meantime. I met my wife-to-be at the workplace. I married late in life, in keeping with the family tradition. I married in 1972, I was 35 by then, after a long, long friendship with my wife. My wife, Aurelia, is a Christian and her family frowned upon this friendship. And, in order not to upset her parents – she is a very kind-hearted woman, she is warm-hearted, she wouldn’t hurt a fly – she kept saying: ‘Never mind, there’s no need to rush. Never mind, we don’t need a piece of paper, no one is going to ask us for an account number.’ We were more modern by then, we weren’t particularly anxious to get married, things like those. It is more difficult with elderly people – her parents were older: one has certain notions and ideas which aren’t that easy to discard from one’s subconscious. And we said: ‘Come, let’s wait some more, let’s not do this just yet.’ We didn’t live together, but I used to go over to their place, she would come to ours, it was a known fact…

Eventually, we decided to get married. We saw the years pass by, and our friendship had strengthened too much. We were only married at the registrar’s office, and we threw a party at home for family and friends. And the bride spent around three to four days preparing this party. There were almost 30 people present: relatives, my brother, my wife’s brother, friends, colleagues. And many children would gather: my brother had three children, my wife’s brother had two, there were friends who also had children. We had a neighbor here, a woman who had a little boy – and almost all of them were of the same age. We had no children of our own.

We both observe our individual traditions. My wife is a religious woman, she is an Orthodox Christian, but not the practicing kind. She observes the due holidays, she doesn’t work on the days marked as holidays in the Christian calendar, she goes to church to attend the prayer for her dead parents, she welcomes the priest to bless our house on New Year’s Eve. [Editor’s note: In the Orthodox Christian religion it is customary for priests to visit the houses of the faithful and bless the homes with holy water each year in the days after the Epiphany holiday – 6th January.]

My wife also observes the holiday of Yom Kippur – when people fast – she fasts together with me, so as not to stir my appetite. I would tell her: ‘Listen, you go ahead and eat. Alright, you don’t want to eat, but have a cup of tea, nibble some sweets, anything, until I am done fasting.’ For I go to the synagogue in the morning and return late from the holiday celebration, at around six or seven in the evening. She says: ‘No, how come? Can’t I fast for a whole day? God will be happy, my God as well, for it is with Him in mind that I fast, God is One and the Same.’ And we have no issues regarding this.

When there are celebrations open to the public she comes and attends the service at the synagogue as well, she is an official member of the community, she is registered there. The same goes for me, I accompany her when she goes to church, at a funeral service, at the Resurrection ceremony, at such events. I accompany her so that she doesn’t go alone, there is no harm in it, neither for me, nor for her.

I also observe the Christian Easter and Christmas holidays. On Christmas, my brother and his family would call on us, spend time with us, eat with us. And the little nieces – they sang beautifully – performed a sort of a program. We placed presents, boxes for them under the Christmas tree and they kept peeking at the presents under the Christmas tree, they didn’t know for whom the parcels were, they didn’t know which was whose, who would receive it. And after that we gave them presents – well, they are grown-ups now.

I observe Passover probably better than a 100 percent Jewish family. We have separate dishes, my wife sees to it that they are separated from the rest and uses them only for Passover. As you know, that is the rule on that occasion [on Pesach]: one isn’t allowed to use dishes that were used during the year. There were times when people didn’t have two to three sets of dishes as we do nowadays – some for daily use, some for certain occasions, some for festive meals, as the case may be – they had a single set of dishes. Well, back then the custom was to boil these dishes in a solution made from boiled water and ashes. They cleaned them and they used them. That’s what my mother did, too, when we were little. She didn’t do this all the time, in the latter period, when the standard of living improved a little, she had separate dishes for Passover, pots, plates, everything you need. So does my wife: we have some beautiful French glass dishes and she keeps those for Passover, she doesn’t touch them during the year. She has some dishes which she uses for cooking, cutlery, everything – on Passover everything is replaced.

My wife prepares traditional Jewish dishes, they are very tasty; she is a very good cook. Usually, the traditional Jewish dish for Passover is chicken soup with potato dishes, all sorts of potato dishes. For instance: you mix mashed potatoes with raw eggs, fried onion, spices and you make some small breads; or you take boiled potatoes and pass them through the mincing machine: you mash the potatoes into a paste, mix them with eggs, pepper or other spices to suit your taste, place them on a rather large square tray – naturally, you oil the tray beforehand, using grease, oil – put it in the oven, bake it and slice it in squares. It tastes exquisitely.

For the matzah, the unleavened bread for Passover, there is also flour. When they sell matzah, they also sell flour. The matzah is dough that has no ingredients in it, for it is made from plain quality flour and water, which is then passed through a machine that gives it this indented shape, and is then baked in a special oven used on Passover. And after this is done, it is then ground into powder at home using a coffee grinder – until it has the consistency of flour. Well, you can make very tasty dishes from this, sweet or spicy, you mix it with eggs, sugar, you can make all sorts of very tasty sweets from it.

After my father died, mother stayed with us until her death. And my wife learned these things from my mother. Also, she knew some of them from before, for she also attended the Commercial High School here in Botosani and she had many Jewish classmates there. Here in Botosani, the majority of the population in the city itself was actually Jewish. There were very many Jews in the schools as well, almost half the children were from Jewish families in these schools. And my wife visited the homes of her classmates and friends. They invited her for Passover, she invited them – her Jewish classmates – on Christmas, New Year’s Eve; she invited them to her home, to the table, to eat whatever they were having. Well, she knew by now what it was all about. Not to mention the fact that my mother lived with us.

I attend the service at the synagogue every Saturday. Now that I am retired, I go more often than I used to when I was working – I didn’t even have the time then. During communism, you could practice your religion without restraints. It was only that you had to be at work, even if it was a holiday. But in certain cases, whenever possible, if they were willing to give you one or two days off, you took a leave for one or two days. It also depended on where you worked. If you worked in a highly politicized institution, you couldn’t tell them: ‘Give me a day off, I have business to attend to at the synagogue’ – for such was politics, it was atheistic. But, in general, you could observe the holidays if you wanted. You took a leave of absence and you had a week or two for Yom Kippur and Rosh Hashanah. Furthermore, you could go to the synagogue, nobody asked anything about that. If you held a high-ranking position in the political hierarchy, well then, that was a different matter: you had agreed to get involved in that, you had to take it [the consequences].

I wasn’t a member of the Communist Party. I was a pioneer 4 from 1949 – when these organizations for children were founded. And back then not all the children were accepted to join the pioneer organizations, only those who did well in school were accepted, and it was quite something in those days to be accepted as pioneer. If you weren’t a pioneer, it meant you played truant or that you were stupid. I was a pioneer until high school.

When you entered high school, you were automatically accepted within the ranks of U.C.Y. [the Union of Communist Youth]. Everybody was a member, all youngsters in high school were members of U.C.Y. One couldn’t say: ‘I don’t want to be a member of U.C.Y.’ I was a member until I turned 28 and couldn’t be a member anymore. The activity of U.C.Y. wasn’t political, as was the case with the Party. Perhaps those at a higher level were involved in political activities, but this wasn’t the case for us, at school level. We would meet, organize a trip. For instance, as a U.C.Y. member, I went on a trip to East Germany organized by the U.C.Y.; I couldn’t have gone on this trip, if I hadn’t been a member of the U.C.Y. After I started working I was still a member of the U.C.Y, and soon afterwards I reached the maximum age for membership...

After that, I didn’t want to join the Party. I had no problems at work because of this decision. Actually, I did have some problems, but I was a good professional. Back then, centralization was the name of the day, ministries, this and that, and I was asked repeatedly: ‘Say, what is the matter with you, we were told to let you know you will be out of your job, if you don’t join the Party.’ Whenever the issue came up, I would say: ‘I won’t become a member of the Party. It is for two reasons that I won’t join the Party: first of all, I don’t need to be a member of the Party in my line of work, for it isn’t a job that involves dealing with people; second of all – I told them – I don’t want to become a member of the Party and be criticized by the watchman or the janitor for not performing this or that activity with the base unit.’ For this is how it was: any drunk would stand up during the sitting and you had to answer him why this and not that, things like these. And I said: ‘That’s why I don’t want to join the Party. If you fire me from this position, I will find another job as head accountant or economist somewhere else.’ And I stuck to this until they got tired of me and said: ‘Leave this one be, he’s slow-witted, he isn’t right in the head!’ And so I didn’t join…

Before the Revolution 5 I traveled to East Germany, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia. But it was only for short trips, for two days, during the holidays. I traveled to Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia and East Germany using my private automobile. In any case, I liked these countries. You should know, I went to Bulgaria, where, they used to say, lived ‘Bulgarians with a thick back of the neck’ – that was the saying. They were seen as more backward than us. I was already working when I went there, around 1968-1969, I went to the seaside – we used to go to the seaside [the Black Sea] every year in that period – and we also drove to Bulgaria where we stayed two or three days. And we found that the resorts were more modern than Eforie, Mangalia, or Mamaia [all resorts in Romania]. Even in those days their beaches were already compartmented, had deck chairs, beautiful kiosks, were painted in various colors. It was as it is here nowadays. In those days, over here there were sorry-looking stands, two or three planks of wood and a few grilled minced meat rolls and beer – what they usually served.

Not to mention that the degree of civilization in Czechoslovakia was something else… I was there around 1968-1969, around that period. I traveled to Poland, too, also by car. But in Czechoslovakia and East Germany – words are not enough! East Germany was civilized, beautiful, clean. When I saw that in these small towns there is no mud on the street… It had rained for two or three days when I was there, and when I saw that there was no mud… If here, in Botosani, I have some business to take care of and drive there by car when it rains, and if I just washed it the previous day, when I return I have to wash it again. I was very surprised to see that I had driven for two or three days and my car was still clean. Needless to say: the people there were cleaner, too – even in those days.

Nowadays – after the Revolution – I have only been to Israel lately, together with my wife. I went there a few times. I have relatives there – almost all my relatives live in Israel. At present, I only have cousins and female cousins from my father’s and mother’s brothers and sisters. The first time I traveled there was around 1980. My relatives sent me an official invite 6, I went to the proper authorities, they investigated my case, saw that I posed no risk, I knew no state secrets – for this is how it was: if you worked in a field dealing with matters of state security, you would have a very hard time obtaining permission to visit foreign countries.

I returned with a good impression every time I traveled there. I went there before and after the Revolution and I enjoyed my stay there. But we couldn’t make up our mind to make aliyah. Since my wife’s mother lived in Romania, too – for her father had died previously and only her mother was still alive – and she lived with her mother, looked after her and had very many relatives here… They were seven siblings and all of them live here, in Romania. So she couldn’t make up her mind. I would have been in favor of leaving, but there was also the matter of my age, the question was finally addressed when I could no longer go there and start all over again. For it’s true, life is more civilized over there and – how shall I say it – more plentiful, but it takes time to get there [at that level]. You must start at the bottom, do certain things until you manage to save some money, know a few people, find a place to work. And we had reached a certain age when we couldn’t decide in favor of this anymore.

But I went there, I’ve been there a few times, even my wife was there two or three times. After my retirement, I went there and stayed for three months together with my wife. From Haifa, in the north, we traveled as far as Tel Aviv, Petach Tiqva, a few rural settlements. I have relatives throughout the country. We didn’t go there during the summer season, we went there during winter, in November. We didn’t travel during the summer because we like to visit, travel, move about and it goes without saying that during the hot season you must stay indoors with the air-conditioning turned on, you can’t walk in the street, ride the bus, travel by train or even on the highway. Every time we went there, it was in October, November, December. The climate is milder during this time of the year, as it is in Romania in August and September.

I am retired now, and I have no occupations related to my former profession. I read, walk, go on trips throughout the country sometimes and take part in the Community’s activities [the Jewish Community in Botosani]: I go to the synagogue on a regular basis when they recite prayers, on Friday, Saturday and all religious holidays. And I am mending my health, which was rather shaken up during my lifetime…

Two or three years ago we still used to go in the mountains, on trips, we used to go to the seaside [the Black Sea], but now we can’t go to the seaside anymore. Now, since I started undergoing some treatment and, in addition, must avoid all physical effort, we go to spas, where we have to undergo treatment. In the past years we went two or three times to Baltatesti [41 km north of Piatra Neamt], in Neamt County, they have good facilities there for the treatment of rheumatism, using water and medicinal mud baths, medicinal mud sessions, infrared rays and electric treatment. For instance, this year we went to Covasna, we underwent some cardiac and rheumatic treatment, and after that we went to Balvanyos [21 km north-west of Targu Secuiesc], we spent a day or two at Lacul Rosu [23 km north-east of Gheorgheni], we went to Baile Tusnad [32 km south of Miercurea Ciuc], but we stayed there for only one day, we stayed in Borsec a few days, and the summer was nearly over.

In addition to this, we take strolls on foot every day outside of town, we walk to the Eminescu lake, we walk across the field, a few kilometers across the fields, from morning until evening, and we try to preserve our physical condition. We try not to age so quickly, so that only the identity card, when you look at it, might give away the fact that time has, in fact, passed.

Glossary

1 Transnistria

Area situated between the Bug and Dniester rivers and the Black Sea. The term is derived from the Romanian name for the Dniester (Nistru) and was coined after the occupation of the area by German and Romanian troops in World War II. After its occupation Transnistria became a place for deported Romanian Jews. Systematic deportations began in September 1941. In the course of the next two months, all surviving Jews of Bessarabia and Bukovina and a small part of the Jewish population of Old Romania were dispatched across the Dniester. This first wave of deportations reached almost 120,000 by mid-November 1941 when it was halted by Ion Antonescu, the Romanian dictator, upon intervention of the Council of Romanian Jewish Communities. Deportations resumed at the beginning of the summer of 1942, affecting close to 5,000 Jews. A third series of deportations from Old Romania took place in July 1942, affecting Jews who had evaded forced labor decrees, as well as their families, communist sympathizers and Bessarabian Jews who had been in Old Romania and Transylvania during the Soviet occupation. The most feared Transnistrian camps were Vapniarka, Ribnita, Berezovka, Tulcin and Iampol. Most of the Jews deported to camps in Transnistria died between 1941-1943 because of horrible living conditions, diseases and lack of food.

2 Mass emigration from Romania after World War II

After World War II the number of Jewish people emigrating from Romania to Israel was much higher than in earlier periods. This was urged not only by the establishment in 1948 of Israel, and thus by the embodiment of an own state, but also by the general disillusionment caused by the attitude of the receiving country and nation during World War II. Between 1919 and 1948 a number of 41,000 Jews from Romania left for Israel, while between May 1948 (the establishment of Israel) and 1995 this number increased to 272,300. The emigration flow was significantly influenced after 1948 by the current attitude of the communist regime towards the aliyah issue, and by its diplomatic relations with Israel. The main emigration flows were between 1948-1951 (116,500 persons), 1958-1966 (106,200 persons) and 1969-1974 (17,800 persons).

3 Mohilev-Podolsk

A town in Ukraine (Mohyliv-Podilsky), located on the Dniester river. It is one of the major crossing points from Bessarabia (today the Moldovan Republic) to the Ukraine. After Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union in June 1941, the allied German and Romanian armies occupied Bessarabia and Bukovina, previously Soviet territories. In August 1941 the Romanians began to send Jewish deportees over the Dniester river to Transnistria, which was then under German occupation. More than 50,000 Jews marched through the town, approximately 15,000 were able to stay there. The others were deported to camps established in many towns of Transnistria.

4 All-Union pioneer organization

A communist organization for teenagers between 10 and 15 years old (cf: boy-/ girlscouts in the US). The organization aimed at educating the young generation in accordance with the communist ideals, preparing pioneers to become members of the Komsomol and later the Communist Party. In the Soviet Union, all teenagers were pioneers.

5 Romanian Revolution of 1989

In December 1989, a revolt in Romania deposed the communist dictator Ceausescu. Anti-government violence started in Timisoara and spread to other cities. When army units joined the uprising, Ceausescu fled, but he was captured and executed on 25th December along with his wife. A provisional government was established, with Ion Iliescu, a former Communist Party official, as president. In the elections of May 1990 Iliescu won the presidency and his party, the Democratic National Salvation Front, obtained an overwhelming majority in the legislature.

6 Travel into and out of Romania (Romanian citizens abroad, and foreigners into Romania)

The regulations made it extremely difficult for Romanian citizens to travel into non-socialist countries. One could apply for a passport every second year; however, the police could refuse its issue without offering any explanation. One had to attach to the application for a passport a certificate from work, school or university proving the proper behavior of the applicant, and an invitation letter from a relative or an acquaintance had to be enclosed too. If a whole family solicited for passports, the authorities usually refused to issue a passport for one member of the family, thus forcing the traveler to return. The law controlled very severely the travel of foreigners into Romania. No matter if they were tourists or visited their family, foreign citizens had to report when entering the country the number of days they intended to stay, and had to exchange a certain amount of money defined by the law for every day they intended to spend in Romania. Furthermore a foreign citizen could stay only in a hotel. Any individual Romanian citizen could get a significant fine if it turned out that they secured accommodation for a foreigner. The only exception were first degree relatives, but they also had to be reported to the police, indicating the number of days they would spend at the person accommodating them.

Felicia Menzel

Felicia Menzel

Brasov

Romania

Interviewer: Andreea Laptes

Date of the interview: November 2003

Mrs. Menzel is a small 83-year-old woman with short, gray-whitehair, who lives alone in a three-room apartment in an old building which at different times housed a secret location of the Securitate 1 and a bank. She suffers from diabetes and high blood pressure, and doesn’t go out much. She spends most of her time alone, reading or watching TV. She is happy whenever she has visitors, and she becomes so talkative, that it's hard to slip a question here and there into the conversation. Her house is modestly furnished, she still has pieces that belonged to her parents-in-law. She was very attached to her family, and she loves to tell family stories.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

My paternal grandfather, David Grunberg, was born in Iasi some time in the 1850s; I never knew him, he died in Piatra Neamt in the 1890s, before I was born. He worked as an engraver, and died when my father was very young, so I don’t know much about him. He was married to Adela Grunberg, my paternal grandmother. We called her Booba Adela [booba means grandmother in Yiddish], but I didn’t get to know her very well either: she couldn’t stand my mother, Haia Sura Grunberg, she resented her for marrying her son. She believed that her son, my father, Saia Grunberg, could have married a rich woman. That being said, my mother had a trousseau when she got married, and her father had a shop, so we were not poor. So I never got to see her house, but I know she lived with a brother of hers, old Mendel we used to call him; however, we were not on visiting terms and my mother avoided her.

My father, Saia Grunberg, had one elder brother, Iosif Grunberg, who lived with his wife Ani in the USA, in Philadelphia. He was a photographer and she was a dressmaker, I think. They have two children, Sophie and Evelyn. Booba Adela went to the USA to live with them in the late 1920s, when I was eight or nine years old. We called uncle Iosif ‘Uncle Joe,’ and he wrote to us from time to time, as did his wife. I think my grandmother died there, in Philadelphia, some time in the 1930s.

I have heard family stories about my great-grandfather, my maternal grandfather’s father, Idel Schatz. He lived in Iasi as well, and died when he was 110 years old. He studied at a yeshivah [educational institution dedicated to the study of Judaism's traditional central texts], and he was a scholar; he was offered to become a rabbi, but he refused, he said he didn’t want to become a ‘schnorrer,’ as he said in Yiddish, a beggar. So he opened a private school for boys, where he taught them Gemara [rabbinical commentaries and analysis]. He also taught prayers, since boys were required to recite Kaddish at family funerals. He was also a chazzan at a synagogue, because he had a beautiful voice.

My other great-grandfather, my maternal grandmother’s father, was named Fainaru and he was a shop owner in Iasi. From what my grandmother used to tell me, he was a very religious man, who wore payes and a beard. I remember she mentioned to me that he was sometimes harassed by hooligans in the street, who used to pull him by the beard. He owned a shop with cereals and other grain products. He died before I was born, but I don’t know exactely when, and I am sure he was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Iasi.

My maternal grandfather, Pinhas, or Pincu, as the Romanians used to call him, Schatz, was born in Iasi in 1852, and he was a grain shop owner; he kept two modest stands in a market place that had recently opened back then. He sold all sorts of cereals like flour or corn flour, and macaroni and sugar, products which didn’t come in contact with meat. He spoke Yiddish, but Romanian as well. I know my maternal grandparents had a house of their own, but I never knew that house; I only really knew them once they lived in the same house as us. I know from my mother that in my grandparents’ former house there hadn’t been electricity; she had ruined her eyesight reading during the night or learning with an oil lamp. That old house was in Sfantu-Lazar neighborhood, which was a Jewish, or half-Jewish neighborhood, mostly intellectual Jews lived there.

My grandfather was a religious man, quite religious, because his father had been a scholar: he went to the synagogue on the Sabbath and High Holidays, wore tefillin and observed kashrut. He didn’t have payes [side-curls] or a beard and he never shaved with a blade [it is forbidden for men to use a blade to shave according to traditional orthodox Judaism]. Someone, a barber I think, came to his home and trimmed his beard with a machine. He went to the mikveh every morning and when he came home from work in the evening, he washed, changed his clothes, took a religious book he had from his father, and went into a corner to read, that was his relaxation. Also, every evening he said his prayers singing, he had a beautiful voice like his father. He wore tefillin when he prayed at home, but not the tallit, he wore it only in the synagogue.

He was married to my grandmother Seindla Schatz, nee Fainaru, who was born in Iasi in 1866. She spoke Yiddish as well, and she too was religious: she lit candles every Friday evening and she cooked kosher food. She observed the Sabbath, but she only went to the synagogue on the High Holidays. She didn’t wear a wig or a kerchief. I don’t think she had any schooling, she was a housewife, but she helped my grandfather at the counters in the market: she sold merchandise, at the retail counter, and my grandfather sold at the wholesale counter. Their business was rather good, the market was near the law court in Iasi, and a lot of people did their shopping there.

My grandfather wasn’t politically involved, but we kept a Keren Kayemet 2 box in our house. My grandmother was strict, and a dignified person, she never went in anybody’s courtyard, and she didn’t talk much with our Christian tenants, who rented a room from us between the two World Wars.

She had a few quarrels with my grandfather, I remember, because he used to take presents, products and the like, to every rabbi who was in Iasi, to show his respect, not for anything else, he wasn’t looking for help. But their financial situation wasn’t so good; they were working hard, so sometimes my grandmother didn’t approve of all these presents.

My grandfather used to be quite a merry person in his youth, I was told, but when I knew him he had heart problems already: he suffered from angina pectoris, which he got when he ran after a tram and fell.

My grandfather had siblings who left for the USA, but I don’t know their names. My grandmother also had three sisters who all left for the USA: Roza Katzman, Freda and Lea. I don’t know why my grandparents didn’t leave for the USA as well; but life wasn’t easy back then, and their siblings couldn’t have helped them very much. Moreover, my grandfather was very religious, and he was the only one who could recite Kaddish after his parents died.

My mother, Haia Sura, was their only child. I heard two versions about why my mother was the only child: my grandmother used to say that my grandfather hurt one of his testicles as a child in a fall, which is a true story, but it turned out that it wasn’t the cause of the problem! But when my mother was a young woman, she took her mother to a doctor at an age when she was still young and could have borne children, and the doctor told her she had a problem caused by my mother’s birth, which prevented her from carrying another child.

My mother was born in 1888 in Iasi, and her mother tongue was Yiddish. She studied at a boarding school for young ladies in Iasi, which belonged to two old German spinsters, so she knew German very well. I remember my mother used to tell me that her mother used to tie her beautiful hair in a pigtail with a taffeta ribbon. One of the Knoch spinsters, who was more ill-tempered, always got mad at my mother, because when she moved, the taffeta would creak, and she used to cry out, ‘Du Fratz!’ [‘You little brat,’ a very Austrian German term]. Mother worked as well, but before she married: she taught German and manual training classes at the Jewish school in Iasi; my mother was known in Jewish circles because of her father and grandfather.

My father, Saia Grunberg, was born in Iasi in 1887. He spoke Romanian, and he studied at a business high school in Iasi. He worked as an accountant and as a proxy for another Jew named Horovitz. I never knew my father, he died in 1921, when I wasn’t even a year old. Everything I know about him is from stories my mother told me.

This is how my father met my mother, Haia Sura Grunberg [nee Schatz]: at a  Social Democrats club, they were both Social Democrats. They fell in love and got married in 1914. They had a religious wedding, my grandfather wouldn’t have had it any other way: but the wedding didn't take place in the synagogue, they had the chuppah at home. My father refused to wear a gold wedding ring, he thought it wasn’t proper for a social democrat, so only my mother had a wedding ring. [Editor’s note: Jewish women receive a wedding ring at their wedding,  men don’t need to wear one.] My mother’s parents weren’t against my father because he was a social democrat; their daughter was one as well. He wasn’t very religious anyway. My mother used to say, as a superstition, that if he had worn a wedding ring, maybe he wouldn’t have died so young.

My mother would never have married a Christian, not so much for her sake, but she adored her parents, and her father was especially religious. My father was quite passionate about Social Democracy, he even wrote articles in newspapers, like Romania Muncitoare [Workers’ Romania, a Social Democratic newspaper]; he had a quick temper, from what my mother told me about him. My parents went camping to celebrate on 1st May. It was more like a party, workers came of course, but it wasn’t much of a parade. After my father died, my mother didn’t go anymore.

One year after they got married, in 1915, my elder sister Angela was born. My father had already left for war; in 1914, he was drafted to the Romanian army. During World War I he fell prisoner to the Austro-Hungarians, in Slovakia. He was held hostage until the end of the war, in a place called [in German] Trentschin-Teplitz [Trencianske Teplice in Slovakian]. My mother didn’t know where he was for a while, she was desperate, so she kept on going to Bucharest, to the army’s general staff, and she persisted until she found out that he was alive. My father came home in 1918.

My father spoke Italian very well, and when he came back from the war, he was sent by his employer to Italy, and, with his gift for languages, he became fluent in Italian in six weeks. So those Italian partners, who were in the weaving industry, grew interested in him, and fond of him as well, so they gave him a new job, supervising their new representation in Galati. We almost moved to Galati, because of my father’s business interests there, but my grandfather wouldn’t hear of it, he didn’t want to leave his synagogue and his rabbis.

My father set up the business with the help of two of his Social Democrat friends, he had no money of his own to invest. This was his occupation between 1918 and 1921, but nothing much came out of it, because he soon died. He fell ill with flu, got a septicemia and died. He was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Iasi, named Pacurari; my maternal grandfather recited Kaddish for him.

The house we lived in was an old house in Iasi, on Anastasie Panu Street, with three rooms, a balcony, and with the toilet and the kitchen on the balcony. The rooms had no separate entry, each one led into the other, in a row, so if you wanted to go from the last room outside, you had to go through the other two rooms. Several neighboring houses shared our courtyard, but there was no garden, and my mother didn’t grow anything as the yard was paved. We had running water and electricity.

My father had bought our house, the one I lived in, but unfortunately he never got to live in it, he died before we moved in. I was born in 1920. After his death, in 1921 my grandparents came to live with us: it wasn’t proper for my mother, being a young widow and their only child, to live alone. Our financial situation wasn’t great, but I never knew what hunger was, or what it felt like not to be able to buy an orange or something like that.

Growing up

When I was little, I met a few rabbis that were in Iasi, because my grandmother wasn't happy for my mother to be so young and remain a widow with two children, she wanted her to remarry. The rabbi, one from Sighet, came home with the shadkhan, a nice old man, but my mother didn't like anyone they suggested. I remember that my sister and I were introduced as well, and I burst out laughing when I saw that the rabbi went into a corner to pray. We had to leave the room immediately, my mother only cast a glance at us but we knew it meant trouble. We laughed because we thought it was funny how he went into a corner and started praying all of a sudden, because he didn’t look like a rabbi to us, he had no payes or beard.

Even after that there were rabbis from Cluj, from Buhusi [town in Bacau county, on the bank of Bistrita river], from Stefanesti [in Botosani county] , but my mother didn’t accept anybody. So although she was still young, my mother never remarried, she didn’t fancy anyone. And it wasn't for lack of interest in her: I remember during the war, because our father was home the army requisitioned one room, and a professor from Galati, a Christian named Tohaneanu, lived there and he fell in love with my mother. But he was a very polite and well-read man, and my mother talked to him, about books of course. He never crossed the line.

We observed the Sabbath, my grandfather didn’t work, and someone from the families we always had as tenants came to light the fire. We had a servant who did the cleaning, but my mother and grandmother did the cooking. The food was kosher, we kept separate pots for milk and meat; I remember arguments about that, because sometimes the servant washed a fork that came in contact with milk in the basin for the pots that came in contact with meat. When my grandmother noticed, there would be a big scandal, and the servant had to go.

For Friday evenings my mother cooked gefilte fish, I liked to watch her cook: she removed the skin and the bones, then she minced it, tradition said you had to mince it three times in the machine; then she added eggs, pepper and flour or bread crumbs, I don’t remember exactly. We didn’t have soup all the time, but we had boiled poultry, with potatoes and a cake.

My mother wanted to have time to say the blessing rather than spend too much time cooking on Friday afternoon, so on Thursday she always cooked traditional Moldavian sponge cakes, they were delicious, and other cookies as well.  I didn’t have time to help my mother much in the kitchen, I was busy with school.

Before dinner, my grandfather went into a corner and said a prayer, and everybody had to keep quite while he did that. He said blessings if he ate fruit, he recited the kiddush on Friday evening, my grandmother lit two candles. My grandmother was the one who lit the candles on Friday evenings, she used the Yiddish term ‘bentshen likht’ for the blessing she said. At the [conclusion of] the Sabbath my grandfather said Havdalah. My mother didn’t observe the Sabbath very strictly, but she tried not to light the fire, she didn’t sew, she didn’t cook.

My mother went to the synagogue only on the High Holidays, more for her father’s sake, as she didn’t want to upset him. When I was little, on the High Holidays, I went to the same synagogue as my grandparents, but my mother used to go to the big temple: the rabbi there was married to a former school friend of hers. My grandfather liked his synagogue, all his friends were there. The prayers stopped at 10am for a break, ‘osmenes’ in Yiddish, and he usually was invited to lunch or for refreshments at one of their friends, who lived close to the synagogue.

Our home was kosher over Pesach; my mother kept special tableware just for Pesach in the attic, in a trunk, and nobody was allowed to touch it except for my grandfather, who went up in the attic to get them on Pesach Eve; of course, there was a lot of cleaning beforehand. On Pesach we didn’t eat bread for eight days, only matzah; we were so desperate for bread after that!

We observed the Seder Eve, my grandfather sat in an armchair, on a cushion, and he read the mah nishtanah [Editor’s note: usually the four questions are asked by the youngest participants of the service], but I don’t remember ever having afikoman, maybe there was afikoman when my sister was younger.

On Chanukkah, my grandfather would light the candles one by one, every day; we had a silver chanukkiyah. I never received presents on Chanukkah, only Chanukkah gelt. It was just a few coins, which my grandmother usually gave us, but we didn’t mind. We didn’t dress up for Purim at home, it wasn’t such a merry house because we were lacking a father. But I remember, one of our Jewish tenants, Miss Mita, organized some festivities at the Jewish school where she taught, and she invited us as well. My mother made me a beautiful domino suit, with white and blue, and a cap, but I fell ill and I couldn’t go in the end.

Iasi had a very big Jewish community, with all sorts of functionaries, and synagogues, and the big temple, and mikves and so on. I don’t know exactly how many mikves were there, but I remember my mother told me, that when she was a young woman, before she married my father, she used to go to the mikveh with her mother, after her period. [Editor’s note: Married women go to the mikveh for ritual immersion after each period, after which they can again be with their husbands.] My mother told me that for the Orthodox Jews, a woman having her period was considered dirty, and the man didn’t touch her. [Editor's note: It is understood that a period signifies the loss of a potential life. A woman is not considered dirty, rather she is in a state of spiritual impurity during her period, after which she immerses in a mikveh to become spiritually pure again]. That’s why in the couple’s bedroom there used to be two beds, because the woman had to sleep alone when she had her period.  After she gave birth to my sister, mother told me that the Jewish women came to see her and bring her sour-cherries as gifts. 

I remember, close to Rosh Hashanah time, my mother used to send me with the servant to the hakham [wise man/rabbi]: she was afraid that the servant girl would just kill the chicken herself and keep the money we gave her for the hakham, these things happened sometimes; so I was sent to supervise! [This is a ritual that takes place before Yom Kippur which involves pledging a sum to charity.]

On Rosh Hashanah, after my grandfather died, my mother read the prayers; she learned that from her grandfather, because my grandmother didn’t see that well anymore. She recited them very well. My mother had a good voice, she sang to us sometimes, when she was in the mood. On Yom Kippur, my grandparents fasted, and my mother fasted too for as long as they were alive; but after that, she didn’t. I think she did it for her parents’ sake, but she herself was a bit angry with the idea of religion, because her husband died so young. We kids never fasted, however.

I never went to the market with my mother, she wasn’t allowed to exert herself, she had high blood pressure after my father died; usually, the servant went shopping for groceries, or sometimes my grandmother. Also, I remember there was a poor old Jewish woman, named Malka. She never begged, but she always carried a big bulrush basket and my grandmother used to send her to the market to bring home what we needed, and she paid her for that.

I remember one time, it was the Easter holiday, it was warm outside, April I think, and Malka came into the kitchen, with her basket. We girls were educated of course to have clean hands and clean nails, and then I noticed that Malka’s nails were black from dirt and dust; so I went to fetch my scissors, and cut her nails. I was nine years old I think, and still in elementary school. Malka was stunned, she wasn’t used to being treated this way by kids; but I was a merciful child, I liked old people, and very young children as well: I remember, whenever one of my mother’s tenants gave birth, I wouldn't move from their bedside, I was fascinated by them, they were like dolls!

We had a library in our house, but when I was little it was locked, because my mother had books on sexology, which a child shouldn’t read. But of course she gave me books to read, the ones I was allowed to. All the books were in German, and they were mostly about pedagogy, sexual education and so on. My mother never hit us, she was a fan of pedagogy. She read Rousseau. [Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-1778): French deistic philosopher and author of the famous ‘Discours sur l'origine et les fondements de l'inegalite parmi les hommes’, ‘Du Contrat social.’] There was a book about Lenin’s 3 life, and one sent to my father from Uncle Joe, called ‘Why I am a communist,’ but these were the only communist books.

We had religious books as well, lots of them, from my great-grandfather and my grandfather. They were all written in Hebrew, they were about the Gemara, but I don’t remember the titles. I remember my grandfather always read by candle-light when it was one of his religious books, and that I loved to stay near him. The wax melted and fell on the paper, and I liked to scrape it from the leaves of the book. My mother didn’t advise me what to read, I read the books we had in school, I didn't need any encouragement to read, I loved it.

Between the two world wars, we always let out one room, so we could have money to cover our expenses. Once, one room was rented to two Christian priests: you can’t imagine, what they did, they got drunk, came home during the night, made quite a row, and my mother had to sleep with her parents, because they had to go through her room as well, and she was alone, she was afraid that they would come over to her.

I remember, when my grandfather came home from the synagogue on Saturdays, he took me by the hand and walked with me in the street until lunch was ready; we talked about all sorts of things: how was my day, how was his, and so on.

I remember a funny incident that was the topic of one of these Saturday conversations with my grandfather. Usually, our tenants in the spare room were Jewish girls, one or two, students in Iasi. Jewish students sought out my mother, because it was known that our house is a Jewish home that respects traditions.

One of these tenants was Mita Iacobson, from Ivesti, near Galati; she was a teacher at a Jewish school in town. She came from a religious family as well and my mother was usually very friendly with her, and with all the Jewish students. She helped them sometimes with their homework, and they ate in our house, because the food was kosher and they didn’t have to go out into town to look for a Jewish restaurant. Actually, the kosher canteen for Jewish students only opened later.

I adored Mita, I was four or five years old, and she used to talk to me. One evening, when Mita was free because she didn’t have classes the next day, my mother was chatting with Mita in the living room, joking and so on. Now, Mita didn’t wear any make-up, and she wore her hair pulled up tight, in two plaits; my mother, on the other hand, did wear a bit of lipstick once in a while, and jokingly, my mother taught her how to wear lipstick and made her wear it for the evening. When I saw Miss Mita, I was a polite girl, I always called her Miss,, I said to her, ‘Oh, my goodness, Miss Mita, you look so beautiful, you look like a cocotte!’ And I must tell you, cocotte didn’t mean a coquettish woman, it meant a tramp, or a whore!

She went straight to my mother and told her, ‘Guess what Felica, that was my nickname, called me!’ My mother was stunned, she was a very decent woman and she couldn’t imagine where I had heard that word. But nobody scolded me, only on Saturday, while we were walking my grandfather told me, ‘You know, you called Miss Mita a word you are not supposed to use.’ and so on. I think he had pedagogical talent, like my mother.

The bottom line is, I had heard that word at one of my mother’s meetings, when she gathered with the Jewish ladies that were in school committees, like her. No matter how decent they were, and they were, the word slipped out during their gossiping. I must have overheard it and misunderstood its meaning. But my mother rarely had guests over, she only invited people when she had also been invited, because she was very busy with the household.

My mother mostly had Jewish friends; I know she had one Christian friend, a female doctor she got to know while she was at Vatra Dornei [spa region located in Bistritei Mountains, in Suceava county] for high blood pressure treatment; they made friends and they were on visiting terms. We sometimes visited some other relatives of my father, some cousins, the Bughici family. They were all musicians, my father also had a very good voice, and one of them, Dumitru Bughici, was a composer.

My mother went on vacation a couple of times while my grandfather was still alive. I remember she went to [the former] Czechoslovakia, where there were two famous spas: Karlsbad [famous spa in the Czech Republic], for the rich Jews, and Franzensbad, for the middle-class ones. My mother always went to Franzensbad, as she had to take care of her high blood pressure. I think she also went to Zizin [Romanian spa located at the foot of the Ciucas Mountains in Brasov county, famous for its mineral springs]. I went on vacation with my mother and my sister as well, once to Techirghiol [town in Southeastern extremity of Romania in Constanta county, situated on the shore of Lake Techirghiol, an all-season resort], and twice to Vatra Dornei.

Our neighbors were mostly Jews, because it was a Jewish neighborhood, and my mother got along well with them; she wanted to be respected, especially because she was a widow. She didn’t make friends with our neighbors though; I think her friends were a bit more intellectual. In any case, she had very little time for socializing, the house always needed repairs, she had two kids to raise, and two parents to take care of, because they were busy with the shop during the day.

I went to parades on 10th May [commemoration of the crowning of the first Romanian King, and the creation of the Romanian Kingdom, which took place on 10th May 1883]. I was in High School already, and it was compulsory to go: we stood by the side of the road and watched the military parade. I remember the 13th infantry regiment, which was from Iasi, and the students from the boys' High Schools marching.

There were rich and poor Jews in Iasi alike; the poor ones were mostly craftsmen, like tailors or shoe makers. I remember one shoemaker in particular, who came into the courtyards and called out that he fixed shoes. But he, like many other Jews, didn’t speak Romanian very well, so he called out, ‘Repar iefti!’ [in Romanian: ‘I fix chea!’] instead of ’Repar ieftin!’ [‘I fix cheap!’].

There were Jews who were better off, like Ehrlich; he worked across the street from our house. He was the director of the first weaving mill in Iasi; he had a Bohemian wife, I remember, and he owned a La Salle car, to the delight of all the boys in the street, because that wasn't something you saw every day back then. I liked to watch him come to work in the morning, he always pressed his horn!

My grandfather had a shop, which was nothing fancy, just three iron compartments with the merchandise in them. My grandmother used to sell at a counter in front, and she stood on some steps a bit above the ground, because it was very cold in autumn and winter. I remember they used to heat the shop with charcoal, and it was a bit dangerous, because the fumes could be toxic, although it never caused them any problems. My grandmother left the shop earlier than my grandfather, to come home and fix dinner.

My grandfather died in 1928, he had a heart attack while he was at work. After he died, my grandmother sold the shop. I only found out that he had died when I saw my mother and grandmother sitting shivah: they wanted to keep it from me for a while, because I was very close to my grandfather, he was like a father to me. So I didn’t go to his funeral, but I know he was buried in the Jewish cemetery in Iasi, in Pacurari, and a relative of his, I don’t know who exactly, recited the Kaddish.

When I was little, I never went to kindergarten, so I spent most of my time playing in the courtyard; I made friends quickly with the other kids, but especially with the boys; that's why my mother sent me to school when I was six, because I wanted to go out of the yard with the boys, strolling or finding other places to play, and that wasn’t proper for a little girl.

I didn’t have a nanny; my father had been strongly against it, he was a great patriot, and didn’t approve of his children learning a language other than the one of the country they lived in. So my mother took care of me, with the help of the servant. I played most of the time, and when the weather was nice, my mother took me out for walks in Copou [Iasi’s central park], to listen to the fanfare that played in a kiosk in the center of the park.

Also, my sister Angela had to take care of me, watch over me, my mother insisted on that, because she was five years older than me. I remember when I was a bit older, Angela had to take me with her all the time, and her friends were sometimes annoyed, they said to her, ‘Why do you keep bringing Feli to be on our tails all the time?’

When I was about six years old, my mother brought an old, ugly spinster to teach me Hebrew. Miss Smuckler was a Hebrew and Yiddish teacher at a Jewish school in Iasi. I was usually an obedient little girl, but I didn’t want to listen to her, I gave her a hard time; I didn’t want to answer her questions, I was stubborn. When I was little I didn’t like ugliness in any form, I liked beautiful people, and Miss Smuckler was ugly, so her lessons didn’t go that well!

My mother didn’t punish me and she didn’t insist on me continuing the Hebrew lessons, she had done that for my grandfather’s sake mostly. She also knew from her own grandfather what it felt like to be forced to learn something you didn’t like. She had been in the same situation: her father wanted her to learn Hebrew, the Talmud, as the only child, but she wasn’t especially drawn to that. And her father complained to his father, my mother’s grandfather, and he said, ‘Let her be, she will be an ‘oyfgeklert,’ that means a free spirit, a free thinker in Yiddish.

I was very fond of Angela. One time, she was taking violin lessons, and she was at her teacher's house, when a terrible storm broke out. I was terrified of storms, and I started crying and screaming that Angela was in danger if she came home alone during such a storm; I was only five, I think, but my mother or the servant, I don’t remember who, went to pick up Angela for my sake, otherwise they wouldn't have been able to make me stop crying!

I went to a normal elementary school, whose principal was a Romanian, Mrs. Botez; I remember I was quite afraid of her; she was a very imposing woman, a colonel’s wife. Once, I went out to play with the kids when my mother was out, picking up Angela from her violin lessons, and I lost track of time. When my mother and sister came back, I was still out and I hadn’t done my homework, so Angela did it for me; the teacher noticed that it wasn’t my handwriting!

After elementary school I went to an Orthodox High School, whose principal was Princess Cantacuzino. [Editor’s note: Alexandrina Cantacuzino was the president of the Society of the Orthodox Romanian women and founder of the Orthodox schools and high schools in Romania.] I went to that High School because of a friend of my mother’s, a doctor, Mrs. Dona, whose daughter taught history there, and probably recommended it to my mother.

I was a good student, and quite appreciated: I sang in the choir, and on one Christmas, I received a box of sweets with a note saying that I was delicate, disciplined and well brought-up. I didn’t celebrate Christian holidays, but I took part in the festivities, as I had to sing in the choir; also, I took classes about the Christian religion. Once on an Epiphany festivity, I was sprinkled with holy water by the metropolitan bishop himself! [Editor’s note: The Epiphany is celebrated on 6th January by the Anglican, Eastern, and Roman Catholic churches. The feast is still recognized in the Eastern Church as the anniversary of the baptism of Christ, when the holy water is blessed by a bishop or priest.]

I remember that sometimes I came home singing Christian songs, like ‘Ceresc Tata’ [Holy Father in Romanian], and my mother made fun of me, saying, ‘Are you singing Ce razi, Tata’? [a play on words, meaning ‘What are you laughing at, Father?’]. Among Jews, it was forbidden to pronounce the name of Jesus, and my mother, when she didn’t approve of the behavior of some Jews, Jews were good and bad, like any other human beings, used to say, ‘They are the kind of Jews who tortured the Christian God!’

There were many other Jewish girls there at the school, like a friend of mine, Toni Moscovici, but the Jewish girls had to pay a higher fee for education than the priests’, officers’ and teachers’ daughters, who benefited from a reduction. So the principal talked to my mother and advised her to move me to Mihail Kogalniceanu High School, which was cheaper, and in a Jewish neighborhood, which my mother did, especially because Angela was studying there as well.

I didn’t have many close friends in school, I was shy and not very talkative back then. At the Orthodox High School I got along with Chichi Patriciu, who was the daughter of the principal of the High School for boys in Iasi. However, we weren’t on visiting terms. At Mihail Kogalniceanu High School I got along better with Felicia Lobl, a Jewish girl and a former neighbor of mine.

I liked all subjects at school, but I found mathematics a bit difficult. The teachers were very good however, except Professor Otetea, who was an academic, and taught history. He was a very good teacher as well, but he had published a book, and insisted that we studied from it, word by word, which I couldn’t do; so I didn’t like him much.

I was never part of an organization, sports or cultural; we did have some gymnastics classes in High School and some dance classes as well, but that was all. My sister and I never had private language lessons, we didn’t need them; we learned very well in school, and my mother knew German, so she could help us with our German homework: she didn’t teach us though, there was no need, we learned German in school. I took piano lessons but not for long, as money was short for that; a former friend of my father’s had lent me a piano to practice on.

During my High School years, I went to concerts and operettas rather often, I once even heard Enescu play [George Enescu(1881-1955): a Romanian violinist, composer of eleven symphonic works, renowned conductor and teacher; among his students were Yehudi Menuhin and Dinu Lipatti.] I didn’t go to the theater that much, although my sister used to take me when I was smaller to plays for children, or puppet shows.

I remember the political climate before World War II, my mother talked about it. I remember one funny incident concerning Cuza [after whom the Cuzits 4 naming comes]. My mother had a cousin, Ela Finkelstein was her name: Ela was more beautiful than my mother, but my mother was well-read and polite, so they spent time together. Before the war broke out, Ela and my mother went to the university in Iasi, to attend lectures on the German language, as that was my mother’s specialty. They weren’t students, they just went there from time to time.

Herr Professor Cuza was renowned for his anti-Semitic opinions, and for the fact that he only spoke German with the Jews, despite knowing Romanian. He was also renowned for two other things: that he talked in a lisping voice, so he pronounced ‘j’ as ‘z,’ and that ‘he didn’t like Zews, but he did like Zewish little women’!

So one day, my mother and Ela were coming back from the university, and their shoe laces got loose, they had probably left the university in a hurry: so Ela bent down to tie my mother’s laces, as my mother couldn’t do it herself, because she was wearing stays, and so was Ela. When it was my mother’s turn to tie Ela’s shoelaces, out of the blue appeared Herr Professor and tied Ela’s shoelaces; and he knew very well that they were ‘Zews’!

I remember there was talk in our house about anti-Semitism; my mother thought that the greatest anti-Semites were the teachers, professors and priests, because they were teaching the students to be anti-Semites too. There was also a common prejudice, that Jews have red hair, which wasn’t always true. ^

I experienced anti-Semitism, but not in a violent way: I remember when I was in High School, I was going back to school by tram after coming home to eat lunch. It was the afternoon, and in front of the tram there was a Jewish funeral convoy, that went to Pacurari, the Jewish cemetery in Iasi. I went to the front of the tram as I was late so I wanted to be the first to get off, and I heard the driver say, ‘I hope as many of these [Jews] remain, as I have baptized!’ I was shocked, but I didn’t say anything.

My sister, Angela, right after she graduated from High School, went to study Italian in Bucharest, in my father’s memory. But she only studied for one or two years, as my mother didn’t have enough money to support her for the full four years. Once back in Iasi she took up law, but she had to drop out from university, as she had problems with her colleagues, they beat her with snow and insulted her. So after three years of studying law at university she had to drop it.

We came to Brasov in 1938, mainly because of my sister’s health. After she went on vacation with my mother to Valcele [commune and spa situated in Covasna county, well-known for its mineral waters], she came back unwell; she had developed a strange allergy to cat hair, which was hard to treat and which was discovered rather late.

During the war

By 1938 it grew harder and harder to find a job; so, because of that and because my mother didn’t have money to send Angela to spas as often as she needed, we decided to come to Brasov, which at least had good clean air. When we moved to Brasov we had to leave most of our books behind, as we couldn’t carry them, and when we came back for them in 1944, some of the neighbors we still knew told us that they had burnt them, because they were communist books!

Angela found a job as a secretary at the Electrica plant; one of the two managers was Italian and he needed someone who could speak the language. At first only my mother, Angela and I came to Brasov; it was only after Angela found the job that we brought my grandmother as well. In the meantime she stayed with a relative of ours in Iasi, one of her nieces. My grandmother died in Brasov in 1942, and she was buried in the Orthodox Jewish cemetery here; it was somebody from the community who recited the Kaddish, I don’t know who.

We were lucky that we came to Brasov, we didn’t suffer much from anti-Semitism; there were anti-Jewish laws [in Romania] 5 of course, but no pogroms, like we found out there had been in Iasi: a distant relative of ours, a cousin’s husband, Gust, and their son, Saia, were murdered.

My mother found out about it in the following way: one day somebody came to tell her that there was a train with Jews from Iasi at the railway station, and my mother hurried there. She met some acquaintances who told her what had happened. Their story was that the legionaries 6 had climbed on the roof of Braustein’s elegant footwear shop, and fired at the Romanian army, which was marching through Iasi towards the Prut river. Then they blamed the Jews, because the shots allegedly came from a Jew-owned building. So that was what caused the pogrom in Iasi. Our relatives were among those shot in the prefecture’s courtyard. The ones in the train were the ones sent to forced labor camps in Campeni.

At first we rented a furnished room. Then thanks to Angela, we could afford two rooms. I couldn’t find a real job: I had to tutor elementary school girls, with all their homework, in all subjects. My mother also started to tutor elementary school girls at home in German and there was a German elementary school in Brasov, so there were plenty of pupils who needed her help. But one Saxon woman found out, I don’t know how, and she caused a row at the school, because a Jewish woman was teaching Saxons’ children; many of the Saxons were anti-Semites, so my mother had to stop. So basically, my sister supported all of us, me, my mother and my grandmother, throughout World War II. I was unemployed until 1944.

During the war, everything was considered normal, all the anti-Jewish laws. We had the right to buy milk and bread, for example, but only after 10 o’clock in the morning, so that the Romanians could be the first to buy what they needed. It was a common prejudice that Jews speculated with everything, food included. There was a ‘Molkerei’ [German for ‘dairy shop’] in town, where my mother used to go. It was owned by a Saxon woman, and every day at ten, she would close down the shop for a few hours, so that she didn’t have to sell milk to Jews. In the end, my mother made friends with some peasants from Stupini [a village 5 km from Brasov], and they gave us milk, so that problem was solved.

We had no idea about the deportations of Jews, we were a bit stranded here, we didn’t know the Jews from the community very well; we found out only later. I remember we had a Saxon friend who told us later that even they, the Saxons, were amazed to find out about the deportations.

I met my husband, Zoltan Menzel, during the war, in 1940, in this very house I live in today, just upstairs, in a Jewish club called Ahava. I don’t know if it was a Zionist club or not: it had several rooms, in some the ladies drank tea, and in others the men played cards. They organized balls from time to time, but that's all I know about the club. Zoltan wasn’t a Zionist though, and neither was I.

My mother, on the other hand, gave money to help Jews in prisons, or for other Zionist purposes. It was called the Red Help, and she did it throughout the period between the two World Wars. [Editor’s note: The Red Help was an underground communist organization, which helped the imprisoned communists with packages, and their relatives who remained without support with money.]

During the war, Zoltan was drafted to forced labor, together with other young Jews from Brasov, and he had to go to work in construction, digging all over Brasov county. We got married when the war was over, in 1944. I don’t know if it mattered so much to me that he was a Jew, but I didn’t like anybody else. We didn’t have a religious wedding, that cost money and we were broke, both unemployed.

Zoltan was born in Budapest in 1915, but after World War I he moved with his parents to Brasov, when he was in second grade at elementary school. He went to a German High School here in Brasov, called Honterus. [Named after Johannes Honterus, where all the classes are taught in German.] He graduated in 1933, when Hitler came to power and anti-Semitism started to spread. I think he was in a special class: all of them remained united and close until they grew old and died. Every year they celebrated the anniversary of their High School graduation, either in Munich, Germany, where some of his former colleagues were living at the time, or here, in Brasov. My husband also went to the Jewish school here, he took some classes while at High School; he was Rabbi Deutsch's favorite student! His mother tongue was Hungarian.

His father, Iulius, worked as a commercial manager at a wood factory, and his mother, Etelka, was a housewife. At first, his mother didn’t like me much: I was brought up to be an honest and dignified person, and she was used to all the Hungarian girls who were pursuing Zoltan, and who were buttering her up all the time. Zoltan was a handsome man, and women were crazy about him: he even had a photo album with all his former lady friends! I needed a lot of patience, I even tore up a few photos of some good-looking girls, but my patience paid off: we married, and had a very happy marriage.

My mother-in-law was a religious woman, but it was a different story with my father-in-law, who got baptized. It was such a scandal! When he came to Brasov, he made friends with the Lutheran priest, and he finally got baptized, I believe the priest persuaded him. His wife was so angry with him, she didn’t speak to him for weeks. He did it when anti-Semitism started, maybe he was afraid, but when I asked him why he did it, he said that with Jews he had to wash his hands too often! It was a joke, of course, I think he was referring to the mikves, or to the fact that Jews were very clean people, and every time they used the toilet they washed their hands. My mother-in-law felt stranded from the community with such a husband, so she didn’t go the synagogue anymore.

In my new family, we only observed some of the traditions; we observed only the High Holidays, especially Pesach. I was working, Saturdays weren’t free, so I didn’t observe the Sabbath and didn’t light candles on Friday evenings. The hours at work  were long, and then there were the chores around the house when I came back home, there was no time for tradition. However, Zoltan, Zoli as was his nickname, and I paid membership fees to the Jewish community. I did participate in conferences when important scholars or well-read Jews were invited to talk during communism. I remember listening to Mr. Nicolae Cajal [member of the Romanian Academy, President of the Jewish Communities Federation of Romania].

After the war

My sister married Ioan Sangeorzan, a Romanian, in 1944. He was a technician, and during the war he studied law in Cluj, but he was drafted by force into the Romanian army. He ran away, however, and came to Brasov. His brother had rented a room in our apartment here, that's how they met. They didn't have a religious wedding.

They have a daughter, Doina, who was born in 1952; she's married to a Jew, Petrica Vecsler, a doctor. Doina and her husband left for Canada in the late 1970s, I don’t remember exactly when, and then they settled in Milwaukee, in the USA. Doina is a housewife now, although she was to become a painter, she had great talent. She has two children, David and Julie, and she still calls me sometimes; I am very fond of her, she was like a daughter to me.

Angela and Ioan also left for America in the late 1970s, they couldn’t stay away from their daughter, and they settled in Milwaukee as well. My sister doesn’t observe Jewish traditions much, she wasn’t very interested, but my niece, Doina, does, together with her husband. I know their son David Robert had his bar mitzvah.

After the war, my husband worked as an accountant. My first job after the war was as a secretary for a Swiss company. Right after the war, there was a strong campaign against everything that was German, including the language and the literature, which was plain stupid, because the German people had achievements as well.

I was hired because I knew German and French: the manager, Zender, was a German, and he had a beautiful French wife. The typist was a Saxon woman, and she wrote down all correspondence in German. But as it was common practice that correspondence was written in French, I had to translate from German into French, which was rather hard: his wife helped me as well. Zender closed down his business, he was terrified of the Russians gaining power, and after that I worked at the Electrica plant as a secretary.

My husband voluntarily joined the Communist Party, he was an idealist: I remember he was fond of the book, Marx’s Youth. I joined the Communist Party as well, simply because my husband wanted me to: I wasn’t keen on politics. But I figured that our schedules would match, he would go to his party meeting, and I to mine, so I joined, since it was so important to him. We had to participate in marches on 23rd August 7, it was compulsory, you could find yourself in trouble if you refused; I was a secretary, and I had access to some relatively secret or important documents, so I couldn’t refuse. My husband and I participated in party meetings, and he took the floor sometimes, but I never did.

We left Electrica and Brasov in 1948, when my husband was transferred with work to Bucharest. He worked at a rubber plant, in charge of the financial division, which belonged to the Ministry of Chemistry. In Bucharest we received an apartment, and we stayed there for about a year.

I worked for a while at the Ministry of External Affairs, also as a secretary, until my son, Cornel Menzel, was born in 1949. We left when Cornel was ten months old. Cornel didn’t have a bar mitzvah. He wasn’t interested in religion or tradition at all; he identifies himself as a Jew, but that's all.

My mother was with us in Bucharest all this time: she had been there for a while, raising Angela’s daughter, Doina, because she had moved to Bucharest with her husband. After we moved there, my mother took care of Cornel. My mother died in Bucharest in 1980, and she was cremated, it was her wish before she died, so I respected that.

I was working in Bucharest when I heard about the birth of the State of Israel 8. I was happy; I think every Jew in the world was. The wars there affected me as well; it affects me if they cut a finger off of an Israeli soldier.

After Bucharest we moved to Tarnaveni [town located in Tarnavelor Plateau, on the banks of the river Tarnava Mica], because of my husband’s work again. I didn’t work there, I only took care of Cornel, but the conditions were terrible. We lived in a colony, and we had no running water, I had to keep a servant to help me fetch it and so on. Moreover, the environment was toxic, there were calcium carbide plants all around us. Cornel fell ill, and we eventually had to go back to Brasov.

A friend of my husband’s, Stern, a Jew who was an activist, helped him get a job at Steagu [Steagu Rosu: Red Flag plant in Brasov that manufactures trucks], so eventually we came back to Brasov and we stayed here. Again I got a job as a typist and as a secretary at the cooperative Sarguinta. I never had problems at work because of being a Jew, and neither did my husband. We first rented a furnished room in town, and then a one-room apartment in the same house. My mother-in-law didn’t want us to live with them, she said it was better for the young to stay separate from the old, to start fresh, and she was very right.

There was a funny incident when we moved back to Brasov: I was always late for the party meetings, because I had a child at home, and after work I ran home to check on him. There was a party secretary, Mr. Sas, who was a Hungarian, and when the meetings started, he usually took the floor and started to criticize the ‘unworthy’ members. Once, he wanted to reprove me for being late, and instead of saying, ‘Mrs. Menzel never comes on a regular basis!’ [in Romanian: ‘Dna Menzel nu vine niciodata regulat!’], he said, ‘Mrs. Menzel never comes regulated!’ [In Romanian: ‘Dna Menzel nu vine niciodata regulata!’; a play on words, caused by a mistake common to the Hungarian native speakers, who decline the Romanian adverb as an adjective]. He was the laughing stock of the meeting, and his words were a joke remembered there for many years!

We never thought of emigrating to Israel, because of the climate. My piano teacher from Brasov, who was a Jew and an artist, went to Israel and had to come back as the climate gave her asthma. My husband couldn’t stand the heat, and anyway, none of us knew the language.

Our circle of friends were mostly Jews, and friends of my husband; he had had a lot of friends! I remember going with another couple to Harghita [spa located in the vicinity of the Harghita Mountains], just after the war ended, and pulling in at an inn there. Back then inflation was still high, and it was hard to find all the food you needed. The innkeeper served us with roasted sucking pig, a delicacy we had never had until then, because we ate kosher food in Iasi, and later because it was hard, actually impossible to find on the market! Anyway, we ate it. After the war we couldn’t keep kosher anymore.

My son studied for three years at the Construction Institute in Bucharest. He didn’t complete the course, because we insisted on having him in Brasov, but in order to attend the courses of the Polytechnic here, he had to take six more exams, and he didn’t want to. He stayed at home for a year, but he worked, doing translations from German into Romanian for somebody. He also had a certificate of foreign commerce from Bucharest. He emigrated to the USA in 1975; he had to spend some time in Paris first, I don’t know exactly why, because of emigration regulations, and then he went to Philadelphia.

Cornel lives with a woman named Erika, who isn't American; I think she's of German or Hungarian origin, or both. My sister, Angela, met her, and that's what she thought. I never met her. Cornel has never come back since he left, he was afraid he would give us too many emotions our health didn’t need. After Zoltan died, in 1999, Erika started to write to me a bit, a postcard and so on. I never saw a photo of her either, because Cornel told me that she believes that she is not at all photogenic, so she never has her picture taken. I don't think they're married, Cornel never mentioned that to me.

When he first arrived in the USA, he worked at several companies, and now he does something for the government in and around Washington; he travels a lot, but I don’t know exactly what he does. Erika works with him as well now. I never had problems receiving letters, but then again there weren’t so many and they were about family news, not about politics.

My husband and I listened to Radio Free Europe 9, we bought a radio and we took it with us everywhere we went, especially when we went to Covasna, on vacation. We turned it on in the hotel room and listened to it very quietly. I was forbidden to listen to it, of course, but on that occasion we did: I didn’t listen to it much, I didn’t have time. My son, Cornel, did listen a lot, but he was a more relaxed character and didn’t tell us what news he heard.

I never had problems with the Securitate, but I did have one incident with them. A neighbor of mine told me that in this very building was a secret location of the Securitate. A doctor from Sacele [town in Brasov county, 25 km away from the town of Brasov], called Pap, lived on the ground floor; I never knew him, he had moved back to Sacele before we moved into this house, when my parents-in-law died. A man came to ask me all sorts of questions about him and I saw a gun under his coat. I wasn’t afraid, I told the truth that I never met the doctor, and he left.

Apparently they had discovered some writings or documents of his in his house, which were against the regime. When Cornel was on vacation from university, he told me that a Securitate officer had come to him, here in our house and tried to make him become an informer amongst his university colleagues. He refused, of course.

We struggled to get by financially during communism: we could manage because my husband traveled a lot around Stalin county, as Brasov was called back then, and he had his meals and accommodation paid for; so his salary was spent on household expenses. We went to the synagogue during communism, but only on the High Holidays.

Zoltan became more interested in religion as he was getting older, he even went to a minyan on Saturdays. He died in 1999, and I wasn’t happy about how the community handled the funeral, there were some administrative changes inside the community going on back then, and it wasn’t so well taken care of. An old man from the community, Mr. Lazar Bercovici, recited the Kaddish. I was so affected, I broke all connections with our friends, I didn’t write to any of them about his death.

Despite my efforts, I haven’t yet received any help from the government, because of my husband being drafted into forced labor during the war.

Today I occupy my time with the housekeeping, which is rather hard for me now, and a woman from the community comes every Tuesday to help me clean. I send her to do some shopping instead, because I can't go out without somebody to accompany me, I have high blood pressure and diabetes, and I have already fallen once at home, and I don’t want it to happen again in the street.

I also watch TV and read a lot, until late in the night, books, newspapers like Adevarul [The Truth, a left-wing newspaper loyal to the present governing party, the PSD], our Jewish magazine, Realitatea Evreiasca [Jewish Reality] and so on. I don’t go often to the synagogue, not even on the High Holidays, because of my health problems.

Glossary

1 Securitate (in Romanian

DGSP - Directia generala a Securitatii Poporului) General Board of the People's Security. Its structure was established in 1948 with direct participation of Soviet advisors named by the NKVD. The primary purpose was to 'defend all democratic accomplishments and to ensure the security of the Romanian Popular Republic against plots of both domestic and foreign enemies'. Its leader was Pantelimon Bondarenko, later known as Gheorghe Pintilie, a former NKVD agent. It carried out the arrests, physical torture and brutal imprisonment of people who became undesirable for the leaders of the Romanian Communist Party, and also kept the life of ordinary civilians under strict observation.

2 Keren Kayemet Leisrael (K

K.L.): Jewish National Fund (JNF) founded in 1901 at the Fifth Zionist Congress in Basel. From its inception, the JNF was charged with the task of fundraising in Jewish communities for the purpose of purchasing land in the Land of Israel to create a homeland for the Jewish people. After 1948 the fund was used to improve and afforest the territories gained. Every Jewish family that wished to help the cause had a JNF money box, called the 'blue box.' They threw in at least one lei each day, while on Sabbath and high holidays they threw in as many lei as candles they lit for that holiday. This is how they partly used to collect the necessary funds. Now these boxes are known worldwide as a symbol of Zionism.

3 Lenin (1870-1924)

Pseudonym of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, the Russian Communist leader. A profound student of Marxism, and a revolutionary in the 1890s. He became the leader of the Bolshevik faction of the Social Democratic Party, whom he led to power in the coup d'état of 25th October 1917. Lenin became head of the Soviet state and retained this post until his death.

4 Cuzist

Member of the Romanian fascist organization named after Alexandru C. Cuza, one of the most fervent fascist leaders in Romania, who was known for his ruthless chauvinism and anti-Semitism. Cuza founded the National Christian Defense League, the LANC (Liga Apararii National Crestine), in 1923. The paramilitary troops of the league, called lancierii, wore blue uniforms. The organization published a newspaper entitled Apararea Nationala. In 1935 the LANC merged with the National Agrarian Party, and turned into the National Christian Party, which had a pronounced anti-Semitic program.

5 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the 'Romanisation campaign'. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

6 Legionary

Member of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, also known as the Legionary Movement, founded in 1927 by C. Z. Codreanu. This extremist, nationalist, anti-Semitic and xenophobic movement aimed at excluding those whose views on political and racial matters were different from theirs. The Legion was organized in so-called nests, and it practiced mystical rituals, which were regarded as the way to a national spiritual regeneration by the members of the movement. These rituals were based on Romanian folklore and historical traditions. The Legionaries founded the Iron Guard as a terror organization, which carried out terrorist activities and political murders. The political twin of the Legionary Movement was the Totul pentru Tara (Everything for the Fatherland), which represented the movement in parliamentary elections. The followers of the Legionary Movement were recruited from young intellectuals, students, Orthodox clericals and peasants. The movement was banned by King Carol II in 1938.

7 23rd August 1944

On that day the Romanian Army switched sides and changed its World War II alliances, which resulted in the state of war against the German Third Reich. The Royal head of the Romanian state, King Michael I, arrested the head of government, Marshal Ion Antonescu, who was unwilling to accept an unconditional surrender to the Allies.

8 Creation of the State of Israel

From 1917 Palestine was a British mandate. Also in 1917 the Balfour Declaration was published, which supported the idea of the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. Throughout the interwar period, Jews were migrating to Palestine, which caused the conflict with the local Arabs to escalate. On the other hand, British restrictions on immigration sparked increasing opposition to the mandate powers. Immediately after World War II there were increasing numbers of terrorist attacks designed to force Britain to recognize the right of the Jews to their own state. These aspirations provoked the hostile reaction of the Palestinian Arabs and the Arab states. In February 1947 the British foreign minister Ernest Bevin ceded the Palestinian mandate to the UN, which took the decision to divide Palestine into a Jewish section and an Arab section and to create an independent Jewish state. On 14th May 1948 David Ben Gurion proclaimed the creation of the State of Israel. It was recognized immediately by the US and the USSR. On the following day the armies of Egypt, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Iraq, Syria and Lebanon attacked Israel, starting a war that continued, with intermissions, until the beginning of 1949 and ended in a truce.

9 Radio Free Europe

Radio station launched in 1949 at the instigation of the US government with headquarters in West Germany. The radio broadcast uncensored news and features, produced by Central and Eastern European émigrés, from Munich to countries of the Soviet block. The radio station was jammed behind the Iron Curtain, team members were constantly harassed and several people were killed in terrorist attacks by the KGB. Radio Free Europe played a role in supporting dissident groups, inner resistance and will of freedom in the Eastern and Central European communist countries and thus it contributed to the downfall of the totalitarian regimes of the Soviet block. The headquarters of the radio have been in Prague since 1994.

Solomon Meir

Solomon Meir

Botosani

Romania

Interviewer: Major Emoke

Date of interview: August 2006

Mr. Solomon Meir is a short person, calm and cheerful by nature, who likes to make jokes. He was never married, and has been living alone since 2003, after the death of his sister. He is active among the Jewish Community in Botosani, which he attends every day, and he waits for any petty assignment – such as gluing postal stamps, going to the post office, etc. – outside his official office of gabbai. He has extended knowledge about the mosaic religion acquired during his childhood, which is why he performs the religious service at the synagogue in Botosani on Friday evenings, Saturdays, and on holidays.

My family background

Growing up

During the war

After the war

Glossary

My family background

I only met one of my great-grandparents, the great-grandfather from my father’s side – my father’s grandfather –, his name was Smil Meir. He lived in Bucecea. I’ve never been there, I never visited him there, but during the last years of his life, during his old age, he came every year to Botosani to visit my grandfather Lupu Meir during winter, that’s how I got to know him. He was in his 90’s when he died in 1940. I was little, I was 7 at the time. That’s all I remember about him, the fact that he was bearded. Whereas my grandfather and my father didn’t wear a beard anymore, but he – my great-grandfather – did wear a beard.

The names of the grandparents from my father’s side were Lupu Meir and Maria Meir. My grandmother was born in a village near Botosani, the village of Vorona, and my grandfather was born in the village of Bucecea. Before she got married, my grandmother worked for her father. My great-grandfather – his name was Solomon, I wear his name – was a tailor and his trade was tailoring, he had a tailor’s shop at home. People didn’t use cloth in those days – they wore thick long coats, peasants’ clothes. He was a countryside tailor. He initially worked in the village of Vorona, and then he too moved to Botosani, on a backstreet. My grandmother had a brother in Botosani, his name was Iancu something, I forget. I’m sure about Iancu, for I called him uncle Iancu. He had a family, he had an ironmonger’s shop. His wife was a housewife – I forget her name just now. They had 2 daughters, they weren’t married. One of them was Rebeca, Beca, and the other was Saly.

After my grandfather served his concentration period and military service – a total of 9 years –, he married my grandmother – my grandmother was 18 when she got married, and my grandfather was 30 – and they lived in Bucecea until 1906. I won’t tell you what he did for a living in Bucecea, I don’t know. They moved to Botosani in 1906. My grandfather had an inn here in Botosani, he didn’t have any employees, they ran it themselves.

My grandparents were religious persons. We, Jews, must attend the synagogue twice a day. As my paternal grandfather was busy trading, he didn’t really go to the synagogue every day. During the week, he performed the morning and evening prayers at home, by himself, and he attended the synagogue only on Friday evening and on Saturday. I was mostly raised by my paternal grandparents. As I was only a child of 4-5 – I was barely of school age –, they would tell me straight away: ‘Put some clothes on,’ and take me along to the synagogue.

My grandfather and my great-grandfather Smil Meir had a thales kutn, meaning a small tallit. It comes from katan – katan means small in Hebrew. The one for children is called lapsadechal, and the one for grown-ups is called thales kutn [tallit katan]. You wore it under your shirt. Usually, you didn’t tuck it inside your trousers, and it had those fringes, tzitzit, 2 in front and 2 in the back, a total of 4, which were visible from under your clothes. They wore it [the tallit katan] at all times. And they donned another one at the synagogue, on Saturdays and during the week [if they attended the synagogue]. They didn’t wear a caftan, neither my great-grandfather nor my grandfather.

The grandparents from my father’s side left to Israel in approximately 1952-1953 – I entered the workforce in 1951, they were still here –, they lived in Pardes Hanna. My grandfather died in Israel, but I don’t remember when. And my grandmother returned to Romania, she died here, and she is buried in Botosani. But I don’t remember in what year she died. She was in her 80’s.

My father had a sister, her name was Rasela. She was married, her husband’s name was Iser Smil – Smil was his family name. They lived here, in Botosani, as well, my uncle had a grocer’s shop here in Botosani, and he was employed at a gas station after the war. He died here, in Botosani, and my aunt left with the children to Israel in 1965. They had 2 children, a daughter – Caspi – and a son – Lica Smil. They have families of their own now, children, they also have grandchildren. In 1969, when I traveled to Israel, my cousin Lica Smil lived in Trumpeldor – a village, a small town near Rosh Haniqra [Kefar Rosh Haniqra], a few kilometers from the border with Lebanon –, he lives in Naharia now. I still keep in touch with them, but very rarely.

My father’s name was Herscu Meir, he too was born in the village of Bucecea in 1902. He was an ordinary person, he graduated 4 grades of primary school. I think my father didn’t serve his military service, on account of his illness – he suffered from epilepsy –, and it wasn’t mandatory in those days.

The name of my grandfather from my mother’s side was Manase Leibovici. My grandparents were from the village of Sulita, my grandfather ran a manufacture store. He was a religious person, as, in order to eat kosher, he bought a cow, he had his own cow, and he didn’t buy milk from anyone else. My grandfather died in 1940 in Sulita. [Sulita is located 35 km south-east of Botosani.] He died young, he had high blood pressure, there were no medicines available in those days – back then, the usual cure for high blood pressure was placing leeches behind people’s ears –, and he died in 1940, he might have been in his 50’s – 60’s, he wasn’t very old when he died.

My grandmother’s name was Ruja. This grandmother from my mother’s side was a very gentle person. After my grandfather died, my grandmother lived in Sulita for about 1 year – from 1940 until 1941 – after which she was evacuated to Botosani. In 1941, Jews from all small towns and neighboring villages were evacuated to Botosani 1. My grandmother came to Botosani with one of my mother’s sisters and they lived together, they rented a room from someone.

When she returned home, she returned with a cow, a calf, that is, which she brought home from Botosani. It is stated, written in our ritual that the food you eat must be kosher, and she had her own cow, so that the milk was kosher, and she also made butter and sour cream, so that these were kosher as well. If you don’t have a cow, if you go to somebody else, to a Christian [to buy milk], you bring your own pot, so that they milk the cow in your own pot.

My grandmother died in the 1960’s, she is buried here, in Botosani.

The grandparents from Sulita, the ones from my mother’s side, had 3 children: my mother – who was the eldest –, a son – Herman Leibovici, who was 2-3 years younger than my mother – and finally, they had another daughter – Maria, she was the youngest.

The son, Herman Leibovici, was killed in the Bucharest rebellion of 1941. He went to the synagogue to recite the Kaddish for his father – for my grandfather – and they shot him there. [The pogrom in Bucharest represented a series of reprisals against Jews that took place during the legionnaires’ Rebellion of 21st-23rd January 1941. In addition to occupying the main governmental and administrative buildings in Bucharest, the legionnaires attacked and robbed the Jewish stores on Dudesti St. and Vacaresti St., the two neighborhoods being set on fire. http://ro.wikipedia.org/wiki/Pogromul_de_la_Bucure%C5%9Fti. The failed coup d’état intended by the legionaries during 20th-27th January 1941 culminated with the pogrom of the Jews in Bucharest; after its defeat, Ion Antonescu established military dictatorship.]

My mother’s sister married in 1946, her married name was Katz, and she had a son, Manase Katz. They were very religious – they weren’t Orthodox, but they were religious –, they observed all holidays and the kashrut, everything. They lived in Botosani. My uncle, Moise Katz, was an accountant. He worked in many places, [among which was] the Moldova Textile Works – he was accountant-in-chief there. After he retired, he worked as an accountant for the Community. They left together [the whole family] to Israel in 1980 and lived in Beersheba. My uncle died at the end of 1989 or in 1990 – because I traveled to Israel in 1989, that’s why I know –, my aunt died after her husband, but I don’t know when. They were both retired, and my cousin worked as an economist at a factory. My cousin’s wife was a Chemistry teacher in Israel. They married while they were still here, in Romania, they had a daughter when they left to Israel, and they had another son there. My cousin died of cancer in Israel, more than a year ago [in 2005], but his two children are still living there.

My mother’s name was Elka Meir, and her maiden name was Leibovici. She was born in Sulita in 1907.

My parents met each other through matchmakers – shadkhan. After he married, my father ran a grocer’s shop in Botosani, a small shop. My father was harsher on us, children, my mother – like all mothers – less so. Well, he had to be harsher on me when I was a child, if I was getting into mischief. He beat me from time to time, he… If I told him that this or that boy had beaten me, he would say: ‘Serves you right. Don’t you go play with him anymore!’

Our house was on Calea Nationala St. It was demolished when the systematization arrived. In exchange, we received an apartment in a block of flats, where I still live to this day.

I had a sister, Beti Meir. She was younger [than me], she was born in 1937. She attended the Professional School of Commerce. She worked as a cashier in a food shop. She wasn’t married, I wasn’t married either, we lived with our parents and afterwards [after the parents died], we lived together. She died in 2003.

Growing up

My name is Solomon Meir. I bear the name – Solomon – of my great-grandfather, the father of my grandmother from my father’s side. It is customary for Jews to name a child after a deceased person. I was born in the city of Botosani in 1933.

In fact, I learned Yiddish at home, as a child. Jewish [Yiddish, that is] was spoken in our home – naturally, Romanian as well, but also Jewish –, and I learned it from my parents. But I attended the cheder after I was 5 and a half, a school where they taught you to read and write in Yiddish; I learned to read the siddur, the prayer book – it is written in Jewish, not in Hebrew. [Editor’s note: This might be a misapprehension, because it is possible that the siddur was/is translated and taught in Yiddish along with the Torah, but the aim was that the boys can pray in Hebrew. The cheder is an elementary Jewish school where boys of three-five begin their education. According to tradition, the first step was teaching the Hebrew alefbet, the texts of the siddur in Hebrew, then reading the Torah with Yiddish translation. The language in which the children were taught was Yiddish.] And I attended the cheder until 1939. The Germans invaded Poland in 1939 2, and many Poles fled here from Poland, and there was a great rush of cars, something unusual for the city of Botosani – there weren’t that many cars in Botosani. And as the cheder was at a distance of around 2 km, 2 km and a half from home, I had to walk there by myself and my parents didn’t allow me to attend anymore – we were afraid of cars. The Poles came in cars, trucks, they were very well-off. They settled here, across Romania, and part of them returned to Poland after a few years, others remained here for good.

In 1940, at the age of 7, I was enlisted at a Romanian school – as the principal of that school, which was located near our home, was a friend of my father’s – but I was pulled out of the school on the basis of the racial law in force at that time, in 1940. [Editor’s note: In October 1940, Jewish pupils and students were denied access to public education of all degrees. The Jewish people were free to organize private primary and secondary schools. Jewish schools were allowed to function but they weren’t allowed to be advertised. The graduation diplomas were not recognized by the state and had no practical validity regarding the graduate’s admission into a profession.] Afterwards, I stayed home during that year and my father enlisted me at an existing Jewish school in Botosani. I graduated 4 grades of primary school.

During the war

There were other restrictions as well for Jews during World War II. From around 1941 until 1944 we wore the yellow star in Botosani 3. We were allowed to go to the market to buy things only after 10 o’clock. Life was very hard for us during the war. As long as we had our home where we lived, we sold some of the things we had, my father had a grocer’s shop, we sold a weighing scale, we sold this and that.

We were evacuated from our house in 1942 on the basis of the racial law 1 of Romanian cleansing, and we had to move to a different place, we paid rent. The house had been our property. A Christian liked that house, for it was near the street, he moved in and started a business there, a store. Both in our house and in that of my grandfather, Lupu Meir. My grandparents moved in with one of their daughters, Rasela. And we moved somewhere else, we lived with some relatives, over at uncle Iancu’s place, a brother of my grandmother Maria Meir. It was still in Botosani, only we formerly lived near the train station, and we moved downtown. Still, it was a shack used as a kitchen during summer, we had to live in difficult circumstances, nevertheless. Of course, we didn’t get along that well, for our living there wasn’t really to their liking.

My parents were taken to forced labor. My father was initially taken somewhere around Husi, and then to Macin to a stone quarry. I forget in what year he was concentrated, but it was after wearing the yellow star became mandatory, and he stayed there until 1944, he returned home after the Russians entered Romania. My mother performed forced labor as well. She was forced to go to a military unit here, in Botosani, I don’t know what she did there, I couldn’t tell you. She received no payment there. But as we were poor, my mother worked for more well-to-do people as well, she worked instead of those women. The wife of that respective family had to go to do forced labor, my mother would go in her stead, and she would pay my mother for that.

We were freed by the Soviet army on 7th April 1944. [On 7th April 1944, Soviet troops occupy Botosani and 3 days later they also occupy the port city of Odessa. The situation of German-Romanian troops in Crimeea is critical. By mid-April, Soviet troops were placed along the disposition Verba, Kolomeea, Iasi to the north, Orhei, Dubasari, the Black Sea. In accordance to the agreement reached at Teheran, on June 23, the Red Army unleashed a large-scale offensive at the end of June, which pushed the German troops as far as 600 km back, occupying Byelorussia, the west of Ukraine, parts of Lithuania, Latvia and Poland. http://www.studentie.ro/Curs_Istoria_secolului_XX_A_DOUA_MARE_CONFLAGRATIE_A__SECOLULUI_XX--citeste-nr692.html ] A month or two before the Russians came, or was it a week – I don’t remember exactly –, the Christians who lived in our house left, they were evacuated. Or perhaps they moved to another place, somewhere else in Romania, I couldn’t say. But the majority of Romanians who were employed in state institutions in Botosani moved to Oltenia, in the area around Bucharest. For instance, those who worked at the post office, at CFR, at… And that’s when we moved back in our house. If the Russians arrived on April 7, we moved back in our house around April 10. For there was great bustle around the city, with army troops, we couldn’t move about the city right away. We found very few things inside the house. For we had no room to store our things where we moved, and they were destroyed.

After the war

After I finished the 4 grades of primary school, in 1945, my father enlisted me at the Commercial High School in Botosani, where I graduated only 2 grades because a monetary reform was implemented 4 and my father complained that he won’t have the money to pay the schooling tax – the education reform hadn’t been introduced yet 5 and you had to pay a tax to go to school –, and I entered a trade in 1947, I think. He enlisted me at a school for professions run with French funds, it was called ORT 6 – Organisateur Reconstruction de Travaille, meaning Jewish Workforce Reconstruction – active around the world, not only in Romania, as this ORT school had branches in many countries. I studied there for 3 years. I graduated in 1950 and obtained the qualification of lathe operator.

On 1st February 1951 secured a job at the Mechanics Center in Botosani, where I worked for 40 years. I worked as a lathe operator for about [almost] 25 years. During the last years I was also a foreman and a CTC operator [Editor’s note: CTC is a Romanian abbreviation for Controlul Tehnic al Calitatii (Technical Quality Control)]: I was a foreman for approximately 2-3 years and a CTC operator during the remaining period of time – around 14-15 years. I was in the army for 3 years, from 1953 until autumn 1956, I was doing construction work for the railroad work brigade. At first, I was sent to the county of Suceava, then I was stationed in Bucharest at the construction equipment station of CFR. I had the rank of front-ranking private.

After the war, father worked as a worker at a mill or two, and then as a tax collector from markets, he distributed the receipts for the tables. [Editor’s note: He collected the daily fee for renting a table.] My mother didn’t work anywhere. She died in Botosani in 1986. Father died in Botosani as well, in 1988, he is buried here, at the Jewish cemetery.

There were about 35,000 inhabitants living in Botosani before World War II, and about 15,000 of them were Jewish. During the war – as all the Jews from smaller towns were evacuated, that number rose to 22,000 Jews.

I believe there were around 50 synagogues in Botosani. I went to one that was close to where we lived. The synagogue that I attended as a child didn’t have a rabbi, a hakham used to come there, he performed the religious service. [Editor’s note: According to Alan Unterman (Dictionary of Jewsih traditions) among the Sephardim Jews the rabbi was also called hakham (in Hebrew: wise), but according to Dr. Slomo Leibovici-Lais (President, World Cultural Association of Jews from Romania) who lives now in Israel, writes in his ‘Lexicon’ that the name of hakham ‘in Romania was addressed to the shochet’ (book supported by ‘Memorial Foundation for Jewish Culture’ and ‘Biroul pentru Comunitati din Agentia Evreiasca’ (i.e. the Office for the Communities of the Jewish Agency), Liscat haKehiot). Also see: (http://www.dictionarromanenglez.ro/en/dictionary/haham)] There was also my uncle – the husband of my father’s sister, User Smil –, and he performed the religious service as well, for he had the necessary knowledge.

There were rabbi assistants, around 2-3 rabbis, and several hakhamim – there were around 4-5 hakhamim. There were only 2 shochetim for fowls, around 2 hakhamim worked in each of them. And after the war, when our numbers diminished, we only had a single hakham in the city. Now there is one in the entire country.

Only the over-religious people used the mikveh, they went and dove there. Brides had to go to the mikveh before getting married as well, the rabbi wouldn’t perform the wedding ceremony if they didn’t have a receipt from the bathhouse proving that they went to the mikveh. This was the custom, the bride had to go to the mikveh with the wife of the best man – with an interfiret, as they say. My mother too went to the mikveh when she was “the wife of the best man” – that was after the war. A cousin of mine, Manase Katz, got married, and my mother went to the mikveh with the bride, the wife-to-be, and I think she also went there on another occasion, I forget who the bride was. It wasn’t customary for Jewish married women to go to the mikveh around these parts. Perhaps this custom existed in other places. Let me tell you that the Jews living in Transylvania were much more religious than those from Moldavia.

We went to the bathhouse. The Community had a bathhouse in Botosani. The Jewish bathhouse had steam and bathtubs. The bathtubs were separate, there was a room with bathtubs cabins. There was a steam oven at the steam bathhouse. There were steps there, it was like a stand, and you went up the steps. You took a steam bath, you soaped and washed yourself right there. Initially, there were wooden pails – the pails were narrow, they weren’t very wide –, which you used to pour water over yourself and bathe. And then they modernized it and buckets were installed. There was a 1st class and a 2nd class section, and it was the same for the steam section. The 1st class section was a bit more clean, more orderly. There were no separate rooms for men and women; instead, there were separate days for men and women.

According to Jewish tradition, a boy comes of age at 13: he dons the tefillin which he wears to cover his head and around his wrist and he thus comes of age. [Editor’s note: According to tradition a boy is allowed to put on the tefillin for the first time on his bar mitzvah day and he is asked to the Torah reading too. The tefillin is donned only during the weekdays, and not on high holidays or on the Sabbath, because it’s a sign which serves to remember the religious obligations – the holiday itself is a remembering.] This ceremony is performed only on a Monday or on a Thursday when they read the Torah. For they also read the Torah on Saturday, but you don’t wear the tefillin on Saturday, and that’s why they do it either on Monday or on Thursday. You have to be a day over 13 in order to come of age – at least one day –, if that day isn’t [a Monday or a Thursday], you do it a few days later, it’s alright. And that’s when they ask the young man to read the Torah, they give you an aliyah with the Torah, you must read everything that is read during that respective day. People are invited to the synagogue, they serve sweets, those who are more well-to-do also organize a dinner party at home… and that’s how it goes. And that’s when my father gave me the tefillin – in the meantime, I bought another set, for those were destroyed with wear. I wasn’t given a tallit then, it wasn’t customary. Now they have modernized, they also give you a tallit at 13. On my bar mitzvah, I only had to wear the tefillin. [Editor’s note: In many places only married men put on the tallit during the prayer.] [Editor’s note: It is traditional for a boy to celebrate becoming Bar Mitzvah during the Sabbath after his Bar Mitzvah, he may read from the Torah and Haftara, give a d'var Torah (homily), and/or lead part of the prayer services. http://www.judaica-guide.com/bar_mitzvah/].

My parents observed religious traditions. We, Jewish people, have separate dishes for milk and meat. When you buy a new, unused pot, you have to run it through a course of running water: which is to say that you have to immerse it 2-3 times [in a course of running water], there is also a prayer that is recited on that occasion – it can be found in the prayer book as well – and that’s it. You do this with every new dish you buy, be it a plate, a glass, a pot, a pan and so on. [Editor’s note: If a new metal or glass eating utensil is bought from a non-Jew, it has to be doused (which is called tevilat kelim) before the first usage. The dousing has to be done in a place where women can also douse, usually in a mikveh.]

Meat has to be processed by a special person, by the hakham. And only the front part of cattle is for consumption. Which is to say that if cattle have 13 ribs, only 11 of them are used as kosher meat, while 2 ribs are left aside with the hind part. And the entire front part was for consumption, and the hind part was sold to Christians. After the cattle are sacrificed, the butcher takes the meat, carves it, and gives it to people. And no later than 72 hours after bringing the meat home, you have to kosher it at home. You place it again in water for half an hour and an hour later you place it in salt for a bit, and then you wash it. Meaning, you are not allowed to eat blood, and in order to drain the blood, you had to salt the meat – that was the purpose of it. [Editor’s note: The procedure of koshering the meat was the following: the meat rinsed thoroughly was soaked into lukewarm water for half an hour, so that the salt would be able to drain out the blood. Then they rinsed it again, removed the tendons and cut it; after that they salted it exhaustively with medium hard salt, and put it on an inclined surface so that the blood would flow out of it. The liver had to be broiled as well (like the meat which wasn’t fresh, but resulted from a three days older slaughter). The meat had to be left like this for at least one hour, then it had to be rinsed three times.] And it depends on what you eat. If you eat cheese, you can eat meat after about an hour. If you only drink a bit of milk, you can eat meat after about, say, half an hour. And if you eat meat, you can eat dairy only after 6 hours. [Editor’s note: Meat and dairy is strictly separated in a kosher household, a certain length of time must pass between the consumption of meat and dairy. The length of time varies (‘For each river has its own flow’ – says the Talmud, that is to say every region should follow its own habit): the wise determined that six hours must pass between eating meat and milk; the rabbis in Germany and France permit the consumption of dairy three hours after eating meat. One can eat meat half-an-hour after eating milky food (with the exception of hard cheese) and after rinsing their mouth, since these can be digested in a shorter time.]

Here, in Botosani, most Jewish women baked homemade bread for Saturday, it was called hala [challah]. My mother baked as well, either kneaded bread or rolls. She baked less often after the war, she used to buy the bread. You place two loaves of bread on the table and you cover them. After we returned from the synagogue, my father performed the prayer ritual for the wine, drank some wine, then he recited a prayer [for the bread] and sliced the bread.

Usually, on Friday, after baking the bread – for that’s how it was in my days, when I was a child, people used brick ovens –, over-religious Jews finished [preparing] the food, absolutely everything necessary for the Saturday meal, they placed the food [what they ate for lunch on Saturday] in the oven – it was called cholent. You took the bread out of the oven, you took absolutely everything out of the oven, you oiled the oven door, placed the food inside and retrieved it on Saturday at noon. That was in order not to light the fire, for we are not allowed to light a fire on Saturdays. My parents didn’t make cholent, I won’t lie to you, they simply didn’t; my grandparents prepared it every now and then. Usually, they prepared an appetizer, it depends on what we had in the house. This is what we prepared from eggs: you beat raw eggs, mixed them with vinegar and boiled them, and they thickened, turned into a sort of glycerin, sometimes you also added the legs of a rooster or chicken – it was called petcha. And then we had soup and meat with beans or something else as a side dish for second course.

There are 2 ways to prepare petcha. They also call petcha meat jelly, when you take the marrow from the shin of a cow’s front legs – for Jews don’t eat the hind legs –, you boil it, and what you get is also petcha, a meat jelly.

My mother always lit candles on Friday evening. She lit 3 candles. These [the number of lit candles] are customs. Some light 5 candles, as the Torah, the Holy Scroll, is divided into hamushim – that’s how the books are called – and many people light 5 candles because there are 5 books, 5 hamushim. [Editor’s note: The Torah is also called hamisa humse Torah – from the Hebrew word hames which is five – because the Torah consists of five books. Literally means “the five of the fifth”: humas=fifth, humasin=fifths. So, the proper word is not hamusim (which means armed), but humasim.] This is a custom, these customs are called menugam – the translation of menugam is custom. Jews had standard customs – which you have to observe – but there are “z” customs that people observed – they did things like this somewhere, like that somewhere else. [Editor’s note: It is customary to light two candles, although some families light more, sometimes in accordance with the number of children. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shabbat ]

We went to the synagogue on Friday evening and on Saturday. In fact, Saturday is for us, Jews, the highest of holidays, that’s how people see it. Saturdays and the Great Day, Yom Kippur, these are the biggest holidays, you aren’t allowed to cook on these days. As for the rest…, you are allowed to cook. Well it isn’t customary to cook on New Year’s, on Rosh Hashanah, as you go to the synagogue. But on all other holidays, if the holiday isn’t on a Saturday, you are allowed to cook, but you must eat the food during that day, so that there is no food left over after the holiday. Well, it’s alright if there is a little food left over, as long as you don’t have a large quantity of food left over after the holiday. That’s because you prepared it for the holiday, and you would eat it when the holiday is over. [Editor’s note: One is allowed to cook on a high holiday – unlike on Sabbath –, but only an amount of food that can be eaten during that day, eventually a small amount of it can remain.] For instance, if the Seder evening isn’t on a Saturday, you can cook on that day. And if, for instance, as is the case now [in 2007] the first days of Rosh Hashanah are on a Thursday and Friday, after which comes Saturday, I cooked food in advance to last me throughout all 3 days, as I live alone. But if you don’t have time and want to prepare food for Saturday during these 2 days of holiday, on Thursday or Friday, there is a prayer that you have to recite prior to this, it is called “Eref tahsilam” [Eruv Tavshilin] – which is to say that you have prepared food for Saturday. On a holiday, but you prepared the food for Saturday, and you eat it on Saturday. So if it’s on a holiday, you recite this prayer before preparing the food for Saturday. You don’t do it if it’s not on a holiday. And when you recite the “Eruv Tavshilin,” usually you have to boil an egg and have some bread, something, which you keep beside you as you recite the prayer, and you eat this on Saturday in addition to the food you prepared. [Editor’s note: If the high holiday is on Friday, the question is how to cook for the Sabbath, because one is allowed to cook only the amount of food for one day. The solution is to start the cooking for the Sabbath before the beginning of the high holiday, and this can be continued during the holiday. We have to create an Eruv Tavshilin, which is an Eruv of the cooked food: one eats some boiled or fried food (usually an egg) with bread and recites the appropriate blessing. So, the Eruv Tavshilin refers to this procedure and not the name of a prayer. http://www.ou.org/torah/article/grunfelds_daf_yomi_eruv_tavshilin/]

Or if it’s on a day of fasting – for we have around 4 or 5 fasts during the year – on Saturday, you postpone the fast until Sunday, for you aren’t allowed to fast on Saturday, save on the Great Day. For instance, this year [in 2007] Yom Kippur will be on a Saturday, and you fast on Saturday, you don’t postpone the fast until Sunday. These are the other fasts besides Yom Kippur: Sur Beteivis [Asarah be Tevet in Hebrew], Ester Tanas and Tisibov [Ta’anit Esther and Tishah BeAv in Hebrew]. Tisibov, which is held to mark the destruction of the first and second Temple, is a fast like Yom Kippur, in other words, Yom Kippur and Tisibov are 25-26 hours fasts. For all other fasts, during Sur Beteivis – 10 Tucan Teivis – and during Ester Tanas, before Purim, you fast during the day, meaning you are allowed to eat at night [after the sun sets]. [Editor’s note: If the fast is on a Sabbath, then it must be postponed. One doesn’t keep the fast of Esther if it is on a Sabbath, and does not postpone it to Sunday either, because the following day is Purim, but one keeps it on the previous Thursday. The most important fast is Yom Kippur (Tisri 10) – the law of observing it is explicit in the Torah – and it lasts 25 hours (from sunset until sunset), the same stands for the Tisa be-Av fast. All other fasts last from sunrise until sunset. The Bible refers to the other five fasts, but observing them was commanded by the sages. The five fasts: Com Gedalja (Tisri 3), Asarah be-Tevet (Tevet 10), Ta’anit Esther (Adar 13), Siva ashar be-Tammuz (Tammuz 17), Tishah be-Av (Av 9). And there is the fast of the first born, the Ta’anit bekhorot, before Pesah (Nisan 14) – the first born are fasting in remembrance of their escape in Egypt – this can be replaced with studying the Torah.]

We must use different dishes on Passover. Or, those who don’t have other dishes boil them very well, they kosher and use them [the dishes they use for everyday use]. Koshering is done as follows: you place the smaller dishes in a much larger one, you boil them there, and in addition, using another stove ring or the fire inside the stove, you heat a piece of metal until it becomes red-hot and you throw that metal in the water, so that it boils with force. And those who have other dishes use them, you don’t have to kosher those, for they are special dishes for Passover. My mother had a second set of dishes for Passover. I still have, to this day, a second set of dishes. Usually, we stored the dishes for Passover in the attic. But nowadays I store them on a shelf – I don’t have an attic since I live in a block of flats.

You must clean the house, the bread must disappear, anything that leavens [the chametz]. [Throughout Passover] That which leavens must disappear from inside the home. There is a ritual for that. Two evenings prior to Passover – which is to say: for instance, if Passover was the day after tomorrow, this evening you should place morsels of bread [around the house], turn off the light and go collect all the bread morsels by the light of a lit candle. There are two passages that you must recite, one before and one after collecting the bread, and you burn the bread the following day. This is called belches humaza [bdikat chametz, the search for chametz]. And the following day you have to burn the bread you collected, no later than 10, 10 o’clock in the morning. You burn it somewhere outside, or if there is a fire burning in the house, you can throw it into that fire. You also recite something when you burn it. Anyone, a man – even a single person – could perform this. The head of the family or, if there was no head of the family, a male member of the family had to perform this ritual. And you aren’t allowed to eat bred after that [during the Pesach], you eat potatoes, meat, eggs. [Editor’s note: Before the search one should recite the blessing of biur chametz, then after the search the bitul chametz. On the next morning, before 10 am. or when the local rabbinate decides, one must burn the chametz and recite an other blessing. The search for chametz is done by the head of the house, if he is not present, then his wife, or another grown-up from the family. http://www.ou.org/chagim/pesach/pesachguide/maze/basic8.htm]

You set aside everything that contained flour, pasta, rice – all these things that leaven. You aren’t allowed to keep jam in the house, either. It [Pesach jam] must be made using separate Passover dishes. And truly kosher jam is prepared only from green, unripe plums and cornel-berries – as these are sure not to have worms. [Editor’s note: The worms and other bugs along with their eggs are not kosher, so eating them is forbidden. Those foods which usually don’t contain worms, like bananas or tomatoes, they don’t have to be examined, but when it is more likely to contain something, then it should be done (e.g. in case of the cherry). According to this the green plum and the cornel-berry belong to the first category.] Those who were over-religious prepared it. Because if they knew they will have guests who were over-religious they offered them this kind of jam. My mother sometimes prepared jam from unripe plums, but she never prepared it using cornel-berries. She prepared walnut jam, black cherry jam. We still kept the jars inside the house, but they were placed somewhere where we didn’t go during these 8 days of Passover. People used to draw up sale-and-purchase contracts for the things that leaven. When I was a child, the synagogue helper would go to everyone’s house, record what you had, and leave. You sold them to someone who wasn’t Jewish. It was a sort of business, meaning that the rabbi, for instance, sold the things for 1 leu [Editor’s note: Romanian national currency] and the respective citizen told you, when you bought it back: ‘Pay me 1 leu and 20 bani, or 1 leu and 10 bani.’ The rabbi recorded the transaction, but the merchandise remained at home. But how else? Could he gather the merchandise from the entire city? Someone had jam, someone rice, someone wheat flour, corn flour. Formerly, each city had a rabbi, and he took care of this [selling the chametz locally]. But nowadays, since there is no rabbi… They still utilize [use] this method [nowadays as well, but] on a national level, the rabbi records it on a national level. He sends a fax to all cities in Romania informing you what you should send, and you send a fax to Bucharest. We don’t send them the entire list, we enter the names of 8-9-10 people from here, from Botosani, and that’s that. And he sells the things to a Christian, but the goods remain here, in Botosani.

We buy the matzah. Years ago, before the war, it was prepared here, in Botosani – under the supervision of the rabbi, of course. The flour from which they make matzah, which doesn’t leaven, must be observed so that the wheat doesn’t germinate – if the wheat started to germinate, the flour wasn’t kosher anymore. The flour was observed closely and it was ground at a special mill – the mill was cleaned prior to this –, it was ground and you made unleavened bread from it. There were several mills here, in Botosani.

There are 2 seder evenings. Only in Israel is there 1 seder evening, and here, in galut – in the diaspora – there are 2 seder evenings. There is the Aguda – it is called Haggadah, Haggadah translated into Romanian means story – and you read that story and perform the entire ritual that needs to be performed. My father read the Haggadah in Hebrew. In Bucharest, when rabbi Rosen 7 was still living, he told it in Romanian so that all those living in Bucharest understood what it was about, I am sure I attended the seder ceremony performed by rabbi Rosen twice, perhaps even three times, for I was a mashgiach, a ritual supervisor in Bucharest. But father didn’t translate it at home.

Usually, as laid down by regulations, you must be seated on pillows. But we no longer sat on cushions, my father sat on a chair. He had no cushion [underneath him]. The rabbis, they are the ones who sit on a pillow.

There is – it is called kara – a kara for unleavened bread, made from cloth and embroidered, which has three compartments, for you must place inside it 3 slices of unleavened bread, of matzah. And before the ceremony starts you take a piece from one of the slices – afikoman –, and you hide it, so that Elia Novi should come and take it. And there is one large porcelain plate, with several compartments, where you place an egg, a small piece of fried meat, some greens, the root of a parsley, horse radish, something bitter – for it symbolizes the time when the Jews underwent the bitterness of the desert, which they traveled across for 40 years [Editor’s note: Actually the bitter herb (maror) symbolizes the suffering and the bitterness of the Jews’ slavery in Egypt.] – and a potato. And this plate is called a kara as well. Nowadays, here, in Botosani, we don’t have a kara like that, but we use a flat plate – where we place everything. We ate soup and meat as well, only it was prepared using potatoes and unleavened bread, matzah, instead of bread.

A male child – either the youngest or the eldest – must ask the 4 questions – di fir kashes in Yiddish. [Editor’s note: ‘Ma nishtana’ in Hebrew and ‘Di Fir Kashes’ in Yiddish.] I was the eldest child in our family, for there were no other children [sons], and I asked the 4 questions. I also had a sister, my parents’ daughter, but it wasn’t the daughter who asked the questions. Daughters can ask the questions, too; if there is no son, the daughter asks the questions.

Everyone must have a glass, everyone must drink 4 glasses of wine – arbaa koyses. Arbaa means 4 in Hebrew. You prepared a glass for the prophet as well, and you opened the door for Elia Novi to come. It was my sister who opened the door, since she was the younger one. This is a hoax – for do you think anyone came? But that is the custom… Afterwards, you closed the door. If Passover came early during the year and it was cold outside, we opened the door only for a few minutes and then we closed it. And those who liked to drink drank the prophet’s wine as well.

Of course, you hid the afikoman. A child would steal it, and then you had to give the child something in return in order to redeem it, otherwise you couldn’t go on with the second part of the seder evening, which followed after the meal. I used to peep to see where father hid it, but he hid it so that we could see, so that we could steal it. Either my sister or I. As a reward, we received candy or whatever… [they could give us].

I don’t have an ear for music and usually I don’t sing, I never sang. My father doesn’t have an ear for music either, it wasn’t customary [it wasn’t usual] for us to sing at home. People sing “Had Gadia!” [usually at the end of the seder evening], but I don’t know these songs anymore, I believe I didn’t even know them, because if I had no ear for music…

Purim isn’t a holiday – it is a miracle, but it is celebrated as a holiday. It is a day for making merry, the day on which Jews celebrate their being rescued. Formerly [before World War II], we had a very good time on this occasion. People bake cookies, wear masks, some visit their relatives, their friends, and they make merry together. I didn’t go with the grown-ups, I was only a child back then. Here, in the Diaspora, only older people [grown-ups] called on people’s houses. Here, in Botosani, only men did that. Musicians would come playing a violin or a kobsa, most of them were Gypsies, they knew by then certain songs that people played on Purim. They used to come to Botosani 2 weeks ahead of Purim, for they were Gypsies living in villages, and they offered an audition in the marketplace, so that people could decide if they played well. Jews would gather and listen to the audition. And they would hire them. But they came every year, they already knew one another. And they went to play music from house to house with those who wore masks. Especially the poor wore masks and called on other houses – they earned some money from the people they called on. They smeared their faces, wore some rather mothey clothes, went from house to house and said: ‘Ant iz piram morghen iz uz, gatman a bonicli in vartmah a rus!’ – ‘Today is Purim, tomorrow Purim will be no more, give me some change and throw me out.’ [Editor’s note: This is a Yiddish phrase which might differ in pronunciation from region to region – „Haint iz Purim, morgn iz ois, git mir a grosn un varft mikh arois!” – Today is Purim, tomorrow won’t be, give me some change, then throw me out! The word grosn=change can be replaced by the local name of the coin, like in Romania the ”bani” which is the “bonicli” in a diminutive form.] They also came to our house. People prepared sweets: hamantashen is the Jewish name of a cookie shaped like a triangle – for that was the shape of Haman’s hat, his cap had that shape.

There is another holiday, it is called Sviz, Savua, [Shavuot], when people only eat dairy products. On the day of the Shavuot we, the Jews, were given the 10 commandments and the Torah. It is a holiday, people go to the synagogue, they read the prayers that need to be read for the holiday – instead, it is customary to eat dairy products on this day. People prepare triangular dumplings with cheese filling, they also prepare some sort of pie made with cheese obtained from cow’s milk, a type of strudel filled with cow-milk cheese filling. These are the main types of food that people eat on that day, and they drink milk afterwards. In Israel, this holiday lasts for a day. Normally, here, in the Diaspora, the holiday lasts for 2 days – you eat dairy products throughout both days –, as they perform the Memorial Prayer during the second day [Yizkor].

Chanukkah is an 8-day holiday. There is a special prayer that is recited each evening, and candles are lit. My grandparents used oil for this, and so did we at home. There was a large votive light – a chanukkiyah – with a small metal tray, and you placed an oil wick inside each tray, you lit it and it burned until the oil ran out. And there was a candle – it is called shammash – which was used to light the oil wick, and which must burn at all times. And you place this candle next to the votive light, on that same small tray. You lit one during the first evening, 2 during the second evening, and so on. All members of the family must light a candle on Chanukkah. On the first evening, it is the head of the family who lights the first candle; afterwards, [during the following evenings] every member of the family recited the prayer and lit a candle, turn by turn. If the family had fewer members, they lit the candles several times. Normally, the chanukkiyah is placed by the window. But many people didn’t place it by the window, for they had window curtains, and they were afraid they would catch fire. My grandparents and parents didn’t place the chanukkiyah by the window, they placed it on the table.

Usually, children receive presents. As a child, I liked Chanukkah the most, as we received money – Chanukkah gelt, that’s how it’s called. We received Chanukkah gelt from our parents, relatives, we used to buy sweets – what children can buy. And there are also spinning tops [dreidel] which spin – they have letters written on them, and with each letter you either win or you don’t. I had spinning tops myself, I played with the other children. I don’t remember, perhaps I played for money, but it was small amounts, small change.

On Chanukkah, people usually eat triangular dumplings made from potatoes, fried onion – you can also use meat, if you want to, but people usually didn’t. You lay a sheet of dough and cut round shapes out of it using a glass. Normally, they have to be bigger rather than smaller, as you also have to place filling inside them – a mixture of potatoes and fried onion and oil –, and then you press the sides together and it has an oval shape. You boil them afterwards, and you serve them on a plate with a spill of oil and fried onion. People also prepared borscht – a type of borscht made with dumplings, it was a traditional dish on Chanukkah. At home, we too prepared dumplings filled with potato filling, after which we filled one dumpling with husks in order to have a laugh. Only one dumpling was filled with husks, so that someone gets tricked into eating it. It was served separately to someone, and they placed the dumpling filled with husks on the plate. My uncle, User Smil, who was my grandparents’ son-in-law, was tricked one year when he visited my grandparents. And ever since then, he sliced each dumpling on the plate with a fork before eating it…

Sukkot is the holiday of tents. It celebrates the 40 years during which Jews wandered through the wilderness and lived in huts. My grandparents used to build a sukkah. It is made from wood planks so that there is enough room for a table and a few chairs inside it – it depends on the number of family members – and it is covered with corn stalks, straw – and on many occasions when it rained, it would rain on the food on your plate. The sukkah was adorned; if you had a rug, something, you placed it inside, you hung fruit that were available during that season: grapes, apples. Sukkot lasts for 8 days, and meals are served inside the sukkah during this time, usually lunch meals. There were no special dishes. My parents didn’t build a sukkah, they were neighbors with my grandparents and they went over to their place, the entire family had lunch over there. Perhaps people even slept inside the sukkah elsewhere, our family didn’t. And people go to the synagogue, but only men do. In my family, women attended the synagogue only on New Year’s – on Rosh Hashanah – and on Yom Kippur – the Day of Atonement.

During the first day of the New Year, on Rosh Hashanah, you go to a place with water in order to cast away your sins – you shake your pockets clean [Taslich]. The entire synagogue would go, everyone who attended, of course. In Botosani, people went to a pond. There are 2-3 ponds in the neighborhood – which is to say, they aren’t in the neighborhood, you actually have quite a bit of walking to do in order to reach them.

We also went to weddings, if there were weddings in the family, but also to weddings of friends and acquaintances. The wedding ceremony was performed according to tradition. There is a four-legged canopy, the rabbi comes and performs the wedding under that canopy. You place the canopy wherever you find room for it – at the synagogue or at home, if you have room for it. Formerly, it was brought to wedding halls. The canopy and the rabbi arrived there by carriage; first you wrote the engagement, in the presence of witnesses, and then the wedding paper was drawn up in the presence of witnesses – it is signed by 2-3 witnesses. And that’s all. And then the groom breaks a glass with his foot by stepping on it, and the wedding sponsors dance around the groom and bride.

My father attended the synagogue every day after he retired, but he couldn’t do so prior to his retirement, he had to go to work.

I attended the synagogue during communism as well, for I wasn’t a member of the Communist party. Well, when I had a job, I couldn’t always go to the synagogue. But on holidays I took some days off or, if not, a leave of absence, and I would go to the synagogue. I was a lathe operator, and we worked in three shifts. It depended on which shift I was working, if I had the time, I also attended the synagogue on Friday evenings and Saturdays.

From 1992 I was a ritual supervisor – it is called mashghiach – for the Federation [the Federation of the Jewish Communities in Romania]. The Federation in Bucharest made a request asking whether they could send there someone from Botosani. You weren’t required to have special studies, I know these things from my family, my family fully observed the kashrut, and I knew the rules, but I was examined by rabbi Rosen 7. I couldn’t move there permanently, for my sister was still alive, I had to come home as well, spend time with her, and I went there for 4, 5, 6 months, and then I returned home where I stayed for several months, after which they called me there again. In the meantime, during the period that I was in Botosani, they hired someone else. I worked like that, intermittently, for 2-3 years.

I went to the slaughterhouse in Bucharest. There was a very large slaughterhouse in Bucharest – it is called Grina – and that’s where they sacrificed the cattle for the ritual canteen of the Federation in Bucharest. I went there with 2 hakhamim and slaughtered animals. I was in charge of supervising the slaughtering. When they slaughter the cattle, they take the lung out and inflate it to see if air doesn’t escape, if it doesn’t have holes – to see if the animal wasn’t ill. They check the liver to see if it is clean. And they check the insides of the cattle’s stomach to see if there are no nails, metal chains, or what not there; if there were, it wasn’t good for eating anymore, it was no longer kosher. I also brought meat from there to Botosani. I also assisted the slaughtering here, in Botosani, whener the hakham came. Now they no longer send a hakham here as the expenses for doing so are high.

I also worked at the home for elderly people in Bucharest. I lived there during the time that I stayed in Bucharest, and I worked as a mashghiach for the canteen over there, as well as for the Federation’s canteen where food was prepared for the assisted living in Bucharest. Usually, there were 2 kitchens at the homes for elderly persons. In Bucharest as well there are 2 kitchens with separate dishes, with separate silverware, everything was separate. There were 2 models – one model for meat and one for milk. Those need to be supervised as well. Until recently, the Federation ran 4-5 homes for the elderly. There were even more, but as Jews passed away, their number diminished, now there is a home for the elderly only in Bucharest and in Arad. They also accommodated Christians in these homes, but only those who worked for the Federation.

I was already working for the Community in Botosani the last time when I was in Bucharest. A new kitchen was being inaugurated at Balus, in Bucharest – which has been dismantled in the meantime. I was there for the opening, and I stayed there for 6 months on that occasion – from around January until after Passover. I haven’t been to Bucharest ever since.

I forget the year – in any case, I believe it was 10 years ago, if not more – when I was given the keys of the synagogue and started working here, at the Jewish Community in Botosani, on a full-time basis, my position is that of a gabbai. The gabbai is not supposed to hold the synagogue’s keys, but as there was no synagogue helper and no shammash, I hold the keys as well. But I’m in charge of running the entire synagogue, of organizing the holidays, when people have to be called to perform the aliyah for the Torah, I am the one who has to call them, say their names, all these things.

There was a canteen here, in Botosani, and I had to supervise the kitchen. The girls working there were Christian and I had to supervise them, to make sure they did everything properly. I had to light the fire in the morning and stir the food. For lighting the fire and stirring the food must be done by a Jew – Christians are allowed to do that too, but a Jew must stir the food as well. You don’t have to say any prayers while stirring the food. You have to say a prayer only when you bake bread, there is a prayer that is said when the dough has risen, before placing it inside the baking tray. I also had to supervise the koshering of the meat. I supervised all these things. I believe the Canteen in Botosani was closed some 10 years ago. There were few Jews, the diagram was too busy – you had to prepare food for a few persons and the costs of running the place and the electricity bills were too high compared to the amount of food that was cooked. [Editor’s note: In order for a food not to become treyf “bisul nokhri” = „cooked by a non-Jew” a Jew must also attend the cooking. For instance, he has to light the fire before the food is put on the stove, or he has to put the food on the stove. The same stands for bread-baking (like the fact that he has to place the bread in the oven to bake). He must take a challah from the dough and burn it after reciting the appropriate blessing (which is not a prayer).]

Jewish funerals are very simple. Here, in Botosani, after someone dies they are placed on the floor with the legs towards the door, towards the exit, a candle or two are lit and placed at their head and they are buried the following day. The custom in Israel is to bury the dead 3-4 hours after they die – because of the intense heat, that’s why. Over here, people are buried the day after they die. The deceased is taken to the chapel – we have a chapel in the cemetery – and they wash and dress the body in funeral clothes. They are buried wrapped in a shroud. A shirt, a pair of trousers, a shroud, a hood over the head to cover it, and that’s all. And the trousers are closed – just as if they were attached to the shoes [as if the socks and trousers were one item of clothing]. They bury the men with a tallit, and they remove the athura and the kotzitzis when they inter them. The tallit has an adornment on the back upper part, to a side – which is called athura – so that you know how to wear it [in order to know which is the front and which is the back], it is removed. And there are 4 tzitzit, one of them is severed. [Editor’s note: The tallit is put on onto the death’s dress, one of the tzitzit is torn off, so they disable it from the further religious observance.] The burial attire for women is exactly the same, with the exception of the tallit, which they don’t wear.

In Harlau, Jews are buried without a coffin. They do it like in the old days. It is written in the Bible: men must lie directly on the ground. The dead are clothed with the same clothes for dead people, enveloped in this shroud, which is called takhrikhim [Takhrikhim, http://www.chabad.org/library/article_cdo/aid/367843/jewish/The-Taharah.htm ] and they build a wooden rectangle without a bottom side, on which the dead are laid, That’s how they did it in Harlau, I attended a funeral there and saw how they did it. I had never seen it done before I saw it in Harlau. Here, in Botosani, the bottom part of coffins isn’t whole either, it is like a wooden rail. We had these bottomless boxes as well, but many years ago the SANEPID didn’t allow it anymore. [Editor’s note: Sanepid – the name of the public health institution.] And then an agreement was reached to make the bottom out of rails. They make a plain coffin from boards which aren’t planed down, just like a box – they use nail to close the coffin.

The Jewish tradition for both weddings and funerals is that any Jew can recite [the prayers that need to be recited], it doesn’t matter as long as he knows what needs to be recited. At funerals, both the muhla and the Kaddish are recited. The son must recite the Kaddish, if there is no son, then someone else must do it, but it must be a family member: the husband of the deceased – if the deceased is a woman –, the brother of the deceased. In order to recite the Kaddish, at least 10 adult Jews must be present. You can recite the muhla alone, without any Jew present, the person who conducts the burial ceremony recites it. And you must also recite Tzadik Adem, a paragraph from a book – that book is called Mona Lusi – either in the room where they dress the dead, or at the burial site, before placing the body inside the grave. [Editor’s note: They recite both muhla and the Kaddish at the funeral. The difference is that when the Kaddish is recited ten men have to be present; the muhla can be recited alone. For example, if it is the funeral of a Jew and there are less then ten men, the muhla can be recited by the leader of the ceremony. They also recite the Tzadik Adem – either in the room where the dead was dressed or before he is put in the grave. The Tzadik Adem is a paragraph from the book called Mona Lusi].

I sat shivah after my parents. You sit on the ground for 7 days. After that, men must say a prayer at the synagogue for 11 months without a day – they recite the Kaddish – for the dead – for there must be at least 10 people present when this prayer is recited – every day, including Saturdays. I went to the synagogue every day to recite the Kaddish for my parents, for there was a religious service every day. Now they no longer perform the religious service every day.

Usually, it is customary to lay the [funeral] tombstone 1 year after someone dies. But in Israel they do it after 30 days. It also depends on when you find the money for it. I believe I laid my mother’s tombstone after about 2 years, if not more, as I couldn’t find marble. I wanted to build a larger marble plaque and I couldn’t find the marble for it. This was during the Ceausescu 7 regime, you couldn’t find marble in those days. Anyway, I found some eventually and I built the tombstone. My father had also died by then, and that’s why I know that I had it built after 2 years. You must say another prayer by the tombstone [when it is laid], to inaugurate it.

I liked Israel. I traveled to Israel on 2 occasions: in 1969 and once again in 1989 – 20 years later. I traveled to Trumpeldor in 1969, as my cousin, Lica Smil – the son of Rasela Smil – lived in Trumpeldor at that time – he now lives in Naharia. And in 1989 I visited both of them, I went both to Beersheba, where I visited Katz Manase, and here [in Trumpeldor, where I visited Lica Smil].

Glossary

1 Anti-Jewish laws in Romania

The first anti-Jewish laws were introduced in 1938 by the Goga-Cuza government. Further anti-Jewish laws followed in 1940 and 1941, and the situation was getting gradually worse between 1941-1944 under the Antonescu regime. According to these laws all Jews aged 18-40 living in villages were to be evacuated and concentrated in the capital town of each county. Jews from the region between the Siret and Prut Rivers were transported by wagons to the camps of Targu Jiu, Slobozia, Craiova etc. where they lived and died in misery. More than 40,000 Jews were moved. All rural Jewish property, as well as houses owned by Jews in the city, were confiscated by the state, as part of the ‘Romanisation campaign’. Marriages between Jews and Romanians were forbidden from August 1940, Jews were not allowed to have Romanian names, own rural properties, be public employees, lawyers, editors or janitors in public institutions, have a career in the army, own liquor stores, etc. Jewish employees of commercial and industrial enterprises were fired, Jewish doctors could no longer practice and Jews were not allowed to own chemist shops. Jewish students were forbidden to study in Romanian schools.

2 German occupation of Poland (1939-45)

World War II began with the German attack on Poland on 1st September 1939. On 17th September 1939 Russia occupied the eastern part of Poland (on the basis of the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact). The east of Poland up to the Bug river was incorporated into the USSR, while the north and west were annexed to the Third Reich. The remaining lands comprised what was called the General Governorship - a separate state administered by the German authorities. After the outbreak of war with the USSR
in June 1941 Germany occupied the whole of Poland's pre-war territory. The German occupation was a system of administration by the police and military of the Third Reich on Polish soil. Poland's own administration was dismantled, along with its political parties and the majority of its social organizations and cultural and educational institutions. In the lands incorporated into the Third Reich the authorities pursued a policy of total Germanization. As regards the General Governorship the intention of the Germans was to transform it into a colony supplying Polish unskilled slave labor. The occupying powers implemented a policy of terror on the basis of collective liability. The Germans assumed ownership of Polish state property and public institutions, confiscated or brought in administrators for large private estates, and looted the economy in industry and agriculture. The inhabitants of the Polish territories were forced into slave labor for the German war economy. Altogether, over the period 1939-45 almost three million people were taken to the Third Reich from the whole of Poland.

3 Yellow star in Romania

On 8th July 1941, Hitler decided that all Jews from the age of 6 from the Eastern territories had to wear the Star of David, made of yellow cloth and sewed onto the left side of their clothes. The Romanian Ministry of Internal Affairs introduced this ‘law’ on 10th September 1941. Strangely enough, Marshal Antonescu made a decision on that very day ordering Jews not to wear the yellow star. Because of these contradicting orders, this ‘law’ was only implemented in a few counties in Bukovina and Bessarabia, and Jews there were forced to wear the yellow star.

4 Financial reforms in post-war Romania

Post-war Romania had two major financial reforms (in 1947 and 1952). The one of 1947 was necessary because of the grave post-war inflation, the biggest banknote was the 5 million lei by then. The new 1 lei used to be the equivalent of 20,000 old ones. Most affected by the stabilization were the peasants, because they mostly kept their money in reserve and at the same time the amount of exchangeable money was maximized. Due to this reform the government brought the inflation under control and the economy was revived. This emission still had the name of King Michael on it, but from 1948 on his name was gradually replaced by the country’s name (the People’s Republic of Romania). Starting in 1966 all the coins wore the Socialist Republic of Romania sigla. The second financial reform (1952) was realized by a centralized, socialist economy. Its main aim was to strengthen the national coin and to withdraw the money surplus.

5 Educational reform in Romania in 1948

Based on the new Romanian constitution, introduced in 1948, the 1948 ‘educational reform’ stated that public education is organized by the state only, and that public education is secular (this way the denominational and private schools were outlawed, and were soon nationalized), and at the same time it introduced compulsory and free elementary education for everyone. According to the law it was compulsory to learn the Romanian language from the 1st grade, and in place of the French or Italian language the Russian language was introduced from the 4th grade. The compulsory elementary school became a 7-grade school, and was followed by a 4-grade high school. According to the educational reform, ownership of school buildings, dormitories, canteens was transferred to the state, and the Ministry of Public Education became their administrant.

6 ORT

(abbreviation for Rus. Obshchestvo Rasprostraneniya Truda sredi Yevreyev , originally meaning "Society for Manual [and Agricultural] Work [among Jews]," and later—from 1921—"Society for Spreading [Artisan and Agricultural] Work [among Jews]") It was founded in 1880 in St. Petersburg (Russia) and originally designed to help Russian Jews. One of the problems which ORT tackled was to help the working Jewish youth and craftsmen to integrate into the industrialization. This especially had an impact on the Eastern European countries after World War I. ORT expanded during World War II, when it became a world organization with branches in France, Germany, England, America and elsewhere, in addition to former Russian territories like Poland, Lithuania and Bessarabia. There was also an ORT network in Romania. With the aim to provide „help through work”, ORT operated employment bureaus, organizes trade schools, provided tools, machinery and materials, set up special courses for apprentices, and maintained farm schools as well as cooperative agricultural colonies and workshops.

7 Rosen, Moses (1912-1994)

Chief Rabbi of Romania and president of the Association of Jewish Religious Communities during communism. A controversial figure of the postwar Romanian Jewish public life. On the one hand he was criticized because of his connections with several leaders of the Romanian communist regime, on the other hand even his critics recognized his great efforts in the interest of Romanian Jews. He was elected chief rabbi of Romania in 1948 and fulfilled this function till his death in 1994. During this period he organized the religious and cultural education of Jewish youth and facilitated the emigration to Israel by using his influence. His efforts made possible the launch of the only Romanian Jewish newspaper, Revista Cultului Mozaic (Realitatea Evreiască after 1995) in 1956. As the leader of Romanian Israelites he was a permanent member of the Romanian Parliament from 1957-1989. He was member of the Executive Board of the Jewish World Congress. His works on Judaist issues were published in Romanian, Hebrew and English.

8 Ceausescu, Nicolae (1918-1989)

Communist head of Romania between 1965 and 1989. He followed a policy of nationalism and non-intervention into the internal affairs of other countries. The internal political, economic and social situation was marked by the cult of his personality, as well as by terror, institutionalized by the Securitate, the Romanian political police. The Ceausescu regime was marked by disastrous economic schemes and became increasingly repressive and corrupt. There were frequent food shortages, lack of electricity and heating, which made everyday life unbearable. In December 1989 a popular uprising, joined by the army, led to the arrest and execution of both Ceausescu and his wife, Elena, who had been deputy Prime Minister since 1980.

Bertha Trachtenbroit

a

Bertha Trachtenbroit
Odessa, Ukraine
Interviewer: Natalie Fomina

I was born in the town of Odessa on 31 May 1924.

My grandmother on my mother’s side Surah-Leya Genehovna Kluch was born in Vitebsk (1) (1,000 km-s from Odessa) in 1856. I don’t know my grandmother’s maiden name. Her father owned a tavern in Vitebsk. Their family was wealthy. My grandmother told me that she catered for their visitors there. They were locals and travelers. They called my grandmother Sonia that was a more familiar name for them. They were served vodka and snacks. My grandmother used to joke “that’s why I’ve lived a long life and had perfect health - because I’ve always had a shot of vodka before dinner”. My grandmother’s parents were religious and celebrated Saturday. My grandmother had a religious education in her family. She could pray in Hebrew and knew the kashrut requirements. My grandmother told me that on Saturday and Jewish holidays her father had a Belorussian shabesgoy working in the tavern in the place of the father. From 1924 when I was born my grandmother lived with us. She always wore a long, dark skirt and kerchief, (a wig she did not have). On Saturday and holidays she went to the synagogue not far from our house. She cooked delicious traditional food: tzymes (2), chicken broth, stuffed necks of hen or goose and meat with prunes. Only we could very rarely afford meat and most of the time we ate a vegetarian stew. When she made small pancakes my brother and I tried to steal them when they were still on the pan. Grandmother slapped us on our hands telling us to be patient and wait until she had them ready on the table for us. Grandmother always spoke Yiddish to her daughters. That’s how I learned my mother tongue. Grandmother died in September 1941 at 85, one month before Odessa was occupied by the Rumanians.

My grandmother’s husband Haim Kluch was born to a poor Jewish family somewhere in Byelorussia in the 1840s. He was a retired soldier of Nikolay’s army (3) - he was a cantonist (4). Jewish boys 8-9 years of age who came from poor families of were taken to the army to become cantonists and serve 25 years. They were forced to accept Christian faith, but my grandfather Haim remained faithful to his own religion. Grandfather's service term ended in Pskov where he was given the social status of a bourgeois. Pskov province was outside the Jewish Pale of Settlement (5). According to the census of 1858 there were only 244 Jews living in Pskov and most of them were retired soldiers. I think that my grandfather stayed in Pskov for a short time, while he was still in the army and then he returned to Vitebsk after his service was over and met my grandmother. He was much older than my grandmother since he had served 25 years in the tsarist army. They got married some time in the 1870s. My grandfather was a musician and played at Jewish weddings. Later they moved to Elisavetgrad (6) and then to Odessa. I don’t know exactly when they moved but their younger daughters beginning from Kreina (1891) were born in Odessa. I don’t know anything about their house in Odessa. Grandfather Haim died in 1919. People said he was a lucky man because when he died all their 11 children and grandchildren were alive. After his death several members of the family died or perished during the civil war (1918-1920).

My grandparents had 11 children: five sons and six daughters. The boys studied at cheder and grandfather taught them music. The girls received primary education and studied profession when they turned 12. Kreina, Betia and Rosa finished a Russian primary school (4 years) in Odessa where they studied Russian language and arithmetic. Where did the older girls study I don’t know. The older children went to work to help the family. They were not rich, but they were not poor either. They celebrated Shabbat and all Jewish holidays. They followed the kashrut. The children were raised in a religious spirit, but the post-revolution propaganda had a great impact on their outlook. Religion was persecuted and synagogues were closed. In the course of time my grandparents’ children stopped observing the traditions of their people. My mother never spoke to me about how they observed Jewish traditions.

Feiga, the oldest sister, was born in 1875. I don’t remember Feiga’s husband. I know that his name was Shymon Sutorianskiy. Feiga was the only one of my mother’s brothers and sisters that observed Jewish traditions all her life. On Friday she lit two Shabbat candles. She went to the synagogue on holidays. Feiga had 6 children: 4 daughters (Rosa, Zhenia, Betia and Sonia) and two sons (Mark and Solomon). Feiga was a housewife and lived with her older daughter Rosa when she grew older. Rosa’s husband Mikhail (Mosha) was a carpenter. They were well off. Feiga’s 2nd daughter Zhenia married a Brazilian Jew during the revolution of 1917. He was a circus actor. In 1918 their daughter Anya was born. They all left for Brazil in 1919. Feiga’s daughter Betia moved to Brazil in 1924. She died in Rio-de-Janeiro in the 1960s. She had two daughters, but I don’t know anything about them. Feiga’s youngest daughter Sonia lived in Odessa. The sisters kept in touch before the war. They stopped corresponding with each other later in the 1930s when it was not safe to keep in touch with relatives abroad (7). Feiga died in 1947. In the 1960s Zhenia visited her sisters Sonia and Rosa in Odessa. I saw her then. She spoke Russian. In the 1970s her daughter Anya visited Odessa. She could only speak Yiddish. Zhenia died in the late 1970s. Anya is 84. She married a diplomat from Panama and she lives in Panama. In 1975 Feiga’s youngest daughter Sonia moved to the US with her daughter, son-in-law and grandchildren. Sonia died in the 1980s. Her daughter Maya lives in New York. We talk on the phone with her. Feiga’s eldest daughter Rosa died in Odessa in 1975. Her daughter, husband and son and their father moved to the US in the late 1970s. Feiga’s son Mark was a journalist. He worked in Moscow and Odessa. In the late 1960s he moved to the US. I have no more information about him. Solomon perished at the front during the war.

My mother’s older brother Abram was born in 1876. Long before the revolution of 1917 he left for St.-Petersburg. My grandfather’s children had the right to enter higher educational institutions and had no residential restrictions. This was the right granted to all soldiers of Nikolay’s army. Abram was a musician. He worked at the Leningrad Maly Opera Theater for many years. One of his daughters – Rita – also worked in this theater as a choirmaster. Abram was married twice. He had 5 children, but I didn’t know them. He died in the 1950s.

My mother’s brother Mikhail was born in 1878. He was a drummer in an orchestra in one of the theaters in Odessa. His wife Olga was a Jew. She had two children from her first marriage. I didn’t know them. Somebody told me that once Olga found a bomb in her daughter Adel’s bag. This happened before the revolution of 1917. Adel was a revolutionary. After the revolution she and her brother became high party officials. Adel lived in Moscow. Aunt Olga’s son -- I don’t remember his name -- served in the I. Yakir’s headquarters (Editor’s note: Yakir was a member of the Soviet Communist Party since 1907, one of the founders of the Communist Party in Ukraine. In 1938 he was arrested and executed.) during the civil war of 1918-1920. Adel and her brother were arrested in the end of 1937 (8). Mikhail stayed in Odessa during the war and perished in the ghetto in 1941 and so did his wife.

My mother’s sister Klara (Khaya) Psakhis was born in 1880. I know little about her. She lived in Odessa. She had a daughter Manya. During the war she was in evacuation in Tashkent. She died in the late 1940s.

​My mother’s sister Zhenia (Genia) was born in 1882. My mother told me that Zhenia looked after her younger sisters. She taught them to clean the house and wash the floors. They had chores at home when they were 5-6 years old. Zhenia’s husband Solomon Zelterman died of tuberculosis in 1908, a few months before their only daughter Shlima was born. Zhenia worked at the R. Luxembourg confectionery factory all her life. She was a laborer there. Aunt Zhenia was a member of the Communist Party. She didn’t observe any Jewish traditions. She died in the 1950s. Shlima has 3 children. Two of them (Lena and Konstantin) are in America.

Another brother Jacob, born in 1885, was a musician. In 1919 he was in the orchestra of a (communist) propaganda group that made the rounds of villages in Kherson province to propagate for the Soviet power. The orchestra played the International (9) and other revolutionary songs. In the village of Bolshoy Buyalyk they were attacked by a gang (10). They shot members of the propaganda group and told the musicians to separate into two groups: Jews in one group and Ukrainians and Russians in another. All Jews were shot and their bodies thrown into a well. I knew Jacob’s widow Zhenia (her Jewish name was Shprintsa). They had two sons: Ilyusha and Misha. Shprintsa was a member of the Communist Party. She didn’t observe any Jewish traditions. In the early 1930s in the process of collectivization in Ukraine Jewish collective farms (11) were formed. Shprintsa became chairman of one of them. In 1937 she was expelled from the Party and dismissed from work. She didn’t have a job afterward. She earned her living by sewing. She made all our clothes. Shprintsa’s older son Ilyusha perished at the front during the war. After the war she lived with her younger son Mikhail. He graduated from Odessa Communications Institute and moved to Sevastopol. Shprintsa died few years after the war.

​All I know about my mother’s brother Isaac is that he was born in 1897. I only knew his wife. He died of some disease around 1925. I heard that Isaac had studied abroad, but I don’t know for sure.
I know about my mother’s brother Lazar only what my aunts told me. He was born in 1890. He never married. He was very fond of sewing and made dresses for his sisters. I don’t know what he did for a living. He died of some disease (probably typhoid) in 1920 during the civil war.

​My mother’s sister Katia (Kreina), born in 1891, was very talented. She finished primary school with all highest grades and the director of the school offered her to continue her education in a high school at no cost. Her mother was only supposed to buy her a school uniform and textbooks. (But her mother said that she didn’t have money for that and this was true. Kreina went to work. When I knew her she was a housewife and her husband provided for her. They had two children: a son and a daughter. Their son graduated from the Communications Institute in Odessa in the 1930s. He has a wife and two children. They all live in Moscow now. Katia died in evacuation in Fergana, Uzbekistan (3,000 km from Odessa) in 1943 and her husband remarried. Her daughter stayed in Fergana after the war.
My mother’s sister Betia was born in 1894. Her husband Solomon Bochkur and she sold food products at the Privoz market (Editor’s note: the biggest food market in Odessa). I don’t know whether they owned the food stand or they were employed by its owner. They had two children. Their older son Haim was born in 1921. He got married after the war and lived in Odessa. He died in 1995. His brother Anatoliy moved to America 20 years ago and lives in Los Angeles. Betia and Solomon always supported our family. When in the 1930s education in high schools was to be paid for Solomon paid for my brother Leonid and me to get education. During the war he was in evacuation, but I can’t remember where. Betia died in Odessa in the late 1950s. Solomon remarried and we lost contact with him.

My mother Rosa Kluch, the youngest in the family, was born in Odessa in 1896. She finished primary Russian school where she learned to read, write and count. I remember my mother’s certificate from this school. It was issued to “the daughter of Nikolay’s soldier Kluch Rukhlia Haimovna”. In her passport her name was written as Rosalia Efimovna. I guess she must have changed her name in the early 1920s for a more common one. She was called Rosa in the family. She started her professional education at 12 when she became the apprentice of a corset maker. Mother lived then with his family in their house. My mother told me that she mainly did all kinds of house chores and small errands. She went to the market with the master of the house where she was carrying a basket where he put the food products that he bought. She remembers how he bought her sweet water with gas. It was fun. She also learned to do minor things like sewing ribbons and laces on corsets. She remembered them as nice people. She didn’t stay there long. In 1908 Shlima, my mother sister Zhenia’s daughter was born. My mother was so eager to look after the baby that she ran away from the corset maker. For about two years she lived with her elder sister and helped her in the house. Some time later she got a job at the Vysotskiy tea factory (Editor’s note: K. Vysotskiy founded the biggest tea company in Russia. He contributed much to charity.), where she worked for about 10 years. Once my mother met a young man. She lied to him saying that she was working for a dressmaker, because having a job at a factory for a girl was not what young men at that time really appreciated. The mother of this young man owned a cinema theater in Moldavanka (12). My mother’s boyfriend often took her to the cinema. Once he saw my mother coming out of the gate of the factory and terminated their relationships.

My father’s family came to Odessa from Kishinev. I don’t know why or when they moved to Odessa (13). I only know that it happened before 1894, as my father was born in Odessa in 1894.
My grandfather on my father’s side Abram Trachtenbroit was born in Moldavia in the 1860s. He was very religious. He finished cheder. He only spoke Yiddish. He wore a long black jacket, a black waist jacket, a cap outside and a yermulka at home. He had a beard and short payot. When he prayed he covered his head and shoulders with thallith. He was a gabbai in the synagogue. My grandmother Surah-Leya attended this synagogue. Grandfather Abram was a painter and all his sons had this profession. Before the revolution of 1917 he earned his living by refurbishing apartments and his sons did this work with him. After the revolution of 1917 grandfather and his sons continued to work as painters. My grandparents’ family was wealthy. Grandfather Abram was rather greedy. When he visited us he gave my brother and me 3 Kopecks each. One could buy 3 sweets for this money, but in his opinion it was a lot. When he took a nap he put his wallet under the pillow. Grandmother used to take his wallet out of there when he was asleep and give us some money. Once she gave us 3 rubles and we bought a doll that became my favorite toy. Grandfather always kept his money tied to his belt. He used to say that all his savings were for his grandchildren. One day(in 1933) he fainted in the synagogue, fell down and died. And somebody grabbed all his savings from his waist. He was buried according to the Jewish rituals, but I did not attend his funeral.

My grandmother on my father’s side Hana was born in Moldavia some time in the 1860s. I know nothing about her family or education. I don’t know her maiden name either. When I knew her she was a housewife, but according to what I heard from other members of the family she had been a dealer before the revolution (of 1917). She purchased hay, grain, wheat, etc. from farmers and sold these to vendors. She observed all Jewish traditions and celebrated all holidays. She went to the synagogue on Saturday and on holidays. She always wore a kerchief but she had no wig. She always wore a long, dark skirt. She spoke Yiddish at home. After grandfather Abram died Hana lived with her daughter Anya’s family. Grandmother perished in the Odessa ghetto in 1941. My grandparents had 4 sons and a daughter.

My father’s older brother moved to America long before the revolution and I don’t know anything about him.
My father’s sister Anya was born in 1892. Anya was two years older than my father. According to the unwritten Jewish law my father wasn’t supposed to get married before his older sister did. Anya had a fiancé but my father didn’t want to wait until they got married. For this reason my grandmother didn’t come to his wedding, although she always treated my father’s wife and us, children, very kindly. I don’t know whether she had any education or what she did for a living. She was married but they didn’t have any children. She and her husband Mikhail, observed all Jewish traditions and celebrated Jewish holidays. I remember Mikhail but I don’t know what he did for a living. Mikhail died before the war and Anya perished in the ghetto in Odessa in 1941.

My father Solomon was the third child in the family.

The next son was Berum (Boria) and he was born in 1895. He studied in a cheder and was a painter like his father. He died in a car accident in the early 1930s. He had a wife (Fania) and two children: a son Leonid and a daughter Sonia. Fania died in the late 1950s. Leonid and Sonia moved to the US in the 1990s.

Lev, the youngest brother, finished cheder and worked as a painter like his father. He had a wife and two daughters: Sonia and Manya. After his father died he worked as a carpenter. He perished in the ghetto in Odessa along with his mother and sister Anya. His wife and daughters were in evacuation, but I don’t know where. After the war they returned to Odessa, but we didn’t keep in touch with them.
My father Solomon Trachtenbroit was born in Odessa in 1894. He finished cheder like all the other boys in the family. I know little about my father because he left my mother when I was 7. He worked as a painter like his father and was very good at renovating apartments. Later he was a clerk at the Jewish Clerks’ Support Community of Odessa and then became involved in commerce. I don’t know where or how my parents met. I only know that they met when my father was a clerk and my mother worked at the tea factory. They got married on 5 February 1919. They had a traditional Jewish wedding with a huppah. The ceremony was conducted by a rabbi from the synagogue where my grandfather was a gabbai. There were many guests at their wedding besides their brothers and sisters and their families. The newly weds settled down with my mother's sister Zhenia in her apartment in Staroportfrankovskaya Street. Zhenia was a very imperious woman. She was called a general governor in the family. There was a story told in the family. One morning Zhenia opened the window shutters. My father closed them. Zhenia opened them again and my father closed them. Zhenia packed her belongings, took her daughter and they moved to Zhenia’s sister Katia that lived in the next-door apartment. We lived in Zhenia’s apartment until the war. It was a 2-room apartment. My mother quit her job after getting married. She could afford to stay at home. My father provided well for the family.

My mother had a baby girl that died of whooping cough when she was 3 months old. My brother was born in 1921. Grandfather Abram named him after his deceased brother Leibush but in his birth certificate his name was written as Leonid. By the way, here is what happened during the issuance of his birth certificate. Shlima, Zhenia’s daughter, was told to go and pick it up at the registry office. She didn’t check it and the last name of Trachtenbroit was misspelled and Leonid’s last name was written as Trachtenburg. I was born in 1924. According to the Jewish tradition my mother’s relatives were to name me. They had a deceased relative named Bunia. They called me Beba (the first letter in both names is the same) and in my birth certificate I had the name of Bertha. Grandfather Abram wanted to name me Inda like my mother. It’s a rare and beautiful name. Grandfather went to the synagogue and they put down the name of Inda for the newly born baby in their books. Grandfather always called my brother -- Leibush and me – bobe Inda (Yiddish: Granny Inda). He only spoke Yiddish. He always asked me “Vos hert zikh, bobe Inda?” (Yiddish: What’s new Granny Inda?”). That is how I happened to have different names in my passport and in the books at the synagogue. I prefer to be called by my Jewish name. When I was born our grandmother Surah-Leya moved in with us. She lived with aunt Klara before.

My first memories about my childhood go back to our stay at the dacha (summer house) in Lustdorf (Editor’s note: village on the seashore near Odessa). We rented a house there because my father was manager of a food store in this town. It wasn’t a big store, but there were all general consumer goods and food products there. Our landlord was German. I remember a roofed well in the yard. My brother threw my favorite plastic doll on the roof of the well and I was afraid that I had lost it. Our landlord used to stroll in the yard saying „Das ist mein Haus. Das sind meine Bäume. Das ist mein Brunnen“ (This is my house. These are my trees. This is my well.) Once he picked my doll from the roof of the well and I was so happy that he had found it. I also remember that portrait of Trotsky hanging on the wall of our house. Trotsky was as popular as Lenin in the 1920s. Once in 1929 my father came home from work and said that we had to take off the portrait. This happened in 1929 when Trotsky was deported from the country. I heard Stalin’s name for the first time in 1929. I was 5 years old then. I was visiting our neighbor Tsylia and somebody said there that it was Stalin’s birthday and he was to turn 50. Tsylia said joking, “Well, I’ll mail him two kettles”. Kettles were of a big value then.

​In 1931 our father left us for a cashier woman from his store. Her name was Lyuba and she was a Jew. They moved to Moscow. He married Lyuba in 1933 and in 1935 his daughter Iraida was born. He was involved in commerce. During the war he lived in Moscow. He became a member of the Communist Party during the war and was awarded a medal “For the Defense of Moscow”. This medal was awarded for heroic deeds at the front and for labor in the rear. My father was chief of Trade Department at Kaliniskiy District Committee in Moscow. He kept in touch with my brother Leonid and me. We went to Moscow and met him. My father died in Moscow after a 2nd heart attack in 1966. I went to his funeral. I still communicate with my stepsister Iraida.

​After my father left us the situation in the family grew worse. My mother had to go to work. Zhenia helped her to get employment at the confectionery factory. She was a packer. Our apartment was one of the best in or building. The house belonged to a landlady. Her name was Volovelskaya. When she came to pick up the rent she always complained to my mother that our fee was very low and she should charge us more for what she called “this royal apartment”. We had running water and a toilet in this apartment. We had a table, few chairs, beds and a bookcase. My father left us his collection of books: fiction and classics. The only beautiful piece we had was a table lamp: a big ball on a marble stand. My aunts had a Singer sewing machine. We had old ironing accessories in my early childhood. We had a copper mortar and pestle and a kettle. We also had a copper bowl to make jam. But I don’t remember any jam – these were difficult and needy years. I remember how we made cherry drink (put cherries in a big bottle with a narrow neck and added sugar and left it until the drink was ready).

In 1932 – 1933 there was a famine in Ukraine (14) forced by Bolsheviks. We were also hard up because my father left us at that period. The only valuable thing of his that we had was his stick with silver monograms. It was given to him by his colleagues at some anniversary. My mother removed all silver monograms and took them to the Torgsin store (15). She bought 1.5 or 2 pounds of semolina for this money. In 1933 my mother got a job at the canteen of the Cultural Center for Railroad Employees named after Ivanov. They sold cakes in this canteen. We survived thanks to these cakes. I remember a day when I didn’t have any food all day and fell asleep hungry. My mother woke me up late at night to give me a cake. We received rolls at school and our teacher watched that we ate them ourselves rather than took them home. Betia often brought us some cereals or flour. Members of our family supported each other and nobody starved to death.

​There was a cemetery near our house. Leonid’s friend was the son of a cemetery warden – Valka. We always played at the cemetery. There was the sepulcher of Vera Kholodnaya, an outstanding actress of silent movies. I also remember the monument of General Radetskiy, a hero of the Russian-Turkish war of 1888. There were cannons and chains around the monument. We enjoyed swinging on these chains. I also remember gravestones with snails crawling on them. There were many lilac bushes. We enjoyed playing there.

We spoke Russian in the family. My parents never spoke to us, the children, in Yiddish, but to the elder generation did. Our grandparents communicated with their children and grandchildren in Yiddish, therefore I understand the language till today. As far as I remember my parents did not observe any of the Jewish holidays. Instead, we celebrated the family holidays and Soviet holidays just as the families of my Jewish and non-Jewish friends. My grandmother Sura- Lea went to the synagogue but she never took me as a girl along.

​There was Russian, Ukrainian and Jewish population in our neighborhood. All neighbors communicated in mixed, Russian,Yiddish and Ukrainian. There were many interesting people around. I remember a midwife. She was a Jew. Her last name was Vexler. She always had a bag with her. She assisted my mother when I was born. When we met she said to me “I bought you from the gypsies” and I replied “Gypsies can’t be red head”. I also remember a pediatrician, a Jew called Nutis. He treated all our children’s diseases: measles, whooping cough and scarlet fever. There was a hairdresser’s on the ground floor in our house. I remember the hairdresser Perchik – also a Jew. He had a wife Manya and two children: Sarah and Juliy. Sarah was my good friend. They failed to evacuate at the beginning of the war. They all perished. They were burned at the gunpowder storage facilities. Another sad memory about the family of my friend Shlima. Their family name was Dubossarskiye. They had 6 children. Shlima’s mother was very religious. I remember how she fasted at Yom Kippur in 1940. She came home from the synagogue, kissed all her children and wished them a long life. In autumn 1941 they were all shot in Dalnik (16).

I went to a Ukrainian secondary school (which also included an elementary school) in 1932. I could read and write then. My brother studied at this school. When he was to go to school in 1929 he was offered to go to a Jewish school, but our mother understood that it was advisable to go to a Russian or Ukrainian school if someone wanted to continue his studies. Teaching in higher educational institutions was conducted in Russian and Ukrainian. Besides, my brother didn’t know Yiddish – he did not spend as much time with my aunts as I did. My mother went to the district department of education and they suggested that he went to a Ukrainian school. That was how he went to this Ukrainian school. It was a very good school. Our teachers were very good. I was one of the best pupils there. I remember my first teacher Matryona Illarionovna Khomenko, a Ukrainian. I also remember our German teacher Bertha Israilevna. She was a Jew. I remember Boris Zdanevich, our teacher of the Ukrainian language and literature. I enjoyed studying and have very pleasant memories of the years I spent at school. I liked Ukrainian language and literature classes best of all. I became a pioneer and then a Komsomol (17) member at school. I was never really active socially and I tried to participate in the pioneer and Komsomol activities only formally. I preferred to stay at home and read books.

I had many friends of various nationalities. I can’t remember one single demonstration of anti-Semitism at school. My best friend was Rachel Torgova, a Jewish girl. We were sharing the same desk from the 1st till the 9th form. Rachel was a very talented girl. She was especially good at mathematics. Rachel`s mother was sick, bed-ridden, so it was she who visited me more often. We studied together and walked a lot on the sea- side. During the war she was in evacuation in Semipalatinsk with her mother and sister. Her father perished at the front. After they returned from evacuation Rachel had to support her ill mother and she had to go to work. She finished an accounting school and worked as an accountant. Her younger sister Fenia got married and left Odessa. Rachel never got married. In 1995 she moved to the US with her sister’s family. She lives in San Francisco now. We phone each other regularly.

During the Stalinist repressions only Mikhail’s relatives and Jacobs widow Shprintsa suffered in our family. Two of our schoolteachers were arrested in those years. I was wondering then whether all those people that were arrested and declared enemies of people could have been guilty.

My mother didn’t remarry after our father left. She spent all her time with us. She wanted her children to get a higher education. In 1939 my brother finished secondary school. He was very fond of literature. He read a lot and composed poems. He was going to enter the Philology Faculty at the university. However, my brother and his classmate Mikhail Shichtman were requested to come to the military registry office where they were offered to go to the Navy College. This was the so-called Voroshylov admission (19). For the sake of their future career they couldn’t refuse this offer. They both entered the Higher Navy College in Sevastopol and finished 2 years before 1941 when the war began. My brother bought me a knitted woolen shawl from his first stipend. I still have it. Two or three days before the war started my brother’s training boat stopped in Odessa and we managed to see him. He came home for the last time in the evening of 21 June.

My mother was at work in the factory and he didn’t see her. I went to the port with him and he promised to come again in the morning. And on the next morning the war began. Our neighbor’s boy ran to the port and got to know that my brother’s boat left for Sevastopol. In 1941 my brother was in a marine unit in the Northern Caucasus. In March 1942 he was severely wounded in his chest. He stayed in hospital for 8 months. After he left the hospital he was sent to study in the Navy College in Baku. He studied there in 1943-1945.

My mother had a certificate confirming that my brother was a student of the Navy College and it became our permit to leave Odessa for Sevastopol on a military boat along with other families of navy militaries in August 1941. Unfortunately, our grandmother Surah-Leya couldn’t come with us. She was very old and stayed with Zhenia. She died in September 1941. Zhenia went to evacuation. In Sevastopol we lived in the military barracks and had meals at the soldiers’ canteen. I remember there was a lot of bread on the tables and many women took some for later. I thought it was awkward. A few days later we took a train to Rostov. We lived in a village near Rostov for about 3 months. I don’t remember the name of the village. I went to the 10th form at school in this village. The front-line was approaching Rostov and we moved on to Saratov region. In November 1941 my mother and I sailed down the Don River to Kalach-on-the-Don and from there we took a train to Saratov region via Stalingrad. We reached the small town of Krasny Koot (about 1,250 km from Odessa) and moved on to Karpenka village. My mother and I hardly had any luggage and we didn’t have anything to exchange for food. We hardly had anything to eat throughout the whole trip. It’s hard to say what was worse for us: the cold or the hunger. We lived in a house in the village. Our landlady had a daughter and a granddaughter. We all lived in the same room. I remember one of the boys in evacuation calling me “zhydovka”. The locals treated us well. The collective farm helped us with food. We received flour and potatoes. I went to a tractor operator training course in December 1941 to be able to receive rationed food packages. It was easy for me to study. I was good at physics and knew combustion engines so well that I n could even replace our trainer when he was absent. In spring 1942 I worked as thetractor operator of a small wheel tractor. It was hard work for a girl, though. I became a trailer plough operator. My task was to watch the depth of ploughing or harrowing. I had to walk behind the harrow or plough but every now and then I could climb the tractor to rest a bit. I also worked on the fields in the spring and on a farmyard in the winter. My mother was an accounting clerk at the farm.

We lived in Saratov region from November 1941 till June 1943. Then we moved to Kzyl-Orda in Kazakhstan (2,800 km from Odessa) where Zhenia was in evacuation. I entered the university there. I received a stipend and my mother worked at the mill factory. She was a cleaning woman. Our landlady was a Kazakh woman. Her husband was at the front. I finished the preparatory course at the Ukrainian University and was admitted to the Philology Faculty without exams. I finished the 2nd year at the Faculty of Russian literature and language at the Kazakh Pedagogical University. In 1944 the University reevacuated to Kiev. Once I heard our lecturer on the Ukrainian language and literature (she was Ukrainian) saying to someone “I can’t understand why they do not allow lecturers of Jewish nationality to return to Kharkov and Kiev”. But this also applied to students. The rector of the university selected the students that were going back to Ukraine with the university by their last names. Students with Ukrainian or Russian last names had no problems. I didn’t want to go to Kiev anyway. I wanted to return to Odessa.

In summer 1945 my mother and I returned to Odessa. My mother went to work at the confectionery factory. I wanted to continue my studies at the Odessa University as a third-year student, but after I met with the rector of the university I understood that there was no way for me. He didn’t say anything directly, but I understood this between the lines (Editor’s note: the interviewee refers to the fact that she was not accepted because she was Jewish.). I went to the Faculty of Russian literature and language at the Odessa Pedagogical Institute. Manya, the daughter of my mother’s sister Klara, worked as a secretary of the rector of this institute. She helped me with the admission. There were quite a few Jews in this institute. I never discussed with them the subject of my admission and don’t know how they managed to enter.

Our house was destroyed. It was reconstructed later but we didn’t get our apartment back. We lived with Feiga’s daughter Sonia. She had a 3-room apartment and she let my mother and me one room. Sonia, her husband and their daughter lived in another two rooms. There was a big stove for baking bread in the third room. It used to be a bakery before. In the late 1940s Sonia used to lease her apartment to the synagogue for making matsah before Pesach. We moved out of the apartment at such times and stayed at our neighbor’s. My mother and I lived with Sonia for 16 years.
In 1945 my brother was at the war with Japan (20). He served on the L-19 boat at the Far East. After 4 months he was transferred to the L-14 boat and this saved his life. The L-19 sank at the Laperuz strait at the end of the war. There is a monument to this boat in Vladivostok. My brother was a professional military. He served in the Far East until 1961. In 1961 he was transferred to Feodosia in the Crimea. He was deputy commander of a submarine there and retired in the rank of commander.

In 1946 he took a course of training in Leningrad. He met a girl and they got married. His wife Ania, a Russian girl, came from Velikiye Luki, Pskov region, Russia. My mother always treated Ania very nicely and she didn’t mind having a Russian daughter-in-law. They had 5 children: Volodia, born in 1946, Sonia, born in 1948, Olia born in 1949, Sasha, born in 1952 and Tania, the youngest, born in 1956. I visited them in Vladivostok when Tania was born. They all had the typical Jewish family name of Trachtenburg and they had problems with entering higher educational institutions. At that time there was an unspoken restriction and only a certain percentage of Jews were admitted. Olia used to say: “I failed to enter the Crimean University four times due to my Jewish family name”. Finally she managed it and graduated from the Faculty of Biology of the Crimean University. She works at the university in the library now. Sonia studied at the Moscow Plekhanov Institute of Public Economy by correspondence. She got married and lives in Volgograd. Sasha and Volodia finished a course for TV maintenance and repair in Feodosia and worked at the repair shop. Then Volodia worked at the some plant. They didn’t get a higher education. Sasha lives in Sevastopol and I don’t know what he does for a living. We do not see each other that much. Tania entered the Leningrad Medical Institute. She is hygienic doctor and lives in Leningrad. She is the only one of the sisters that married a Jew. Her husband is a musician and teaches at the Music College.

In 1947 upon graduation from the Pedagogical Institute I got a job at the regional scientific library in Odessa – the library of the former Jewish Clerks’ Support Community of Odessa. At the beginning I worked as a librarian in the reading hall. A year later I was promoted to a bibliographer’s position. This was a much more interesting work.
As soon as I went to work I insisted that my mother quit her job. She had hypertension and was growing no younger. I wrote a letter of resignation for her, put it into her pocket and said: “That’s it. You are quitting. I will be the breadwinner from now on”. My mother often went to see my brother and his family in Feodosia. She adored her grandchildren. She told them a lot about the Jewish life that she remembered from her childhood. She taught them to cook traditional Jewish food. Mother remembered all my grandmother’s recipes. When Maya, the daughter of her niece Sonia was getting married, my mother cooked gefilte fish that was enough for all guests. My nieces learned to make gefilte fish from her.

​ I was so happy to hear about the formation of Jewish state in Palestine in 1948. However, there was practically no information about it in the Soviet newspapers. I can’t say that I felt that I had to live there. My roots are here and my ancestors lived in this land. But I strongly believe that Israel must go on. I do remember a surge of anti-Semitism during the 6-day war in 1967. Once two of my colleagues discussed the subject of Lebanon aloud. The husband of one of the ladies was a navy attaché in Lebanon and she stayed in Lebanon and Syria for some time. She said, “The Israelis destroyed Lebanon.” The second one replied, “If only it were possible to do away with Israel, but they won’t let do it”. I kept silent. If I had spoken my mind then I might have been accused of Zionism and I would have lost my job. It was only possible to discuss such matters with close friends.

I felt such pain about the anti-Semitic campaign of the fight against the cosmopolites (21) in 1950. It was all the more cynical, as it was organized by Stalin in the state that won a victory over the fascists. The books of the leaders of the Jewish anti-fascist committee were removed from the library. They were all outstanding Jewish writers, Peretz Markish (22), Dovid Bergelson (23) and Lev Kvitko (24). They were all shot in 1952. In 1952 the Doctors’ Case (25) was on. It didn’t touch anybody in our family, but I remember meetings in the library where people condemned the doctors for the “murders”. There were rumors in Odessa that all Jews were to be deported to the North or to the Far East (26).

Stalin’s death in 1953 put a sudden end to all these horrors. I yielded to everybody’s mood of sorrow. I wore a black and red band on my sleeve and had a feeling of great concern. People were afraid that things would grow worse. In 1956 Khrushchev (27) spoke on the Party Congress and denounced the cult of Stalin. It wasn’t a shocking experience for me. This was the beginning of the period that was later called a “thaw”.

In 1961 my mother and I received a one-room apartment in Khvorostin Street. We didn’t even have running water. We had water piping installed a year later. The apartment was very damp and my mother had pneumonia several times. She died in 1975. My brother and I buried her at the Jewish cemetery. After she died I received a new one-room apartment with all comforts in the new neighborhood of Tahirov. I never got married. In 1979 I retired, but continued to work part-time at the library until 2001. In 1994 my brother Leonid died. He was buried in Feodosia. I keep in touch with his daughter. I visit my niece Olia in Simferopol every year. Her children Tania and Misha visit me in Odessa.

In the late 1980s at the beginning of perestroika Jewish life in Odessa began to revive. (Editor’s note: The Jewish population of the city is estimated to be about 20, 000 people today. The two synagogues are packed during the holidays but old men pray every day. There are three Jewish schools and kindergartens. There is a regional Jewish Culture Center called Migdal, an Israeli Cultural Center, and the Sochnut and the Joint also have their offices in Odessa.) I enjoy attending all kinds of Jewish activities. I also read Jewish books in Russian translation. The Jewish charity fund the Gmilot Hesed supports me. Every ten days I get food packages from them. I enjoy reading the Jewish newspaper “Or Sameah” and “Shomrei Shabos”. By the way, on 5 November 1997 the newspaper “Or Sameah” published an article dedicated to the 50th anniversary of my work at the library entitled “Just Work or a Unique Record”. They called my 50-year dedication to my job a record.

Glossary

1. Vitebsk: Provincial town in the Russian Empire with 66,000 inhabitants at the end of the 19th century.
2. Tzymes: sweet bean or carrot dish.
3. Nikolay’s army: soldier of the tsarist army during the reign of Nicholas I when the service term was 25 years.
4. Cantonist: younger boys that were trained for service in the tsarist army during the reign of Nikolay I. The institution of cantonists was introduced in 1827 and it became compulsory for Jewish families to allow their sons to serve in the army. As a rule they were children from poor Jewish families.
5. Jewish Pale of Settlement: certain provinces of the Russian Empire were designated areas for permanent Jewish residence and the Jewish population (apart from certain privileged families) was only allowed to live in these areas.
6. Elisavetgrad: town in Kherson province. Since 1924 – Kirovograd, a regional town in Ukraine.
7. to keep in touch with relatives abroad: The authorities could arrest an individual corresponding with his relatives abroad and charge him with espionage, send to concentration camp or even sentence to death.
8. arrested in the end of 1937: In the mid-1930s Stalin launched a major campaign of political terror. The purges, arrests, and deportations to labor camps touched virtually every family. Untold numbers of party, industrial, and military leaders disappeared during the “Great Terror”. Indeed, between 1934 and 1938 two-thirds of the members of the 1934 Central Committee were sentenced and executed
9. International: it was the anthem of the USSR between 1918 and 1943.
10. Gangs: during the civil war in 1918-1920 there were all kinds of gangs in Ukraine. They used political slogans to cover their criminal deeds. These gangs were anti-Soviet and anti-Semitic.
11. Jewish collective farms: such farms were established in Ukraine in the 1930s during the period of collectivization.
12. Moldavanka: poor Jewish neighborhood on the outskirts of Odessa.
13. Odessa: The Jewish community of Odessa was the second biggest Jewish community in Russia. According to the census of 1897 there were 138,935 Jews in Odessa, which was 34,41% of the local population. There were 7 big synagogues and 49 prayer houses in Odessa. There were cheders in 19 prayer houses.
14. famine in Ukraine: In 1920 a forced famine was introduced in Ukraine that caused the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress the protesting peasants that did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful forced famine in 1930-1934 in Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the farmers. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious farmers that did not want to accept the Soviet power and join the collective farms.
15. Torgsin stores: these shops were created in the 1920s to support commerce with foreigners. One could buy good quality food products and clothing in exchange for gold and antiquities in such shops.
16. Dalnik: village 20 km from Odessa, the place of mass executions of Jews during the war.
18. Komsomol: communist youth organization created by the Communist Party to make sure that the state would be in control of the ideological upbringing and spiritual development of the youth almost until the age of 30.
19. Voroshylov admission: forced assignment of young people to military colleges. This was because many officers were exterminated by Stalin and the army had to replace them.
20. war with Japan: In 1945 the war in Europe was over, but on the Far East Japan was still fighting against the countries of the anti-fascist coalition and China. The USSR declared war on Japan on 8 August 1945 and Japan signed the act of capitulation in September 1945.
21. fight against the cosmopolites: anti-Semitic campaign initiated by Stalin against intellectuals: teachers, doctors and scientists.
22. Peretz Markish (1895-1952), Yiddish writer and poet, arrested and sentenced, rehabilitated posthumously.
23. Dovid Bergelson (1884-1952), Yiddish writer, arrested and sentenced, rehabilitated posthumously.
24. Lev Kvitko (1890-1952), Jewish writer, arrested and sentenced, rehabilitated posthumously.
25. Doctors’ Case - The so-called Doctors’ Case was a set of accusations deliberately forged by Stalin’s government and the KGB against Jewish doctors of the Kremlin hospital charging them with the murder of outstanding Bolsheviks. The “Case” was started in 1952, but was never finished because Stalin died in 1953.
26. deported to the North or to the Far East: In the 1930s Stalin’s government established a Jewish autonomous region in Birobidjan, in a desert with terrible climate in the Far East of Russia. The conditions were very inhospitable there. There was no water, power supply, houses or transportation. The Soviet government hoped that educated people would populate this area and make it a civilized republic. People were in no hurry to leave their jobs and homes and the comforts of living in a town and move to the middle of nowhere. The Soviet government set the term of forced deportation of all Jews to Birobidjan in the middle of the 1950s. But in 1953 Stalin died and the deportation was cancelled.
27. Nikita Khrushchev (1894-1971), Soviet communist leader. After Stalin’s death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the party's Central Committee.

Malea Veselnitskaya Biography

Malea Veselnitskaya
Odessa
Ukraine
Interviewer: Natalia Rezanova
Date of interview: September 2003

Malea Veselnitskaya lives with her daughter in a three-room apartment on the fourth floor of a standard Khrushchovka house [1]. She has red wallpaper in her rooms and furniture in fashion of the 1980s. There is a big brown carpet on the wall above the sofa and her husband’s photograph over the table covered with a flowered plastic tablecloth. She keeps a warning for non-payment of her apartment monthly fees issued her housing department in plain view in her cupboard. Malea Isaacovna is a tall and stately woman. She is wearing a long-sleeved dark cherry knitted dress matching with her gray hair cut short. Her glasses do not hide a warm look in her eyes behind the lenses. Malea Isaacovna has health problems, but she still looks young for her age. She is very emotional and the saddest memories bring tears into her eyes.

My maternal grandmother Malea Mogilevskaya was born in a village in Lubny district, Poltava province in 1866. I don’t know her maiden name. She married Ruvim Mogilevski and moved to Kremenchug to join her husband there. They had four children. In summer of 1902 grandmother Malea and her children were riding an open wagon heading to Malea's mother in a village when a snowstorm began. She wrapped her children in her big checkered woolen shawl, but she herself got wet and cold. My great grandmother made her a hot bath when they arrived, but grandmother caught cold that resulted in pneumonia followed by galloping consumption. My grandmother died that same year.

My maternal grandfather Ruvim Mogilevski was born in Kremenchug, Poltava province in the 1860s. [Kremenchug is a district town in Poltava province. In 1987 there were 63,000 residents in the town including 29,869 Jews. The Jews were mostly involved in trade and tailoring.] My grandfather was a beer dealer. He purchased beer at the brewery and sold it riding his wagon to different districts of the town. Shortly after his wife died grandfather married a Jewish woman who had a son. His wife mistreated grandfather’s children and chased them away from home, including her son. Their neighbors gave shelter to the children. Grandfather Ruvim kept out of touch with them. At his old age he got blind from glaucoma and died in Kremenchug in 1920. He never made it up with his children.

My mother’s older brother Aron Mogilevski was born in 1889. At the age of 13, after his mother died he became an apprentice of a clock repairman. When he started to earn money he rented a room and his brothers and sisters were living with him. Aron married a Jewish woman with a child. Her name was Rosa. In 1913 his master moved to America and Aron went with him. Rosa and her daughter and Aron’s brothers and sisters stayed in the town for the time being. Only in 1920 they Rosa with the daughter managed to move to America to join Aron. Aron wrote occasionally to his brother Yuda. He made a good living, but only once he sent Yuda some money to support him. Shortly before the Great Patriotic War [2] Aron’s children, who were born in America, wrote that he died and Rosa died shortly afterward. There were no more contacts with them.

My mother’s older sister Chaya was born in 1895. She worked at a stocking shop. She had no education. In 1920 she married Marcus Yoshpa, a shoemaker and became a housewife. Chaya was religious. She observed traditions and went to the synagogue. In 1921 her daughter named Malea after her grandmother was born and in 1923 her son Ruvim named after his grandfather was born. Chaya and her husband’s family moved to Tashkent, to Uzbekistan, in 1925. In 1927 her son Shurik was born and then Pavlik, their fourth child, was born. During the Great Patriotic War Shurik, at the age of 15, was eager to go to the front and some distant relative, a professional military, helped him to enter a military school. In 1943 Shurik was sent to the front. He was wounded near Kharkov and died in hospital. Chaya’s older son Ruvim was a professional military. His wife Galia was Russian. They had two children. They lived in Fergana, in Uzbekistan. Ruvim wasn’t at the front during the Great Patriotic War. In the middle of the 1950s Ruvim demobilized and moved with his family to Rossosh town, Voronezh region where he worked as equipment depot manager. He died of heart attack in 1977.
From what I know Chaya’s daughter Malea moved to Canada. All I know about Pavlik is that he is married and lives in Israel with his family. Uncle Marcus died in the 1960s and aunt Chaya died in Tashkent around 1980.

My mother’s younger brother Yuda Mogilevski was born in 1900. He didn’t have any education. He worked as a janitor and then a loader in a storage facility in Kremenchug. He married a Jewish girl in 1921. Her name was Hana. In 1922 their son Ruvim was born and in 1924 they had a daughter Etia. Yuda and his wife were very religious. They observed all Jewish holidays and went to the synagogue. In 1938 their son Fima and in 1939 son Marik were born. Before the war Ruvim finished a railroad college in Kryukov, near Kremenchug and worked in Kryukov at the railcar depot. When the Great Patriotic War began Yuda’s son evacuated to Tashkent and his older son Ruvim went to the front. After the Great Patriotic War Yuda’s family stayed in Tashkent. Ruvim was wounded in his right hand and demobilized. He came to his parents in Tashkent and went to work at the aviation plant evacuated from Moscow. He married a daughter of director of this plant. Later he moved to live in Moscow Region with his family. Ruvim had two children. In the 1970s Ruvim and his family moved to Israel and I lost contact with them. Yuda’s son Fima was mentally ill and kept in hospital. This is all I know about him. Daughter Etia finished Polytechnic College in Tashkent and married a Jewish man. Her husband was an invalid. After the war Etia worked as an engineer. She had a daughter. Uncle Yuda died in 1979 and his wife Hana after one year. We visited Etia in 1981 when my husband and I came to see our relatives in Tashkent. Etia, her husband and daughter moved to Israel in the 1990s. They live in Ashdod. This is all information I have about them. As for Yuda’s son Marik I know that he lives in America with his family.

My mother Dina Mogilevskaya was born in Kremenchug in 1897. After her mother died and the children’s stepmother chased them out of their home my mother went to work. She was 5 years old. Their neighbors sent her to work at the tobacco factory. My mother worked at the cigarette loading shop. She had to load tobacco into cigarettes standing on a box to reach the table. When a foreman came into the shop other employees hid my mother. Later she earned by babysitting. My mother didn’t go to school. At the age of 14 my mother and her sister Chaya became apprentices in a stocking shop. Chaya learned the profession, but my mother failed. A year later my mother returned to the tobacco factory where she worked in shifts. In 1916 my mother, Chaya and Yuda gave refuge to Babl Ostrovskaya, an orphan girl. One of their acquaintances brought her to their home. My mother was 19 and had a fiancé. At that time Babl’s brother Isaac Ostrovski came looking for his sister. He returned from German captivity. He met my mother and they fell in love with each other.

My paternal grandfather Shlyoma Ostrovski died when he was young and we have no information about his date or place of birth. He lived in Alexandria, in Kherson region. [Alexandria is a district town in Kherson region. In 1897 there were 14,007 residents; 3,735 were Jews.] My paternal grandmother’s name was Rosa. She stayed with her three children after her husband died. Grandmother Rosa died a sudden death in 1915 after she received a notification that her son Isaac (my father) was in German captivity and there was no information about whether he was alive or not.

I know very little about my father’s younger brother Abram Ostrovski. In his teens he became an apprentice of a hat maker. He married a Jewish girl named Tema. In 1925 they moved to Tashkent where their son Semyon was born. During the Great Patriotic War Abram was at the front. After the war he returned to Tashkent and worked as a hat maker in a shop. Our families didn’t have any contacts for some reason. All I know is that Abram died of cancer in 1960.

My father’s younger sister Babl was born in the late 1890s. After grandmother Rosa died in 1915, some relatives brought her to Kremenchug where she found refuge with my mother and her sister. Babl had no education. In 1924 she married Moisey Pertsov, a shoemaker. He was a Jew. In 1925 Babl and her family and her brother Abram’s family moved to Tashkent. In Tashkent their son Syoma was born in 1928 and in 1934 Matvey was born. When the Great Patriotic War began Babl’s husband Moisey was mobilized to the front. He served as a shoemaker in a special unit. He died during an air raid when a splinter injured his back. I saw Babl occasionally in Tashkent. She was a beautiful woman of average height. She had her hair plaited and done in a wreath around her head. She was religious, but I don’t know any details. Babl died in Tashkent in the early 1950s. Babl’s sons moved to Israel in the 1990s. Syoma died in 1996. As for Matvey, I have no information about him.

My father Isaac Ostrovski was born in Alexandria in 1893. He could read and write in Russian. I guess he finished an elementary school.
In 1914, when World War I began, he was mobilized to the tsarist army. He was captured by Germans. He was in Memel, [Klaipeda since 1923]. Germans treated prisoners-of-war well and my father even had a photograph where prisoners were photographed with chief and guards of the camp. In 1916 my father returned to Alexandria where he got to know that his mother had died and his brother and sister were in Kremenchug. He went to Kremenchug where he met my mother.

My parents got married in 1919. I don’t know any details of their wedding. They moved to Alexandria, Kirovograd region. In 1920 my older brother Semyon and in 1924 my brother Ruvim were born. I was born in Alexandria in 1926. That year my parents went to visit their relatives in Tashkent: Abram, Chaya and Babl. They actually intended to stay to live there, but my mother told me that blooming cotton was hurting her eyes and Ruvim had boils on his skin. Doctors said they had to change the climate and they returned to Romny, Sumy region in Ukraine. We lived in two rooms there. We had beds and a wardrobe in one room and a table, chairs and a stove in another. Mother cooked on the stove in winter and on a primus stove in summer. Father worked in a shop manufacturing shoe polish. Mother was a housewife. In the late 1920s, when NEP [3] was over, my father’s shop closed and he lost his job.

In 1931 my parents heard about the Jewish Republic that Stalin was establishing in Far East and decided to go there. We sold our furniture and moved to Birobidzhan [4]. Actually, there was no town built yet and we were accommodated in a wooden barrack in the taiga. My father became a cashier. He went to the bank to receive salary for all employees on a tractor with a tractor driver. My mother was very concerned that he might be killed for money. There were many convicts in the area. My mother worked as a milkmaid. Life was very hard. The hardships were beyond our parents’ expectations. Our father’s acquaintance from Alexandria helped father to move to Khabarovsk in the early 1932s. We were accommodated in a barrack there. There was no hallway and the door of the room opened into the yard. Our beds were right across from the doorway. Mother hang bed sheets to protect us from the cold, but it didn’t help much. Some neighbors were drunkards and spoke in curse language. We had very poor food and never had apples.

Few months later we went to mother’s sister Chaya in Tashkent. Neither father nor mother could find a job and our father decided that we had to go back to Romny. He went there alone to find a lodging and a job and later we joined him. We moved to Romny in 1933, but our situation did not improve. There was terrible famine in Ukraine [5]. We gathered potato peels in dump pits, fried and ate them. There came agents from a neighboring sovkhoz offering work in the field and payment with bread. My brothers, being 13 and 9 years old went to work there. At the end of their first week Semyon and Ruvim received one eighth of a loaf of brown bread with addition of straw. My mother’s brother Aron sent Yuda few dollars from America. Mother bought me a brown sateen dress, cotton pants for brothers, a shirt for father and something for herself in Torgsin stores [6]. Our father had a job where his salary was 360 rubles per month, but it wasn’t paid in timely manner. There were lines to buy bread and at times we had to stand all night through to get bread. 20 loaves were supplied to a store for the whole district and sometimes we had to stand in lines few days to get some bread.

In late 1933 our family moved to Kremenchug. It was easier to get a job in an industrial town. My mother’s cousin brother on her mother’s side Yakov worked at the tobacco factory. He was a member of the Party and chairman of a housing cooperative. He helped us to receive a 14 square meter room where we lived: my father, mother, Ruvim, Semyon and I. We stoked the oven with wood: there was no coal. We stored wood in the corridor. My father and brothers fetched water from a pump 4 houses away from our house. They paid 4 kopecks to the owner of the pump and he turned on the tap. We fetched water for washing the floors from a neighbor living across the street from us. She had a pump that took a long while to pump water. Our mother liked to have the room clean. She brushed the floor with a brush until it gained a color of an egg, washed with water and then dried it. There were white rugs on the floor. We had white starched gauze curtains on the windows. Our bed lien was always clean. We had quilted blankets and pillows and mattresses stuffed with down. Our neighbors bought geese and chickens for Pesach and there was a lot of down. Our mother was a great cook. She knew many Jewish recipes. She made gefilte fish, bean soup, stew and pancakes from matzah. She also made delicious farfelakh. To make it she ground matzah, whipped it with eggs, made thin sausages, cut them in cubes and fried in goose or chicken fat. We had them with broth or without. Mother made delicious pastries on every Jewish and Soviet holiday: little pies, rolls and bagels. To do the cooking on Pesach mother had chicken fat stocks in ceramic jugs. Our parents observed kashrut, but we didn’t strictly observe all religious rules in our family. Father and mother went to the synagogue on holidays. They didn’t take children to the synagogue and didn’t force us to fast. Our father didn’t eat any food or didn’t smoke on Day of Atonement [Yom Kippur] and our mother only fasted half a day due to her health condition. Our parents spoke Yiddish to one another and Russian to us.
My brothers Ruvim and Semyon went to a Jewish school. My older brother Semyon could read in Yiddish, but he couldn’t speak it. His teacher called mother to come to school and said to her ‘You must speak Yiddish to him at home!’ Mother tried, but my brother was quite reluctant to speak the language. He used to ay ‘What is this in your language? Well, in our language – he meant Russian – it will be this and this’. When I went to school in Kremenchug in 1934, Ruvim was in the 4th form and Semyon was in the 8th form of a Russian school. Ruvim and I had classes in the 1st shift and Semyon went to school in the 2nd shift. In the evening we did our homework sharing one desk. Mother went to work as a cook in the school diner. She didn’t have time to cook at home any more. Semyon got up early in the morning, set the stove and made mashed potatoes or even dumplings. When Ruvim and I came home from school there was lunch waiting for us wrapped in a blanket and tucked in with pillows to stay warm.

Father was assistant accountant in the Communtrans organization: it was equipment yard of the town keeping transportation vehicles, snow ploughs, etc. In the morning father wished us a good day and left for a day. He was reserved and never punished us while mother could even slap us when necessary. If father ever felt like punishing any of us we began running around the table and he was chasing us until he burst into laughing. Our father was interested in politics. There was a plate-shaped radio hanging high in the corner of the room. Our father used to listen to news standing on a stool. Besides, he subscribed to Pravda [Truth, the main paper of the Communist Party of the USSR] and Izvestiya [News, daily communist newspaper published in Moscow]. He wanted to join the Party, but mother was against it. She said if he did he would have to attend their meetings and stay away from home for a long time. Our parents didn’t have many clothes. Father wore his work uniform. Mother had few sateen and cambric dresses and one woolen gown. She didn’t wear a kerchief. She had curly hair.

In 1936 uncle Yakov helped us to receive an apartment. There was a verandah, kitchen and a suite of three rooms in it. There was an old woman living in one room and we helped and supported her. Mother also supported a Korean neighbor whose name was Nyura. After she had a baby this woman fell ill with tuberculosis. Her mother-in-law didn’t like her and my mother looked after the woman until she died. Nyura had meals with us. We had her crockery stored separately. My mother was kind and cheerful and many people in Kremenchug knew about her culinary talents. When in 1936 a congress of Stakhanovites took place in Kremenchug [Aleksei Grigorievich Stakhanov, 1906–1977, was a Soviet miner who exceeded production norms; he gave his name to the Stakhanovite movement of the 1930s, when workers were offered incentives to simplify and reorganize work process], they invited my mother to cook gefilte fish for them. The fish was so delicious that Stakhanovites began to lift up mother. Our neighbor children and children from other neighborhoods came to try ‘full-dressed potatoes’ – boiled unpeeled potatoes – that she made for all. We got along well with our neighbors. I never took any interest in their nationality or my friends’. I remember that some of our neighbors spoke Yiddish.

There was a big family living in our house: an old man and a woman, their two daughters and their families. I think they were Jews. One daughter’s husband was commercial director of an enterprise. He often went on business trips to Moscow and Leningrad. In 1937 [during Great Terror] [7] he was arrested. His wife shouted and screamed and fainted when officers were throwing her belongings out of their apartment. Everyone knew that this man was no enemy of the people, but nobody said a word. Our parents didn’t discuss arrests in our presence. In 1939 bread lists were introduced: there was a rate of 400 grams per person. A read delivery truck parked by our door and on our verandah they weighed and released bread for tenants of our street. They did it by our door since ours was the cleanest apartment. I marked the receipt in a notebook.

I wasn’t an outstanding pupil considering my studies; we didn’t have manual books. I had beautiful handwriting and I wrote on the blackboard what other pupils had to rewrite into their notebooks. I had wonderful memory and remembered what I was writing. I had 5 marks in history, but I was poor at mathematics. My brother got angry and yelled at me for this. A Russian girl Nina was my best friend. We had parties at school. I remember a carnival on New Year. Our neighbor Nyura gave me pants, a blouse, a guise and a cap from the circus where her husband and mother-in-law worked. My classmates and neighbor children had better clothes than I. It was particularly bad with footwear. Once I cried sitting on the porch on 30 April 1939, since I didn’t have shoes to wear on the parade on 1 May. We didn’t have any money since there was another delay with my father’s salary. Our neighbor discovered what the problem was and lend my mother 10 rubles. My mother and I went to the department store where my mother bought me white canvas shoes with blue, yellow and red laces. I rubbed tooth powder to keep them white and this powder left white tracks when I walked. These shoes were only to be work for special occasion. In summer I walked barefooted in the yard. I couldn’t even dream about shoes like our neighbor’s daughters had. Their father brought them from his business trips to the capital city. In winter I wore gray thick woolen boots with galoshes and a coat with artificial fur collar. In summer I wore a sateen dress. My mother made me a fancy cambric dress from her blouse and a vest – ‘kazakinchik’ that was in fashion, from another blouse. We didn’t have a sewing machine and mother rarely made clothes. My mother cousin brother Yakov’s wife Luba was a dressmaker and she made clothes for us.

My older brother Semyon finished school in 1937 and wanted to continue his studies in college, but this was not possible due to our hard situation: our father wasn’t in the position to support him for few more years. School graduates were invited to enter military schools and Semyon entered an artillery school in Leningrad. When Semyon visited home after his first year of studies he brought flannel foot wraps. Mother colored them in brown and made me a new skirt. Then brother sent us presents with our father’s acquaintance that went to Leningrad on business: a cotton dress for me, white shirts with a collar, sleeve cuffs and laces for my father that were in fashion, few bars of soap for mother and my brother Ruvim. My brother joined the Party at his school. In 1940 Semyon finished his school in the rank of lieutenant and got an assignment to Shuya, Ivanovo region.

In 1939, at the age of 13, I fell ill with rheumatism and stayed at home through the summer. In autumn my father obtained a direction for me to go to a health center in Slavyansk, Donetsk region. Director of this health center loved children dearly. Her daughter died in a tragic accident and she turned her love to the children in this health center. We felt very comfortable there. I went to the 6th form at school there. I lived for one year there alone, without the parents. In 1941 I finished the 7th form in Kremenchug. Ruvim finished school with honors in 1941. At the final meeting director of school praised him and our mother was sitting in the presidium fir such occasion. Ruvim was awarded 100 rubles and two volumes of Lenin’s [8] works. Ruvim was planning to enter a college. They had a prom on 21 June. On 22 June at 12 at noon his classmates got together in our home. They put all rugs aside and were dancing to a record player. They were having lots of fun. At that time Molotov [9] spoke on the radio about beginning of the war. All boys ran to a military registry office to volunteer to the front.

On 25 June 1941 we woke up from the roar of planes. They dropped bombs on the power plant and the power was gone. They came to drop bombs every day. People excavated pits to hide from them. My mother said ‘If God can allow innocent people to die, then there is no God and I do not believe in Him. She stopped going to the synagogue. I was a Komsomol [10] member and didn’t believe in God. On 5 August Ruvim volunteered to the front. When we came to the railway station from where he was departing, mother told him to write to Tashkent where we were going to evacuate. My older brother Semyon sent us his certificate to receive money allowances. We – my mother, father and I – always tried to be together to not get lost in case of air raid. My father obtained a wagon for evacuation in his Communtrans. We went with aunt Hana, uncle Yuda’s wife, with their children, and some older woman from father’s work and her crazy daughter that had just gave birth to a baby. They sat on a wagon and walked behind it. On the first evening we got in an air raid. We unharnessed the horse and hid away in the corn fields. A kolkhozniki [from a collective farm] [11] shouted to us ‘Are there many more zhydy going with you?’ We were afraid of them. We harnessed the horse in the morning and continued on our way. When we climbed a hill we saw Kremenchug on fire. In a big village on our way we bumped into a military unit. Its commanding officer told us to leave immediately since Germans had their landing troops around and we might get into encirclement. We left with another group of refugees walking in their winter clothes on carrying their luggage. We picked apples and other fruit on the trees lining the road. Once we picked watermelons in a field. In one village a Russian woman gave us borsch with chicken meat and gave us pickled cucumbers and a piece of bread to go. My mother said then: ‘There are different fishes in a river and there are different people in the world: kind and wicked’.

We came to the railway station in Poltava during another air raid. There were crowds of people and no trains. In the evening a train arrived and we managed to get into it. At night the train stopped in the middle of nowhere and we were ordered to get off. Someone said that chief of the train turned out to be an indecent and irresponsible man. Then another train approached: there were no light indicators on it. We blocked the track, it stopped and a military chief came out wearing his slippers. When he heard what it was about he allowed us to get in. We arrived in Kharkov. The railway station was like an ant house. People were sleeping on asphalt. My mother got through the crowd to commandant of the station. She explained that we were a family of a military and that we had evacuation permits and tickets. The commandant took us to a maintenance train. We arrived at Kinel near Kuibyshev where we waited for a train to Tashkent. Back in Poltava uncle Yuda joined us. He and Hana and the children got into a train for the people going in evacuation and we got a promise to be put on a passenger train as a family of a military. My mother gave Hana all money she received by her certificate since Hana had her two children to take care of. She didn’t have a kopeck left. It turned out later that they got meals on the way while we didn’t have any provisions as far as Tashkent. In our compartment there was a mother and her son. They borrowed our copper kettle to fetch boiling water and then had tea with sugar and bread and pork fat. They didn’t offer us any and I fainted from smelling food.

In Tashkent we lodged in the summer kitchen of my mother’s sister, Chaya’s accommodation. Yuda’s family settled down in Chirchik in the outskirts of Tashkent. My mother couldn’t find a job and my father went to work in stables. He delivered meals to the boarding school of the conservatory that evacuated from Leningrad. I was 15 years old and our acquaintances helped me to get a job in a shop of Tashkent military regiment where I made bridles. I got allergic to leather: I had fever and terrible itching. I made friends with a local Uzbek girl Alia, in this shop. I fell ill with typhoid and stayed in hospital 27 days. Later they told me that in delirium I repeated the name of my school friend Nina. My mother was staying by my bed and my father starved since they spent all their money on me. My mother sold her woolen shawl for 500 rubles and bought two packs of sulfidine for me. The doctors said that it was a miracle that I survived. When they released me from hospital I could only walk holding chairs and often fainted.

After I recovered Alia’s tenant helped me to get employment at the radio plant evacuated from Moscow. I turned 16 and had a passport. I walked to work and back home. When it rained the road was washed out and there was a narrow and slippery path along a precipice. There was clay sticking to holes. There were kilograms of clay. Our shop manufactured radios and special radios in soft cases for wounded so that they could listen to the radio in bed. I coiled transformers with a little engine. I worked 12 hours a day. There was a meter. I had to strain my eyes to see numbers on it in the dim electric lighting. Our shop was in a former department store storage facility. There was a window very high from the floor and we actually didn’t get any daylight. There was a bulb over each workplace. We worked in shifts: one week from 8 am till 8 pm and another week a night shift: from 8 pm till 8 am. When I worked day shifts in winter I stayed overnight at the plant since it was dark already at 8 pm. The shift switch day was our only day off. I was a Stakhanovite and an active Komsomol member. My monthly salary was 600-700 and sometimes 800 rubles. This money was just enough to buy bread in stores sold per coupons. Our family was starving: we ate zatirukha [a kind of porridge] and made borsch from vine leaves.

My mother’s niece Malea worked in a military school. She helped mother to get employed as a cleaning woman in the school. My father was released from the army, but in 1943 he was recruited to the so-called labor army. Its units were involved the construction of defense facilities. Father had duodenal ulcer and might have been released had he insisted, but he said ‘I want to go to the front’. He left holding his hands on his stomach. He exchanged everything he had for food on the way, but it was not enough. He was on the train 12 days and ad one meal per day – his ulcer opened. In Moscow he got off the train and was sent to work as receptionist in the institute named after Molotov. However, his condition got worse and he had to go to hospital. My older brother Semyon whose unit was moving from Leningrad to Stalingrad Front was going via Moscow. He obtained a permit for few hours’ leave from his commanding officers to visit our father. When he came to see him he found our father exhausted: he weighed 42 kg. His diagnosis was: general tuberculosis. My brother left some money with an attendant to buy food for my father. He almost missed his train. We were notified that father died in hospital in 1943 and his body was incinerated.

The local population in Tashkent was friendly. We got along well with Uzbeks, Tajiks, Russians and Ukrainians. Nationality didn’t matter. Only once I faced open hatred to Jews. One weekend my cousin sister Etia, Yuda’s daughter invited me to visit them in Chirchik. There were crowds of people at the railway station and we had actually to push into the train when someone pushed me away and said ‘Yours are here, too!’ ‘Who are yours? We are all in the same boat!’ – I didn’t quite catch what he meant at first.

We lived in terrible conditions in the summer kitchen of aunt Chaya. When it rained the water poured down the walls that were not fixed properly. I wrote my older brother about it. Semyon wrote a letter to the Central Committee of the Communist party of Uzbekistan. Officials from the district Party committee came with inspection and they gave us a room. Well, it was at the world’s end, anyway. We heated it with kazanchik: a cone-shaped iron cast cauldron with an opening on the side where coal or wood were loaded. We bought chips or mother rarely bought a bunch of wood. When it rained the water poured down through the roof. Every summer the locals mixed clay with airbricks to install them on the roof. The owner of our lodging didn’t do it and we had leakage again and again. I wrote my brother another letter and he complained. We received another lodging in a summer kitchen in the yard of a house that belonged to wealthy owners. It was small, but it had wooden floors, metal roof and a stove. There was a table by the wall and a wooden couch. I came from work, washed myself and went to sleep. I read a little whenever there was a moment. My cousin sister Malea, who worked in a military school, brought me books from the library. I read until it got dark. I didn’t light a lamp to save kerosene. I read poems by Simonov [Konstantin Simonov, 1915–1979, Soviet poet who wrote about the Great Patriotic War]. I read the Ice house by Lazhechnikov [Ivan Lazhechnikov, 1792–1869) Russian writer who wrote historical novels], An American Tragedy by Dreiser [Theodore Dreiser, 1871–945, American writer, essayist].

At the end of the war I worked 8-hour shifts. I went to the cinema, theater and discotheques. We went to the musical comedy and Russian theater in Tashkent. We often went to the cinema. I bought tickets for all girls in our shop and later they paid me back. Tickets to the cinema cost 7 rubles. We saw Soviet films: ‘At 6 pm after the war’, ‘A pig-tender and a shepherd’ and a ‘Slow flier’. There were parties at our plant at the end of the war. My mother received a sateen robe as her cleaning uniform and she altered it into a dress with red rimming for me. One evening a Korean musician played the piano and sang the romance ‘Oh, these black eyes’. I was standing in front of the piano and he kept looking at me. He went to accompany me back home, so I had these fleeting dates, but nothing serious. I was very humble.

My brothers wrote us from the front. Ruvim wrote that he was a private in an artillery unit. He was wounded and was in hospital. He met with Semyon near Stalingrad. My older brother was trying to have Ruvim transferred to his unit, but it didn’t work. Then Ruvim sent us nice cards from Budapest. Ruvim perished in Sarbogard in Hungary on 6 March 1945. He was 25 years old. In 1983 the International Red Cross helped my husband and me to go to Ruvim’s grave in Sarbogard. The gravestone looked abandoned and the red star on it was rusted. We took some soil from the grave and took it to our mother’s grave in Odessa.

My older brother Semyon fought near Moscow, Stalingrad. Got in encirclement near Smolensk and took part in the break-through of the blockade of Leningrad [12].
After the war he got to Riga military regiment. He wanted to demobilize, but his commandment sent him to advanced training in Luga. He married a Russian woman Prascovia there. She was a bartender. Then Semyon was sent to Tilsit [since 1946 Sovietsk, Kaliningrad region]. From there he was assigned a commanding officer of a battery in Neman, Kaliningrad region where its headquarters was. My brother came for us in Tashkent in 1945. He said ‘There are few of us left. Let’s stick together’. We moved to Neman. My brother and his wife lived in two small rooms. There is no need to say that his wife was not very happy to see us. Officers’ wives came from villages and were only interested to talk about their kitchen gardens. I had nothing in common with them. I asked my brother to help me obtain permission to borrow books from the library. Life was so dull there! There was no Russian population in Neman, only Germans. The town was ruined and we were afraid to walk when it got dark. My mother and I always went out together.

Once I attended a party where young people got together to dance to a record player and a young officer paid attention to me. His name was Michael Veselnitski. Shortly afterward Michael proposed to me. I liked him. He was shy and didn’t drink. We got married in 1947. We lived in the two-bedroom apartment with my husband’s parents in Neman. My husband was born in Shterndorf [today Kalininskoye] village near Kherson in 1919. His parents Sheindl and Moisey Veselnitskiye were probably religious, but any religiosity was out of the question in the military garrison in Neman. When they moved to Odessa I didn’t get along with them. They didn’t like me and were against our marriage. My husband told me that his grandfather Srul took him to the synagogue and wound tefillin on his finger. My husband and his twin brother Semyon in 1932 entered the Jewish Machine Building College in Odessa. They didn’t know a word in Russian, but they picked it up soon. After finishing the College they entered an artillery school in Podolsk, but my husband entered it two years before his brother went to study. My husband finished it in 1939. Semyon went to the front before finishing his school. He was at the front in Yelnia near Moscow. In 1942 his family received a notification that he was missing. My husband’s younger brother Yakov was killed at the Kursk salient [13]. My husband’s sister Maya finished Pedagogical College in Odessa. She was an English teacher at school. She had a Jewish husband, but they didn’t have children. My husband’s sister Lubov was a teacher of elementary school in Odessa. She married a Jewish name Mark and they had a son. In the late 1980s the sisters and their families moved to America.

My husband was chief of the topographic department of the military unit in Neman. In 1948 our daughter Ida was born. My brother Semyon’s daughter Sveta was born that same year and in
1949 his daughter Rosa was born. He was transferred to serve in Kaliningrad and then in Klaipeda [Lithuania]. He demobilized in 1955 and went to work as chief of special department in the port storing documents from the ships that were sailing abroad. Semyon’s wife was a shop assistant in a street shop. Their daughter Rosa finished a pedagogical college in Kaluga and got a job assignment in Ufa where she married a Tatar man Azat Azamatov. They have two daughters: Diana and Victoria. My brother’s daughter Sveta is single. She is a tutor in a kindergarten in the port. In 1972 Semyon had a stroke and became an invalid. He died in Klaipeda in 1979.

In 1949 at the height of the campaign against cosmopolitans [14] military doctor Zinovi Braslavski, husband of my mother cousin brother Yakov’s sister Maria Braslavskaya was arrested in Lvov. Maria and I were in evacuation in Tashkent together and we corresponded later on. She wrote us that Zinovi was arrested when they were going back home after the cinema. He only managed to tell his wife: ‘Write Stalin’. There was no court and he was sent to a camp in the north. Zinovi was kept there 4 years and a half.

My husband demobilized in 1949 and went to Kherson with his parents to settle down there but it didn’t work. My daughter Ida and I stayed with my brother in Kaliningrad. I worked in the document control in the fleet. I worked there two years. My husband became a surveyor in Meliovodstroy Company. Ida and I joined him in 1951. We rented a lodging in Zaslavskogo Street. It used to be a cowshed in the past. The owner installed new floors and whitewashed the walls. We lived there two years. My daughter went to a boarding kindergarten. Later we rented a 16-square-meter room in Novaya Street and I took my mother to live with us. When the owner of the room demanded that we moved out immediately we sued her. A judge promised to help us for 1 000 rubles. We collected this amount, had a favorable decision and received the ownership documents for this room. My husband often went on business trips. I read a lot and tried to interest Ida with reading. My mother and I often sat by the stove and I told her the stories I read. Ida also listened reclining on her folding bed.

I was doing the laundry when I heard that Stalin died, in 1953. Bending over the tub I began to sob and mother also burst into tears. We both kept saying ‘What will happen now and what do we do?’ We believed Stalin unconventionally. Of course, my attitude changed after I got and read more information.

In 1954 my son Yakov was born. The ‘Krushchev [15] thaw’ didn’t reflect on our family. However, I faced anti-Semitism. I couldn’t find a job due to my Item 5 [16] in my passport. My acquaintance Polina Yakovlevna Zhadan, a Jew, helped me to get a job of a cashier in Odessa Machine Building College. I replaced her while she was on her maternity leave. I learned my duties fast and director and chief accountant were happy with my performance. I had a good handwriting and our accountant often asked me to write reports. When the cashier came back from her maternity leave they wanted to make me a lab assistant, but deputy director refused for some over made reason. It was clear that the reason was my Jewish identity. Then I heard about a vacancy of cashier in the College of Credits and Economics. Their human resources manager, a retired military, confirmed that they had a vacancy, but when he looked into my passport he lost interest in me and said that he would send me a card with his reply. Needless to say that I never received any card. I still remember how abusing his spiteful manner was. I couldn’t understand what my fault was. I had an acquaintance that was in good relationships with chief accountant of the medical equipment plant and I went to work there in 1960. My husband went to work as a topographer in Ukryuzhgiprovodkhoz Company in 1961. He had been on the lists for receiving a lodging for 10 years being a veteran of the war, but only when their organization began housing construction we gained a hope. In 1962 we received a 3-bedroom apartment.

My children Ida and Yakov studied in school #56. They never complained about any anti-Semitic demonstration in their school. They went along well with heir schoolmates. After finishing school in 1965 Ida entered the College of Industrial Automatics. When she finished it I helped her to get employment as design engineer at the medical equipment plant. In 1967 she married Alexandr Misyuk. He was a turner at the October Revolution plant. He lived in a hostel. The newly weds came to live with us. In 1968 their son Semyon was born.

My younger son Yakov finished school in 1969. He had concerns about entering a college in Odessa due to his Jewish identity and went to Saratov. My husband’s uncle lived there and worked as logistics supervisor at the College of Public Economy. He promised to put in a word for my son. At the entrance exam Yakov was asked why he came to enter this college in Saratov when there was a similar college in his hometown in Odessa. He replied that there was no that specific faculty in the college. When I received a telegram that Yakov was admitted I went hysterical from joy.

In 1973 I had a surgery on tumor. My colleagues’ attitude was very moving. They valued my skills as an accountant and my personal features. One woman whose husband was a pilot and brought caviar from Simferopol said to others ‘Girls, this is only for Malea’. My mother often stayed in hospital. She died in 1975 and was buried in the Jewish cemetery. There was no Jewish funeral.

After Ida divorced in 1977 my husband and I actually raised our grandson Semyon. In the 1980s my husband and I couldn’t afford much. We only managed to buy some furniture on installments. My colleagues and I bought the cheapest tickets to the Russian or musical comedy theaters.

Yakov’s son served two years in the army after finishing college and married his fellow student Galia Ignatieva, Russian. They moved to live in Lipetsk where Galia came from, where in 1981 their son Maxim was born. Galia worked in a bank and Yakov was chief of department and then assistant director for planning at the construction equipment plant. Yakov divorced Galia and married Inna Kazakova. She was pregnant, but it wasn’t Yakov’s baby. The baby was a girl. She was named Dina after my mother. Yakov adopted the girl. He helped Inna to get a job of worker at his plant. Inna only finished 6 years at school.

My husband went to honor the memory of Jews that perished in Shterndorf [today Kalininskoye] village on memorial days. In 1980 I went with him. On our way back we went to see his acquaintance in Kherson. She also came from his village. She told us that on the day when this tragedy happened she and her mother found shelter in a cellar. They pretended to be mute through all four years while Germans were there. The senior man of the village knew them. But he didn’t disclose their identity. After the war this senior man had to face the court for serving Germans. This woman went to court to stand for him. This story made a huge impression on me.

When in the late 1980s our acquaintances and relatives began moving to Israel my husband felt like moving there, too. He even went to the visa office (OVIR) and paid our last savings from the pension for application forms. But I told him flatly that I didn’t want to move anywhere, that I did want to travel to see the world, but I wouldn’t be able to live in another country and I want to live in Odessa. A number of my relatives moved to Israel from Tashkent. I always listen to news from Israel. I sympathize with Israel because there are our people living there. Why do they have to suffer from hatred of the Arabs? I feel sorry for them.

When I retired in 1886 my pension wasn't enough to make a living and I went to work as a vendor at the newspaper stand near our house. This was hard work: it was cold in winter and stuffy in summer. I often heard people saying ‘zhydoskaya morda’ [abusive and rude expression] about me. I worked there a little longer than a year and a half and quit after they gave me 10-ruble raise to my pension. I received 117 rubles.

I had different attitudes toward Perestroika [17] and the fall down of the USSR. On the one hand, there is more freedom and on the other hand, it’s a sorry situation. We were equal in the Soviet country and now there are rich and poor. I don’t like this national segregation whatsoever. I never cared about national identities. My cousin brother Semyon, uncle Abram son’s friend often visited us in Odessa. He was Uzbek. They called each other brothers. My brother helped him to put his seriously ill son in hospital in Odessa. When this Uzbek friend of his died my brother supported his wife and son. They were staying in my apartment when visiting and I always had guests from various parts of the Soviet Union. Even those whom I knew little got an opportunity to stay with me. Sometimes we had to sleep on the floor when there were more people than could fit.

Perestroika made life much worse than before. My children lost their permanent job. The Avtoagregat plant where my daughter Ida worked was closed. The plant where my son Yakov worked in Lipetsk was also closed. He couldn’t find a job for a long time until he got employed as an accountant in a cooperative that manufactured furniture for dachas. This company was closed, too. My son divorced his wife Inna. She became a drunkard. Yakov has cancer. He’s had a surgery and then chemical therapy. Yakov and his third wife Tamara visited me recently. Our acquaintances wanted to find him a job in a company in Odessa, but failed. They returned to Lipetsk. He works as an accountant in a cafe and two other jobs since he needs money for another surgery.

In 1996 my husband died. He was buried in the Jewish cemetry. There are graves of his father Moisey and his older sisters Maya and Luba, but according to his will we buried my husband by my mother’s grave. My husband and my mother had very cordial relationships while it was different with his parents and sisters. After my husband died Ida and I could hardly make ends meet. We were literally starving and my friends advised me to address Gmilus Hesed. I called them in autumn 1996. They sent a representative. She visited us and put down all necessary information. Shortly afterward I began to receive food packages once a month. Three years ago they offered me free meals that they delivered home. When Ida had her second infarction they began to deliver a meal for her as well. It helps us a lot. I often fall ill. In 2001 I had an infarction and last year I had a stroke. I can hardly walk and often fall. I have very poor sight: -9. A professor of ophthalmologic clinic said that I need a surgery, but I cannot have anesthesia due to high pressure.

I am in a poor spiritual and physical condition. I am very concerned about my children’s problems. Ida went to work at a library. Her son Senia Misyuk finished the Road Faculty in Polytechnic College. However, got a job of a worker regardless of having higher education. He works on disassembly of cars in his friend’s company. Senia married an older woman called Olga with two children. Their son was born this year and named Misha after grandfather. My grandson Maxim, Yakov’s son, lives in Lipetsk. He is married. My grandson’s wives’ names is also Olga. Both Olga are Russian. I got along very well with my grandsons. I have very close friends. Unfortunately, we are old women now. My Russian friends Katia, who has been my friend for over 50 years, supports me as much as she can. My former neighbor Maria Grinberg, Russian, adopted her Jewish husband's surname. She moved to her son in Moscow, but she writes me that I am like a sister to her.

I identify myself as a Russian Jew. I understand Yiddish, but I cannot speak it. I know little about Jewish traditions. My husband and I never talked about them. I am 77 and I have never been at a synagogue, but I respect religious Jews and I am glad that with this rebirth of the Jewish life in Odessa people have freedom of faith. My children identify themselves as Jews, but they do not pay much attention to Jewish traditions. They are not religious. We do not celebrate neither Soviet nor observe Jewish holidays. I cannot read due to my poor sight, although Ida brings interesting books. I watch films on TV and am interested in politics and events in the world. I am often sleepless at night and then I recall my life. It’s a pity I’ve had more bad than good in it.

Glossary

[1] Khrushchovka: Five-storied apartment buildings with small one, two or three-bedroom apartments, named after Nikita Khrushchev, head of the Communist Party and the Soviet Union after Stalin’s death. These apartment buildings were constructed in the framework of Khrushchev’s program of cheap dwelling in the new neighborhood of Kiev.

[2] Great Patriotic War: On 22nd June 1941 at 5 o’clock in the morning Nazi Germany attacked the Soviet Union without declaring war. This was the beginning of the so-called Great Patriotic War. The German blitzkrieg, known as Operation Barbarossa, nearly succeeded in breaking the Soviet Union in the months that followed. Caught unprepared, the Soviet forces lost whole armies and vast quantities of equipment to the German onslaught in the first weeks of the war. By November 1941 the German army had seized the Ukrainian Republic, besieged Leningrad, the Soviet Union's second largest city, and threatened Moscow itself. The war ended for the Soviet Union on 9th May 1945.

[3] NEP: The so-called New Economic Policy of the Soviet authorities was launched by Lenin in 1921. It meant that private business was allowed on a small scale in order to save the country ruined by the Revolution of 1917 and the Russian Civil War. They allowed priority development of private capital and entrepreneurship. The NEP was gradually abandoned in the 1920s with the introduction of the planned economy.

[4] Birobidzhan: Formed in 1928 to give Soviet Jews a home territory and to increase settlement along the vulnerable borders of the Soviet Far East, the area was raised to the status of an autonomous region in 1934. Influenced by an effective propaganda campaign, and starvation in the east, 41,000 Soviet Jews relocated to the area between the late 1920s and early 1930s. But, by 1938 28,000 of them had fled the regions harsh conditions, There were Jewish schools and synagogues up until the 1940s, when there was a resurgence of religious repression after World War II. The Soviet government wanted the forced deportation of all Jews to Birobidzhan to be completed by the middle of the 1950s. But in 1953 Stalin died and the deportation was cancelled. Despite some remaining Yiddish influences - including a Yiddish newspaper - Jewish cultural activity in the region has declined enormously since Stalin's anti-cosmopolitanism campaigns and since the liberalization of Jewish emigration in the 1970s. Jews now make up less than 2% of the region's population.

[5] Famine in Ukraine: In 1920 a deliberate famine was introduced in the Ukraine causing the death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress those protesting peasants who did not want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful deliberate famine in 1930-1934 in the Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the peasants. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious peasants who did not want to accept Soviet power and join collective farms.

[6] Torgsin stores: Special retail stores, which were established in larger Russian cities in the 1920s with the purpose of selling goods to foreigners. Torgsins sold commodities that were in short supply for hard currency or exchanged them for gold and jewelry, accepting old coins as well. The real aim of this economic experiment that lasted for two years was to swindle out all gold and valuables from the population for the industrial development of the country.

[7] Great Terror (1934-1938): During the Great Terror, or Great Purges, which included the notorious show trials of Stalin's former Bolshevik opponents in 1936-1938 and reached its peak in 1937 and 1938, millions of innocent Soviet citizens were sent off to labor camps or killed in prison. The major targets of the Great Terror were communists. Over half of the people who were arrested were members of the party at the time of their arrest. The armed forces, the Communist Party, and the government in general were purged of all allegedly dissident persons; the victims were generally sentenced to death or to long terms of hard labor. Much of the purge was carried out in secret, and only a few cases were tried in public ‘show trials’. By the time the terror subsided in 1939, Stalin had managed to bring both the Party and the public to a state of complete submission to his rule. Soviet society was so atomized and the people so fearful of reprisals that mass arrests were no longer necessary. Stalin ruled as absolute dictator of the Soviet Union until his death in March 1953.

[8] Lenin (1870-1924): Pseudonym of Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, the Russian Communist leader. A profound student of Marxism, and a revolutionary in the 1890s. He became the leader of the Bolshevik faction of the Social Democratic Party, whom he led to power in the coup d’état of 25th October 1917. Lenin became head of the Soviet state and retained this post until his death.

[9] Molotov, V. P. (1890-1986): Statesman and member of the Communist Party leadership. From 1939, Minister of Foreign Affairs. On June 22, 1941 he announced the German attack on the USSR on the radio. He and Eden also worked out the percentages agreement after the war, about Soviet and western spheres of influence in the new Europe.

[10] Komsomol: Communist youth political organization created in 1918. The task of the Komsomol was to spread of the ideas of communism and involve the worker and peasant youth in building the Soviet Union. The Komsomol also aimed at giving a communist upbringing by involving the worker youth in the political struggle, supplemented by theoretical education. The Komsomol was more popular than the Communist Party because with its aim of education people could accept uninitiated young proletarians, whereas party members had to have at least a minimal political qualification.

[11] Collective farm (in Russian kolkhoz): In the Soviet Union the policy of gradual and voluntary collectivization of agriculture was adopted in 1927 to encourage food production while freeing labor and capital for industrial development. In 1929, with only 4% of farms in kolkhozes, Stalin ordered the confiscation of peasants' land, tools, and animals; the kolkhoz replaced the family farm.

[12] Blockade of Leningrad: On September 8, 1941 the Germans fully encircled Leningrad and its siege began. It lasted until January 27, 1944. The blockade meant incredible hardships and privations for the population of the town. Hundreds of thousands died from hunger, cold and diseases during the almost 900 days of the blockade.

[13] Kursk battle: The greatest tank battle in history of WWII occurred at Kursk. It began on July 5th, 1943 and it ended ignominiously eight days later. The Soviet army in its counteroffensive crushed 30 German divisions and liberated Oryol, Belgorod and Kharkov. During the Kursk battle, the biggest tank fight – involving up to 1200 tanks and mobile cannon units on both sides – took place in Prokhorovka on 12 July 1943, and it ended with defeat of the German tank unit.

[14] Campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’: The campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’, i.e. Jews, was initiated in articles in the central organs of the Communist Party in 1949. The campaign was directed primarily at the Jewish intelligentsia and it was the first public attack on Soviet Jews as Jews. ‘Cosmopolitans’ writers were accused of hating the Russian people, of supporting Zionism, etc. Many Yiddish writers as well as the leaders of the Jewish Anti-Fascist Committee were arrested in November 1948 on charges that they maintained ties with Zionism and with American ‘imperialism’. They were executed secretly in 1952. The anti-Semitic Doctors’ Plot was launched in January 1953. A wave of anti-Semitism spread through the USSR. Jews were removed from their positions, and rumors of an imminent mass deportation of Jews to the eastern part of the USSR began to spread. Stalin’s death in March 1953 put an end to the campaign against ‘cosmopolitans’.

[15] Khrushchev, Nikita (1894-1971): Soviet communist leader. After Stalin’s death in 1953, he became first secretary of the Central Committee, in effect the head of the Communist Party of the USSR. In 1956, during the 20th Party Congress, Khrushchev took an unprecedented step and denounced Stalin and his methods. He was deposed as premier and party head in October 1964. In 1966 he was dropped from the Party's Central Committee.

[16] Item 5: This was the nationality factor, which was included on all job application forms, Jews, who were considered a separate nationality in the Soviet Union, were not favored in this respect from the end of World War II until the late 1980s.

[17] Perestroika (Russian for restructuring): Soviet economic and social policy of the late 1980s, associated with the name of Soviet politician Mikhail Gorbachev. The term designated the attempts to transform the stagnant, inefficient command economy of the Soviet Union into a decentralized, market-oriented economy. Industrial managers and local government and party officials were granted greater autonomy, and open elections were introduced in an attempt to democratize the Communist Party organization. By 1991, perestroika was declining and was soon eclipsed by the dissolution of the USSR.

Mina Smolianskaya Biography

Mina Smolianskaya
Chernovtsy
Ukraine
Interviewer: Ella Levitskaya

Mina Smolianskaya lives in a quiet street of private cottages in the center of Chernivtsy. She lives on the 2nd floor of a two-storied house with a spiral staircase. Actually it is rather an attic than a 2nd floor. She accommodated there with her husband after the war and raised their three sons there. Smolianskaya is a short old bow-backed woman. She is lame and has to walk with a stick. She has a clear mind regardless of her age. Although her age shows – she is blind in one eye, has a poor hearing and her arms are deformed by polyarthritis. However, she manages to do without any help. She was very proud to show me her barrels with sauerkraut and pickles. She has jars of jam on the shelves. She doesn’t want meals provided by Hesed and refuses from the help of a coming in nurse. Se says she will feel herself a helpless old woman if somebody else came to do the housework. It is amazing how she manages things by herself. She listens to tapes of Jewish writers and Jewish music. Volunteers come to read newspapers to her.

​I know very little about my father’s parents. They lived in the town of Pliskov, Berdichev district, Vinnitsa region. My grandfather Zus Smolianskiy died when my father was 3 years old. My grandmother Hana came from Pliskovo. She raised four children. My father was the youngest in the family. My grandmother didn’t remarry. They were very poor, almost starving. The children wore each other’s clothing until they became worn out. I remember my grandmother’s small house with thatched roof and low ceilings. There was a very small vegetable garden near the house. My grandmother grew vegetables to support the family. She also earned her living by sewing. She made skirts, aprons, pillowcases and sheets for peasant women. In her family they spoke Yiddish and she spoke Ukrainian to her neighbors and customers. The children grew up and left their family and town. I have no information about them.

My father Nuhim Smolianskiy was born in Pliskovo in 1880s. I don’t know the exact date of his birth – I just made calculations knowing when and at what age he died. My grandmother Hana told me that he studied at cheder and read a lot. He borrowed books from melamed, as my grandmother didn’t have money to buy books. My father wanted to become a lawyer. There were very few educated people at that time. My mother, for example, had no education. My father came from a very poor family that couldn’t afford to pay for his studies even though he was eager to study. Besides, he was a Jew and there was admission restriction of 5% for Jews willing to enter higher educational institutions. This 5% were boys from rich families. My father was advised to be baptized if he wanted to study, but he refused. He had to give up his dreams and became an apprentice of a carpenter. He became professional and earned good money. My mother told me that my father liked to dress up like a town man after work. He wore suits and vests, white shirts and a hat. He was a handsome tall man with fair hair and gray eyes. My father was raised religious. My grandmother always celebrated Shabbat and Jewish holidays.

My mother Haya, was born in Odessa in 1890s. I don’t know her exact birth date. My mother had two older brothers, Ershl and Shyka and a sister, Tzypa. My mother was the youngest. Their parents died when my mother was just a child. I don’t know why my mother’s parents died. I know that my mother father’s name was Zus. My mother was raised in the family of her older brother Ershl. His family wasn’t fanatically religious, but they observed traditions and celebrated holidays. He was much older than my mother and had a big family. They were very poor. My mother felt very uncomfortable in his family. She was not welcome and her brother’s wife called my mother a sponger and was very greedy. My mother didn’t get enough food and didn’t have a chance to study. My mother couldn’t wait to leave her brother’s family.

My mother’s brother Shyka moved to Vinnitsa from Odessa after his parents died. He worked there to support the rest of his family. In 1930s he returned to Odessa to reunite with his family. He stayed to live in Odessa. My mother’s sister Tzypa died before the war. She was ill (and was taken to hospital in Kiev to have a surgery. She died in this hospital in Kiev.

My mother told me how she met my father. Her sister Tzypa had married a baker and moved to live with him in the village of Pliskovo. Her husband’s last name was Bluvshtein. My grandmother Hana and her children lived near Tzypa’s husband’s bakery and so my mother met her future husband at the bakery. My mother was so eager to leave her brother’s family that she accepted my father’s proposal without any further considerations. They got married in 1912. They had a Jewish wedding in Pliskovo. My mother moved to her husband’s small house near the house of my grandmother.

There were 6 children in our family. The older sister Rulia was born in a year after my parents got married - in 1913. I was born in 1914. My Jewish name is Mindl. My sister Surah was born in 1915. Surah was an invalid. When she was a baby my mother dropped her and my sister injured her leg. Her parents only noticed that there was something wrong with her leg when she began to walk, but there was no opportunity to get her proper treatment in the village and she remained lame. My sister Donia was born in 1916. Then, in 1917 my parents had a son Joseph. The youngest Fania was born in 1918. Soon after Fania was born our father fell ill with typhoid and died in 1918. Fania was 3 months old when he died. I remember when my father was dying my mother was standing beside his bed crying “Nuhim, why are you leaving me with six children? What am I going to do with the children? I wish I were in your shoes. What am I going to do with six children?” My father’s mother Hana, a very smart and considerate woman, was standing there, too. She was also a widow and raised her children all by herself. She was telling my mother that she had to think about the children, but my mother kept crying and screaming. She was just a housewife and had no idea how she was going to earn her living. Fania was in the pram in the kitchen and was all forgotten about. Nobody came to look at the baby in two days of the funeral proceedings, but Fania survived.

​My grandmother Hana helped my mother to raise the children. My grandmother was a tall woman and had a very straight bearing even when she carried heavy loads. She looked very serious, but she was very tender with her grandchildren. I don’t know whether my grandmother had gray hair – she always wore a kerchief. She wore log dark skirts and dark long-sleeved blouses. I loved my grandmother dearly.
​We spoke Yiddish in the family and Ukrainian with our Ukrainian neighbors. There were many Jewish families in Pliskovo. There was a synagogue, cheder and a Jewish school. Jews in Pliskovo had a very strong community. There were few rich families, but the majority were well-to-do people that worked hard to provide for their families. There were also poor families like our family of a widow raising her children. Our neighbors were helping us. They gave us chicken on holidays and clothes of their children. Every now and then they invited us to treat us to some delicious food.

​My mother and father when he was still alive, always celebrated Shabbat and all Jewish holidays. They went to synagogue at Saturday. My mother and father had a pew at the synagogue. I remember how my parents went to synagogue at Rosh Hashanah. After my mother returned home she honeyed all corners in the house with a goose feather for the coming year to be sweet.We celebrated Jewish holidays at home in a very conventional way. We couldn’t afford festive dinners or gifts, as we were very poor. My mother and grandmother lit candles and prayed on holidays and we had our everyday food of potatoes and vegetables. However, we celebrated Pesach. Tzypa’s husband owned a bakery where he had a matzah baking unit. He always had a bigger workload before Pesach, as he had to make matzah for all Jewish families in Pliskovo and the surrounding villages. Jews brought their own flour to have matzah made for them. Members of our family also spent all our time at the bakery to help them with their work. My mother made dough for matzah. She weighed 5 kg of matzah adding some water, stirred the mixture and put it on the table for men to knead the dough. I was responsible for sieving the flour. In this way I earned my gift for Pesach. People paid bakers for their work and the owner of the bakery told them that a widow and her child were working with them and people paid my mother and me few kopeks. Also, all employees got matzah as a reward. My mother liked to make things from matzah and so do I.

My mother always tried to cook something special at Pesach. We also had fancy dinnerware and kitchen utensils on the attic. If we didn’t have enough utensils we took our everyday pieces to the river to scrub them with sand and wash them in the flowing water and only then these utensils could be used for cooking at Pesach. My mother used to save from whatever little we had for living to buy chicken and fish at Pesach. We had chicken broth and Gefilte fish, potato and matzah puddings at Pesach. My mother also made strudels with jam and raisins and honey cakes. At Pesach we visited my grandmother Hana. She always expected her grandchildren and made a lot of food. She always had gifts for us. At Purim my grandmother always made gomentashy - triangle pies with poppy seeds. All members of the family fasted 24 hours at Yom Kippur. Sometimes richer families sent us a chicken at Yom Kippur. It was a live chicken. They performed a ritual of Kapores turning a chicken over their heads saying that this chicken was to be their atonement. Later they were supposed to give this chicken to a poor family. Sometimes we even had few chicken at Yom Kippur.

We didn’t keep livestock or had vegetable garden at Pliskovo. All Jews in Pliskovo were handicraftsmen. Ukrainian lived in the outskirts of the town where they did farming. We were friends with Ukrainian children and nationality didn’t matter to us. My mother earned her living by making skirts and aprons and embroidered blouses and towels for Ukrainian women. She earned very little and we lived from hand to mouth. We didn’t even have enough bread. Mother used to bake bread for the family once a week. Once my mother’s sister Tzypa visited us and saw me eating a piece of bread. She reprimanded my mother telling her that she shouldn’t allow us to nibble on bread between meals. Mother took bread to the storeroom and locked it. We, kids, were desperately hungry. We broke the lock to get this bread. Mother told us off later, but stopped locking bread. Life was very hard when I was a child…

During the war of 1914-1918 there were gangs (1) coming to our town. We hid on the attic and were so afraid that Fania would cry and bandits would find us. I also remember Petlura (2) when he rode into our town on his horse. He wore a cloak and demanded that people gave him money. I remember that the power switched from one political party to another. There were Polish and Denikin (3) units. Denikin units were killing Jews, and who weren’t? We managed to hide so that they didn’t find us, but many of our neighbors suffered. They were robbed and beaten and many of them were killed.

There was a Jewish and Ukrainian school in Pliskovo. My older sister Rulia was very smart. She went to a Ukrainian school, because my mother wanted her to get further education and decided that it was going to be easier for her if she studied Ukrainian. My younger sisters and I went to the Jewish school located across the street from our home. We studied grammar, reading and mathematic in Yiddish. Rulia and I had one pair of boots. She wore them to school and I was waiting at home until she came from school and I could wear the boots to attend the remaining classes at my school.

When I was in the 6th form director called me and told me that I shouldn’t attend school any longer. I didn’t understand. I thought that my teacher might have complained to him that I had lice. But all children had lice at that time and they were allowed to attend school. When I came to school on the following day director saw me and told me stay away from school. I went home and complained to my mother that director told me to go home. My mother said “Daughter, when you get married and your husband will go to the army you will be able to write him a letter, won’t you? 6 years at school is enough for you and now you will become apprentice to a dressmaker. Later I found out that my mother had asked director to tell me to stop attending school. She believed that I had to help her about the house. So, my studies ended when I was 12, but I managed all right in my life without education.

I went to a dressmaker Khone-Rukhl, a Jewish woman, to learn a profession. She was a widow and had two children. Her older daughter also helped her sewing. At the beginning I did minor sewing errands and looked after the dressmaker’s younger son. She gradually involved me into more important work and soon I learned to make aprons, skirts and blouses.

In 1927 our family moved to Chorniavka, a Ukrainian village in 40 km from Pliskovo. I stayed in Pliskovo for some time while learning dressmaking before 1929. My mother and siblings had a vegetable garden and kept a cow and chickens. We lived in a small lop-sided house. The village authorities gave my mother a cow to help a widow with six children to feed her family. We all, even the youngest Fania, were helping our mother. We took the cow to the pasture, fed the chickens and weeded and watered the garden. There were only two Jewish families in the village: our family - the poorest in the village, and the family of storeowner Shloime – the richest family in the village. Shloime was selling food, garments and soap in his store. My mother worked at the collective farm storeroom patching bags. I lived with my grandmother Hana, but later I moved to Chorniavka. When I was leaving my grandmother Hana gave me her sewing machine and I could take orders. I got my first clients. They were paying me with food products for my work. When I came to Chorniavka a collective farm was organized there. My mother joined the collective farm and their condition was to have me work at the collective farm, too.

There was no synagogue in the village. On Saturday my mother worked at the collective farm. On big holidays my mother didn’t go to work. We had a Jewish calendar at home and my mother always knew the dates of holidays. She said it was sinful to work on big holidays. We didn’t have any celebrations, though, just took a rest. My mother embroidered blouses and towels for farmers at home and worked from morning till 6pm patching bags at the storeroom. She received flour or grain for this work. I worked at the sugar factory not far from the village in autumn and went to the field to pick peas and weed sugar beets. My older sister Rulia worked at the sugar factory in the village of Skomoroska in 7 km from Chorniavka. She stayed there during the week living in a barrack and came home at weekends. The rest of children were at home. Our mother boiled or baked potatoes that we ate during a day. Donia, Joseph and Fania went to a Ukrainian school in the village. Surah didn’t go to school. She had no education.
In Pliskovo I became a pioneer. In Chorniavka I became a Komsomol member. Komsomol members were called the leading unit of young people and I wanted to be part of this leading and advanced unit to be a part of builders of the happy communist society. I believed in it. There was no anti-Semitism at that time. We attended Ukrainian weddings and christening parties. Once our Komsomol crew had to go to another village to help them with sugar beets planting. There were about 30 of Komsomol members in our crew. We went to the village of Molokhov where secretary of the district committee appointed me to be the leader of the crew. We went to the collective farm where Chairman asked us how many people were in the crew. One Komsomol member that was angry that I was appointed the leader of the crew rather than he (he believed he deserved it) replied “there are 29 of us and one “zhydovka”. He meant to say “crew leader”, but blabbed the wrong work in agitation. Such conduct was abusive and subject to punishment at that time. Chairman of the collective farm took this Komsomol member and me to the Komsomol district committee office where we were interrogated about the situation. The secretary asked my opinion about the incident and I replied that it was all right and I forgave this young man. I didn’t want this young man to respond for his thoughtlessness and we were released.

I didn’t quite get along with my older sister Rulia. I was cheerful and she was different. She wouldn’t look at people when walking along the street. I had many friends, acquaintances and admirers. My sister wanted to get married before I did. If I was buying something for the money I earned she demanded that I gave it to her. I had some savings when a neighbor told me that there was plush sold in the village store. I ran there and bought a cut for a dress. Rulia saw it and grabbed it for herself. I ran back to the store, but there was no plush left. Rulia didn’t want me to wear better clothes than she before she got married. I found it unfair. It was my money and my work. She didn’t work. She just went to school.

Once my mother told me to stay away from home because there was a man to come get acquainted with Rulia. I stayed away until I felt sleepy in the evening and went back home. I didn’t know that he was still there. They were sitting at the table discussing Rulia’s dowry. There was sugar, jam and tea on the table. My mother had always some sugar for visitors. That man saw me and liked me immediately. He left and we never saw him again. Later Rulia married my former admirer Joseph Shkolnik. We had terminated our relationships by that time. He was my date and Rulia didn’t like him at all. She married him after I moved to Odessa. Yes, our relationships with my sister left much to be desired.

In 1928 collectivization(4) began in the village .A group of authorized officers came from the town to make the rounds of the houses in the village. I joined them and we went around to dispossess wealthy farmers. I believed that it was correct to make everything belong to everybody. Members of these families were threatening to kill me. They believed that “zhydovka” was equivalent to a communist. My mother heard somebody saying that I became a boss and that it would be better to kill me and throw my body under the bridge. My mother got scared and asked me to write a letter to her brother Ershl “Ershl, please take care of my daughter. I am afraid that people would kill her.” My uncle told me to come and I went to Odessa in 1932.

My uncle Ershl wanted me to do the housework while I was staying with him. I didn’t have any intention to become his housemaid. I was a Komsomol and trade union member and had my ambitions. My other uncle Shyka helped me to get employment at the “Red “Cross” factory. I worked at the condom and dummy shop. I was a very dedicated employee and was transferred to the soap pan shop. At the end of the year I became a painter working at the same plant. I participated actively in all public events at the factory. On 1 May my responsibility was to hold a red flag on a platform on a truck. It was a very honorable duty. I didn’t observe any Jewish traditions and celebrated no holidays. I threw it off my life like vestige of the ignorant past and was inspired by communist ideas.

In 1932 famine(5). I was working and received bread coupons. My brother Joseph had finished lower secondary school and worked as a stableman in Chorniavka. It was easier to survive in towns while the situation in villages was very bad. My mother made skilly from dried leaves to save her children from starving to death. Our family survived. My mother sent my brother to me. I helped him to join the Jewish Komsomol organization of “Yermol” (Editors note: one of numerous educational institutions to educate poor and illiterate young people from villages) and entered a two-year school of mechanics. He studied and lived there. He got a bed in a hostel and a uniform. Students got one meal per day at the canteen and bread coupons. Joseph was growing and was constantly hungry. I gave him my bread coupons, because I was afraid that he could take to stealing if he starved. I had a piece of mamalyga (editor’s note: corn flour meal) from which I bit off small pieces to reduce the hunger.

My sister Surah became a nurse at the kindergarten in the collective farm. Then an officer from the Ministry of education heard about Surah’s problem and made arrangements for her to go to a hospital in Vinnitsa. My mother wrote me from the village to go see Surah in the hospital. She couldn’t go herself, because she didn’t have time. I went to see Surah. I found her in cast. She had had a surgery. Later she had a boot with steel parts and she wore it. Surah had no education. She was kind and had a pretty face.

My working day at the plant lasted 7 hours. When I came back to my uncle’s home I had to clean the apartment, do the laundry and wash floors. I didn’t have time to read. Besides, I was not used to reading. I had many friends and admirers. I was cheerful and pretty. I went out with my friends. I had Ukrainian and Russian friends, but I tried to stick to my Jewish friends. I took an active part in public activities. I was Komsomol assistant leader and was responsible for Komsomol meetings, we propagated communist ideas and worked harder and harder dreaming about wonderful future, awaiting for us, arranged labor competition and amateur concerts on Soviet holidays.

Later my cousin Adela, my uncle Shyka’s daughter, offered me to move in with her. She had two rooms. I met my first husband there. He was an electrician and came once to change fuse. His name was Wolf Ratiner. He was called Volodia that was a more customary Russian name. We got acquainted and began to see each other. Volodia was born in 1915. His father’s name was Ershl and his mother’s name was Sarah. Volodia’s mother died in 1930 and his father married another woman, she was a housewife like my husband’s deceased mother. Volodia’s father was a warden at the synagogue in Odessa. Volodia was a younger son. He had two brothers: Haim and Fishel. His brothers were married and had children. His father moved to his new wife and Volodia had a room at his disposal. His parents were religious, they observed all traditions and celebrated holidays, but Volodia and I were atheists.

Volodia’s family was against our marriage. When he told his family that he intended to marry me his father invited his children to a dinner and made an announcement that their brother wished to marry a country wench. He asked me whether I intended to work after wedding or I shall be a housewife. I told him that I intended to work. He told me that I was not of their kind: they were well educated and had good manners while I didn’t and I didn’t read as many books as they had and was a plain girl and that he wanted his son to marry an educated town girl. When the dinner was over I told Volodia that we had to stop seeing each other. But he replied that since his mother died his father never made him a dinner and his new wife never washed a shirt of his. He said he was going to live his own life and wanted me to become his wife.

Before we got married his father invited us for the first Seder at Pesach. He was a very religious man. When we came Volodia’s father was sitting on pillows at the table. He said prayers and told me to open the door. I didn’t know any Jewish traditions and I didn’t go to open the door. Volodia’s father explained to me that I was his younger daughter-in-law and that I had had to open the door and wait until he told me when to close it. He told me that the door should be opened for Elijah (6) to come in a sip some wine. Volodia’s father began to ask me questions and I got all confused. I replied that I was a Komsomol member and was against religion. I left the house. Volodia ran after me and told me that I should obey his father and brothers. We left together. We visited his father very rarely because I had a feeling that I wasn’t welcome in their house.

On the following day we went to the registry office. We got married in 1934. I was 20 and my husband was 19 years old. My husband’s father invited us to dinner after the civil ceremony at the registry office. We didn’t have any money left after Volodia paid the fee of 3 rubles for the ceremony. After we left the registry office I went to a nearby store to get some food for the small change that we had. There were radishes that we could afford. We came home and I made a salad with radishes and oil. We had a meal and then went to my husband’s father. When we came his father had a dinner he wanted to treat us to, but my husband said “We are not hungry. My wife made a meal at home”.

I was very happy to be living in the room of my own: to have a bed and a cupboard and be the mistress of my own home. I couldn’t cook at all and I was learning from other tenants since we had a room in a communal apartment. My primus stove was on a windowsill in the hallway, as there was not enough space for it in the common kitchen. We worked hard, but we also had leisure time that we spent going dancing, celebrating Soviet holidays, getting together with friends. We had friends of different nationalities, but this was a matter of no significance for us. However difficult was our life we were happy. We had a hope for a better life, sang Soviet songs and went to the cinema. We didn’t have children, though, for some reason.

My older sister Rulia and her husband moved to Odessa. Her husband worked at a plant and Rulia was looking after the children. They had two sons. Their older son Naum named after our father was born in 1935. The younger Efim named after the deceased father of Rulia’s husband was born in 1938. I loved my nephews dearly – they were so wonderful! My relationships with his sister improved and we became friends.

In 1940 my brother was recruited to the army. He liked it there and he sent us a photograph from the army. Joseph served in Brest Byelorussia and perished during defense of the Brest fortress on the first day of the war 22 June 1941.

On 1 May 1941 I became a member of the Communist Party. It had been my dream for a long time. I wanted to be in the first rows of builders of communism. It was quite a ceremony at the district committee of the Communist Party. The secretary of the district committee greeted me and shook my hand. However, it took them longer to issue my Party membership card and I didn’t obtain it before the war.

I remember how we heard about beginning of the war at 11 am on Sunday, 22 June 1941. My husband and I were going to the market to buy me a sewing machine when all of a sudden we heard an announcement that Hitler attacked our country. We went out and there were crowds of people standing in lines to buy essential commodities.

My husband was summoned to the army. At the beginning of July he was already sent to the front. In August 1941 I received the only letter from him. I had no information about him whatsoever. I don’t even know where his grave is. Much later an acquaintance of mine that was in the same regiment with Volodia told me that Volodia was killed near Kiev back in August 1941.

I kept working at the plant and evacuated on 18 September. There were announcements in the streets: “Enemy is at the gate to Odessa! The last ship is leaving. You have to leave, as Hitler exterminates Jews”. I ran home, packed whatever little I could and rushed to the “Russia” boat. We boarded the ship, but its commandment announced that the ship was leaving during the night to avoid bombing. We left on this ship. When this ship was on the way back to Odessa fascists bombed it and it sank. I evacuated with Mirrah, the wife of Volodia’s brother Haim and her mother. Mirrah was a pianist. She graduated from the Odessa conservatory.

The ship took us to Novorossiysk and from there we moved on by train. We didn’t know where we were going. Our trip lasted 18 days. Once the train stopped at a small station and we went out to take a breath of fresh air. A woman came to us asking where we were going. We were dirty and hungry and the woman told us to come to their collective farm to stay there until the war was over. People thought that the war was not going to last long. So, we went to Abganerovo station near Stalingrad in 1300 km from Odessa.

Mirrah and her mother went to dig trenches. Mirrah had never seen a spade before. She grew up in Odessa and didn’t know a thing about working with farm tools.
I worked at a military unit in Abganerovo. My profession was a painter, but I did everything I was told to do: I was appointed to a medical unit and had to take patients out for a walk, give enemas or take out patients’ pots. In winter 1942 Germans occupied Stalingrad and we evacuated again. We stopped at Semipalatinsk, Kazakhstan, 700 km to the east. I went to work at a construction site, because they provided bread cards for 800 grams of bread per day. Mirrah and her mother had cards of dependants for 200 grams of bread per day. We were living in a plank barrack filling chinks in the floor with moth. Life was very hard there. People were dying of cold and starvation. We didn’t have any warm clothes. I received a winter jacket at the construction site and this was the only warm piece that we had. Mirrah and her mother learned to knit. Mirrah’s husband Haim found us in 1944. He was wounded at the front and after he was released from hospital he was appointed director of Agadyr, a railroad station not far from Semipalatinsk. We all moved there. He employed me as a shipment forwarder on trains to Karaganda. It was a big city with the population of about 1 million people in over 3000 km from Kiev. I was so worried all this time that I was working there. My shipments were valuable and I was afraid of thefts on the way. Once there were barrels with alcohol in the shipment. At a station some people made holes at the bottom of railcars looking for this alcohol. It was a good thing they didn’t find it. They would have filled their bucket and the rest of it would have been lost on the way. I was responsible for safety of shipments and I might have been punished for any losses.

​I met Aron Shtempler, a Jewish man and my 2nd husband in Karaganda. He was born to a poor Jewish family with many children in 1917. He was born in the village of Radauty in Bukovina. It belonged to Rumania before 1940. In 1940 when the Soviet power was established in Bukovina he went to work at a mine in Karaganda. His parents perished during the war, but his brothers survived. When we got acquainted Aron spoke poor Russian. People in Radauty spoke Rumanian before 1940 and his family spoke Yiddish at home. We also spoke Yiddish with him at the beginning and then gradually his Russian improved. There were not many Jewish women there and he began to date me. Soon we got married. We had a civil ceremony. My husband lived in a hostel and I moved in with him. There were no comforts whatsoever in this hostel. There was one toilet and one gas stove for 50 families and we washed ourselves in a bowl in our room. My husband broke his arm at work and received a certificate of invalidity for one year. Our first son Victor was born in this hostel in 1945. We were homesick and decided to move to Chernovtsy, where my husband’s older brother lived.

​When we arrived at Chernovtsy my husband told me to wait for him at the railway station while he went to look for his brothers. Their neighbor told him that they had left for Rumania on the last train. They has sent invitation for us to join them there, but we didn’t receive it. We didn’t even have a place to stay overnight. My husband found an abandoned attic with no windows. There were bare walls and bugs there. It was cold and empty. My husband and I picked some wood and made a fire to warm it up a little. We had some savings that we spent to accommodate this attic for a living. In 1946 our 2nd son Efim was born. My husband’s brother found us wishing that we moved to Rumania. It was necessary to refuse from the Soviet citizenship and I was reluctant to do this. Some neighbors told me that if I refused from the Soviet citizenship I might be put to prison. One could never be sure what might happen and my husband and I decided to stay in Chernovtsy.

​My husband was a skilled tailor. He studied in Bucharest before the war. He made men’s and women’s clothes. The only problem was that tailors did not receive money regularly. Only when an order was ready their clients paid them. Sometimes we didn’t have money at all. We leased a part of our dwelling to have additional income. When our children went to school I went to work at the button factory. I was working with the button press that I had to pull. There were corns on my palms – it was hard work. I earned 360 rubles per month. I had to make 16 thousand buttons per shift. It was a challenging job. If an employee managed to produce a planned quantity or more he might receive a bonus and have his photo on the Board of Honor. Some employees completed a double quantity per shift. Sometimes I offered them some money in exchange for a number of buttons, if I felt that I wasn’t going to handle a required standard. I just didn’t want to produce fewer buttons per shift.

​When we moved to Chernovtsy I found out what happened to my family. My mother and sisters Donia, Surkah and Fania stayed in Chorniavka during the war. Somebody told Germans that my mother’s son was in the Soviet army. The local population sometimes cooperated with fascists. Germans threatened to kill those that were trying to help Jews and their families and people were scared and often reported to Germans. The Germans took all Jews to Pliskov where they shot them in the woods. My mother and three sisters perished there. Surka was the prettiest of all sisters and Germans raped her before killing.
​In 1947 I went to Odessa to find out what happened to Rulia. Rulia’s neighbor told me that Rulia was shot by Germans near her house. Rulia’s sons were in the park at that time and her neighbor, a teacher, took the boys to her home when she saw that Germans captured Rulia. They lived with her for a month before somebody reported on them. Fascists took Naum and Efim and the teacher to the yard. They asked the woman why she had given shelter to the Jewish children. She replied that she didn’t know that they were Jews. Their commanding officer told the children to take off their clothes. Of course, they both were circumcised. The Germans made a fire in the yard and threw the boys into the fire. The teacher began to scream and they shot her. Rulia’s husband Joseph perished at the front. I was the only survivor of 6 children of my parents.

​Stalin died in 1953. Many people mourned for him. I didn’t cry and didn’t grieve. I cried over all my tears for my family. Besides, I understood that Stalin had brought no good to his people. I knew he would be replaced by someone else. They say where there is a neck there would be a yoke.

​My husband came from a religious family and was religious. After we moved to Chernovtsy we began to attend the synagogue. At the beginning I went there to please my husband but gradually I remembered what my mother had taught me. We only attended it on big holidays, we always knew the dates of Jewish holidays; there were calendars at the synagogue and our acquaintances had calendars. We didn’t celebrate any holidays at home. We didn’t have enough money to celebrate. Before I went to work we lived from hand to mouth and I took count of every kopek that we had. Later when I began to work in 1952 we began to celebrate holidays. We celebrated Pesach and I cooked gefilte fish and chicken. We had matzah and I made puddings. I mean, we had traditional food, but we didn’t pray or conduct other rituals. I can’t say that I had any urge to observe traditions. I was raised during the Soviet period and celebrating Jewish holidays I only gave tribute to the memory of my parents. However, my children have always identified themselves as Jews. They know Yiddish. They were not circumcised.

My husband and I liked guests and parties. We celebrated Jewish and Soviet holidays. We took advantage of every opportunity to have guests and party. We had fun singing and dancing when getting together with friends. I didn’t take any part in public activities after I got married and didn’t take any effort to restore my membership in the party. I didn’t obtain my party membership identity card and was not registered as a communist. So there was no registration information about me in Chernovtsy. I took no interest in politics, either. I was a married woman and had other things to care about.
​Our sons were doing well at school. In 1963 Victor finished a Russian secondary school. It was difficult for a Jew to enter a higher educational institution. All our friends’ children were leaving for other towns. Victor went to Tomsk in Russia and entered the faculty of Physics and Mathematic at the University. Upon graduation he returned to Chernovtsy and became a teacher of mathematics at school. Victor married a colleague of his. His wife Ludmila, nee Gotman, is a Jew. Victor has two children. His older son Jacob was born in 1972 and his daughter Yana was born in 1976. They both went to Study in Israel under the student exchange program “Sokhnut”. They stayed in Israel after school. Yana visited Chernovtsy in 1997 for a month. She married a Jewish man and they left for Israel together. My son Victor got in a car accident in 1983. The doctors said that he had a concussion and sent him home to complete treatment. In two days’ time he fainted and was taken to hospital. He died there during a surgery. We buried Victor at the cemetery in Chernovtsy. The Jewish cemetery was closed. We engraved the names of Victor, my mother and my husband’s mother that had perished in the ghetto on my son’s gravestone. We supported our daughter-in-law after our son died. We had supported them before as well: we bought a piano for our granddaughter and helped our son to buy an apartment. My husband worked 16 years after he retired and I worked 6 years more. My older daughter-in-law is like a daughter to me. She calls me Mother.

​After finishing school Efim got fond of orienteering. He was very successful and was a permanent member of the sport team of the USSR. Efim married a Russian woman. My husband and I and her parents were against their marriage. Her father threatened to kill my son with an ax and said that they didn’t want a Jew in their family. Well, the young people didn’t listen to what they were told. They got married. Her father didn’t come to their wedding. Only her mother came. They lived in their own apartment. I heard the word “zhydovka” for the first time after the war. It was said by my daughter-in-law, we had had an argument with her – I don’t remember for what reason. I do not try to say that there was no anti-Semitism. I guess, it always existed, but almost all of my colleagues were Jews and so were my neighbors. Not all Russian people are bad, but many of them hate Jews. My older daughter-in-law told me that Efim’s wife loves him and tolerates his relatives, but she hates other Jews. Efim entered the Institute of Physical Culture in Lvov after he turned 40 to get a diploma of higher education. He graduated from the Institute and became an international referee. He often goes on tours to the US and Israel. He has two children. His older daughter Anna married a Jewish young man and they moved to Israel. Now I have three grandchildren in Israel. Efim’s younger son Vladimir studies at Business College in Chernovtsy. He visits me when he needs money. My son visits me when I ask him to do some shopping for me. But he doesn’t ever listen to what I tell him. I tell him that I would like us to move to Israel and he should have a Jewish wife, that he should go to synagogue – well, things like this… He agrees with his wife in everything. I say to him “Son, you are on your wife’s side, but who will be on my side?” He doesn’t reply. It hurts, but what can one do?

My husband was eager to move to Israel. All his relatives live there. His brothers and sisters moved to Israel in late 1940s. As for me, I couldn’t bear to leave my son and this wife of his here. I told my husband that I would go if my son, Efim would move to Israel. And we stayed. How I wished to visit Israel, but we couldn‘t afford it. Now I am too old. My heart goes out for this country. So many people die and these explosions… In 1995 my husband died. I buried him beside my son. I didn’t follow any Jewish rituals. I don’t know these rituals, I don’t know the details of traditions and procedures to follow. I don’t know any prayers, all I know is how to cook traditional food.

After Ukraine gained independence in 1991 the Jewish life changed. There are Jewish organizations and there are signs in town in Yiddish and Ukrainian. Jews feel protected. We receive food packages and money for medications. Old people receive small pensions and their savings vanished in Soviet banks. My husband and I worked so hard to save some money for our old age days, but I can’t get any of it now. Now we can receive a new form of passport where nationality is not specified. I am against it. I have obtained a new passport. So what? Who would know whether I am a Jew, Ukrainian or gypsy looking at my passport? I have kept my old passport. I reported to the authorities that I had lost it and paid a fine. As for anti-Semitism, it won’t vanish. I have a neighbor downstairs that told me that I had to go to Israel where I belong. I said to him “No, I live here and I belong here”. Then another distant neighbor came to borrow some money from me. I said to her “Look, I am not a banker!” and she said “a zhyd must have money!” And I gave her some money. What else could I do. What if she gets angry and comes to break my windows or do other harm?

Volunteers from Hesed bring me newspapers and tapes with Jewish music. I got a tape-recorder from Hesed to listen to tapes. I can’t read. I am blind in one eye and I have a hearing and walking problems. I am 87, old age… But I can still manage without a nurse of other assistance. I am used to doing things by myself. I even whitewashed this kitchen. Once, before I retired my husband insisted on hiring someone to clean the windows, but I had to redo this work after the woman had left. It is in my character to do things in my own way. I have good neighbors that bring me milk, meat and cottage cheese. I can manage with my pension. I also have tenants. I charge little from them, but that’s sufficient for me. I still feel like the mother of the family. I make sauerkraut for my daughters-in-law and I like it myself. I also like to make soup with sauerkraut in winter. I also grow potatoes in my small kitchen garden in the backyard. I have raspberries and currents in my garden. I do everything in my garden. I work slowly and can do little work at a time, but I am in no hurry. I make jam for winter. I like work. While I can see with my one eye I will do things. If God Forbid I will lose sight I will ask for help. But not yet. I hope to live to celebrate my 100th birthday.

1. In 1920s there were many anti-Semitic gangs in Ukraine. They killed Jews and burnt their houses, they robbed their houses, raped women and killed children.
2. Petliura Simon(1879-1926) , Ukrainian politician. Member Ukrainian social-democratic working party; In soviet-polish war has emerged on the side of Poland; in 1920 emigrated. Kill In Paris from the revenge for Jewish pogroms on the Ukraine.
3. White Guards counter-revolutionary gang led by general Denikin. They were famous for their brigandage and their anti-Semitic actions all over Russia; legends were told of their cruelty. Few survived their pogroms.
4. Forceful removal of grain and bread from the farmers in the early 1920s, the years of military communism.
5. In 1920 man-made famine was introduced in Ukraine causing death of millions of people. It was arranged in order to suppress the protesting peasants that did ot want to join the collective farms. There was another dreadful forced famine in 1930-1934 in Ukraine. The authorities took away the last food products from the farmers. People were dying in the streets, whole villages became deserted. The authorities arranged this specifically to suppress the rebellious farmers that did not want to accept the Soviet power and join the collective farms.
6. According to the Jewish legend the prophet Elijah visits every home on the first day of Pesach and drinks from the cup that has been poured for him. He is invisible but he can see everything in the house. The door is kept open for the prophet to come in and honor the holiday with his presence.

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